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Monitor ISH (2012), XIV/2, 133154


Izvirni znanstveni lanek
Original scientific article
prejeto: 28.

11. 2011, sprejeto: 23. 1. 2012

SlaviaRakovi1

Tafra: A Source of Cultural Intimacy


in Novi Pazar
Abstract: Thispaperisananalysisofthesocialregulationofpride
throughthepowerofnaminginNoviPazar,southwestSerbia.One
ofthewordscommonlyusedtolabelwhatthecommunityseesas
exaggeratedprideistafra,whichcomesfromTurkish.Itisargued
herethattafra isanambivalentandantagonisticperformativelabel
which,throughgossip,regulateswhatisperceivedbythecommunityasthepracticeofboasting,aswellasfunctionsasareference
forcommunalsociality(culturalintimacy).
Key words: tafra,pride,boasting,gossip,culturalintimacy
UDK:316.72(497.11)

Tafra: vir kulturne intimnosti v Novem Pazarju


Izvleek: lanekanaliziradrubenoregulacijoponosaspostopkomimenovanjavNovemPazarjuvjugozahodniSrbiji.Zaoznaevanjetistega,karskupnostdojemakotpretiranponos,obiajno
uporabljajobesedotafra,kijeturkegaporekla.Vlankupokaemo,dajetafra dvoumnainantagonistinaperformativnaoznaka,
kispomojoobrekovanjauravnavasamohvalo,ravnotakopase
nanaanakulturnointimnost.
Kljune besede: tafra,ponos,samohvala,obrekovanje,kulturnaintimnost

1 Slavia Rakovi holds a PhD in Social Anthropology obtained


from the Ljubljana Graduate School of the Humanities. E-mail:
slavisa.rakovic@gmail.com.

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TheTurkishlanguageandOttomansocio-culturallegacyhaveinuencedtheperceptionandnamingofthedifferentwaysofdisclosing ones pride in Novi Pazar. The word regularly used to


indicatethatsomeoneissatisedorhappywithhisorherindividuality,family,personalandprofessionalsuccessetc.istheSerbian
wordponos.Thistermisusedtodescribewhatisseenasareasonablepositiveself-evaluation.Ontheotherhand,ifsomeonespride
isperceivedasgroundless,thenhisorherbehaviourorspeechwill
belabelledastafra, whichistheTurkishwordforpompouspride.
DrawingonNikoBesniersaccountofgossip asamultiparty
formofsocialinteractionwhichembodiesthecomplexitiesofsociallife,andonMichaelHerzfeldsaccountofcultural intimacy,I
willexaminetafra asanambivalentperformative2 labelwhichhas
todowiththesocialregulationofwhatisperceivedasshowing off,
andwhichsimultaneouslyfunctionsasareferenceforcommunal
sociality.Tafra asaspecicwayofboastingisseenbythecommunityasachallengertothecommunaldiurnality3 andcommunally
prescribedegalitarianism.
Theethnographicpartofthisstudyinvolvesananalysisofthe
informationreceivedfromtheopeninterviewsIconductedamong
16adultindividualsfromNoviPazar(Bosniak-Serbratio:80-20%).
TheinterviewsrevolvedaroundNoviPazarasacommunity,tafra
asalocalphenomenon,the gossipcultureinNoviPazar,andthe
2 PerformativeherereferstothesocialperformanceoftheSelf,whichis
interactionalinnatureandinvolvingsymbolicformsandlivebodies,providesawaytoconstitutemeaningandtoaffirmindividualandcultural
values.Morein:Stern,Henderson, 1993,3.
3 Theterm diurnality isborrowedfromethologyandusedhereasalabel
foreverydayhabitsanddynamismintherelationshipsbetweenindividualslivinginthesamecommunity(howtheyseethemselvesandothers
withwhomtheysharetheircommunallives).

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TAFRA: A Source of Cultural Intimacy in Novi Pazar

perceptions of success in Novi Pazar. I also interviewed 10


teenagers from Novi Pazar (8 Bosniaks and 2 Serbs, aged 17-19
years),askingthemtodenetafra andexplainatleastonesituation
inwhichcertainbehaviour,speechandactscouldhavebeendescribedastafra.4 Theirquotesarepresentedinitalics.

Background information about Novi Pazar: the


Ottoman legacy to the periphery
A tafradija is a person who likes to compete with others, and
also likes to show off his car, his mobile phone. In Novi Pazar
there is a club famous for being the meeting point of the so-called
arijski ljudi (arija5 lads). The place is full of people with
brand name shirts, shoes, belts, mobile phones etc. Once I was
told by an acquaintance of mine that he and his friends downed
more than 2000 euros the night before. Nowadays, tafradije6
do not count the bottles of alcoholic drinks theyve had. They prefer to present the amount in the euros theyve spent on drinks.
NoviPazarisamunicipalitylocatedinsouthwestSerbia.This
areaisofspecialimportanceforSerbianstatehood,sinceSerbian
medievalcapitalRaswaslocatedclosetoNoviPazar.TheOttoman
colonisationintheXIVthandXVthcenturiesintroducedIslamic
culture,whichisnowadaysvisibleinthearchitecturalappearance
ofNoviPazarasaplacewithmorethan30mosques(someofthem
olderthanfourcenturies),aswellasintheethnicandreligious
structure of the town (Muslim Bosniaks at around 80% out of
around85,000residents).
4 MythankstoZ..,A.B.,H..,M.P.,..,H.B.,A..,I.B.,E.S.,L.Z.K.,
M.J.,.B.,A.S.,andtotheirfamilies.
5 ar (Turkish):thecitycentrewhichisaplaceofsocialisation.
6 Tafradija (sing.),tafradije (pl.).

