Getting To Peace

GETTING TO PEACE
GETTING TO PEACE
GPH-MILF PEACE NEGOTIATIONS
Opening Statements, 20112014
GPH Panel Secretariat

Editor
Getting to Peace: GPH-MILF Peace Negotiations

Opening Statements, 20112014
Copyright Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process, 2015.
Published and exclusively distributed by the
Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process
Agustin 1 Bldg.
F. Ortigas Jr. Rd., Ortigas Center
Pasig City, Philippines
Telephones: (+632) 636-0701 to 06
Fax: (+632) 638-2216
Website: www.opapp.gov.ph
Contents
xi
Message by PAPP Secretary Teresita Quintos-Deles
xiii
Message by MILF Chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim
xvii
Foreword by Director Iona Gracia D. Jalijali
xix
List of Acronyms
xxiii
List of Sidenotes
PART I
Opening Statements of the GPH and MILF Panel Chairs
20th Formal Exploratory Talks (910 February 2011)
GPH Panel Chair Leonen
10
MILF Panel Chair Iqbal
13
21st Formal Exploratory Talks (2728 April 2011)
15
20
25
22nd Formal Exploratory Talks (2223 August 2011)
27
32
37
23rd Formal Exploratory Talks (57 December 2011)
39
43
vi
47
49
52
57
59
63
67
69
73
77
79
85
93
95
100
103
105
108
113
115
118
121
123
126
129
131
134
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GETTING TO PEACE
24th Formal Exploratory Talks (911 January 2012)


26th Formal Exploratory Talks (1921 March 2012)

27th Formal Exploratory Talks (24 April 2012)

28th Formal Exploratory Talks (2830 May 2012)

29th Formal Exploratory Talks (1618 July 2012)

30th Formal Exploratory Talks (711 August 2012)

31st Formal Exploratory Talks (58 September 2012)

32nd Formal Exploratory Talks (27 October 2012)

33rd Formal Exploratory Talks (1217 November 2012)
139
141
Contents
143
145
151
155
157
160
163
165
169
173
175
177
181
183
187
193
195
199
203
205
211
215
217
222
227
229
235
239
vii
34th Formal Exploratory Talks (1215 December 2012)
GPH Panel Chair Coronel Ferrer

35th Formal Exploratory Talks (2125 January 2013)


37th Formal Exploratory Talks (811 April 2013)

38th Formal Exploratory Talks (813 July 2013)

39th Formal Exploratory Talks (2225 August 2013)

40th Formal Exploratory Talks (1020 September 2013)

41st Formal Exploratory Talks (813 October 2013)

42nd Formal Exploratory Talks (48 December 2013)

43rd Formal Exploratory Talks (2226 January 2014)
241
246
viii
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GETTING TO PEACE
PART II
Other Statements in the GPH-MILF Peace Process
251
GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen on the Facilitation

and Other MILF Issues (3 January 2011)
252
GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen on the Informal Talks

with the MILF (13 January 2011)
253
GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen in Relation to

Reported Split in MILF Ranks (6 February 2011)
254
GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen Regarding the

Upcoming MILF Public Consultations (4 March 2011)
255
GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen on the Rescue of the

Kidnapped Filipino-Chinese Trader in Maguindanao
(24 May 2011)
257
GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen on the Meeting of

President Benigno S. Aquino III and MILF Chair Al Haj
Murad Ibrahim in Japan (5 August 2011)
259
GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen on the Issue of

Popularity vs. Peace (15 August 2011)
260
GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen on the Filing of a

Protest on the Basilan Incident from the WESMINCOM
(20 October 2011)
262
Christmas Message of GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel

Ferrer (24 December 2012)
263
New Years Message of GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam

Coronel Ferrer (1 January 2013)
265
GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer on the

Appointment of Members of the Bangsamoro Transition
Commission (25 February 2013)
267
Ceremonial Opening of the Bangsamoro Transition
Commission (3 April 2013)
269
Opening Statement of MILF Panel Chair and BTC Chair

Mohagher Iqbal
Contents
274
277
ix
Closing Remarks of GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel

Ferrer
Protested Arrest of Four Alleged MILF Members
(13 June 2013)
279
GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer on the Recent

Bombing Incidents in Mindanao (6 August 2013)
280
Joint Press Statement of the GPH and MILF Peace Panels on

the Violence in Zamboanga City (10 September 2013)
281

Zamboanga Crisis (19 September 2013)
284
Comments by GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer

on the SWS June 2013 Survey on the GPH-MILF Talks
(1 October 2013)
286
Message of GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer

on the Observance of Eidl Adha (15 October 2013)
287
GPH Peace Negotiating Panel on the Death of Sultan Jamalul

Kiram III (22 October 2013)
288
Joint Solidarity Statement of the GPH and MILF Peace

Negotiating Panels on the Aftermath of Typhoon Yolanda
(16 November 2013)
289
End-of-Year Statement of the GPH Peace Negotiating Panel

(24 December 2013)
291
GPH Peace Negotiating Panel on the Appointment of

Cotabato Archbishop Orlando B. Quevedo as Cardinal
by Pope Francis (15 January 2014)
292

Ongoing Military Operations against the BIFF
(30 January 2014)
294
GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer on the Release

of MILF Commander Wahid Tundok (26 February
2014)
GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer at the Press
Briefing in Malacaan (25 March 2014)
295
GETTING TO PEACE
299
GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer on the Press

Release of Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago on the
Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (2 April
2014)
300
GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer, Easter Press

Release (19 April 2014)
303
Timeline of the GPH -MIL F Peace Process
313
Photo Gallery
339 Appendices
341
List of GPH Panel Members
345
MILF Panel Members
347
List of GPH Technical Working Group Members
349
List of MILF Technical Working Group Members
351
List of GPH Panel Secretariat Members
353
List of MILF Panel Secretariat Members
354
List of International Contact Group Members
357
List of Malaysian Facilitators
359 Index
Message
Secretary Teresita Quintos-Deles
Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process
hen faced with war, according to philosopher Albert Camus, the only
honorable choice is to gamble everything on the belief that, in the end,
words will prove stronger than bullets.
This gamble best defines what this book is and what it stands for. This
collection of speechesof wordsis enduring proof and reminder of how we,
as a nation, made this gamble based on our faith in the power of words and
dialogue over bullets and war. This volume is a tribute to the women and men,
tireless in their leadership in the pursuit of peace, who have proven that we
have gambled correctly, and that our faith has not been misplaced. You will find
some of them in the pages of this volume, and this is a monument, however
small, to their efforts. We cannot thank them enough for their leadership in
such difficult times, but make no mistake: this book is not just their story.
Instead, this is the story of the countless women and men who are equally
tireless in their pursuit of peace but remain faceless and unsungthough no
less important. They are the ordinary Filipinos who understand that peace is
a collective responsibility. They are the ordinary Filipinos who care enough for
the peace process to let it prosper and thrive even in the face of great doubt
and seeming impossibility. They are the ordinary Filipinos who are willing
to work and to sacrifice in the name of peace and who now stand to share in
reaping its rewards.
They may be unsung, but this is their story. This is their triumph. This
is their monument.
These speeches, these words, capture theirourcollective aspiration
for peace. These speeches are not just markers of the many milestones in our
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GETTING TO PEACE
peace process; more than that, these words serve as a reminder that, once, the
Filipino finally had the courage to say: no more war.
More than that, these words show everything that is beautiful, everything
that is admirable, everything that is noble in the Filipino.
More than that, these words showcase the triumph of the Filipino spiritof
the human spiritover division, over conflict, over war. And this volume is the
story, the triumph, the monument to the millions of Filipinos who embody
this spirit and constitute living and breathing proof that, indeed, words are
infinitely stronger than bullets.
Message
Chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim
Moro Islamic Liberation Front
t is not unbeknownst to many that I joined the late Amirul Mujahideen

Ustadz Salamat Hashim, may Allah Subhanahu wa Taala accept his sacrifices
when he established the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in 1981. For
twenty-four years, I served as MILF Vice Chairman for Military Affairs and
Military Chief of the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces (BIAF) until the
untimely demise of our great founder and leader in 2003.
For more than two years, from 2001 to 2003, I headed the MILF Peace
Negotiating Panel as we engaged with the Government of the Philippines
(GPH) towards the road to peace and development for our Bangsamoro
Homeland.
The more than seventeen years of negotiation that led the parties to
forge an acceptable political settlement transformed the way we deal with
issues and concerns that are tremendously affecting every aspect of the lives
of the Bangsamoro people. Ironically, it took seventeen years for the nation to
acknowledge that the Bangsamoro is living in an environment of inequality.
Now, most are aware of this tremendous injustice that exists within the country
and our societies, an inequality brought about by a dominance system of
relationships among those involved.
Within the short span of time from when the Framework Agreement
on the Bangsamoro (FAB) was forged in Malacaang on October 15, 2012,
and on March 27, 2014, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro
(CAB) was also signed in Malacaang, concluding the formal negotiation
between the GPH and MILF, we have managed to get the needed traction to
speed up the implementation of the parties joint initiatives. Against all
odds, we stood by
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GETTING TO PEACE
our vision, while adhering to basic approaches to development planning, drawn

up in the context of the principles ofdevelopment, self-reliance, inclusiveness,
unity, and most importantly, peace-building.
Admittedly, it had not been as smooth along the way. The peace process
was beset by breakdowns of talks at some point, but our quest to end the
decades-long conflict, fighting, and tension in Mindanao prevailed over the
seemingly opposing actors and spectators who wanted the parties to abort the
peace talks. We are fully aware that detractors, spoilers, and naysayers want to
see this peace deal collapse in acrimony.
The gravity of the issues related to the peace process should not diminish
the worth of the effort toward building real and lasting peace. Despite the
unpredictable criticisms and interim reception to the proposed Bangsamoro
Basic Law (BBL), the MILF strongly reiterates its deep commitment and
unending passion to seek genuine and lasting peace in Mindanao with a
consuming priority. The MILF continuously pursues all avenues to secure
the future of the Bangsamoro with a strong desire to achieve genuine right to
self-determination and solving the Bangsamoro Question.
Most importantly, it may be worth emphasizing that ultimately and
regardless of the circumstances, the Bangsamoro peoples story is worth
immortalizing in writing and retold to generations to come. It provides a
tangible backdrop for relevant journalism pieces that continuously entices
interests, both locally and internationally.
The opening remarks and statements included in this compilation reflect
the sincerest thoughts, ideas, and messages that are organized to establish
proper perspectives under the framework of peace and nation-building. They
were made with the understanding that there is a need to connect to other
people, such as our esteemed counterparts in the Philippine Government,
and other events.
I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to the Office of the
Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP) for cementing full support
and collaboration on our efforts toward peace and development by espousing
and championing the idea of this collection and by remarkably bringing it
to life. The profound impact of this initiative is beyond measure. Compiling
the statements of the movers and shakers of the peace process illuminates the
thinking behind the work of those involved and allows the readers to reflect
on their own experiences.
Message
xv
Again, my grandest commendation and appreciation go out to the people

behind this great initiative. It is, indeed, an honor to be able to contribute
another chunk of my thoughts by sharing this short message as a prelude to
this special compilation.
It is my fervent hope that this collection will provide some instructive and
emotive power of experiencing the real state of the Bangsamoro.
Finally, I encourage you to read, learn from, and share your ideas about
this book to others. Thank you and Wassalam.
Foreword
Iona D. Jalijali
Head, GPH Peace Panel Secretariat
ords are the building blocks of the work we do in the peace process. They
are the tools of the trade. With words, we trade positions, formulate
agreements, and compel commitment. The language of peace is defined by the
words we ink; its final form, a reflection of the words we choose.
On March 2, 2014, the world celebrated as it witnessed the signing of the
Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro. The agreement was hailed
as the most significant peace agreement in the world since the
Comprehensive Peace Accord between the Government of Nepal and the
Unified Communist Party of Nepal in 2006.1 Indeed, it is a historic
achievementthe culmination of nineteen years of complex and difficult
negotiations. Mere words, one might say, but words that somehow have
given the Bangsamoro and the rest of the Filipino people hope for restoring
peaceThis
andachievement
building prosperity
in Mindanao.
was by no
means reached easily. The negotiations went
through many ups and downs, but were sustained by a shared commitment to
find a political and peaceful solution to the armed conflict in Mindanao. his
shared commitment was particularly evident during the Aquino administration.
How this commitment was built is a story that should be told.
It is thus in this spirit that the opening statements of the chairpersons of
the peace panels are collated and presented. With these words, we hope to
provide a deeper understanding of the process and dispel some of the enigma
which seems to shroud the peace talks.
1
Kristian Herbolzheimer, Peace in Times of War, accessed at http://www.huffingtonpost.

