Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
SlaviaRakovi1
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Slavia Rakovi
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Slavia Rakovi
TheOttomancultureandlanguagehaveleftasignicantimpactonthecultureoftheNoviPazarpopulation,regardlessoftheir
currentreligiousorethnicaliation.ThelocalvariantofthelanguagespokeninNoviPazarisheavilyinuencedbyoldTurkish;
thatis,itismarkedbytheusageofTurkishwordswhichareneither
foundinthelanguagespokenbySerbselsewhere,norregardedas
standardlexemesoftheBosnianlanguage,spokenbyBosniaksin
BosniaandHerzegovina.7 ThelanguagespokeninNoviPazaris
labelledaszetsko-raki orzetsko-junosandaki bySerbianlinguists,whichmeansthatthislanguagevariantissharedbythepopulation living in Novi Pazar, its neighbouring municipalities of
SjenicaandTutin(withBosniakmajorities),andtheChristianOrthodoxandMuslimSlavicpopulationinmuchofMontenegro.8
TheSerbsandBosniaksfromNoviPazarnowadayscallthelanguagetheyspeakeitherSerbianorBosnian,whereasitsspokenproduction is almost identical, with certain sociolectal differences.
Despitethesociolectal,cultural,andpoliticaldifferencesbetween
theSerbsandtheBosniaks,thetwocommunitieshavebeendrawn
closerintheirworldviewsbytheircoexistence,similarsocio-economicstanding,andlanguage,especiallyregardingwhatisgood
7 TheSerbianandBosnianlanguagesarelabelsforthesuccessorsof
theSerbo-Croatianlanguage(theocialfederallanguageoftheSocialist
FederativeRepublicofYugoslavia),whichwerepoliticallyseparatedafter
thebreakupofsocialistYugoslavia.AlongsideSerbianandBosnian,two
othersuccessorsofSerbo-CroatianareCroatianandMontenegrin.These
fournamesarepoliticallabelsforvariantsofonelanguage.Allvariants
ofthislanguagehadadoptedanumberofwordsfromTurkish(orfrom
ArabicandPersianthroughTurkish),whicharenowadaysknownaswords
offoreignoriginonlybylinguistsandthoseinterestedinlanguages.Such
wordsareobanin (shepherd),dugme (button),vea (eyebrow), kaika
(spoon)etc.
8 Okuka,2008,170.
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orbadorwhatisnormalornotnormal(forexample,generalviews
onthepositionofwomaninthehousehold,treatmentofelderly
people,preferenceforsonsasdescendants,adultery,etc.).9
ManytownspeoplebelievethatNoviPazarisasocial,cultural
andeconomicperiphery,andthatthe good life issomewhereelse.10
ThemajorityofbothNoviPazarcommunitieslivesinsimilareconomicconditions,andbothcommunitiesprizegettingoutoftheregion and starting life elsewhere as a success (be it Istanbul or
SarajevofortheBosniaks,BelgradefortheSerbs,orSwitzerland,
Germanyetc.forbothcommunities).Forthisreason,stayinginNovi
Pazarisconsideredtobeakindof failure,which,Iwouldarguehere,
hasasignicantimpactonthecollective perceptionofsuccess(economic,political,personaletc.)aswellasonthecommunalunderstanding of the notions of pride and boasting.11 Such views are
arguably related to the communal discoursesonegalitarianism,
whichshapethepeoplesviewsofthemeans(suchasboasting)by
whichoneseekstoshowtothecommunitythatonehasdonesomethingextraordinary.
Allmyrespondents,regardlessofage,claimedthattheylived
inacommunityinwhichonesfailureisneverforgotten.12 Onthe
otherhand,almostallofthemclaimedthatsuccesswasunforgivableaswell,13 whichmeansthattheyconsideredsocialenvyom9 TheNoviPazarlocalsocietyis,infact,diverseinitslifestylesandworld
views.However,manyresidentswoulddescribethetownasaplacethat
issociallymoreconservativethanotherplacesinSerbiaorBosnia.