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TheOttomancultureandlanguagehaveleftasignicantimpactonthecultureoftheNoviPazarpopulation,regardlessoftheir
currentreligiousorethnicaliation.ThelocalvariantofthelanguagespokeninNoviPazarisheavilyinuencedbyoldTurkish;
thatis,itismarkedbytheusageofTurkishwordswhichareneither
foundinthelanguagespokenbySerbselsewhere,norregardedas
standardlexemesoftheBosnianlanguage,spokenbyBosniaksin
BosniaandHerzegovina.7 ThelanguagespokeninNoviPazaris
labelledaszetsko-raki orzetsko-junosandaki bySerbianlinguists,whichmeansthatthislanguagevariantissharedbythepopulation living in Novi Pazar, its neighbouring municipalities of
SjenicaandTutin(withBosniakmajorities),andtheChristianOrthodoxandMuslimSlavicpopulationinmuchofMontenegro.8
TheSerbsandBosniaksfromNoviPazarnowadayscallthelanguagetheyspeakeitherSerbianorBosnian,whereasitsspokenproduction is almost identical, with certain sociolectal differences.
Despitethesociolectal,cultural,andpoliticaldifferencesbetween
theSerbsandtheBosniaks,thetwocommunitieshavebeendrawn
closerintheirworldviewsbytheircoexistence,similarsocio-economicstanding,andlanguage,especiallyregardingwhatisgood
7 TheSerbianandBosnianlanguagesarelabelsforthesuccessorsof
theSerbo-Croatianlanguage(theocialfederallanguageoftheSocialist
FederativeRepublicofYugoslavia),whichwerepoliticallyseparatedafter
thebreakupofsocialistYugoslavia.AlongsideSerbianandBosnian,two
othersuccessorsofSerbo-CroatianareCroatianandMontenegrin.These
fournamesarepoliticallabelsforvariantsofonelanguage.Allvariants
ofthislanguagehadadoptedanumberofwordsfromTurkish(orfrom
ArabicandPersianthroughTurkish),whicharenowadaysknownaswords
offoreignoriginonlybylinguistsandthoseinterestedinlanguages.Such
wordsareobanin (shepherd),dugme (button),vea (eyebrow), kaika
(spoon)etc.
8 Okuka,2008,170.

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orbadorwhatisnormalornotnormal(forexample,generalviews
onthepositionofwomaninthehousehold,treatmentofelderly
people,preferenceforsonsasdescendants,adultery,etc.).9
ManytownspeoplebelievethatNoviPazarisasocial,cultural
andeconomicperiphery,andthatthe good life issomewhereelse.10
ThemajorityofbothNoviPazarcommunitieslivesinsimilareconomicconditions,andbothcommunitiesprizegettingoutoftheregion and starting life elsewhere as a success (be it Istanbul or
SarajevofortheBosniaks,BelgradefortheSerbs,orSwitzerland,
Germanyetc.forbothcommunities).Forthisreason,stayinginNovi
Pazarisconsideredtobeakindof failure,which,Iwouldarguehere,
hasasignicantimpactonthecollective perceptionofsuccess(economic,political,personaletc.)aswellasonthecommunalunderstanding of the notions of pride and boasting.11 Such views are
arguably related to the communal discoursesonegalitarianism,
whichshapethepeoplesviewsofthemeans(suchasboasting)by
whichoneseekstoshowtothecommunitythatonehasdonesomethingextraordinary.
Allmyrespondents,regardlessofage,claimedthattheylived
inacommunityinwhichonesfailureisneverforgotten.12 Onthe
otherhand,almostallofthemclaimedthatsuccesswasunforgivableaswell,13 whichmeansthattheyconsideredsocialenvyom9 TheNoviPazarlocalsocietyis,infact,diverseinitslifestylesandworld
views.However,manyresidentswoulddescribethetownasaplacethat
issociallymoreconservativethanotherplacesinSerbiaorBosnia.
10 Thesearetheviewsthatmyrespondentssharedwithmeasaninsider
(IwasbornandgrewupinNoviPazar).Whentalkingtooutsiders,onthe
otherhand,someofmyrespondentstendedtoembellishtheirviewsof
lifeinNoviPazar.
11 Thisperceptioncomesfromtheexperienceoflivingontheperiphery.
12 InSerbian:neuspeh se ne zaboravlja.
13 InSerbian:uspeh se ne prata.