co.uk/kristian-herbolzheimer/peace-in-times-of-war_b_4678938.html on January 28, 2014.
xvii
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GETTING TO PEACE
These statements, these words, give the reader a glimpse into the parties
respective points of view coming into each round of talks. They provide a
narrative that describes the developments in the negotiations in a contextualized
and nuanced manner. They set the tone for each meeting and expose how
mindful the negotiators were of actual developments on the ground and the
demands made by stakeholders.
These words tell the story of how the confidence was built between the
two parties turning them from opponents to partners. They will show how
trust became our currency, the thing that made things possible, and how the
power of the possible cannot be underestimated in principled negotiation where
solutions and compromises are not always readily available.
This compilation was prepared by the GPH Peace Panel Secretariat in the
hope of capturing the dedication of both panels and their respective support
staff towards finding those solutions and compromises to the Bangsamoro
Question. Through this volume, we tell the story of how we got to Yes,
despite the many Nos and Maybes along the way, in the hope that this will
help us find our way through the many challenges that we continue to face.
By no means are we done with the work, but with these words, may we
be offered a chance to look back and reflect on the challenges overcome in the
process, and be inspired to carry on.
Acknowledgments
Special thanks go out to Ms. Farrah Grace Naparan, Mr. Mark Sherwin
Bayanito, and Ms. Leila Halud and the staff of the GPH Panel Secretariat
for their work on completing the manuscript for this book. We also thank
our counterparts in the MILF Peace Panel Secretariat, in particular Mr. Jun
Mantawil and Engr. Mohajirin Ali for their inputs. Cover design was done
by Joser Dumbrique and Daryl Lasala, with inputs of Hubert Fucio. Unless
otherwise indicated, photos were taken from the archives of the GPH Panel
Secretariat and the OPAPP Communications Team. Lastly, we thank DFATAustralia which provided funding support for its printing and publication.
List of Acronyms
AFP
Armed Forces of the Philippines
AHJAG
Ad Hoc Joint Action Group
APEC
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
ARMM
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao
BBL
Bangsamoro Basic Law
BIAF
Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces
BIFF
Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters
BIFM
Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Movement
BLMI
Bangsamoro Leadership and Management Institute
BTA
Bangsamoro Transition Authority
BTC
Bangsamoro Transition Commission
CAB
Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro
CCCH
Coordinating Committee on the Cessation of Hostilities
CHD
Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue
CNI
Commission on National Integration
CR
Conciliation Resources
CSCE
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe
CSO
Civil society organization
DENR
Department of Environment and Natural Resources
DILG
Department of Interior and Local Government
DOJ
Department of Justice
EDSA
Epifanio delos Santos Avenue

xix
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GETTING TO PEACE
EU
European Union
FAB
Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro
FASTRAC
Facility for Advisory Support for Transition Capacities
FPA
Final Peace Agreement (between the GRP-MNLF)
GPH
Government of the Philippines
GPNP-MILF
Government Peace Negotiating Panel for Talks with the

GRP
Government of the Republic of the Philippines (same as

GPH)
GZOPI
Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute
IB
Infantry Brigade
ICG
International Contact Group
ICP
Independent Commission on Policing
IDB
Independent Decommissioning Body
IED
Improvised explosive device
IGR
Intergovernmental relations
IHH
nsan Hak ve Hrriyetleri ve nsani Yardm Vakf or

The Foundation for Human Rights and Freedom and
Humanitarian Relief
IMT
International Monitoring Team
INGO
International nongovernmental organization
IP
Indigenous people
JICA
Japan International Cooperation Agency
JNC
Joint Normalization Committee
LMT
Local Monitoring Team
MOA-AD
Memorandum of Agreement on the Ancestral Domain

Aspect of the GRP-MILF Tripoli Agreement on Peace
of 2001
MILF
MINHRAC
Mindanao Human Rights Action Center
MNLF
Moro National Liberation Front
List of Acronyms
xxi
MPC
Mindanao Peoples Caucus
MSU
Mindanao State University
NCMF
National Commission on Muslim Filipinos
NEDA
National Economic and Development Authority
NGO
Nongovernmental organization
NPE
New political entity
OIC
Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (formerly

Organisation of the Islamic Conference)
OIC-PCSP
Organisation of Islamic CooperationPeace Committee

in Southern Philippines
OPAPP
Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process
PCBL
Philippine Campaign to Ban Landmines
PNP
Philippine National Police
SMS
Short message service
SPCPD
Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development
SWAG
Special Warfare Group (of the Philippine Navy)
SWS
Social Weather Stations
TAM
Transitional Arrangements and Modalities
TPMT
Third Party Monitoring Team
TOR
Terms of Reference
TWG
Technical Working Group
UK
United Kingdom
UN ECOSOC
United Nations Economic and Social Council
UP
University of the Philippines
List of Sidenotes
6
Resumption of Formal Exploratory Talks
Memorandum of Instructions to the Newly Formed GPH Peace Panel
Declaration of Continuity for GRP-MILF Peace Negotiations
Mandate and Composition of the International Monitoring Team

(IMT)
Mandate of the Ad Hoc Joint Action Group (AHJAG)
11
Resignation of Commander Ameril Umbra Kato from MILF
11
Mandate and Composition of the International Contact Group (ICG)
19
Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) and Bangsamoro Islamic

Armed Forces (BIAF)
28
Meeting of President Benigno S. Aquino III and MILF Chair Al Haj

Murad Ebrahim on 4 August 2011 in Japan
29
Inauguration of the Bangsamoro Leadership and Management

Institute (BLMI)
30
Definition of Rido
31
GPH 3-for-1 Proposal
35
MILF rejection of the GPH 3-for-1 proposal
40
Al-Barka Incident of 18 October 2011
44
Firefight in Payao on 15 October 2011
50
Mayor Ramon Piang Sr., Dr. Hamid Barra, and Usec. Yasmin BusranLao in the GPH Panel
54
11-point Basic Issues and Concerns
xxiii
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GETTING TO PEACE
60
Republic Act No. 10153, ARMM Reg. Gov. Mujiv Hataman, and
the Transition Investment Support Plan (TISP)
65
Implementing Guidelines of the Joint Communiqu of 6 May 2002
80
TAF-SWS Survey on 36 November 2011
86
Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)
86
Military Incursions in the Spratlys Islands in 2011
91
April 2012 Decision Points on Principles
96
Death of Aleem Abdul Aziz Mimbantas
101
Seven-Year Transition Period in the Revised Comprehensive Compact

submitted by the MILF
106
Bangsamoro Peoples Assembly on 69 July 2012
116
Coordinating Committee on the Cessation of Hostilities (CCCH)
119
Talks during Ramadan
120
Formation of Technical Working Groups (TWGs)
124
Death of DILG Sec. Jesse Robredo
132
Signing of the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB)
135
Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) and its Heightened

Presence and Activities
142
Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer as First Woman Chief Negotiator in

GPH-MILF Peace Talks
147
Membership of NCMF Sec. Mehol Sadain to the GPH Panel
152
Executive Order No. 120 and the Establishment of the Bangsamoro

Transition Commission
166
Launch of Sajahatra Bangsamoro on 11 February 2013
167
Appointment of Members to the Bangsamoro Transition Commission

(BTC)
168
Signing of the Terms of Reference (TOR) for the Independent

Commission on Policing (ICP) and Annex on Transitional
Arrangements and Modalities (TAM)
171
Sabah Standoff of February 2013
176
Signing of the Terms of Reference (TOR) for Sajahatra Bangsamoro
List of Sidenotes
xxv
179
Signing of the Guidelines for Mutual Understanding for CeasefireRelated Functions for the May 2013 elections
184
First Organizational Meeting of the Third Party Monitoring Team

(TPMT)
185
The Foundation for Human Rights and Freedom and Humanitarian

Relief
188
2013 Oslo Forum
190
Signing of the Annex on Revenue Generation and Wealth Sharing
196
Nomination of Dr. Steven Rood to the TPMT and Membership of

the Community of SantEgidio to the ICG
200
Meeting of TWGs on Power Sharing and Normalization prior to the

39th Formal Exploratory Talks
206
Zamboanga Siege of September 2013
209
Mandate and Composition of the Independent Commission on

Policing (ICP)
230
Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles, Sec. Edwin Lacierda, and ARMM Reg.

Gov. Mujiv Hataman in the GPH Delegation during the 42nd Formal
Exploratory Talks
232
Wilton Park Conference on 2527 November 2013
237
Launch and Functions of the Facility for Advisory Support to

Transition Capacities (FASTRAC)
238
Signing of the Annex on Power Sharing
242
Members of the MILF Central Committee attend the 43rd Formal

Exploratory Talks
243
Legislators and Other Observers in the 43rd Formal Exploratory Talks
247
Signing of the Annex on Normalization and the Addendum on

Bangsamoro Waters and Zones of Joint Cooperation
248
43rd Formal Exploratory Talks as the Session Most-Covered by Media
270
Ceremonial Opening of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission

(BTC) on 3 April 2013
276
Fifteen Members of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission (BTC)
293
Operation Darkhorse in JanuaryFebruary 2014
Part I
Opening Statements
of the GPH and MILF Peace Panel Chairs
20th
GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

910 February 2011
Previous page:
GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen (left) and MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal (right) signed the
joint statement at the conclusion of the GPH-MILF peace talks resumption, as witnessed by Malaysian
Facilitator Datuk Othman bin Abd Razak (center). The 20th Formal Exploratory Talks, held in Kuala
Lumpur, Malaysia, began on 9 February 2011 and ended on 10 February 2011.
Opening Statement of
GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen
Wednesday, 9 February 2011
steemed colleagues from the Moro Islamic Liberation Front led by the
Chair of its Peace Panel the Honorable Mohagher Iqbal, Honorable Datuk
Othman bin Abdul Razak, members of the International Contact Group, fellow
colleagues committed to a just and lasting peace.
I bring warm greetings of peace from His Excellency Benigno Simeon
Aquino III and his entire cabinet.
It is indeed an honor to be where we are right now: at a conjuncture where
together we can define how social and historical injustice can be addressed and
definitively bring comprehensive and lasting peace in our lands. Any other
alternative is less acceptable. All of us present today know that we do not want
to waste our collective efforts and bury them in the banality of yet another
set of talks that only aspire for peace and nothing else. We come to work with
you to bring just peace, not simply aspire for it.
We negotiate for just peace because we know that it is possible from
where we stand. We negotiate for peace because we know that we mutually
have more serious enemies to face: poverty in an era of potential prosperity,
powerlessness in an age where only mutual cooperation can help us hurdle
ecological challenges of potentially catastrophic proportions, ignorance in the
midst of tremendous intellectual and technological possibilities.
For these reasons, and on behalf of our principals we are resuming talks
with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. To us, this is the twentieth formal
exploratory meeting of the parties. We stand by the state of the current
agreements with the text qualified by the interpretations made in formal
remarks made by chairs of the various government panels. We also state for the
record that the GPH panel is just a change of nomenclature. GRP and GPH
are one and the same. But this GPH is now under a new administration better
enlightened by our evaluation of the past. How this new administration deals
with the peace process will be evident as we proceed. But just so it is clear, we
have no intention to derogate past signed agreements.
5
Formal exploratory
talks between the
Government of the
Philippines (GPH)
under President
Benigno S. Aquino III
and the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front
resumed in February
2011, preceded by an
informal meeting on 20
January.
GETTING TO PEACE
I am honored to be in the company of a very competent

panel of negotiators. Professor Miriam Coronel Ferrer, a
colleague at the University of the Philippines, is known to you
not only through her writings but also in her commitment
to issues relevant to our mission. Former Secretary Senen
Bacani has served honorably as part of the cabinet and has also
proven himself as both organizer and entrepreneur working
with various peoples in Mindanao. Vice-Mayor Ramon Piang
is not only Teduray; he is a leader among local government
officials in Mindanao.
None of us have any national political ambitions. None
of us want to prolong our duties. All of us want to do simply
what is right. We believe we were chosen by President Aquino
precisely because of these and much more.
Our panel benefits from advice of an esteemed consultant
to our panel, Dr. Hamid Barra. Dr. Barra has served with
the ARMM, became intimately engaged in its problems. He
is Maranao and a well-respected scholar in Islamic Law and
Jurisprudence.
Johaira Wahab leads our standing legal team. She is
Maguindanaon, lived her youth in Cotabato City, and
finished her law degree at the University of the Philippines.
She remains involved in many Muslim womens issues. This
legal team includes two lawyers from the Solicitor Generals
office, Ms. Armi Bayot and Mr. Omar Romero; apart from
their experience at their office, both share in the distinction
of also being graduates of the UP College of Law. Abdel
Disangcopan, also from the UP Law is Maranao and from
Iligan. Needless to say, because of my academic position, we
have access to the best legal minds that our country can offer.
The head of our secretariat is Director Iona Jalijali. She
has worked in the legislature, participated in many public
interest campaigns, and worked with various formations of
civil society. The secretariat of the GPH panel for this round
of talks includes Mr. Wendell Orbeso, Ms. Bianca Bacani,
Ms. Sabrina Poon, Mr. Lloyd Yales, and our media consultant,
Director Polly Cunanan.
GPH Panel Chair Leonen | 20th GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks
We have restructured our staff to also include a senior

military adviser who is in active service. Today this is General
Restituto Aguilar. We have also brought with us for this
round of talks, a critical military officer who heads the
secretariat of our CCCH. His contribution to maintaining
the ceasefire need not be emphasized. He knows your ground
commanders. He is also known to them.
In this round of talks we have on stand by, a representative
from the highest echelon of the armed forces as well as one of
our most responsible officers on the ground. Both answer to
our panel. I report to you that the various officers assigned to
the various components of our ceasefire mechanisms and the
AHJAG are among the best in their fields. All are respected
soldiers. In this administration and at this time, we speak
with one voice with the primacy of the peace process being
dominant.
We agree with the Honorable Mohagher Iqbal, writing
under his other pseudonym Salah Jubair, that at this table
the principal question is: how do we solve the Bangsamoro
problem? We may represent principals with other fundamental
and principled differences, but we see our role in this table as
finding our common ground in practical details inspired by
principles. We propose that we be haunted by whether the
options we debate here can truly make a present difference
for our peoples and provide them with the best opportunities
to shape their own future. We do not propose that we do not
mention the abstract contextualizations of our proposals, just
that we retain a healthy impatience for too much of it. This
healthy impatience should be driven by the urgency of our
desire to bring prosperity, justice, and ecological sustainability.
Our instructions include that we learn from our history,
general history as well as the history of our negotiations.
Hence, we have been instructed to be inclusive, be
participative and as far as the ethics of these negotiations will
allow, be transparent. We are to commit that which can be
politically deliverable. We will discharge these responsibilities
diligently.
On 7 October 2010,
President Benigno
S. Aquino III issued
a Memorandum
of Instructions to
the newly formed
Government Peace
Negotiating Panel for
Talks with the Moro
Islamic Liberation
Front (GPNP-MILF),
laying out concrete
guidelines in the
conduct of peace
negotiations:
1. The 1987
Constitution, inclusive
of the flexibilities
within its provisions;
2. Experiences and
lessons learned from
past negotiations and
with the Moro National
Liberation Front, as
well as that with the
ARMM;
3. Governments
ability to deliver
commitments made
and agreed upon; and
4. Inclusiveness and
transparency, with
the sentiment of the
general public to be
considered as far as
practicable.
The Declaration of
Continuity for peace
negotiation between the
GRP and the MILF was
signed on 3 June 2010
by then-GRP Panel Chair
former Amb. Rafael E.
Seguis and MILF Panel
Chair Mohagher Iqbal.
The declaration laid out
consensus points on
an Interim Agreement
towards a Comprehensive
Compact.
The International
Monitoring Team
(IMT), established
in October 2004, is
mandated to monitor
the implementation
of the Agreement on
Peace between the
GPH and the MILF on
22 June 2001 and its
Implementing Guidelines
on the Humanitarian,
Rehabilitation, and
Development Aspects
of 7 May 2002 (Tripoli
Agreement) and the
Agreement on the Civilian
Protection Component
(CPC) of the IMT of 27
October 2009.
The IMT is divided into
four main components,
namely: the Security
Component; Humanitarian,
Rehabilitation, and
Development Component
(HRDC); the SocioEconomic Assistance
(SEA) Component; and
the Civilian Protection
Component (CPC).
The IMT is composed
of civilian and military
monitors from Malaysia
(which serves as Head of
Mission), Brunei, Japan,
Indonesia, Norway, and
the European Union.
GETTING TO PEACE
As a step towards transparency for our constituents,