10 Thesearetheviewsthatmyrespondentssharedwithmeasaninsider
(IwasbornandgrewupinNoviPazar).Whentalkingtooutsiders,onthe
otherhand,someofmyrespondentstendedtoembellishtheirviewsof
lifeinNoviPazar.
11 Thisperceptioncomesfromtheexperienceoflivingontheperiphery.
12 InSerbian:neuspeh se ne zaboravlja.
13 InSerbian:uspeh se ne prata.
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14 Therespondentswho disagreewiththelatterviewactuallybelievethat
anindividualssuccessisembracedonlywhenitservesthecommunity.
15 Therespondentswhomoreorlessdisagreewithsuchaview(15%)suggestthatitisnotappropriatetogeneraliseortospeakillofourselves.
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Tafra isnotonlyabouttalking;itisalsoaboutactingwiththe
aimoftellingsomethingsignicantandexceptionalaboutoneself
toothers.Thepersonwhopractisestafra iscalledtafradija,which
maybelooselytranslatedasboaster.Thusthetafradija is,inthe
communitysview,aperformerwhotakespartinalocallycodedand
staged performance,whichconsistsofbothsendingoutmessages
andreceivingfeedbackfromtheenvironment.Thisisbecausetafra
isseenassomethingthatismeanttoprovokereactions:theperformanceoftafra isbelievedtobesomethingthatisintentionally
initiatedinordertoallowotherstoreact,andtostartrespondingto
what thetafradija doesand(or)speaksabout.However,ratherthan
withadmirationorpositiveevaluation(whicharepresumablyexpectedbyonewhospeakspositivelyaboutoneself),theothersmay
reacteitherbylabellingthoseactsandspeechesastafra,thereby
mockinganddismissingthem,orbyacceptingtafra asthewaythe
tafradija copeswithhis/hersocialenvironment.
Tafra is about acting out, about pretending that you are someone
else and not yourself. A tafradija is someone who lives his/her life
trying hard to build a positive image of him/herself, and to provoke
admiration from others. A tafradija cares more about what others
think of him/her than about his/her needs, desires, genuine happiness. For example, my aunt was about to throw a party on the occasion of her sons wedding. They are quite poor, but it did not prevent
her taking bank loans and buying piles of clothes and gold jewelry
for her future daughter in law. She did this just to show off, and to
make people talk about her. And she succeeded! Everyone is talking
about how much she spent on clothes and gold jewelry.
Eventhoughallmyrespondentsagreethattafra existsinreality,andthatithasitsplaceinNoviPazarasamodeofsocialcommunication,itsperformanceisstillviewedbymyrespondentsasa
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practiceinvolvingatwo-wayexerciseofsocialcontrol.Ontheone
handthereisthetafradija,whowishestocontrolhisorherown
positioninthecommunityandtherebytocontrolthecommunitys
treatmentorviewofhim/herself;ontheotherhand,hisorheractionspromptthecommunitytoresorttothepowerofnaming,imposingalabelonhim/herandpushinghim/herbackwithinthe
locallyacceptableframesofculturalexpectations.Tafra isdened
asonesattempttopositoneselfabovethecommunityandasthe
communitys attempt to reintegrate them and show them their
properplace.Theawarenessthatlabellingsomethingastafra may
beameansofsocialcontrolandmaintenanceofcommunalegalitarianismcomes,asmyrespondentstestify,fromtheawarenessthat
anyone may at some point of his or her life be labelled as a
tafradija.Thisawarenessspringsfromtheconvictionthatwhateveronedoesisnoticedandevaluatedbyothers.