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nipresent inNoviPazar.14 Thisiswhymostofthem(especiallythe


girlsandwomen)needtotakegood careoftheirpublicimage,in
ordertoavoidgossipandpossiblenegativelabelsfromthecommunity.Asoneofmyrespondentssaid,Whateveronedoesand
talksaboutshouldbewellbalancedandmodest,sothatthecommunity(arija)willnotlabelitnegatively.Evenifoneissuccessful and does something extraordinary, he or she should avoid
braggingaboutitbecausewhatisseenbythecommunityasovert
pridemaycomeinforcommunalgossipandmockery.
Prideis,therefore,anemotionoftensubjectedbythecommunitytothoroughgossip scrutiny andtoattemptsatsocialregulation
through the power of naming. On the other hand, even though
boasting isseenonthesurfaceassomethingundesirable,themajorityofmyrespondentsfeelthatbraggingisactuallyacharacteristic of their community. We like to brag about everything,
especiallyinfrontofoutsiders,saidoneofmyrespondents.Insuch
acontext,tafra asaphenomenonandasalabelholdsanambivalentpositionintheNoviPazarcommunalnarrativesaboutthecommunal notions of Us.15 Attaching the tafra label to someones
behaviourandspeechfunctionsasacommunalcorrective,butat
thesametimetafra isseenassomethingomnipresent,belonging
totheNoviPazarresidentsdespitetheocialethosofmodesty.
Hencethetafra labelisaninteractionalwayofconstitutingmeaningsandarmingambivalentandantagonisticindividualandculturalattitudestoboastingv.egalitarianistethosinthecommunity.

14 Therespondentswho disagreewiththelatterviewactuallybelievethat
anindividualssuccessisembracedonlywhenitservesthecommunity.
15 Therespondentswhomoreorlessdisagreewithsuchaview(15%)suggestthatitisnotappropriatetogeneraliseortospeakillofourselves.

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Gossiping about tafra as a social regulation strategy of


communal life
A tafradija is someone who likes to show off his manliness. Once
I introduced a friend of mine to someone who immediately felt
the need to emphasise how brave and strong he was, and said:
Bro, you are new in this town, if anyone threatens you and you
feel threatened, you just tell me, I will sort things out for you. No
one will dare even to touch you.
IncontemporaryTurkey,tafra standsforostentatiousspeech
usedtoportrayoneselfaswealthierormoresuccessfulthanone
actuallyis.Tafra isnotconnedtospeechactsbutcanalsodescribebodilyperformance(clothing,grandgestures,etc.).TheTurkishcolloquiallanguageusesthephraseafra tafra16 todescribe
pompousbehaviourandconceit,17 andthelocalcontextinNovi
Pazarusestafra inexactlythesamesense.
Asnotedabove,tafra inNoviPazarstandsforthepracticeof
showingoff,i.e.forwhatislocallyunderstoodasostentatiousand
unjustiedtalkaboutoneself.Hereisoneofthedenitionsoftafra
offeredbyoneofmyrespondents:
Tafra is when you go to Germany, and you live there in slums, and
you do the dirtiest jobs, and then during the summer vacation you
spend your savings renting an expensive shiny luxury car, and
then you come to Novi Pazar and brag in front of your friends and
neighbours, to show them that you have succeeded in your life.
16 IthankmyTurkishfriendsCanztaandBaakErtr,LondonBirkbeck
CollegePhDstudents,forsharingtheirpersonalaccountsoftafra with
me.
17 Itseemsthattheword tafra existsonlyintheNoviPazararea,asitis
notknowneitherinBosniaandHerzegovinaorinKosovo,areasheavily
inuencedbytheOttomans.

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Tafra isnotonlyabouttalking;itisalsoaboutactingwiththe
aimoftellingsomethingsignicantandexceptionalaboutoneself
toothers.Thepersonwhopractisestafra iscalledtafradija,which
maybelooselytranslatedasboaster.Thusthetafradija is,inthe
communitysview,aperformerwhotakespartinalocallycodedand
staged performance,whichconsistsofbothsendingoutmessages
andreceivingfeedbackfromtheenvironment.Thisisbecausetafra
isseenassomethingthatismeanttoprovokereactions:theperformanceoftafra isbelievedtobesomethingthatisintentionally
initiatedinordertoallowotherstoreact,andtostartrespondingto
what thetafradija doesand(or)speaksabout.However,ratherthan
withadmirationorpositiveevaluation(whicharepresumablyexpectedbyonewhospeakspositivelyaboutoneself),theothersmay
reacteitherbylabellingthoseactsandspeechesastafra,thereby
mockinganddismissingthem,orbyacceptingtafra asthewaythe
tafradija copeswithhis/hersocialenvironment.
Tafra is about acting out, about pretending that you are someone
else and not yourself. A tafradija is someone who lives his/her life
trying hard to build a positive image of him/herself, and to provoke
admiration from others. A tafradija cares more about what others
think of him/her than about his/her needs, desires, genuine happiness. For example, my aunt was about to throw a party on the occasion of her sons wedding. They are quite poor, but it did not prevent
her taking bank loans and buying piles of clothes and gold jewelry
for her future daughter in law. She did this just to show off, and to
make people talk about her. And she succeeded! Everyone is talking
about how much she spent on clothes and gold jewelry.
Eventhoughallmyrespondentsagreethattafra existsinreality,andthatithasitsplaceinNoviPazarasamodeofsocialcommunication,itsperformanceisstillviewedbymyrespondentsasa