we submit to you for your consideration and as a proposed
agenda for the next formal meeting our draft to articulate
the current modalities of our negotiations. We have worked
on the 1999 Agreement on the Rules for the Conduct of
Formal Peace Talks to reflect current practices including all its
flexibilities. For the next meeting we propose that we consider
the creation of a technical working group from our panels so
that work on this important procedural agenda item does not
detract us from the process leading to substantive agreements.
Contrary to some statements, it has never been our
intention to use this need to articulate in writing the process
of our negotiation as a delaying tactic. We felt that those
statements were unfair and taken out of context. Rather, to
us it is an important component of regaining the trust of a
significant segment of our constituency in these processes.
Again, I reiterate, we propose a technical working group to
work on this and report to the panel so that there will be no
delays in our coming to a negotiated settlement at the soonest
possible time. The technical working group may consider
this draft or perhaps even work on other formulations for
so long as they ably reflect mutually agreed upon procedures
enlightened by experience.
At this meeting, we will move for the extension of the
mandates of the International Monitoring Team and the
AHJAG for another year. One year to us is a reasonable
time period within which we may be able to expect to shape
fundamental agreements inspired by our past experiences,
driven by contemporary needs and hopeful of our future.
At this meeting, we will work with you to clarify the
situation of the Bangsamoro Leadership and Management
Institute, and define a way to jump start it so that it can
become a reality.
Most importantly, we will be very open to receive
the revised draft of your Comprehensive Compact as a
document that can help us clarify your positions so that we
can evaluate our own. We know that by doing so, we are
skipping the last few documents deliberated on the table
by the past administration in their effort to find an interim

agreement. We are inspired by the common statement in the
Declaration of Continuity referring to openness in exploring
new modalities to reach substantive agreements.
We accept your proposal that we move the period for
clarification to the next meeting. We however intend to
offer for discussion our explanation of the parameters of that
period for clarification or what is termed as questions and
answers in the current agenda. Needless to say, the form and
substance of the proposals submitted at this table by the past
administration is seriously being reconsidered.
In this meeting, we hope to be able to get a clearer
understanding of the situation of Commander Ustadz Ameril
Umbra Kato and the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters
(BIFF). We bring with us questions from our principals.
We are concerned that this development may endanger our
ceasefire mechanisms. We hope that the clarifications we
receive in this formal meeting can help us allay the serious
and legitimate fears of many of those who we now represent.
I close these first remarks by saying that meaningful
freedoms can only be won with courage. For this forum
courage entails that we can keep our minds and hearts open
so that we can shape practical, viable, and sustainable options
that our principals and constituents can consider that will
truly honor the many sufferings that our historical conflict
has caused. I hope that all of us share in this ideal.
Thank you and good morning.
The Ad Hoc Joint

Action Group
(AHJAG), initially
formed in May 2002,
was reactivated in
this round of talks. It
is composed of four
members each from
the GPH and the MILF.
The AHJAG is
tasked to facilitate
coordination
between the GPH
and MILF forces
during the conduct
of military or police
operation to effect
the apprehension and
arrest of suspected
criminal elements or
syndicates within or
near conflict-affected
communities or areas.
Every Step Brings Us Closer to Our

Destination
MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal
oday, we are in the formal exploratory mode of the negotiation in our

continuing journey of peace towards the signing of the negotiated political
settlement of the Moro Question on the basis of the Bangsamoro peoples right
to self-determination and freedom. While the exact time to destination cannot
be determined right now, every step we take now is bringing us closer to it.
After all, what is left for the Parties to deliberate is the final agenda of the peace
talks (i.e., the Comprehensive Compact). As what I said during the clearing
the air informal meeting on January 13, a one-year time frame is good enough
for the Parties to wind up the discussion and sign the document. I am happy
to note that my honorable counterpart from the Philippine government, Dean
Marvic Leonen, shared this optimism when he said during his press conference
at the University of the Philippines the other day, and I quote:
In our view as his [President Benigno S. Aquino III] panel, we think
that if the MILF remains sincere and is open to being pragmatic but at
the same time principled in their stance, one year is a reasonable period to
come to a fundamental agreement on a politically negotiated settlement.
I take exception to the misimpression by some quarters that the MILF is

very anxious to start the negotiation immediately, imputing, without necessarily
stating, that we want to start it for reasons beyond the need to really address
the legitimate grievances of our people. If there is urgency on our part to
engage immediately, it is because we are fully aware of the situation in the
field and the presence of so many powerful and well-entrenched spoilers of
the peace process both in Manila and Mindanao. On the part of the MILF,
we have problems. Ustadz Umbra Kato is one of those problems, but the
10
MILF Panel Chair Iqbal | 20th GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

11
MILF leadership is still hopeful that we can manage and

solve this problem; otherwise, we will tell the government,
the facilitator, and the international community that he has
already burned his bridges with the MILF: he is not one of
us; he is not with the MILF.
However, to be frank with all of you here, Kato is indeed
a problem, I repeat, but if we are truthful to ourselves and to
the facts surrounding why he had been a problem is because
of the betrayal of the previous administration (not its peace
panel) in not signing the Memorandum of Agreement of
Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) on 5 August 2008. Kato is
one of our commanders who does not believe in negotiation,
but we managed to let him toe the line for so long, until the
present Philippine dispensation came into power. Ramadan
passed, the month of October passed, November passed,
December passed, but it was only on 13 January when the
two peace panels finally met. This is not to blame anyone,
but I am just highlighting here that these delays are giving
him more ammunition to prove his thesis that he is right, that
negotiation is useless, because the government is not sincere.
It is very difficult to argue with those who in the first place
take an opposite view right at the start.
At this juncture, I want to make strong note that while
negotiation requires confidentiality to ensure its success, this
is just one side of the same coin. The other side is the need
for transparency, especially when serious issues affecting
the people are at stake. The presence of the International
Contact Group in our face-to-face negotiation is not only
to be appreciated in terms of how they can help to move the
process forward, especially in exerting proper leverage on
the Parties to abide and comply with commitments but also
a way in our part to practice what we sincerely believe as
indispensable (i.e., the need for transparency).
It is therefore my belief that better judgment so requires
that the ICG members, both states and non-states will be
invited to observe the present proceeding and those yet to
come. They can play their role exceptionally well if they know
what is really happening in the negotiation; otherwise the
In February 2011,
reports started
to circulate that
Commander Ameril
Umbra Kato of
MILFs 105th Base
Command resigned
and established the
Bangsamoro Islamic
Freedom Fighters
(BIFF).
The International
Contact Group
(ICG), established in
December 2009, is
primarily mandated to
exert the necessary
leverage and assistance
towards sustaining the
trust and confidence
of both sides in the
negotiating table. It is
ad-hoc in nature and
issue-specific in its
engagement with the
Panels.
The ICG is composed
of four state-members,
namely: Japan, United
Kingdom, Turkey, and
Saudi Arabia; and
four international
non-governmental
organizations,
namely: Centre for
Humanitarian Dialogue
(CHD), Conciliation
Resources (CR),
Muhammadiyah, and
later, the Community
of SantEgidio
which replaced The
Asia Foundation in
September 2013.
12
GETTING TO PEACE
Parties would have to spare time and efforts to brief them in

Manila and in Darapanan, Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao. I
am quite optimistic that everyone in this session would see
the wisdom of my view.
I also want to state here that we are formally withdrawing
our 27 January 2010 draft on the comprehensive compact,
as what we officially put on record last January 13, and in its
stead, we are submitting a new draft, whose essential elements
are similar to the first, to our esteemed counterpart from the
government and the Malaysian third country facilitator. We
are not going to discuss this draft now but when the time for
it comes, probably tomorrow, 10 February, we would request
that we be given the chance to make a general description of
it. After this, our counterpart from the government may ask
questions but only those relevant to our draft will be taken
up. Other questions that have no direct bearing to this draft
will be reserved for other forums, not necessarily with the
MILF peace panel. The reason for this is simple, which I find
not obliging on my part.
On this note, once again I extend to you a very good
morning and wassalamu alaikum wa rahmatullahi taala
wabarakatuhu!
21st

2728 April 2011
Previous page from left to right:

MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal and the MILF Panel bid farewell to former Malaysian facilitator
Datuk Othman Abd Razak. The GPH delegation poses with MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal. The
GPH and MILF Panels with the ICG and new Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku
Mohamed at the close of the 21st Formal Exploratory Talks.
Tuesday, 26 April 2011
ssalamu alaikum wa rahmatullahi taala wa barakatuhu.
Twenty-four (24): that is the number of consultations that our panel has
done in the past few monthsnot two as often mistakenly reported. Counted
here are the many informal meetings with various sectors that we chose not to
make public so that we could truly have a frank and candid exchange of hopes
and aspirations, ideals and pragmatic results, ideas and approaches that can
help validate our position on countless issues. Counted here are consultations
which are necessary in order to discharge our duties the way we shouldthat
is, with the members of the House of Representatives and the Senate and some
local government officials.
Not counted in the twenty-four are the many one-on-one conversations
that panel members have had with key individuals. I have even sought to meet
some journalists for a sit-down to pick their thoughts on some issues which I
feel they may have some knowledge. Not counted here are the meetings with
Cabinet Clusters and of course our meetings with the President. The day before
we left for Kuala Lumpur, we even had an initial meeting with leaders of the
Liberal Party itself. I can only describe it as a candid yet interesting meeting,
yet I remain hopeful.
And our schedules are full the next few weeks: meetings which range from
command conferences of the area commands in Mindanao, consultations with
local government officials, to meetings with legislators, former justices, Cabinet
Clusters and of course with our direct principal, the President.
We have no illusions that our own requirements for consultation will be
easy. But if we are to truly learn from the mistakes of the past, we do need to
have the patience to deliberately seek out many groups, receiving and discussing
their sentiments in many different types of forums, many times clarifying
perspectives. Of course, we do not seek universal consensus. What we are
trying to achieve after all is a political settlement which should embody what
we in government can deliver.
15
16
GETTING TO PEACE
We applaud the Moro Islamic Liberation Fronts decision

to conduct consultations with non-Moro groups including
indigenous peoples and business groups. We understand that
you have schedules with the Makati Business Club and many
other prominent Manila based organizations after this round
of talks. As I have stated informally with some members
of civil society, this decision to come out publicly with the
contours of your proposed Comprehensive Compact should
cause a national discussion on a national issue: how to solve
the Bangsamoro problem. It can complement our efforts. It
will also help usand our direct principalto gauge the
public pulse on political decisions that need to be taken. Your
consultations are complementary to ours.
We want to bring some outcomes of these consultations
directly in this 21st Exploratory Talks.
First, we were handed the results of extensive consultations
with indigenous peoples by the Mindanao Peoples Caucus.
We are making this paper available to the parties as a nonpaper. To us, a non-paper is a document which may be of
direct relevance to the negotiations. It may contain ideas
authored by them or by some other third party or groups of
parties but does not necessarily reflect the current position
of either the GPH or the MILF. We invite our counterparts
to study it closely as an aid to understanding what some
organized groups of indigenous peoples expect from these
negotiations.
Second, there were suggestions made that we do joint
forums. We feel that this is a good idea at some point in the
negotiations, perhaps when we (and our principals) achieve
some clarity in our fundamental agreements and right before
we mutually make the final commitments. I understand that
there is precedent for this in these negotiations as there was
some form of joint advocacy group in the past. We will take
this up again in future negotiations.
Third, so that we can more easily communicate progress
in these negotiations to our publics, we are requesting that
our panel be allowed to have a maximum of four observers
GPH Panel Chair Leonen | 21st GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