Hencetafra isassociatedwithtwoprocesses:withanostentatiousperformanceofpridethroughspeechandactions,andwith
theprocessofnamingsomespeechesandactsastafra.Whilethe
formerisaboutbragging(showingoff),i.e.self-evaluation,thelatter
involvesthesociallabellingofcertainspeechandbehaviourasexaggeratedactsofpride.Myinteresthereliesprimarilyin tafra asa
practiceofsociallabelling,whichhelpstoenforcethesocialreproductionoflocallyunderstoodegalitarianismintermsofabilities,
socialstandingetc.Thiskindofsocialregulationinvolvesgossip
sincetafra isanexternallabelwhatisutteredaboutsomeone.
Tafra is a kind of special politics. For example, a tafradija is a
middle-aged man who used to have a high status in our community
(he was wealthy), was respected etc. At some point he went bankrupt, but he will still pretend that nothing has changed. He will still
walk around in his best suit, with a shiny gel on his hair, and brag
about himself, just to prove that he is still someone important.
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theotherhand,whenthetafradija isseenassomeonewhogoes
beyonddecentboastingandshowingoff,s/hewillbesubjectednot
onlytoharshmockery,butalsotocommunalgossip.
InacloselyknitcommunitysuchasNoviPazar,negativelabels
arediculttoshakeoff,accordingtomyrespondents.Negativelabelsthroughcommunalgossiparethemeansbywhichthecommunityestablishesitsstandardsoftheacceptableandunacceptable.
The tafra label is almost indispensably linked to the gossip discourse on egalitarianism. Being proclaimed a tafradija by the
communitymayinvolvelong-lastingmockery,andmayalsoexpose
someonetocommunaljokes,especiallywhenthetargetisassessed
notonlyasatafradija, butalsoasabadpersonwhodoesnotrespectothers.Insuchcases,thecommunity(immediateneighbourhood)willkeepaneyeonthetafradija andlookforanythingthat
mightbeasourceofhisorherembarrassment.
Gossipingabouttafra ormakingfunofsomeonestafra serves,
Iwouldarguehere,asalocalcorrectivearisingoutoftheunderstandingthatnooneshouldreachbeyondhisorhercommunally
presumedabilitiesorroleinthelocalsociety.Accordingtomyrespondents,itisakindofsocialcontrolthataimstounderminewhat
isperceivedasadigressionfromtheordinary.Therefore,naming
certainactsandinstancesofspeechas tafra,betheyboastingor
not,isattimesparalleltotheso-calleduravnilovka,looselytranslatedasatteningoutthesocialdifference,whichcorrespondsto
whatBesniercalleddiscourse on egalitarianism.21 Behaviourwhich
islocallyunderstoodasblatantboastingandshowingoffisidentiedastheneedofsomeindividualstodrawalinebetweenthem21 Uravnilovka mayalsobedescribedasequalisation orlevellisation.The
termcomesfromRussian,andisprimarilyusedtodescribetheSoviet
economicpolicyoflevelling out inequalitiesthroughinterventionsin
economy,ignoringtherebytheprinciplesofmeritandknowledge.
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selvesandtherestoftheirimmediatesocialenvironment,soasto
enhancetheirownsignicanceandattractattention. Inthisrespect,
uravnilovka isasocialpressureaimingtosuppresstheindividuals
needtobebetterthantherestofthecommunity.However,itisnot
specicallydenedwhatisandwhatisnotboasting,orbywhat criteriatafra couldbedistinguishedfromregularpride(asapositive
self-evaluation)orfromalifestylethatdisregardspublicopinion.
Acommunaldiscourseonegalitarianismthatseekstosuppress
theexceptionalityoftheindividualcanbefoundindifferentculturesandgroups,bothinthoseheavilyindustrialisedandinthose
thatareregardedaseconomicallyunderdeveloped(bywestern
standards).AccordingtoBesniersaccountofthediscourse on egalitarianism amongtheNukulaelaepeople,22 forexample,thisdiscourseproclaimsthateveryoneisonthesamefootingandthatno
oneisentitledtohaveaccesstomoreresourcesthanothersorexert
anytypeofauthorityoverothers,thusleavinglittleroomforhierarchyandleadership.23 InthecaseoftheNukulaelae,thisdiscourse
involvesawidespreadbeliefthateveryoneisequal,butitalsoinvolvesgossipingaboutandridiculingthosewho,intheeyesofthe
community, attempt to posit themselves above the community.