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practiceinvolvingatwo-wayexerciseofsocialcontrol.Ontheone
handthereisthetafradija,whowishestocontrolhisorherown
positioninthecommunityandtherebytocontrolthecommunitys
treatmentorviewofhim/herself;ontheotherhand,hisorheractionspromptthecommunitytoresorttothepowerofnaming,imposingalabelonhim/herandpushinghim/herbackwithinthe
locallyacceptableframesofculturalexpectations.Tafra isdened
asonesattempttopositoneselfabovethecommunityandasthe
communitys attempt to reintegrate them and show them their
properplace.Theawarenessthatlabellingsomethingastafra may
beameansofsocialcontrolandmaintenanceofcommunalegalitarianismcomes,asmyrespondentstestify,fromtheawarenessthat
anyone may at some point of his or her life be labelled as a
tafradija.Thisawarenessspringsfromtheconvictionthatwhateveronedoesisnoticedandevaluatedbyothers.
Hencetafra isassociatedwithtwoprocesses:withanostentatiousperformanceofpridethroughspeechandactions,andwith
theprocessofnamingsomespeechesandactsastafra.Whilethe
formerisaboutbragging(showingoff),i.e.self-evaluation,thelatter
involvesthesociallabellingofcertainspeechandbehaviourasexaggeratedactsofpride.Myinteresthereliesprimarilyin tafra asa
practiceofsociallabelling,whichhelpstoenforcethesocialreproductionoflocallyunderstoodegalitarianismintermsofabilities,
socialstandingetc.Thiskindofsocialregulationinvolvesgossip
sincetafra isanexternallabelwhatisutteredaboutsomeone.
Tafra is a kind of special politics. For example, a tafradija is a
middle-aged man who used to have a high status in our community
(he was wealthy), was respected etc. At some point he went bankrupt, but he will still pretend that nothing has changed. He will still
walk around in his best suit, with a shiny gel on his hair, and brag
about himself, just to prove that he is still someone important.

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The community wants to talk about the bankrupt middleagedmanwhoisseenasapretendertoimportance. Moreover,asmy


respondents say, the community wants to talk about anyone who
commitsapossibleobjectofmockeryordismay. Gossipisunderstood
hereasaformofinteractionthroughwhich,inthewordsofAmsterdam-basedanthropologistNikoBesnier,peoplemakesenseofwhat
surroundsthem,interpretingevents,people,andthedynamicsofhistory18 InBesniersview,gossipisamultipartyproductionwhichcruciallydependsforitseffectivenessonthecooperationandparticipationoftheaudience.19 Gossipingaboutsomeonestafra involvesthe
gossipersthemselvesandtheiraudiencesapprovalordisapproval.If
theaudienceapprovesofthegossiperslabel,weenterintoadynamic
politicaleconomyofgossip,whichhelpstomaintainacceptableand
unacceptable models of behaviour. Besnier calls these discussions
thediscourse on egalitarianism,whichaimsatatteningoutthesocial
differencesinabilitiesandsocialworth.
Asnotedabove,tafra ispredominantlyunderstoodtoinvolveuncriticalself-reectionandisthereforeassociatedwiththoseunable
tokeepwithinthescopeofcommunallyregulatedviewsonmodesty.
Suchaviewoftafra,again,isnotnecessarilynegative,butdoesinvolveacertaindegreeofmockery.Whentafra isseenasacoping
strategy,thetafradija willbelookedatwithapatronisingpity.20 On
18 Besnier,2009,3.
19 Ibid.,17.
20 Namingcertainactsandinstancesofspeechastafra canalsoexpressa
teasingorgossipingsympathyorempathywithsomeonewhopractises
tafra asaself-recognitionstrategy.Inthiscase,declaringanactorinstance
ofspeechastafra isanexcuse fortheperformersbehaviour. Thismayhappeninsituationswhensomeonepraiseshisownchildren,talkingabout
howtheycareforhimorher,whereasinfacttheydonotgiveadamnabout
him,theynevercomeseehim,theydonotprovideanythingforhim.In
suchcases,tafra isseenasacoping strategy,andthereforeasforgivable.

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theotherhand,whenthetafradija isseenassomeonewhogoes
beyonddecentboastingandshowingoff,s/hewillbesubjectednot
onlytoharshmockery,butalsotocommunalgossip.
InacloselyknitcommunitysuchasNoviPazar,negativelabels
arediculttoshakeoff,accordingtomyrespondents.Negativelabelsthroughcommunalgossiparethemeansbywhichthecommunityestablishesitsstandardsoftheacceptableandunacceptable.
The tafra label is almost indispensably linked to the gossip discourse on egalitarianism. Being proclaimed a tafradija by the
communitymayinvolvelong-lastingmockery,andmayalsoexpose
someonetocommunaljokes,especiallywhenthetargetisassessed
notonlyasatafradija, butalsoasabadpersonwhodoesnotrespectothers.Insuchcases,thecommunity(immediateneighbourhood)willkeepaneyeonthetafradija andlookforanythingthat
mightbeasourceofhisorherembarrassment.
Gossipingabouttafra ormakingfunofsomeonestafra serves,
Iwouldarguehere,asalocalcorrectivearisingoutoftheunderstandingthatnooneshouldreachbeyondhisorhercommunally
presumedabilitiesorroleinthelocalsociety.Accordingtomyrespondents,itisakindofsocialcontrolthataimstounderminewhat
isperceivedasadigressionfromtheordinary.Therefore,naming
certainactsandinstancesofspeechas tafra,betheyboastingor
not,isattimesparalleltotheso-calleduravnilovka,looselytranslatedasatteningoutthesocialdifference,whichcorrespondsto
whatBesniercalleddiscourse on egalitarianism.21 Behaviourwhich
islocallyunderstoodasblatantboastingandshowingoffisidentiedastheneedofsomeindividualstodrawalinebetweenthem21 Uravnilovka mayalsobedescribedasequalisation orlevellisation.The
termcomesfromRussian,andisprimarilyusedtodescribetheSoviet
economicpolicyoflevelling out inequalitiesthroughinterventionsin
economy,ignoringtherebytheprinciplesofmeritandknowledge.