17
apart from our panel and our secretariat. The observers may
be members of our advisory committee or key members of
Congress or even individuals whom we need to consult time
and again. We may need to invite personalities who sit in
the other tables that the GPH has set up (i.e., the talks on
the implementation of the Final Peace Agreement with the
MNLF). The observers will be here only to watch and see the
progress of the discussion (inclusive of all its passion) in real
time. They will come at our own cost, and they need not join
all the agenda items. Who will sit as observers will be up to
our panel to decide. To us, this will hasten consensus building.
We have raised this already as part of the pre-meeting and
there was some sort of consensus.
Most of these related matters can be easily disposed of
if the MILF reconsiders its current position not to table for
discussion our earlier proposal to convene a technical working
group that will meet in between our meetings to work on
these administrative matters. As we have indicated in the
past, an articulated and written Agreement on the Conduct
of Talks will not only clarify how we work in the framework
of these negotiations, it will also help us communicate to
our constituencies the ground rules in the negotiation. We
have made all of our agreements public. It was made possible
because all of them were articulated and written. The only
exception to this is what remains in oral tradition: the conduct
of our talks.
We thank you for allowing us in this round of talks to
query you on the Revised Comprehensive Compact that you
submitted as a statement of your position. We hope that you
would take our questions in the spirit in which we have to
make them: to elicit your interpretation so that we or our
principals will not second guess what your initial positions
are. You will see in our questions the level of details we went
to as we combed through your proposals. We have put into
it the diligence that it deserves knowing the kind of work
that you have already put into it. Please understand that we
too have been working on our own proposals at many levels
of our bureaucracy.
18
GETTING TO PEACE
Except for extraordinary reasons, our ideal for a final

agreement is that it is brief but clear and determinate as to
what our principals promise. We should always be on guard
for text that may contain different meanings to both parties.
They may just be pitfalls for future misunderstanding and
more serious conflicts. After all, we share with you the hope
that we do not sign an agreement solely because we want an
agreement. We want an agreement that is workable on all
levels while addressing most of the fundamental interests in
a principled way.
The workability of any final agreement hinges on many
things. Let me just, at this time, flag two of them:
One: We all know that the government has signed a
Final Peace Agreement with the Moro National Liberation
Front. Over much of the same ground and in representation
of the same peoples, government is now purposely and
seriously negotiating with a different movement. Our task
is to come to a final agreement with the MILF. However,
as early as this round, we hope that the MILF can consider
the offshoots of this situation as a problem that we can also
mutually address. On our end, we hope that a final negotiated
political settlement with the MILF is not mutually exclusive
to a convergence of governments commitment to both the
MNLF and MILF. Also, we hope that the MNLF and the
MILFs commitment, both representing the Bangsamoro
peoples, should not be at cross purposes with each other. We
know that the solution to this lies both with government and
with the MILFs dealings with the MNLF.
Two: It is safe to say at this point that it would, most
likely, be difficult to get the needed political critical mass to
implement an agreement of the magnitude that is implied
in your Revised Comprehensive Compact if there are
unaddressed splinter groups from your movement. The
questions that we have had to answer these past few months
are: After the GPH signs an agreement with the MILF, will
it then have to set up another table to negotiate with the
BIFF? Is the BIFF still part of the MILF? If it is, which has
the true command over the MILFs coercive forces, the BIAF

19
or the BIFF? What assurances do we have that the BIFF, if

no longer MILF, will respect our ceasefire with the MILF?
Or, do we have to set up a separate ceasefire infrastructure for
the BIFF? Which has the greater constituency, the MILF or
the BIFF in the areas of operation of Ustadz Ameril Umbra
Kato? These are questions that were asked of us and I am just
summarizing it here.
We hope that in this round we can have a full satisfactory
answer.
We are here to negotiate ways to solve problems. That
principally requires that we are open to seeing the problem
realistically. Each of our sides can see portions of that reality.
Let us reconstruct and review it in this table, candidly and
always with an eye to what we mutually aspire: meaningful
freedoms within a just and democratic society. Our peoples
deserve nothing less.
Thank you.
The BIFF stands for

the Bangsamoro
Islamic Freedom
Fighters. It is the
breakaway group from
the MILF established
by Commander Ameril
Umbra Kato.
The BIAF (Bangsamoro
Islamic Armed Forces)
is the armed wing of
the MILF.
Let Us Fast-track the Negotiation

nder the Aquino dispensation, this is our third meeting to pursue the
peace negotiation that started fourteen years ago. Surely, we are still
very much on track and we hope to stay on our course until we finally sign
the comprehensive compact which contains the negotiated political solution
to the Moro Question and the armed conflict in Mindanao. I am sure both
peace panels have this in mind and are both committed to make this a reality.
Frankly, at no time in the fourteen-year GPH-MILF peace negotiation
that the delivery capacity of the government is seen very clearly. First, President
Benigno Aquino III has vast political and social capital that he can use to
rally massive support for his peace agenda in Mindanao. His popularity, as
reflected in various surveys, is unequalled in the history of presidents in the
Philippines. Second, my counterpart has expressed several times his unflinching
commitment to address the problem in Mindanao including the resort to the
universe of possibilities in order to sign a peace deal with the MILF. This
indeed is very encouraging. Afterward, he made another bold assertion that a
peace pact with the MILF can be done within one year. Thirdly, the current
peace panel is undergoing serious consultations with various stakeholders in
Mindanao especially local government executives, whose political interests,
although some are fleeting, are radically affected by any alteration or dislocation
of power in governance. And fourth, the government has all the time needed
to accomplish this peace pact with the MILF within their remaining time in
government.
On the part of the MILF, we are also holding dialogues with various
non-Moro groups in Mindanao, even if it is not our responsibility, as agreed
upon by the Parties. We have reached out to the clergy, both Catholics and
Protestants, civil society organizations, nongovernment organizations, peoples
organizations, and business groups. After this meeting, we have a new round of
20
MILF Panel Chair Iqbal | 21st GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

21
dialogues in Manila with non-Moro NGOs, CSOs, business

groups, and members of the diplomatic community; and
from there, we will proceed to Zamboanga City, the island
provinces of Western Mindanao, Pagadian City, Cagayan
de Oro City, and Iligan City. At the same time we are also
conducting side forums with members of the indigenous
communities and members of the MILF political and military
leadership in the various cities and provinces which we visited
and which we are scheduled to visit. They must not be left
in the tail end of the dialogues; on the contrary, they must
be at the forefront to know and understand not only the
inside and out of the peace process but more importantly to
accept the validity and wisdom of a peaceful, just, and lasting
negotiated political settlement of the problem in Mindanao.
They must own the peace process and the results; otherwise,
a problem is in the offing.
Mind you, in these sorties even to areas traditionally
dubbed as unfriendly to the peace talks like Zamboanga
City, people are cautioning us about the security risks. We
told them that all these efforts are done in the name of
peace and are part of advocacy agreed by the parties. We tell
them also that our counterpart in government is informed
of this officially, and we are sure they are not remiss in their
responsibility.
In addition, we have met several experts on conflict
resolution and constitutional negotations, and in the course
of our serious discussion, we have learned and drawn lessons
from their vast experiences that, to us, are of tremendous
value to anyone serious in resolving conflicts of various nature,
including sovereignty-based issues like that involving the
MILF. I hope those government officials whom these experts
talked to also shared our views.
At this juncture, let me refresh our memory about the
coming in of the International Contact Group to the GPHMILF peace process. During the GPH-MILF non-meeting
on 7 July 2009, the MILF peace panel had categorically told
their counterpart in government that the MILF will not return
to the negotiating table even on the brink of more fighting
22
GETTING TO PEACE
except when there is an international guarantee. We cannot

trust the government anymore after they deliberately did not sign
the MOA-AD.
After some serious talks, the MILF and the government
settled to use contact instead of guarantee, on the
condition that its main task is to exert proper leverage to
the parties in negotiation.
For the MILF, the ICG is not dispensable; they must
be invited to attend and observe not only the opening and
closing programs of the talks but more importantly the
plenary session where the substantive agenda of the talks
is under deliberation. Of course, it is the prerogative of the
parties to go on an executive meeting to discuss an agenda
that is considered exclusive to them.
On the issue of Ameril Umbra Kato, he has not yet
burned his bridges with the MILF. On the contrary, he
said he will stay within the fold of the MILF no matter what
happens. Kato has said that he will not create trouble against
the peace process and the ceasefire. He also pledged to respect
the good result of the negotiation. What he cannot accept is
endless negotiations and the failure of government to deliver
their part of the bargain.
For your information, the MILF Central Committee has
exerted efforts to make him realize his mistakes, discontinue
his so-called Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters, and have
him return to the fold of the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed
Forces; but more efforts are still wantingand we are not
giving up.
The Kato problem is internal to the MILF. Leave this
problem to us.
Fourteen years since the start of the GPH-MILF peace
negotiation in 1997 is too long a process. We have gone
through various hardships and tribulations and practically
only one agenda is left for discussion (i.e., the Comprehensive
Compact). For the MILF, this is not a very difficult agenda;
it is only about an asymmetrical state-substate relationship.

23
We are not talking here of independence, as what was done

in Islamic Sudan and Christian-Animist South Sudan.
But let me caution ourselves that all eyes are trained
on us, whether we are serious or not, or whether we are
engaged in problem-solving or merely managing the conflict
in Mindanao. For the MILF, the parties need to fast-track
the process. Practically one year has already been consumed
in the six-year term of President Aquino, and the GPH
peace panel has not yet submitted their counterdraft on the
comprehensive compact. We want the GPH peace panel to
be ready with their draft during the next round of talks. If
they want ample time to be able to do this, we can allow them
the time they need; and a one month timeframe, I think, is
fair enough.
On this note, let me once again extend my heartfelt
gratitude to members of the International Contact Group
(ICG) for their coming to and attendance in this important
meeting of the parties. We trust you and we recognize and
thank you for all your invaluable contributions to the GPHMILF peace process. And to his Excellency, Datuk Othman
bin Abd Razak, our sincerest thanks for his services in
the name of peace and, more importantly, for his sterling
performance as Malaysian facilitator of the GPH-MILF
peace talks. He can be equalled, but his deep commitment
to peace and fair play is so outstanding that it could remain
in the annals of this negotiation for the years and generations
to come.
Thank you, and wassalamu alaikum wa rahmatullahi
taala wabarakatuhu.
22nd

2223 August 2011

The GPH delegation discussing the 3-for-1 proposal with members of the ICG at the sidelines of
the formal sessions. The GPH Panel in a press conference held at the Philippine Embassy in Kuala
Lumpur on 23 August 2011 regarding the progress of the peace negotiations.
Monday, 22 August 2011
ssalamu alaikum.
I bring warm greetings of peace from His Excellency President Benigno

Aquino III and his cabinet.
The meeting between the President of the Republic of the Philippines and
the Chair of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) underscored the reality
that although the approaches of our respective principals may currently be
different, peace is still realizable within the next year. That is, if we are willing
to work with patience and with a lot of understanding.
Having been present in that meeting, my impression was that there seemed
to be a consensus as to an objective. A meeting of minds also exists in terms of
some principles that could be used to guide us in choosing options for meeting
the interests also of our constituencies.
Both were eager to see the benefits of a just, lasting, and comprehensive
peace within the next few years. The common objective is to find some
fundamental and workable agreement that can pave the way to meeting the just
aspirations of the Bangsamoro people. This will not only augur well for conflict
affected areas in Mindanao, but will reverberate throughout the entire country.
Both agreed that as a matter of principle, we would have to confirm
agreements based on the consent of the governed.
Both saw that any political rearrangement initially still requires an effective
national government empowered not only to assist underdeveloped regions
but also to ensure the viability of the entire Republic as one whole. Both
understood the need to continue to build confidence in each others capacity
and trust in each others sincerity. The meeting was facilitated in Japan. Also,
we would like to thank Japan through its representative in the International
Contact Group for keeping faith in the parties, for keeping the entire meeting
confidential, and for allowing us to use the facilities for that historic meeting.
27
28
On 4 August 2011,
President Benigno S.
Aquino III met with
MILF Chair Al Haj
Murad Ebrahim in
Narita, Japan. It was
a frank and friendly
meeting which showed
the trust and sincerity
of both parties and
their full commitment
to the peace process.
Photo credit: Malacaang Photo

Bureau
GETTING TO PEACE
As an execution of what our President promised during

that meeting, it was mentioned that indeed there is a balance
for the Bangsamoro Leadership Management Institute of
about PHP 5 million. The President then told the chair of
the MILF that he is going to issue the check without any
conditions except being able to answer for the auditing and
to make arrangements that we can carry the check today.
We ask his Excellency, the facilitator, with the permission of
the panel of the MILF that we be allowed after the opening
remarks of both sides to be able to transmit the PHP 5 million
in check if the MILF will accept it.
We should not lose sight of our common ground and
draw inspiration from there, but our role as negotiators
require that we clearly articulate the differences of our
principals and constituencies. Having articulated them, we
then should proceed to examine the reality as well as the
viability of logical inferences that we make from our versions
of reality. Hopefully, in this conversation, we can discover how
things really are and work to find implementable agreements.
During this meeting, we will be making an initial
presentation of governments proposed approach to achieving
a fundamental agreement to bring about a just, lasting, and
comprehensive peace in our country. The document that
we will be transmitting to you is a first document, a work
in progress.
I am sure that many who have observed these processes
are hoping that the governments approach hews close to the
proposed Revised Comprehensive Compact of the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front. In fact, these same groups may be
all so ready to judge governments sincerity on the basis
of how close its language or content will be to that of the
proposals of the MILF. To some, negotiations take place along
a linear plane with finite possibilities only. Thus, the parties
are expected to define their desired end results, ensure that
these are at the farthest opposites possible so that they will
end up on a more agreeable middle ground.
For this type of negotiationsthe one I will call linear
paradigm or positional bargainingall that matters will be
GPH Panel Chair Leonen | 22nd GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