Similarly,themajorityofmyrespondentsfromNoviPazaroppose
hierarchyinthelocalsociety(arija, Gemeinschaft)butdoapproveofitinthepoliticalsociety(Gesellschaft).24 Thelabeloftafra
throughgossipprimarilyseekstodenyahierarchicalstructurein
thelocalsociety,andtherebyservesasatooltoenforcecommunal
egalitarianism.
22 TheinhabitantsofaPolynesianisland,whoarepartoftheTuvalunation.
23 Besnier,2009,77.
24 IuseTnniesGemeinschaft andGesellschaft astermini technici only
toemphasisethecommunalunderstandingofthedifferencebetweenprimarysocietalandsecondarypoliticalties.
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prioritisethecommunityovertheindividual:rather,itclaims(at
leastaccordingtomyrespondents)thattheindividualiswatched
bythecommunityandnotallowedtobebetter thantheothercommunitymembers.
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Pazarandgivesthemasenseofcommonsociality.Thelocalsthemselveslabelthedisplayofostentatiousprideaspazarska tafra,
whichtheyseeasadistinctivefeatureofNoviPazarasacommunity.Thustheyunderstandtafra assomethingarisingfromtheir
localcondition,differentfromtherestofSerbia(andformerYugoslavia)andevenfromthesurroundingarea,whichisregarded
bymanyasculturallycognatetothelocalcultureofNoviPazar.
Suchviewsindicate,Iwouldargue,thattheawarenessof tafra
is constitutive of cultural intimacy in Michael Herzfelds terms.
Herzfelddenesculturalintimacyastherecognitionofthoseaspectsofaculturalidentitythatareconsideredasourceofexternal
embarrassmentbutthatneverthelessprovideinsiderswiththeirassuranceofcommonsociality.30 Herzfeldalsowritesthatculturalintimacydoesnotsimplymeancloseacquaintancewithaculturebut,
rather,thezoneofinternalknowledgewherebymembersofasociety
recogniseeachotherthroughtheirawsandfoibles.31 Thefactthat
anyonecouldbelabelledasatafradija isnotviewedbymyrespondentsassomethingtoapproveoforbeproudof,buttheydoseem
tondtafra afunny featureoftheNoviPazarcommunallife.
Thetafra awareness,asmyrespondentsanswersshow,stems
fromaconstantcollectiveinclinationofmanyindividualmembers
ofthecommunitytoevaluateand,assomeofmyrespondentssay,
mouldthemselvesinaccordancewiththedesirable,communally
approved model.Furthermore,itisinspiredbythefearofpossible
communaljokesaboutonesbehaviour(eithernegativeorpatronisinglypositive).Insuchacontext,thetafra labelfunctionsasa