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selvesandtherestoftheirimmediatesocialenvironment,soasto
enhancetheirownsignicanceandattractattention. Inthisrespect,
uravnilovka isasocialpressureaimingtosuppresstheindividuals
needtobebetterthantherestofthecommunity.However,itisnot
specicallydenedwhatisandwhatisnotboasting,orbywhat criteriatafra couldbedistinguishedfromregularpride(asapositive
self-evaluation)orfromalifestylethatdisregardspublicopinion.
Acommunaldiscourseonegalitarianismthatseekstosuppress
theexceptionalityoftheindividualcanbefoundindifferentculturesandgroups,bothinthoseheavilyindustrialisedandinthose
thatareregardedaseconomicallyunderdeveloped(bywestern
standards).AccordingtoBesniersaccountofthediscourse on egalitarianism amongtheNukulaelaepeople,22 forexample,thisdiscourseproclaimsthateveryoneisonthesamefootingandthatno
oneisentitledtohaveaccesstomoreresourcesthanothersorexert
anytypeofauthorityoverothers,thusleavinglittleroomforhierarchyandleadership.23 InthecaseoftheNukulaelae,thisdiscourse
involvesawidespreadbeliefthateveryoneisequal,butitalsoinvolvesgossipingaboutandridiculingthosewho,intheeyesofthe
community, attempt to posit themselves above the community.
Similarly,themajorityofmyrespondentsfromNoviPazaroppose
hierarchyinthelocalsociety(arija, Gemeinschaft)butdoapproveofitinthepoliticalsociety(Gesellschaft).24 Thelabeloftafra
throughgossipprimarilyseekstodenyahierarchicalstructurein
thelocalsociety,andtherebyservesasatooltoenforcecommunal
egalitarianism.
22 TheinhabitantsofaPolynesianisland,whoarepartoftheTuvalunation.
23 Besnier,2009,77.
24 IuseTnniesGemeinschaft andGesellschaft astermini technici only
toemphasisethecommunalunderstandingofthedifferencebetweenprimarysocietalandsecondarypoliticalties.

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Thelabeloftafra throughgossipissomewhatsimilartothesocalledJante Law,saidtoexistinScandinaviancountries,whichis


bestdescribedasagroupthink25 suggestingthatoneshouldnever
trytobe,orconsideroneselftobe,differentormorevaluablethan
the other members of a community.26 The term Jantelagen
(Swedish)orJanteloven (DanishandNorwegian)wasrstcoined
byaDanish/Norwegianauthor,AkselSandemose(1936),whowrote
abookcalledA Fugitive Crosses His Tracks,depictingthelifeina
smallvillagewheresuccessfulpeoplebecomevictimsofmalicious
gossip.27 TheJante Law isbelievedtocomeoutofacommunitarian
andegalitariancultureinwhichthetraditionalindividualisticentrepreneurshipisreceivednegatively,28 andwhichrequiresitsmembers to put the community before the individual. Such practice
functionsinternallyaswellasexternally;itispropagatednotonly
throughthepolicingofonesownbehaviorbutpolicingthebehaviorofothers.29
Themainsimilaritybetweenthetafra labelandthecommunitarianJante Law isthatbothcriticisepositiveself-evaluation.The
maindifference,ontheotherhand,isthatthetafra labeldoesnot
25 Groupthink heredoesnotstandforsomethingthatexistsinreality,but
referstofeatureswhichagroupofpeopleisbelievedtohaveincommon.
26 IthankmyfriendsMirnaStevanovi,aScandinavianStudiesscholar
attheBelgradeUniversity,andZlatanaKneevi,aSwedishBosnianGenderStudiesstudentattheLundUniversity,forclarifyingthedetailsofthe
JanteLaw.
27 ThetenJantelawcommandments:Donotthinkthatyou aresomething;
Donotthinkthatyou areasgoodasus;Donotthinkthatyou arewiser
thanus;Donotfancyyourself betterthanus;Donotthinkthatyou know
morethanus;Donotthinkthatyou aresuperiortous;Donotthinkthat
you aregoodatanything;Donotlaughatus;Donotthinkthatanyone
caresaboutyou;Donotthinkthatyou canteachus anything.
28 Fuglsang,2009.
29 Turausky,2011,8.

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prioritisethecommunityovertheindividual:rather,itclaims(at
leastaccordingtomyrespondents)thattheindividualiswatched
bythecommunityandnotallowedtobebetter thantheothercommunitymembers.