29
the end positions of the parties. Why the parties took these
positions, how they saw reality, how they articulated their
understanding, how they viewed solutions, and why they
chose these solutions take backstage. More of this posturing
encourages the parties to entrench their positions. That this
will ensure that the result will only be a language of force or
power rather than the kind of rationality required of mature
democracies. Solutions drawn without reason, hammered
only through brute power at the negotiating table, are
not likely to last. Worse, they tend to be disastrous for the
constituencies of all the participants.
I would rather that the proposals be differenthonestly
different. Better if the frameworks that inform the proposals
be differenthonestly different. It is only then that the issues
that truly matter to both sides can be given more space at this
negotiating table. The field of possible points of agreement
can expand when we make sure that our discussions cover the
various points that many of our constituencies may currently
cherish. It is after all, the people, later on, who will eventually
place the final decision as to whatever agreements that we can
agree upon. It is in this sense that I would say, that a proposal
from government which presents a different approachbut
in keeping with our past agreementis more in keeping with
what the honorable chair of the MILF Al Haj Murad Ebrahim
referred to as the problem solving approach.
I am sure that our patience will be tested as we go through
each others proposals. Perhaps, even in this meeting, when
we propose to talk about the procedure on how to proceed
to craft a settlement, we can find that we will be at some
cross-purposes. But patience and the openness to consider
each others point of view may be the bedrock of building a
true consensus. We never promised that our negotiations be
easy or simple; we do however guarantee that they are sincere
and earnest. We intend these negotiations to be fast-tracked,
but never at the expense of being truly analytical.
The Government proposal took a lot of views into
consideration. It seeks to trigger conversations about what
is critical to our principals and the constituencies that they
The Bangsamoro
Leadership and
Management Institute
(BLMI), inaugurated
on 6 June 2012, is a
SEC-registered training
center in Sultan
Kudarat, Maguindanao,
which aims to prepare
Bangsamoro individuals
in various fields
of leadership and
management, as well
as good governance.
Its creation was
initially discussed by
the Parties during the
10th round of talks in
2006 and was formally
agreed upon during
the 14th round of talks
in 2007.
In this round, the GPH
gave PHP 5 million to
the BLMI to jumpstart
its operations
and to exhibit the
governments full
commitment to just
and lasting peace
in the Bangsamoro.
The Japanese
government funded
the construction of the
BLMI building.
30
A rido is a Maranao
term that refers to a
feud characterized
by violence between
families and kinship
networks. Aside from
casualties, this type
of conflict results
in destruction of
property, instability
of the local economy,
and displacement of
people.
While Maranao, Iranun,
and Maguindanao
tribes use the term
rido, lido, or ridu, other
ethnic groups refer to
pangayaw, magahat,
and pagdumot. Some
lumad groups, or
indigenous peoples
in Mindanao, use
the terms pagbanta,
pagbunuh, mamauli,
kasaop, and pagbaos.
Source: Torres, Wilfredo Magno
(ed.). Rido: Clan Feuding
and Conflict Management in
Mindanao. (2007)
GETTING TO PEACE
represent. We hope that the rationale behind these proposals

be addressed in earnest. Together we should examine their
viability and, if indeed they are reasonable, find our way to
accommodate them.
But, today we negotiate under imperfect conditions.
Our mapping of armed clashes in areas relevant to
our task show that from January of this year to this day, a
total of seventeen rido-related incidents involving at least a
commander of the MILF base command has been recorded.
In the rido between some members of the 105th
base command against some members of the 104th base
command, a total of 1,596 families or 7,980 persons from six
barangays in Palembang, Sultan Kudarat, were displaced. In
these evacuation centers, four children died. A woman gave
birth to twins. One unfortunately died due to conditions in
the center. Another child died because the mother failed to
pay attention to him as she was busily preparing evacuation.
Another drowned due to similar reasons. The last child died
as a result of miserable conditions aggravating a preexisting
illness. This is apart from twelve casualties and twelve
wounded from the direct fighting.
Then, of course, there is fighting between members of the
106th base command and the group of Ustadz Ameril Umbra
Kato in Datu Piang. What started out as a land conflict seems
to have graduated to a full-scale offensive between their
troops, causing major concern among our own ground forces.
To date, 695 families have been displaced, fourteen died
from each of their sides. These conflicts and obvious lack of
discipline among some of the MILF troops cannot certainly
be attributed to the Government of the Republic of the
Philippines. Certainly, it weakens your position in relation to
our principals and to the public at large. We have mechanisms
for the cessation of hostilities between our troops. For the
most part we have kept our side tranquil. Should there not
be also cessation of hostilities internal to the MILF? The
increasing vulnerability to rido between and among troops
is indeed becoming an increasing concern on the part of the
GPH. We hope that this too is addressed at some point during

our formal negotiations.
In this meeting, we have been asked to specifically request
confirmation of what our ground forces are seeing in relation
to Ustadz Ameril Umbra Kato: that he is no longer within
the command and control of the MILF. Not only has he
attempted to reinforce weakened positions of some of his
commanders who were clearly engaged in kidnapping, not
only did he fire at AFP armaments, he has also attacked your
commanders and, as per our report, made it possible for his
men to do barbaric and inhuman acts to four combatants who
were already hors de combat. In an interview with Newsbreak
and GMA-7, he has publicly accused the MILF Central
Committee of tolerating kidnapping and other criminal acts.
By the way, his released videos also show that his camp has
child soldiers.
We cannot accept that he is still part of the MILF. We
need to be clear about the status of forces on the ground. If
he is truly a splinter group, then we would have to assess the
situation together in a very serious and sensitive manner.
We need to cooperate with each other to settle ground
conditions. The opening of the last two meetings that we had
had been greeted with explosions of IEDs in Mindanao. There
have been a total of fifteen of these incidents (explosions of
IEDs) during this year alone. Also, a total of ten kidnappings
including the celebrated case of some Americans have also
been reported.
The solutions therefore that we seek at this table should
address the present as well, as the future. Poverty, hunger,
powerlessness, insecurity, and injustice are also present
realities which cry out for present solutions that work. We
should keep always an eye on them as we look for more
systemic solutions. In our presentation, we have a way forward
as our people deserve nothing less.
Thank you.
31
The GPH submitted

its counterproposal
to the MILFs
February 2011 Revised
Comprehensive
Compact in August
2011. Dubbed as 3for-1, the government
proposal consisted of
three (3) components
of one (1) solution
seeking to:
1. Address social and
economic development
needs in a participative
manner;
2. Reform legal and
political environments
to allow meaningful
autonomy and selfgovernance; and
3. Acknowledge
historical causes
of conflict towards
reconcillation.
The Peace Negotiation Cannot Be

Delayed Anymore
e are once again in the beautiful city of Kuala Lumpur after the historic
meeting in Tokyo, Japan, between President Benigno Aquino III and
MILF Chairman Al Haj Murad Ebrahim on 4 August. Eighteen days after it
is still in the limelight and headlines of newspapers and magazines back home.
Public enthusiasm and approval to continue the peace negotiation until a deal
is clinched continue to rise. We must seize this defining moment and strike a
deal while the iron is still hot, so to speak.
We thank the Malaysian government through its country facilitator, His
Excellency Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed, and Madame Che
Kasnah, head of the Malaysian Secretariat, for playing their part exceptionally
well in making this historic meeting happen, including their precious presence
during the meeting of the two leaders. We are very grateful to the Government
of Japan and its Embassy in Manila for providing a venue for this meeting and
assisting it in many ways. We also thank and salute President Aquino for his
statesmanship by deciding to meet Murad in a foreign country; and of course,
we congratulate our honorable counterparts from the government, headed by
Dean Marvic Leonen, for their wisdom in supporting the Presidents own grand
gesture to meet with Murad. I also congratulate the MILF Central Committee
for their correct decision to agree on the meeting in Japan. Such decision earns
for the MILF praises and congratulations.
Today, everybody is anticipating for the government counter-proposal with
deep breath. We too share this enthusiasm. And even without our go signal,
many media personalities from the Philippines are now in Kuala Lumpur
anxious to know what the government proposal is all about. I hope we can
manage this to the best interests of the GPH-MILF peace negotiation.
32
MILF Panel Chair Iqbal | 22nd GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks
Personally, I expect the government proposal to be

substantive. My expectation is anchored on the fact that on
29 July 2009, the government and MILF peace panels, after
having acknowledged the MOA-AD as an unsigned and
yet initialed document, have committed to reframe the
consensus points with the end in view of moving towards the
comprehensive compact to bring about a negotiated political
settlement of the conflict in Mindanao. This should be the
template of the two proposals on the comprehensive compact,
which the MILF had already did, otherwise, like a boat
powered by two engines, one 100 horsepower and the other
is 30 horsepower, the movement would not be forward but
either to the right or to the left. In short, if such a situation
happens, we would be like a cat playing with its own tail.
The negotiation would not move from where we are now.
To be frank with you, Commander Ameril Umbra Kato
continues to be a challenging concern of MILF. So much
effort, patience, and understanding have been invested in
resolving this concern, but a real breakthrough is not yet
at hand; we are however not giving up. We will tell the
government, as I said previously, if Kato completely burns
his bridges with the MILF.
The latest decision of the MILF Central Committee is
to declare him bughaat, an Arabic term which means one
who defies or who does not obey a lawful order of a ruler or
duly mandated authority.
In Resolution No. 03-06 Series of 2011, the MILF
Central Committee, taking into full consideration and finally
adopting the decision of the Assembly of the Ulama on June
27, 2011 declaring Ameril Umbra Kato, his companions, and
followers as bughaat, hereby declared the following:
1. That Ameril Umbra Kato, his companions, and
followers are no longer members of the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front unless they cease and desist without
delay their anti-MILF campaigns and other related
activities that are intended to discredit and destroy
the entire legitimate leadership of the MILF and
henceforth return at once to the fold of the MILF;
33
34
GETTING TO PEACE
2. That Ameril Umbra Kato, his companions, and

followers must stop immediately spreading rumors
and malicious accusations against the leadership and
members of the MILF; and
3. That the Assembly of the Ulama will meet again
not later than ten (10) days after Eidl Fitr (end
of Ramadan) to decide what is the best option in
order to preserve the brotherhood, unity, solidarity,
cooperation, and dignity of the leadership and
members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front for
the preservation and maintenance of its unified
political leadership and military command.
The Central Committee further resolved that it will
closely monitor the reaction and compliance of Ameril Umbra
Kato, his companions, and followers vis--vis the
decision of the Assembly of the Ulama declaring them as
bughaat as aforementioned in this Resolution.
The Central Committee finally decided that, being
the highest policy making body of the Front, it reserves
the inherent rights, obligations, and authority to exercise
appropriate actions and necessary measures in order to
preserve and maintain the Islamic brotherhood, unity,
solidarity, cooperation, and integrity of the leadership of the
MILF in accordance with the pristine teachings of Islam.
The Resolution took effect on 18 August 2011 after
Chairman Murad signed it, right after his arrival from Japan.
However, as we gather here today, a new twist in Katos
case has developed very swiftly. Kato has formally split from
the MILF and formed a new organization called
Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters. As a consequence,
the MILF Central Committee has to revisit the Resolution.
How it deals with this new situation is not in the domain
of the MILF peace panel to know at the moment. As far
as we are concerned, the decision contained in the
resolution cited above is all that we can officially transmit
to our good counterparts from the GPH.
Excellencies, Katos group is a tiny group, not even

one percent of the entire military strength of the MILF. As
partners in the search for genuine peace in Mindanao, we
expect the GPH not to make a mountain out of this molehill.
After all, he became a headache to the MILF, after the GPH
did not sign the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral
Domain. We are doing what we can to assuage his feeling
and grievance arising out of the failure of government to sign
the MOA-AD and the prolonged delay in the negotiation.
In fact, one of his commanders, Talio Silongan, had already
surrendered to the MILF. More are sending feelers and are
expected to follow soon.
I believe President Aquinos political and social capital is
still too good up to 2013 and after this period, it is expected
to diminish. Therefore, we must fast-track the negotiation,
as President Aquino and Chairman Murad have agreed in
Japan. We cannot afford to delay or to engage on side issues.
Seriousness and the lack of it are clearly distinct from one
another.
The main menu of this negotiation is and will always be
the need to resolve the Moro Question and the armed conflict
in Mindanao in the form of a comprehensive compact. This
is the track and I invite everyone including members of the
International Contact Group (ICG) to help the parties to
stay on course.
Thank you very much!
35
On the second day

of this round of
negotiations which
coincided with
the observance of
Ramadan, the MILF
rejected the GPHs
3-for-1 proposal.
To this, Chair Leonen
replied, We reject the
rejection.
The MILF Peace Panel
kept the proposal in
their possession for
review of the MILF
Central Committee.
23rd

57 December 2011

GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen, Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed,
and MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal sign the joint statement for the 23rd Formal Exploratory Talks.
The GPH Panel: (from left) Dr. Hamid Barra, Usec. Yasmin Busran-Lao, Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer,
Chair Dean Marvic Leonen, Sec. Senen Bacani, and Vice-Mayor Ramon Piang Sr. The GPH and MILF
delegations and the ICG pose with the Panel Chairs and the Malaysian Facilitator during the closing
ceremony of the three-day 23rd Formal Exploratory Talks on 7 December 2011.
Monday, 5 December 2011
ismillah hir rahman hir raheem. Asalamu alaikum wa rahmatullahi taala

wa barakatuhu.
His Excellency Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed, our honorable

counterpart led by his Excellency Mohagher Iqbal from the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front.
I would also like to welcome an addition to the MILF panel whom I
consider also as one of my mentors, Atty. Raissa Jajurie.
Also, I would like introduce an addition to our group, a consultant of
the OPAPP and part of our Secretariat, we have, of course known to our
counterpart, Ms. Yasmin Busran-Lao. She will be assisting us aggressively in
building our position in the peace talks.
We also acknowledge and express our appreciation to the International
Contact Group who helped us a lot in moving the process forward.
We also would like to thank the Malaysian Secretariat.
Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed has done a lot in bringing the
parties together during the informal talks. We also acknowledge that he has been
to the Philippines at least two times upon the request of both parties. He has
ably, actively, and accurately communicated the sentiments of both sides and
because of that facilitation, we were able to come together in Kuala Lumpur
last 3 November for informal talks. We also would like to thank the good
facilitator for hosting that memorable discussion. We credit that discussion
for allowing the parties to be frank and candid with each other.
For the record during these formal talks, I wish to reiterate some of the
points that I have made during the opening of our informal discussions last
3 November 2011.
As I said then, news in the national media during that time proved
challenging to the government, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, and
39
40
On 18 October 2011,
nineteen soldiers
of the Philippine
Army Special Forces
were killed during an
encounter with alleged
MILF forces and other
armed groups in AlBarka, Basilan.
In relation to the
Al-Barka incident,
Aquino III, advocating
for an all-out justice,
rejected calls for an
all-out war against
the MILF.
GETTING TO PEACE
generally, the peace process. Many who are cynical of our

present processes as well as those who simply wish ill of this
administration started then what seemed to be a consistent
campaign to embarrass the achievements of this peace
process. We did our part to fend off these attacks, so did the
Moro Islamic Liberation Front. There were loud voices who
consistently took the misguided view that our differences
can be resolved fully by armed conflict. We listened to them,
careful to note that they too form a constituency that should
be won. We tried to meet their assumptions and premises
carefully underscoring that there was still the possibility to
honorably achieve peace with justice.
No less than the President, however, announced that
the current policy of government today is all-out justice, not
all-out war.
This policy is consistent with the primacy given to our
peace process and the overriding hope that peace can better
be achieved through a comprehensive settlement. Our view
of a peace agreement is that it is one that can sincerely be
implemented by the administration that promises it. It is an
agreement that serves as a framework for all parties to work
with each other under a regime of mutual respect. It should
reflect a genuine acknowledgment of history and a true
understanding of the current and future needs of our peoples.
Certainly, the grandest of our hopes can only be achieved if we
start with the practical issues that can be accomplished today
while dreaming of what our worlds will be in the future. The
grandest edifice can only rise by first addressing the mundane,
by putting in place its cornerstones.
Again, let me reiterate: our proposed political settlement
besides providing for a pragmatic framework workable within
the next few years also provides a platform to pave the way
for true deliberative democracy among all our peoples.
Let me add two more points today.
First, our proposed agreement should be flexible
enough. Our collective human abilities to find a solution
to fundamental problems are fallible. Our foresight can err.
GPH Panel Chair Leonen | 23rd GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