performativeenforcingcommunalnormsabouttheappropriate
andinappropriate,desirableandundesirable.Atamoregeneral
30 Herzfeld,1997,3.
31 Herzfeld,2009,133.
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Just to show the people around that his car has an air conditioner.34
A Pazarac broke his wrist, and went to the doctors. After a thorough examination, the doctor says: We will need to apply a plaster cast. At this the Pazarac cries out: No, no, no way! Nothing
short of a marble cast for me!35
This is how a Pazarac threatens to embarrass his son for being a
sloppy high-school student: If you fail at school this year, I will
buy you a Volkswagen Golf, and then the whole community will
make fun of you!36
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thereisadifferenceandthesetwolabelscannotbeusedinterchangeably.Thekurenje labelisemployedbysomecommunity
memberstodismissordownplaythepublicposturingoftheNovi
Pazarnouveau riche, whoseacts,publicbehaviour,wealth,andfamilymemberslivesarethemesofextensivelocalgossip.39 IfthebehaviouroftheNoviPazarnouveau riche isassociatedwithhubris,
the tafra labelwillnotoccur,whereasthekurenje labelwillbeused
initsfullest meaning,i.e.todescribebehaviourandspeechthatinvolveovertself-assertivenessandvanity.40
Asmentionedabove,allmyrespondentsseeboastingasafeatureoftheNoviPazarmentality.Whenaskedwhythetownspeople
liketobragaboutthemselves,someansweredthatthisiswhowe
areorIdonotknow;however,morethan20answersrevolved
aroundtheoverallpositionofNoviPazarwithinthecurrentconstellationofpowerintheregion.InthecaseofNoviPazar,thecommunal awareness of living on the periphery, i.e. the view that
decisionsonourbehalfarebeingmadeelsewhere,hasinuenced
thetownspeoplesperceptionoftheirplaceinthesocialsystem,as
wellastheirperceptionofothersallegedorrealattemptstoovercometheirperipheralposition.
NoviPazarandthesurroundingareahadbeenunderdeveloped
formanycenturies.Socialistpost-WWIIregimebroughtindustrialisationandsomewhatraisedthestandardofliving.Still,thearea
remainedcomparativelyunderdeveloped,whichforcedmanypeo39 Greyeconomy,organisedcrime,corruptprivatisationsofformerpublic
enterprises,anddrugsmugglinghaveledtofastmoney-makingsincethe
early1990s.SomeresidentsfromNoviPazarhavegainedsubstantialwealth
throughcontroversialtradingandarrangementswiththegovernment.
40 Unlike tafra, kurenje asalabelcantaketheformsofaverbalnounand
ofaverb.Thereforeitisusedtodescribephenomenaaswellastoascribe
acertainactiontoanindividual.
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plefrombothethniccommunitiestoleaveandeithersettleinother
partsofformerYugoslaviaorgoabroad(toGermany,Switzerland,
etc.).Indeed,therelingersafeelinginbothcommunitiesthatthe
areaisstillbeingforgottenbytheauthoritiesofSerbia,orthatit
is used only for the purposes of political power struggles. The
Bosniaksfeelmarginalisedbecausetheyfeeldeprivedofdecisionmakingpowersovertheissueswhichconcernthem,whereasthe
Serbsfeelmarginalisedand minorised41 atthelevelsofbothtown
andstate,believingthemselvesforgottenbythestate.Asnoted
previously, the majority of both communities live close to the
povertylineandbelow,withmanypeoplelackingsteadyjobs.A
marginalisedposition,asoneofmyrespondentsclaims,drivespeopletobuildnarrativesaboutthemselvesand,conversely,drives
thecommunitytoscrutinisewhatotherpeopledoorthink.Another
respondent suggests that external prejudices have been internalised,whichmakespeoplelookforstrategiestosurpasstheirlowclassposition,butatthesametimeforcesthecommunitytopolice
thosewhothinktheyarebetterthantheothers.
Beingunderdevelopedand,onaverage,lesseducatedthanthe
inhabitantsoftheareasthesecommunitiesaspireto(Sarajevo,Belgradeetc.),bothSerbsandBosniakshavetofacestereotypesimposedfromtheoutside;itseems,however,thattheBosniaksare
subjecttostereotypingmoreoftenthantheSerbsare.Forexample,
theNoviPazarSerbsareusuallynotmentionedinjokesaboutthe
SandzakpeopleinBosniaandHerzegovina,42 whereastheNovi
PazarBosniaksallegedover-religiousness,corruptandprimitive
41 Duetoemigrationandlowerbirthrate,thenumberofSerbslivingin
NoviPazarisdecreasing.
42 ThereasonmaybethattheSerbsfromNoviPazarhavefarlessfamily
tieswithBosniaandHerzegovina,andthattherearefarfewerSerbsmigratingtoBosniathanviceversa.