Tafra awareness as cultural intimacy


Being a Pazarac without being a tafradija is like going to the
beach without going into the sea. Everyone says that they hate
tafra, but I believe that every single inhabitant of this town has
at least once in his or her life acted as a tafradija. People think
that they will build a positive image of themselves in the eyes of
others if they practise tafra. It seems that tafra feeds us in a way.
Here people send their kids to expensive universities abroad and
pay a bunch of money for their living expenses, not for the sake
of their childs education, but for the recognition that will come
from their social environment.
Thisistheviewofan18-yearoldrespondent,sharedmoreor
lessbyallmyotherrespondents.Theyallsaythattafra isaNovi
Pazarthing,andthatthisissomethingwedo.Tafra isthusperceivedasalocalpracticewhichis,totheirknowledge,notapplicabletootherregionsorotheractsconnectedwiththepublicdisplay
ofonesprideinoneself,onesfamily,community,andonespersonalorfamilyeducationand/orwealth.Asnotedabove,myrespondentsareawarethatthisparticularnamingofcertaintypesof
speechandcertainactionsbycertainpeopleisactuallyacommunalcorrective,dependentonthelocalstandardsaboutwhatisethicalornot.Itisthistypeofcommunalpolicing thatisperceivedas
uniquebymyrespondents,andeventhoughtheyallseemtoscorn
tafra behaviourandlabelotherpersonsastafradije,theystillsee
thetafra gossipassomethingthatconnectstheresidentsofNovi

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Pazarandgivesthemasenseofcommonsociality.Thelocalsthemselveslabelthedisplayofostentatiousprideaspazarska tafra,
whichtheyseeasadistinctivefeatureofNoviPazarasacommunity.Thustheyunderstandtafra assomethingarisingfromtheir
localcondition,differentfromtherestofSerbia(andformerYugoslavia)andevenfromthesurroundingarea,whichisregarded
bymanyasculturallycognatetothelocalcultureofNoviPazar.
Suchviewsindicate,Iwouldargue,thattheawarenessof tafra
is constitutive of cultural intimacy in Michael Herzfelds terms.
Herzfelddenesculturalintimacyastherecognitionofthoseaspectsofaculturalidentitythatareconsideredasourceofexternal
embarrassmentbutthatneverthelessprovideinsiderswiththeirassuranceofcommonsociality.30 Herzfeldalsowritesthatculturalintimacydoesnotsimplymeancloseacquaintancewithaculturebut,
rather,thezoneofinternalknowledgewherebymembersofasociety
recogniseeachotherthroughtheirawsandfoibles.31 Thefactthat
anyonecouldbelabelledasatafradija isnotviewedbymyrespondentsassomethingtoapproveoforbeproudof,buttheydoseem
tondtafra afunny featureoftheNoviPazarcommunallife.
Thetafra awareness,asmyrespondentsanswersshow,stems
fromaconstantcollectiveinclinationofmanyindividualmembers
ofthecommunitytoevaluateand,assomeofmyrespondentssay,
mouldthemselvesinaccordancewiththedesirable,communally
approved model.Furthermore,itisinspiredbythefearofpossible
communaljokesaboutonesbehaviour(eithernegativeorpatronisinglypositive).Insuchacontext,thetafra labelfunctionsasa
performativeenforcingcommunalnormsabouttheappropriate
andinappropriate,desirableandundesirable.Atamoregeneral
30 Herzfeld,1997,3.
31 Herzfeld,2009,133.

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level,i.e.atalevelthatgoesbeyondindividualtafra, labellingcertainactsastafra isperformedthroughjokesaboutthecharacter


oftheNoviPazarresidents.ThischaracterisrepresentedinthefablesaboutthePazarac,32 ametonymiccreature thatembodiesboth
self-stereotypesandstereotypescomingfromtheoutsiders.
Jokesare,infact,anessentialpartofthetafra gossip.Sometimesthejokesaboutsomeonestafra areindividualised.However,
mostofthemaregeneralisedandtellfunny talesaboutthePazarac,
anembodimentofthecollectiveNoviPazarfunny person,whois
seenbymyrespondentsasloveable butnotverybright.Internal
jokesaboutthePazarac aretoldintheformofpicaresquefables,
inwhichtheheroofthejokesislaughedatforhisnavecharacter,
orismockedfornotbeingtoobright.Theabilitytolaughatones
community,withoutdistancingoneselffromthatverycommunity,
suggeststhattheawarenessofthecommunalawsarisesfroma
strongfeelingofintimacyamongthecommunitymembers.Therefore,thelabeloftafra fortheperformanceoftheSelfistheretoafrm that the bragging person is atafradija, and by no means
betterthanothers;butatthesametimethislabelconstructsaeld
ofcommonsociality,sinceitcomesfromthemembersofthecommunityandisdirectedatamemberofthesamecommunity.
Herearesomeofthejokesthatoneoftherespondentsshared
withme;theyarealsofoundontheInternet:
Why does a Pazarac drive his Mercedes Benz33 in the summer
dressed in a wool sweater, with the car windows closed?32 Pazarac (demonym):aresidentofNoviPazar.
33 TheMercedes Benz hasbeenastatussymbolsincethe1970s,whenit
wasintroducedtothecommunitybymembersoftheDiaspora.Itshowed
thatthecarownerhadmadegoodinGermanyorelsewhere.IntheNovi
Pazarcolloquiallanguage,aMercedes Benz iscalledmeka,femalebear,
whichsuggeststhatthecarrepresentssomethingrare,bigandstrong.