41
Thus, the solutions that we attempt should always benefit

from constant evaluation. The solutions that we attempt, the
cornerstones that we put on the ground, should be flexible.
They should be amenable to adjustment after objective
assessment. During the implementation, they should be
malleable to their contemporary realities.
Second, our constituencies are complex. A fundamental
axiom of finding a negotiated political settlement of armed
conflict is that the solutions that we find should be able to
address the legitimate interests of all those we represent here
in the table. We both may represent the same constituencies;
but, it is possible we do so in different capacities. We should
build on the commonality of their legitimate interests:
political empowerment, economic development, ecological
viability, cultural respect, and democratic toleration. Our
solution should be as pragmatic to these myriad interests as
it is principled. Hence, we should also take advantage of what
each of our principals could deliver. Complicated problems
in our part of Mindanao benefit from our partnership.
The GPH panel, in this round of talks, is ready to move
forward.
We are satisfied with the current ground conditions. We
reiterate our commitment to respect our agreements relating
to the cessation of hostilities as well as those in relation to
the setting up and maintenance of the Ad Hoc Joint Action
Group. We note that in none of these agreements did
government seek to weaken its ability to enforce the law.
We also agree that coordination within our mechanisms is
essential. We however call on the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front to show more of its commitment by more actively
identifying and assisting in the arrest of many lawless
elements. Let us prove that our ceasefire mechanisms are not
havens for kidnappers, murderers, and terrorists.
But we must be cognizant that there needs to be some
adjustments. Clearly, there may have been circumstances
that changed since these agreements were signed. Clearly,
both sides can benefit from constant assessment based on
objectively conducted fact-finding missions of incidents
42
GETTING TO PEACE
in the recent past where government will participate in the

right manner.
We also now express our willingness to revisit the
operational procedures if necessary. But, we also are of the
strong conviction that these changes should not be initiated
from the panel level. It should emanate first from the CCCHs
working with each other making recommendations to the
IMT and to the panels.
The work of our panels should be focused. Ours is to
bring about a negotiated political settlement within the
soonest possible time.
On behalf of the government let me now state this
challenge: let us complete our task within the first quarter
of next year.
Shukran and Wassalam.
Let Us Call Spade A Spade

e are in this beautiful city of Kuala Lumpur again to tread on the most
substantive aspect of the 15-year old peace negotiation, amidst the
growing calls of the civilians directly affected by the conflict in Mindanao,
civil society organizations, nongovernment organizations, well-meaning peace
advocates, and the international community to fast-track the peace negotiation
and conclude it by signing a comprehensive peace agreement between the
Philippine Government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Any delay
for whatever reason will surely not be appreciated, and the responsible party
will have to do a lot of explanation, including possible isolation from the arena
of public opinion.
To the MILF, this expectation is not hard to fulfill, simply because all the
issues in the negotiations are already on the table. Nothing is hidden anymore
from both sides. It is only the unwillingness or insincerity of either of the two
parties to solve these problems that can deter them from succeeding.
In the current negotiation, the MILF, as everyone knows, has no option
to secede by agreeing to settle for real self-governance in the Bangsamoro state,
which is still within the larger Philippine state. But the government must put
real premium on this by seriously putting forward a proposal that truly plays
justice to this goodwill and sacrifice of the MILF. It is time the government
stop thinking of solving the conflict in Mindanao by attempting to integrate
the Moros into the national body politic. This scheme is a thing of the past
and should not be revived anymore, for it only invites bad memories of the
past, when under the aegis of Philippine rule, the Moros lost much of their
lands and wealth in their homeland, not to speak of their marginalization and
isolation. Integration is a word synonymous to shattered hope and dim future.
The government should learn from the failures of the past. Despite decades
of working to integrate the Moros into the national body politic, including the
43
44
GETTING TO PEACE
creation of several offices like the Commission on National

Integration and now the National Commission for Muslim
Filipinos, the Moro aspiration for a separate identity and
territorial autonomy are as strong as ever. This will not lie
down; it will consolidate and harden as the years pile up.
This is the reason the MILF is urging the government not
to suppress this aspiration, and instead, find an acceptable
formula leading to a more constructive engagement in order
to ensure the unity of this country. For the MILF, we view
the state-substate asymmetrical formulation as a formula for
peace and unity in this country.
The parties must now call a spade a spade. Any resort to
rhetoric is a waste of time, and certainly, we are not here for
that, or to engage in debates, for such are suited only during
our college days and among legislators. We are here to discuss
hard issues in order to move the peace process and bring it
closer to our objective of signing a comprehensive compact
that would put closure to the Moro Question and the armed
conflict in Mindanao.
On 15 October 2011,
MILF forces and the
military were allegedly
involved in a firefight
in Payao, Zamboanga
Sibugay, violating the
ceasefire agreement
between the two
Parties.
This incident preceded
the 18 October
incident in Al-Barka,
Basilan. As per the
official count of GPH
CCCH, there have
been eight armed
skirmishes between
the GPH and MILF
forces in 2011.
At this juncture, we wish to relate here that we are

jolted by the failure of the International Monitoring Team
to proceed with the investigation of the fighting in the
municipality of Payao, Zamboanga Sibugay, between MILF
and government forces from 15 October and onward. In these
series of encounters, aside from mostly initiating the attack,
in direct violation of the ceasefire agreement and spirit of the
peace negotiation, the government forces also used excessive
force, including naval boats, attack helicopters, and bomber
planes. As a consequence, tens of thousands of civilians,
both Moros and Christians, fled their homes and evacuated
to safer grounds.
To be very frank with you, it is not the failure of the
IMT to investigate which is disheartening, which can be
temporary, for any day now they can decide to go, but it is
the decision of Governor Rommel Jalosjos of Zamboanga
Sibugay to defy the decision of the government through its
peace panel to conduct the investigation, in compliance with
MILF Panel Chair Iqbal | 23rd GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

45
a standing commitment in the peace negotiation. If a local

government executive can oppose decision of government in
such an important but still relatively a minor case, how much
more if the stakes are already high, say a Comprehensive
Compact between the GPH and MILF. Seriously, we cannot
understand why Governor Jalosjos chose to stand in the way
of the investigation: to hide the truth or to show that he can
stand up against the President? If it were the second reason,
I think the government made the wrong move. President
Aquino is showing much decisiveness in recent weeksand
hopefully through to the end of his term in 2016. In the end,
Jalosjos will find himself in an odd situation. This is what we
can foresee if the government still values the integrity of the
peace negotiation and the ceasefire agreement.
On a more positive development, let me share with you
that the people in Mindanao, especially those in the eye of
the conflict, are yearning much for peace to come to their
communities soon. On November 24, Mayor Loreto Cabaya
Jr. of Aleosan, North Cotabato, members of the town council,
and most of his barangay officials came to Darapanan in Sultan
Kudarat, Maguindanao, on a peace mission. Some members
of the MILF Central Committee headed by Vice Chairman
Ghazali Jaafar and this humble representation met the group
for a more than three hours of frank exchanges of views. For
your information, Mayor Cabaya was one of the staunchest
enemies of the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral
Domain in 2008 and the first bullet fired after the MOA-AD
controversy was in his municipality on 1 July, that year. Why
he now embraces the way of peace and accommodation can
perhaps be attributed to the positive transformative value of
conflict. A case in point is former President Fidel Ramos,
who had been a military man most of his life, but calls for
peace dialogue rather the way of war in dealing with the
MILF. Compare him with former President Joseph Estrada,
who has never been a military manexcept in the movies,
but surprisingly insists on the all-out war option against the
MILF, especially after the killing of nineteen Special Forces
in Al-Barka in Basilan on 18 October. Sometimes, warriors
46
GETTING TO PEACE
become great peacemakers, while armchair-military men and

politicians are notorious warmongers, if not war-makers.
During the Q & A session, Cabayas first question was:
Hindi ba puwede na wala nang gyera sa lugar natin? (Is it
possible that there will be no more war in our midst?). To
which, our answer was: Yes, it is possible, but we must have
peace with justice first; not simply forgive and forget.
The people of Mindanao want peace now and not
later. Surprisingly, the voices of war are more numerous in
Imperial Manila, to borrow the words of some writers,
especially many if not most members of the oligarchy who are
only concerned with their luxurious lives, their wealth, and
their investments. It is their greed, hatred, and mistrust (of
Moros) that prevail in their hearts. It is good that President
Benigno Aquino III did not listen to them and still insists on
the way of peace to address the conflict in Mindanao. Surely,
this is a legacy that will stand the test of time and space.
Thank you, and wassalamu alaikum warahmatullahi!
wabarakatuh!
24th

911 January 2012

Members of the MILF delegation, from left to right: Datu Antonio Kinoc (MILF Panel member), Mr.
Jun Mantawil (MILF Peace Panel Secretariat Head), Datu Michael Mastura (MILF Panel member),
and Engr. Mohajirin Ali (member, MILF Peace Panel Secretariat) during the plenary session. The
GPH delegation in a caucus. GPH Panel member Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer, GPH Panel Chair Dean
Marvic Leonen, Malaysian Secretariat Head Che Kasnah, and OPAPP staff Wendell Orbeso in a candid
moment at the conclusion of the 24th Formal Exploratory Talks.
Monday, 9 January 2012
ismilla hir rahman hir raheem.
We are thankful that we have arrived safely again here in Kuala Lumpur
to negotiate very important points for this round of talks.
First and foremost, I would like to say that we have new members of the
panel; they are very distinguished individuals from Mindanao. Of course,
they are no strangers to the panel of the MILF because they were here in the
meeting last year and one of them has been a longstanding consultant ever since
I took my watch as chair of the panel for the Government of the Philippines.
I speak of Dr. Hamid Barra. He is now a regular member of the panel. Dr.
Hamid Barra takes the place of Mayor Piang as a regular member of the panel.
Mayor Piang is now an alternate member of the panel. Being a local executive,
a mayor, we have made arrangements for him to still be a member of the panel
to represent the indigenous peoples and local government while at the same
time attending to critical issues in his area.
Dr. Hamid Barra was a former president of the National Ulama Council.
He is now chair of that council. Hes a respected Islamic laws lawyer, having
studied here in Malaysia. He has guided our panel in very difficult issues
pertaining to Islamic laws in the past.
Also a new member of our panel is Ms. Yasmin Busran-Lao. Shes also
known to many of you. She is very active in civil society. She is now also
very active with respect to the transformation of the ARMM. I think she has
pioneered in terms of questions on the Bangsamoro women, especially with
respect to gender equality.
With the two additional members of our panel, we now have a complete
set of five. And soon we will be also making announcements in due time
about the installation of alternate members of our panel. Again, we hope that
this composition will serve as fuel for the negotiations in terms of crafting the
substantive part of our talks.
49
50
When Vice-Mayor
Ramon Piang Sr., a
Teduray, took over
the mayorship in Upi,
Maguindanao, his
status in the GPH
Panel moved from
regular member to
alternative member.
In this round, Dr.
Hamid Barra,
consultant to the
GPH Panel since the
resumption of talks
in 2010, became a
member of the Panel,
replacing Mayor Piang.
Presidential Assistant
for Muslim Concerns,
Undersecretary
Yasmin Busran-Lao,
also a consultant of
the Panel, became a
member of the Panel
starting this round.
GETTING TO PEACE
There is no doubt that the entire Republic of the

Philippines will benefit with a region for Bangsamoro peoples
that is not only genuinely autonomous but also one where
the principles of good and effective governance is in place.
We all stand to benefit from an autonomous government
that can be democratically elected in free, clean, and honest
elections ensured by security forces that are neutral from
political interests, and a vibrant and assertive civil society. It
goes without saying that elections can be relevant only when
there are real choices between sincere and capable political
parties who offer principled leaders. In a democratic setup, at
minimum, electoral exercises provide the mandate and ensure
that we truly have a fighting chance of allowing the governed
to actively participate and hold our leaders to account.
We also know that no autonomy would be genuine
unless there is a clear working relationship with the national
government in many aspects. National government is
relevant. This can be clearly seen even in the document of
the MILF, the proposed Revised Comprehensive Compact.
It certainly takes prominence in our own proposals.
It is also clear that any autonomous relationship should
include the equitable sharing of wealth and the generation
of revenues to make the autonomous government credible in
producing opportunities for its people in an environmentally
sustainable manner, as well as to allow the national
government to provide the kind of assistance that should be
expected of it.
We know we share with you this vision and that much of
what we need to discuss would be how to get there and how
this new political rearrangement would look like.
The better part of wisdom that we can discern from
human history is that our grandest solutions get refined as
we set them in practice. The better part of wisdom, therefore,
requires that we be certain that our solutions work, not only
through the reasons we exchange across this table, but also
through the crucible of practiceof learning and being