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nature,peasantandredneckaccent,maamentality,etc.areoften
mockednotonlyinordinarydiscourse,butalsointheprintedand
electronicmedia.43 JokesabouttheNoviPazarSandaklije (seenin
mostcasesasBosniakMuslims)arefarlessprominentinBelgrade
andelsewhereinSerbia,whereasjokesabouttheSerbsfromNovi
Pazararealmostabsent.Thereasonisthat,unlikeSarajevo,therest
ofSerbiacreditstheNoviPazarresidentswithnoinuenceonpolitics,economy,orotheraspectsofsociallifeoutsidetheirhome
town.InBosnia,bycontrast,themediatreatmentofpeoplefromthis
areausuallyrevolvesaroundtheirallegedpoliticalconnectionsand
wealth,whichproducestheimageofatribalkindofpeople,controllingthetownpolitics,economyandcrime.
Allmyrespondentsareawareofthestereotypesandprejudices
outsiders mightharbouragainstthepeoplefromNoviPazar,and
almostallofthemareabletolaughatthesestereotypeswithout
beingseriouslyoffended.Theresponsesbymostofmyintervieweesindicatethatthestereotypescomingfromtheoutsideareto
acertaindegreeinternalised.However,mySerbianrespondents
feelthatthestereotypingcomingfromBosniaandHerzegovina
hasnothingtodowiththembutwiththeirBosniakneighbours
43 IlivedandworkedinSarajevofrom2003to2006.EventhoughInever
experienceddiscriminationbasedonmyethnicbackground(Serbian),I
didwitnessmanyprejudicestowardstheSandaklije,whowere,inthe
viewofmyinterlocutors,usuallyperceivedasMuslimBosniaks(theSerbs
fromNoviPazarwerenotseenasSandaklije).Theprevailingviewwas
thattheresidentsofNoviPazarandthesurroundingareawerepatriarchal,
tribal,corrupt,andpoliticallyverywellconnected.Suchviewsareshared
bysomecitizensofSarajevo,regardlessoftheirownethnicbackground.
Interestingly,evenafewBosniakfriendsofmineweresurprisedthatthere
shouldbeSerbslivinginNoviPazar,andoneofthemaskedme:How
doesitfeellivingwiththose peoplethere?WhenIasked:Whatpeople?,
shesaid:Well,theSandaklije.
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Conclusion
Onthesurface,boastingisconsideredinappropriatebehaviourin
NoviPazar.Ontheotherhand,themajority(morethan80%)ofmy
respondentsclaimthatweliketoshowoff,welikeitthatother
peopleseeoursuccess,here,welikeotherpeopletotalkabout
us,eventhougheveryonedeniesit.AsIsuggestedabove,myrespondentsanswersabouttafra tellthatlabellingsomeoneasa
tafradija islinkedtothecommunalstrategiesofpolicingother
peoplesbehaviour.Thiscomesfromthecommunallyenforceddiscoursesonegalitarianism,accordingtowhicheveryonelivingon
theperipheryisequal,orrather,nooneisbetterthantheothers.
Ontheotherhand,mostofmyrespondentsclaimthattafra, asa
wayofactingaswellasgossipingaboutit, issomethingthatbelongstothepeoplefromNoviPazarsince,asoneoftheintervieweesputsit,weliketoshowoff.Therefore,eventhough tafra as
alabelisseenbymyrespondentsasasourceofembarrassment
(bothinternalandexternal),italsogivesasenseofcommonsocialitytotheNoviPazarresidents.Beinglabelledasatafradija
isnotdesirable,butifthelabelshouldstick,itwillmostlikelynot
causeresentmentbecausebeingatafradija doesnotentailbeing
abadperson.Tosumup,thetafra labelfunctionsasanambivalent
regulatory mechanism: a mechanism of conrming sociality
amongtheNoviPazarresidents,andasaperformativeaninteractionalwayofconstitutingmeaningsandarmingindividual
andculturalvalues.
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