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Just to show the people around that his car has an air conditioner.34
A Pazarac broke his wrist, and went to the doctors. After a thorough examination, the doctor says: We will need to apply a plaster cast. At this the Pazarac cries out: No, no, no way! Nothing
short of a marble cast for me!35
This is how a Pazarac threatens to embarrass his son for being a
sloppy high-school student: If you fail at school this year, I will
buy you a Volkswagen Golf, and then the whole community will
make fun of you!36

Thesejokesareseenbyallmyrespondentsastafra jokes,althoughseveralintervieweessaidthatthelastjokedoesnotnecessarilyrefertotafra buttosomethingworse, whichhastodowith


theneedtoshowoffanddenigrateothers.Thereisanotherlabel
usedbythemale(andlatelyfemale)populationinNoviPazarto
describetheostentatiouspridearisingfromapersonshubris37
kurenje.Kurenje maybeliterallytranslatedaspenisgasconade.38
IneverydaylifeintheSerbo-Croatian-Bosnian-Montenegrin-speakingregions,kurenje denotesostentatiousbraggingaboutones
abilitiesandpersonalpower.InNoviPazar,thekurenje labelmay
gotogetherwiththetafra label,butaccordingtomyrespondents
34 InSerbian:ZbogegaPazaracusredletavozisvojumekuobuenu
demperizatvorenihprozora?-Dapokazenarodudaimaklimu.
35 InSerbian(localvariant):PovredioPazaracruku,iposlesilnihsnimaka,
doktoruviadajeslomljenaikae:Bogomi,moracegips.NatoPazarac
odgovara:Kakigips,nigovora,samomermer!
36 InSerbian(localvariant):EvekakoPazaracgrdisinatoneedaui:
Samotiponavljarazred,pautikupitgolfa,datisesmijecijelaarija!
37 Hubris (Greek):arrogantandunwarrantedpride.
38 InthecolloquialsuccessorsoftheSerbo-Croatianlanguage,theword
kuracmeansdick.

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thereisadifferenceandthesetwolabelscannotbeusedinterchangeably.Thekurenje labelisemployedbysomecommunity
memberstodismissordownplaythepublicposturingoftheNovi
Pazarnouveau riche, whoseacts,publicbehaviour,wealth,andfamilymemberslivesarethemesofextensivelocalgossip.39 IfthebehaviouroftheNoviPazarnouveau riche isassociatedwithhubris,
the tafra labelwillnotoccur,whereasthekurenje labelwillbeused
initsfullest meaning,i.e.todescribebehaviourandspeechthatinvolveovertself-assertivenessandvanity.40
Asmentionedabove,allmyrespondentsseeboastingasafeatureoftheNoviPazarmentality.Whenaskedwhythetownspeople
liketobragaboutthemselves,someansweredthatthisiswhowe
areorIdonotknow;however,morethan20answersrevolved
aroundtheoverallpositionofNoviPazarwithinthecurrentconstellationofpowerintheregion.InthecaseofNoviPazar,thecommunal awareness of living on the periphery, i.e. the view that
decisionsonourbehalfarebeingmadeelsewhere,hasinuenced
thetownspeoplesperceptionoftheirplaceinthesocialsystem,as
wellastheirperceptionofothersallegedorrealattemptstoovercometheirperipheralposition.
NoviPazarandthesurroundingareahadbeenunderdeveloped
formanycenturies.Socialistpost-WWIIregimebroughtindustrialisationandsomewhatraisedthestandardofliving.Still,thearea
remainedcomparativelyunderdeveloped,whichforcedmanypeo39 Greyeconomy,organisedcrime,corruptprivatisationsofformerpublic
enterprises,anddrugsmugglinghaveledtofastmoney-makingsincethe
early1990s.SomeresidentsfromNoviPazarhavegainedsubstantialwealth
throughcontroversialtradingandarrangementswiththegovernment.
40 Unlike tafra, kurenje asalabelcantaketheformsofaverbalnounand
ofaverb.Thereforeitisusedtodescribephenomenaaswellastoascribe
acertainactiontoanindividual.

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plefrombothethniccommunitiestoleaveandeithersettleinother
partsofformerYugoslaviaorgoabroad(toGermany,Switzerland,
etc.).Indeed,therelingersafeelinginbothcommunitiesthatthe
areaisstillbeingforgottenbytheauthoritiesofSerbia,orthatit
is used only for the purposes of political power struggles. The
Bosniaksfeelmarginalisedbecausetheyfeeldeprivedofdecisionmakingpowersovertheissueswhichconcernthem,whereasthe
Serbsfeelmarginalisedand minorised41 atthelevelsofbothtown
andstate,believingthemselvesforgottenbythestate.Asnoted
previously, the majority of both communities live close to the
povertylineandbelow,withmanypeoplelackingsteadyjobs.A
marginalisedposition,asoneofmyrespondentsclaims,drivespeopletobuildnarrativesaboutthemselvesand,conversely,drives
thecommunitytoscrutinisewhatotherpeopledoorthink.Another
respondent suggests that external prejudices have been internalised,whichmakespeoplelookforstrategiestosurpasstheirlowclassposition,butatthesametimeforcesthecommunitytopolice
thosewhothinktheyarebetterthantheothers.
Beingunderdevelopedand,onaverage,lesseducatedthanthe
inhabitantsoftheareasthesecommunitiesaspireto(Sarajevo,Belgradeetc.),bothSerbsandBosniakshavetofacestereotypesimposedfromtheoutside;itseems,however,thattheBosniaksare
subjecttostereotypingmoreoftenthantheSerbsare.Forexample,
theNoviPazarSerbsareusuallynotmentionedinjokesaboutthe
SandzakpeopleinBosniaandHerzegovina,42 whereastheNovi
PazarBosniaksallegedover-religiousness,corruptandprimitive
41 Duetoemigrationandlowerbirthrate,thenumberofSerbslivingin
NoviPazarisdecreasing.
42 ThereasonmaybethattheSerbsfromNoviPazarhavefarlessfamily
tieswithBosniaandHerzegovina,andthattherearefarfewerSerbsmigratingtoBosniathanviceversa.