51
able to adjust from our own experiences as we implement

our vision.
We are in political negotiations, and our solutions also
take place in a political context. As we have reiterated time
and again, this is an administration that wants to see the
solution to the Bangsamoro question in motion when it
leaves in a little over four years time. This means that we
should both meet the challenge of crafting an agreement soon
enough, so that it could be implemented and then assessed
and then adjusted before the term of the next President of
the Republic. In our reckoning, the golden opportunity to
craft such an agreement is this first quarter of this year. Our
standing instructions from our President are to work earnestly
and with due and deliberate dispatch, careful to consult all
constituents that we also represent along the way.
We think that this is possible. Share with us this vision.
Within this first quarter, let us attempt to craft an agreement.
Thank you.
Interim Mechanism Indispensable

e are heartened by the latest development in Manila whereby the

decisiveness and political will of President Benigno Aquino III is clearly
exhibited in many of his policies and hard decisions, especially on the cases filed
against former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and Supreme Court Chief
Justice Renato Corona. While we do not take sides on these issues, because it
is internal to the government, but to me, this is the kind of principal that our
counterpart in the government really needs and can bank on when the going
gets rough. I hope this will show itself when it is most needed especially when
it comes to the Moro Question and its resolution.
It is in the light of this welcomed development that I urged the Aquino
administration, through our honorable counterpart, to take into full account
the continued defiance of Zamboanga Sibugay Governor Rommel Jalosjos to
allow the International Monitoring Team to investigate the incident in Payao,
Zamboanga Sibugay. This defiles not only the integrity of the ceasefire, the
IMT, and the current negotiation but even that of His Excellency Aquino is also
tainted. I hope our good counterpart in government would not take this lightly.
In his monthly report for December 2011, IMT Head of Mission, Major
General Dato Mahdi Yusof, had stressed this point:
The IMT is still waiting for the clearance from GPH CCCH to
enter the municipality of Payao to conduct long outstanding verification
which was put on hold due to Zamboanga Sibugay Governors stand.
IMT is deeply concerned about this unnecessary delay imposed on the
missions initiative to implement verification in the affected areas of Payao.
In addition to this, the IMT has also been hindered in conducting even
normal monitoring routines by unauthorized interference of the provincial
52

53
governor. The IMT reiterates the importance of the

Peace Panels intervention to stop such unprecedented
conduct.
On the current peace negotiation, we likened it to a

drama. The nearer one is to the zenith, the more intense the
action is. We need to emulate this if we want to conclude the
current GPH-MILF peace negotiation to a successful end,
without derogating prior agreements. But are we doing this
to assure ourselves that we are indeed on the right track and
the right pace?
The Aquino administration is already in the last six
months of its second year in office and two months and
22 days shy of March this year, governments self-imposed
deadline for the completion of this negotiation and to sign the
comprehensive compact to address the Moro Question and
armed conflict in Mindanao. Unless we are sincere, dedicated,
and work hard in double time, we cannot beat the deadline,
although the MILF is not necessarily bound by this timeline.
But if we can do it, why choose the longer way?
Factually, the MILF agrees fully with the GPH in fasttracking the negotiation. We have been in this negotiation
for almost fifteen years since 1997. This is too long a process
that not everybody has the guts and tenacity to stay on
course. While we in the MILF peace panel can withstand
any challenge as long as we can walk and speak and have
the confidence and authority of our principal, the people on
the ground and the international community are not happy
with this situation. More importantly, we are afraid that we
might not be able to hold on indefinitely against groups
whose radical agenda are feeding voraciously on the failures
of the negotiation and the perceived dilly-dallying of the
government that put the MILF on the receiving end that we
agree to negotiate aimlessly for this long period. Ameril
Umbra Kato had already split from the MILF, and there is
frustration among the hardliners within the MILF vis--vis
the political settlement of the problem in Mindanao proved
too hard to prevail over the Utopian mindset and advocacy
54
GETTING TO PEACE
of the idealists and the hardliners. When given a choice,

who would not choose an independent state over a substate
or autonomy?
How do we fast-track the negotiation process? To the
MILF, it is simple. Aside from meeting regularly and for
longer periods, we need to be clear and levelled off on the
agenda, which the two parties had already settled as early as
January 1997 (i.e., how to solve the Bangsamoro Problem,
which we now refer to as Moro Question). Indeed, we are
not the problem, but our political status has not been settled
since 1935 during the Commonwealth and more officially
in the grant of the Philippine independence in 1946. Then,
the two parties must agree on basic principles and concepts;
then on the basic elements or strands of the proposed Moro
juridical entity; then provide the details; then the operational
mechanisms, and finally sign it. But this is not yet the end
of the road, because the agreement will not implement
itself. We need to provide for the implementing road map
or mechanism that would include the active participation of
the international community.
During the previous

round of talks, the
Parties agreed on
11-point basic issues
and concerns, based
on their respective
initial proposals. These
11 points would be the
precursor for the April
2012 Decision Points on
Principles.
Frankly, after almost two years into the Aquino

administration, we have not been very productive as expected
of us. We barely moved from where we started last year and
perhaps the only compliment that we can be happy about
for the momentwas our agreement on the 11-point basic
issues and concerns last 57 December during our 23rd
GPH-MILF Exploratory Talks that included autonomy as
the form of self-governance that we intend to put into place
in the future Moro state or substate. Why is this important?
Because, it puts into definitive and clear terms that in this
negotiation we are not talking about a sham autonomy
like the present Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao
(ARMM) with all its integrative features but something short
of an independent state. The moment we focus on this form
of self-governance, given the abundance of models in the
world today, like Scotland, Hong Kong, the Aland Islands,
and Puerto Rico, we can expect swift development in the
talks. And then the March deadline is possible.

55
At this juncture, let me state here succinctly that to

put guarantee to stability, security, and life to the statesubstate asymmetrical arrangement those powers allocated or
conceded to the future Moro state must be entrenched by the
government by undertaking constitutional amendment either
by appending the Agreement to the present Constitution or
to undertake a surgical amendment of the Constitution from
Section 15 to Section 21. Any effort less or below par than the
aforementioned mode is only to invite more complications
and hardships or dangers in the future.
And more seriously, the MILF will not accept tentative
arrangement or formulation, because we have learned a lot
from the experience of the Moro National Liberation Front
which, after agreeing to accept the Southern Philippines
Council for Peace and Development and governorship of
the ARMM, on the strength of the promise that the ARMM
Organic Act will be amended to accommodate and give way
to the provisions of the GPH-MNLF Final Peace Agreement
of 1996, nothing happened or was fulfilled afterward. Today,
the MNLF is not only frustrated but has failed miserably in
their quest to empower our people, because the promise to
amend the Constitution using the provisions of the 1996
Agreement was not delivered. I am not saying that President
Aquino is not trustworthy and reliable. Frankly, we still trust
the president. But to put the collective future of the entire
Bangsamoro people in the hands of even the most trustworthy
man is laden with risks. President Aquino is a human being,
and any mortal man or woman can leave this world without
warning.
The need for the interim period or mechanism before
the regular phase of the implementation of the agreement
takes place is indispensable. Transitions occur throughout
life for all of us: in daily living, health, education, and
employment, especially if the shift is from bullets to ballots.
All the peace agreements that I know of have provided for
interim periods for their implementation. Even for practical
purposes, and in the case of the MILF, would you expect it,
a rebel organization, to jump to election and run government
56
GETTING TO PEACE
efficiently? The transformation, transfer, and devolution of

power requires time, preparation, and training. Any sudden or
drastic change of status quo will meet with so many challenges
or oppositions, not excluding violence, especially from people
or groups who used to enjoy power or privileges.
Would the GPH deprive us of the opportunity for a
transition when the Filipinos also asked for it before the
grant of independence in 1946? Was not the commonwealth
a transition to full statehood in 1946?
Lastly, I would like to assure once again our good
counterpart from the government, the members of the
International Contact Group, and the Malaysian Government
that the MILF is really serious in this negotiation. We want to
finish this process as soon as possible and give our people the
much sought for peace, which they never experienced since
1578 when Spain started the Moro-Spanish War that lasted
for 320 years. I sincerely hope that the Aquino administration
would reciprocate and, in partnership, we put in place real
autonomy in the future Moro political entity.
Thank you!
25th

1315 February 2012

GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen talks with the GPH delegation prior to the plenary session
during the 25th Formal Exploratory Talks. The GPH Panel in a meeting during a break. Malaysian
Facilitator Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed during the plenary session.
Monday, 13 February 2012
ismillah hir rahman hir raheem. Assalamu alaikum.
His Excellency Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed and the

secretariat from Malaysia. Our able counterpart, His Excellency Mohagher
Iqbal and the able members of his peace panel. The able members of the
International Contact Group that are present here.
The legacy that all of us in this room wish to participate in is to facilitate
an agreement that will not only make peace possibleit is also an agreement
that should bring in the possibility of making peace permanent. The possibility
of making peace permanent can only exist if we put in the necessities of
achieving social justice within all our communities. To do this, we have to
acknowledge what is real, what is practicable under the circumstances; hence
to build foundations within present grounds inspired with our most passionate
ideals. To do this, we also have to acknowledge that the courage and ability
to sacrifice to bring about social justice is now not only a monopoly of a few.
It is certainly not a monopoly now of nongovernment forces.
We are now in an administration with a President willing to risk his
own political future to cleanse government of past sins of corruption and
misadministration. This is an administration that recognizes that it is time that
we show our public that it can have the government it deserves and to do so
means to start to give it the kind of leadership that assures that the resources
of government will go where it should even within the legal structure that it
has inherited.
Our recent visit to the seat of power of the current government of the
ARMM has made us realize that this attitude has definitely inspired many
others to do the same. Already, within less than one hundred days after his
appointment as officer in charge, the current ARMM governor, assisted by those
who now serve with him, have made necessary enemies of those who should
be the enemies of governmentghost employees, corrupt former politicians
59
60
On June 2011, Republic

Act No. 10153 was
passed, postponing
elections in the
ARMM in 2011 in order
to synchronize the
ARMM elections with
the national and local
elections. President
Benigno S. Aquino
III appointed Mujiv
Hataman as OIC
Regional Governor of
the ARMM in 2011.
A reform package for
the ARMM was created
in 2012, known as the
Transition Investment
Support Plan (TISP).
With a total fund
support of PHP 8.5
billion, it serves as a
national government
intervention
to stimulate
socioeconomic
development in the
region.
GETTING TO PEACE
and their conniving contractors, and many others. We have

seen his resolve to continue towards this direction. In this
we see courage. Putting your lives in harms way to do what
is needed to be done, to cleanse entrenched interests, and to
bring about a government that delivers justice is also part of
our definition of justice.
Many are critical of his every move. Perhaps, in a
democratic society it should be this way. But there are those
who would rather surrender to the old status quo, spread
the pessimism that because the tasks that need to be done
are enormous and entrenched, they have already become
impossible. They mistake challenge for impossibility. They
mistake the pressing need to meet the hunger and the need
for justice of our communities with the convenience that
they now experience being where they are as a result of the
old status quo.
Inclusivity in the agreement that we should sign
acknowledges that there are those groups and individuals
who also desire the same ends as those who belong to the
Moro Islamic Liberation Front. There are many Moros in
government and in civil society who are willing to do what is
necessary to bring about social justice in all our communities.
Inclusivity, aside from honoring our democratic values, also
valorizes other initiatives. In my view, the success of any
revolution can be measured by how it can acknowledge the
validity of the many voices and the many acts which can be
done by the constituents that it represents. In my view, the
hallmark of good leadership is its own ability to recognize that
there are many other leaders that it can work with.
Working with other leaders representing constituents
within the Bangsamoro thus requires sitting down to define
goals, articulate interests, and agree on common courses
of action. To a certain extent, this is what we do at this
negotiating table. But, we think that we both need to do
more than this. For example, we hope that the MILF can
go beyond its initial meetings with leaders of various groups
within the MNLF as it had reported during the last round of
talks. We hope that it can actually see the current proposals

61
of the MNLF and find common grounds with them. This

even as we work on an agreement to be signed only between
the GPH and the MILF.
Finally, we should keep our ground peaceful and avoid
provocation that might stir unnecessary violence. Our
mechanisms should constantly be reviewed but even in doing
so, we should both abide by it. We should do so even while
we share in the desire to go against criminal elements within
our communities.
It is in this light that we raise the following concern.
We have received reports that on 4 February 2012,
elements of the 102nd Base Command of the MILF have
moved and conducted, without coordination through our
AHJAG or CCCH mechanisms, actions that appear to be
law enforcement movements against cattle rustlers and drug
traffickers. This happened in Barangay Mamaan, Piagapo,
Lanao del Sur. The MILF units have met resistance from
some members of the community causing instability and
evacuations from that area.
We have also received reports that the following day,
5 February 2012, a group of about 200 fully armed MILF
members under a certain Commander Topsider proceeded
to Barangay Mamaan, burned the house of a certain Lanao
Ariraya, and indiscriminately fired their firearms causing
panic among residents in the barangay and causing also their
evacuation to neighboring areas.
Similar reports have come in from residents of Munai,
Poonah Piagapo, and Matungao of Lanao del Norte as well
as Piagapo, Lanao del Sur. Apparently, in the guise of law
enforcement, citizens are being arrested and processed in a
manner causing fear and panic among the residents.
It is true that we have urged the MILF to assist in
interdicting lawless elements as it had committed in our
existing agreements. However, we urge the MILF not to do
so unilaterally. We do have the AHJAG mechanisms that
will enable us to work together to interdict these criminals
that find sanctuary within various communities. It is also by
62
GETTING TO PEACE
working together that we avoid needless panic and instability

as we negotiate a final peace agreement. We ask the MILF
to withdraw its armed members from these barangays and
coordinatethrough our AHJAGso we could do the
right thing in the right way. We know that this concern will
be perused and considered by the MILF negotiating panel.
There are many other issues raised by some MILF leaders
through the media, which will be the subject of negotiations
in these talks. The sooner that we enter into an agreement,
the sooner we can find viable solutions to these many issues.
We propose that in this round of talks, we focus once
more on the substantive issues and explore common grounds.
We acknowledge that the issues that we tackle now are the
more difficult ones, but we are optimistic that we can find
mutually viable solutions.
Let us redouble our efforts to conclude these negotiations
in the soonest possible time. The sooner, the better.
We Are not Dealing with an