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nature,peasantandredneckaccent,maamentality,etc.areoften
mockednotonlyinordinarydiscourse,butalsointheprintedand
electronicmedia.43 JokesabouttheNoviPazarSandaklije (seenin
mostcasesasBosniakMuslims)arefarlessprominentinBelgrade
andelsewhereinSerbia,whereasjokesabouttheSerbsfromNovi
Pazararealmostabsent.Thereasonisthat,unlikeSarajevo,therest
ofSerbiacreditstheNoviPazarresidentswithnoinuenceonpolitics,economy,orotheraspectsofsociallifeoutsidetheirhome
town.InBosnia,bycontrast,themediatreatmentofpeoplefromthis
areausuallyrevolvesaroundtheirallegedpoliticalconnectionsand
wealth,whichproducestheimageofatribalkindofpeople,controllingthetownpolitics,economyandcrime.
Allmyrespondentsareawareofthestereotypesandprejudices
outsiders mightharbouragainstthepeoplefromNoviPazar,and
almostallofthemareabletolaughatthesestereotypeswithout
beingseriouslyoffended.Theresponsesbymostofmyintervieweesindicatethatthestereotypescomingfromtheoutsideareto
acertaindegreeinternalised.However,mySerbianrespondents
feelthatthestereotypingcomingfromBosniaandHerzegovina
hasnothingtodowiththembutwiththeirBosniakneighbours
43 IlivedandworkedinSarajevofrom2003to2006.EventhoughInever
experienceddiscriminationbasedonmyethnicbackground(Serbian),I
didwitnessmanyprejudicestowardstheSandaklije,whowere,inthe
viewofmyinterlocutors,usuallyperceivedasMuslimBosniaks(theSerbs
fromNoviPazarwerenotseenasSandaklije).Theprevailingviewwas
thattheresidentsofNoviPazarandthesurroundingareawerepatriarchal,
tribal,corrupt,andpoliticallyverywellconnected.Suchviewsareshared
bysomecitizensofSarajevo,regardlessoftheirownethnicbackground.
Interestingly,evenafewBosniakfriendsofmineweresurprisedthatthere
shouldbeSerbslivinginNoviPazar,andoneofthemaskedme:How
doesitfeellivingwiththose peoplethere?WhenIasked:Whatpeople?,
shesaid:Well,theSandaklije.

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only. On the other hand, all my Serbian respondents see that


Pazarac jokestellstoriesaboutwhattheylabelasthementalityof
thepeoplefromNoviPazar,regardlessoftheirethnicorreligious
aliation,eventhoughfewofthemenvisagetheprotagonistofthe
jokesasMuslim.

Conclusion
Onthesurface,boastingisconsideredinappropriatebehaviourin
NoviPazar.Ontheotherhand,themajority(morethan80%)ofmy
respondentsclaimthatweliketoshowoff,welikeitthatother
peopleseeoursuccess,here,welikeotherpeopletotalkabout
us,eventhougheveryonedeniesit.AsIsuggestedabove,myrespondentsanswersabouttafra tellthatlabellingsomeoneasa
tafradija islinkedtothecommunalstrategiesofpolicingother
peoplesbehaviour.Thiscomesfromthecommunallyenforceddiscoursesonegalitarianism,accordingtowhicheveryonelivingon
theperipheryisequal,orrather,nooneisbetterthantheothers.
Ontheotherhand,mostofmyrespondentsclaimthattafra, asa
wayofactingaswellasgossipingaboutit, issomethingthatbelongstothepeoplefromNoviPazarsince,asoneoftheintervieweesputsit,weliketoshowoff.Therefore,eventhough tafra as
alabelisseenbymyrespondentsasasourceofembarrassment
(bothinternalandexternal),italsogivesasenseofcommonsocialitytotheNoviPazarresidents.Beinglabelledasatafradija
isnotdesirable,butifthelabelshouldstick,itwillmostlikelynot
causeresentmentbecausebeingatafradija doesnotentailbeing
abadperson.Tosumup,thetafra labelfunctionsasanambivalent
regulatory mechanism: a mechanism of conrming sociality
amongtheNoviPazarresidents,andasaperformativeaninteractionalwayofconstitutingmeaningsandarmingindividual
andculturalvalues.

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