Ordinary Conflict
et me start my opening statement by reminding ourselves that we are now

treading the most difficult phase of the 15-year old GPH-MILF peace
negotiation. We are now dealing with the core of the Moro Question and the
armed conflict in Mindanao, which is the issue of genuine self-governance for
our people. It is for this reason that we now experience numerous problems
along our path. If we are not engaged in real problem-solving negotiation,
then we will end up without signing the comprehensive compact soon or at
any time during the Aquino administration.
However, what is consoling to us is that practically all the hard issues
are on the table and clear to all parties; for instance, power sharing, wealth
sharing, territory, and interim period. But if we cannot settle these issues
soon, surely, we are heading for more headaches. The other elements of
the proposed Bangsamoro entityor shall we officially call it now a Moro
substate or statelike the establishment of police, internal security force,
basic law, and normalization, among others, are equally challenging. What I
am saying here is that we must tighten our belt and continue to deal with
these issues head-on, bearing in mind that time is running out, if we are
to take into consideration the view of the GPH that the comprehensive
compact has to be signed next month.
I want to remind ourselves again that the Moro Question and the armed
conflict in Mindanao are not easy nuts to crack. Our negotiation is not about
solving an ordinary conflict. What we are dealing with here is about a deadly
armed conflict where thousands upon thousands of people died or injured,
and millions of people became homeless, many of whom have not returned
to their original dwellings to this day and have had their lands taken over by
63
64
GETTING TO PEACE
other people. It is about a home-grown sovereignty-based

armed struggle that cannot be simply addressed by giving
them cash, houses, or positions in government.
In other words, we cannot just design a formula that
is working with ordinary conflict, because the MILF-led
struggle is different. The MILF is armed, the MILF has the
popular backing and support, the MILF has the organization,
and the MILF has ideology, which gives its members not
only direction and guidance, but the reasons to undertake
struggle. We did not join the MILF for the sake of wanting
to get wealth and positions in the government. We are not
solving our individual, family, or groups problem. What we
are solving is the problem of the Moros, a problem spawned
by colonialism and Filipino neocolonialism. This is one of
the reasons why the problem of Brother Nur Misuari refuses
to fly away because he still wants to be in power even after
becoming governor of the Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao and chairperson of the Southern Philippines
Council for Peace and Development. Otherwise, if it were
not a personal problem, he would willingly pass the buck
to the MILF, because he has nothing more to offer to our
people, after he agreed to be subsumed by the current system
in the Philippines.
On the practical side, do we think the MILF will settle for
something that is not lasting and is not sure of really solving
the problem? Do we think the MILF is willing to disarm and
turn over its 12,500 firearms, granting this government
figure is correct, for something that is not sure to happen?
Certainly, we cannot put the collective interests, security,
and future of our people at the mercy or tyranny of the future.
We need to be sure that what we sign with the government
is the one that really addresses the Moro Question and the
armed conflict in Mindanao. A half-baked solution is worse
than no solution at all.
For almost two years during the Aquino administration,
we managed to sign only few documents: four joint
statements which were worded almost vaguely, and terms of
references for the International Monitoring Team and the

65
Humanitarian, Relief, and Development Component of the

IMT. All these documents are certainly important but they
are not directly related to the substantive issues of the current
peace negotiation that can propel it nearer to its goal. But
seemingly we forgot something very important that despite
the rough sailing in the current peace talks, the parties have
already agreed on many things especially on the 11-point
formulation that the parties have accepted last 7 December
2011, with GPHs reservations on three issues, as part of the
basic principles of the current negotiation. In addition, no less
than His Excellency President Benigno Noynoy Aquino III
agreed to the MILFs proposal to create a ministerial form of
government in the future Bangsamoro entity provided that
those running that state government are elected directly by
the people. Are these matters less agreed upon because they
are not signed? To me an agreement is an agreement whether
signed or not, because accountability does not only rest with
men alone, but most solemnly to God. But in a negotiation,
this is not to be treated this way. There is no agreement at all
until the parties so agreed and sign it.
For this reason, I wish to invite my honorable counterpart
from the government to consider seriously from now on
putting all these agreed points including the 11-point
formulation aforementioned into formal documents and sign
them, so we can tell ourselves that indeed we have achieved
something and we are moving forward. We have also concrete
proof to show to our people and the international community
that indeed the two parties are serious and are producing
results and not just talk, talk, and talk. More importantly,
these papers will also form part of the official documents of
the GPH-MILF peace negotiation that we can bank on and
guide us as we go into the details of the various issues of the
negotiation.
On this note, let me thank all of you for lending me
your ears as I read through my opening statement. Good
morning and wassalamu alaikum wa rahmatullahi taala wa
barakatuhu!
On 15 February 2012,
the Parties reaffirmed
the Implementing
Guidelines of the
Joint Communiqu of
6 May 2002, thereby
renewing the mandate
of the Ad Hoc Joint
Action Group for
twelve months.
26th

1921 March 2012

MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal during the plenary session. Members of the GPH delegation
pose with ICG member Emma Leslie of Conciliation Resources (top row, fourth from left) and MILF
Panel Secretariat member Esmael Pasigan (seated, second from left). Women members of the
GPH delegation, including GPH Panel members Usec. Yasmin Busran-Lao and Prof. Miriam Coronel
Ferrer, as well as ICG member Emma Leslie pose with Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar
Tengku Mohamed.
The Welfare of Our People Is at the

Core of These Negotiations
Monday, 19 March 2012
he Honorable Members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front headed

by His Excellency Mohagher Iqbal and the secretariat of the MILF. The
members of the International Contact Group, our Malaysian facilitator, and
the members of the Malaysian secretariat.
Bismillah hir rahman hir raheem. Assalamu alaikum.
All of us know that the heart of what we are discussing in this negotiating
table is not what government can assert or what the MILF can gain. It is, first
and foremost, what we can really get for our people, their communities, and
their future. The frame of these discussions at this very difficult stage of our
negotiations should always take into consideration our ideas of democracy,
viability, and mandates for the representation of those who will temporarily
lead the forms of governance that we agree upon.
Democracy is, of course, a loaded term. But, it is the very reason why we
have always maintained that the end of these discussions should always result
in real and genuine representation for the Bangsamoro. Ours is a democratic
and republican state where there are openings to improve on the unitary system
with constitutional provisions that allow for flexible autonomies to happen.
Autonomy, even as enshrined in present laws, should, however, never be a
reason to entrench any form of authoritarianism. Neither should it be used to
justify lack of good and effective governance. Indeed, if we are truly to abide
by its spirit: autonomy already acknowledges historical and cultural differences
while at the same time acknowledges a faith that the peoples who claim it can
also be truly heard and can hold their leaders accountable.
69
70
GETTING TO PEACE
The government that is installed must work. It must be

accountable. It must be effective. It must have the mandate of
the governed. It must be tolerant and accountable. Otherwise,
we repeat the sins of our history: even that part of our history
where we sought accommodations in order to sue for peace.
Of course, we should all acknowledge the weaknesses in
our realities. Let me enumerate again some of them. I think
these will resonate between our tables.
First, poverty. Unchecked poverty results in vulnerabilities
for the population that can prove fatal for democracy which
all of us are too familiar with. It is these vulnerabilities that
are exploited and purchased by those who are powerful. It
is therefore essential that even as we attend to recalibrating
the relationship between the autonomous government in the
south with that of the national, we should also attend to the
immediate problem of addressing this dimension.
Second, education. A viable democracy requires an
informed people. Again, the lack of these can be taken
advantage of in very familiar scripts by those who can become
powerful. With the ability to dream as a people, to understand
histories as a people, there also needs to be installed the
ability to respond to the present situation as a people without
the slants and the propaganda. Our people need to see the
present situation as it is in its raw form. We have to clarify
the problem as we see them. We also have to be clear that any
of our solutions may not be perfect for now.
Third, the abuse of public office. Public office should
always be a public trust. Those who occupy them should
always see that they are given temporary stewardship of
resources that can matter to the lives of our people. None
of us should tolerate the idea that these are largesse resulting
from any political exercise: whether they be elections or a
negotiated peace. In the end, what we need are leaders who
can stand the crucible of peoples scrutiny. In their selection
and in their governance, there always has to be accountability.
Anything less than this will only postpone the reckoning.
Anything less than this will not bring about lasting peace.

71
All these are now being addressed by government.

They are being addressed by government with some leaders
within the current ARMM. To a certain extent, we need to
acknowledge the progress that have already been made. After
all, the present government cannot renege on performing as
government the best way it can, guided by the values already
found within its own legal order. In time, given the sincerity,
capability, and resources and the support of many peoples for
these reform agenda, communities will be able to feel that
their lives have changed and that they have more control of
what happens to them.
But the value added to these negotiations is to bring on
board more of your aspirations and solutions that you brought
with you as a movement. We daresay that these negotiations
should not be for the purpose of supplanting the good that has
already been achieved. Again, at the core of these discussions
we should only have our various peoples in mind.
We are approaching what would seem to be a stalemate
in our ideas for transition as well as in our ideas of how to
make permanent the solutions that work for our peoples. I
invite our counterparts to take a step back with us. Perhaps,
by examining the reasons why we insist on our various
positions we can see ways forward. Perhaps if both our teams
can temporarily suspend judgment so that we can candidly
evaluate our reasons and standpoints, see their political
viability. Perhaps, we can both keep an open mind, we could
convince ourselves that there are goals more appropriate rather
than sticking to our encrusted positions.
The timelines that we have imagined presupposes the
political and legal possibilities that are present within the
first half of this administration. Should we fail to meet these
timelines, these negotiations will continue but we would
have to seriously recraft the proposals that we now already
have on the table. But that time has not yet come, and we
are still in the midst of exploring the many opportunities
that an agreement within the first half of this year can bring.
Let us redouble our efforts, understand the reasons for
72
GETTING TO PEACE
our positions, bring them carefully and accurately to our

principals and constituents, spark the needed public debate,
and then participate with our principals to come out with
difficult decisions.
Let us stay focused and be patient so that we can have
greater understanding of the possibilities that still lie ahead
of us.
Good morning.
The Clear Path Without Branches

Monday, 19 March 2012
e are now in the last month of the first quarter of the year 2012, the
timeline for signing the comprehensive compact between the MILF
and the Government of the Philippines which our honorable counterpart
from the GPH had boldly claimed sometime in 2011. Honestly, we were
fascinated by such boldness, which we know is very much possible if the Aquino
administration is really committed to solve the age-old Moro Question and
the armed conflict in Mindanao, following his Matuwid na Daan or Straight
Path policy, which I solemnly hope is the Right Path.
Why I say this is possible in a straight path policy of any just or rightlyguided leader, if we view this policy in the light of the Islamic principles of
Sirat al-mustaqeem. In the daily prayers of Muslims, they recite the Surah
Al-Fatiha, seventeen times in five obligatory prayers and at least seventeen in
optional prayers, through which they solemnly ask for guidance to the straight
path. This is the first chapter of the Quran. Hence the Quran would describe
the honest person as being straight and the wicked person as being crooked,
which includes one who does not fulfill promises and commitments made
with fellow human beings.
It is on this premise that I am hopeful that under the administration of
President Aquino the Moro Question and the armed conflict in Mindanao
will finally be put to rest. It is also on this premise that I believe our honorable
counterpart in the GPH would deal with us in straightforward manner;
meaning, what has been committed, as a product of honest discussion, will
be pursued and followed sincerely, including signing it without delay. From
it we can move forward with much trust and confidence, as we confront the
most contentious issues of the negotiation.
Surely and without doubt, the comprehensive compact will not be signed
now or perhaps even in April, despite the claim of the honorable Secretary
73
74
GETTING TO PEACE
Teresita Ging Quintos-Deles, banking on a miracle to

happen. The greater fear is that we might not even sign it
at all if we are not firm on our resolve to push hard in our
negotiation. Sad to note, however, that within the first two
years of the Aquino administration, we have not signed
anything of great consequence that we can show to our people
and the world that indeed there is a big happening in the
current peace negotiation. I am afraid that we might not be
as productive as compared to the times of Secretary Silvestre
Afable III, Secretary Rodolfo Garcia, and Ambassador Rafael
Seguis, notwithstanding the fact that we have a counterpart
in the GPH which is led by a brilliant lawyer and a dean of
law at that.
Honestly speaking, despite the stark picture of what
is really happening in the negotiation, Central Mindanao
provinces are dotted with placards and streamers, obviously
coming from the military, proclaiming the imminent coming
of peace in Mindanao. While we congratulate the military
for this support of peace in Mindanao; in fact, it is also our
clamor, we are also perplexed no end, because such excessive
building up of public expectation will have serious backlash
if, at the end, there will be no signing. I dont know why
the military is in such a frenzy for proclaiming that peace
is forthcoming in Mindanao. We do not question their
motive, but perhaps there is a communication gap between
those in charge of the negotiation and those on the ground.
I do not want to view it as a deliberate act for some special
effects of unknown reason. Unless we succeed in the current
negotiation, this one-sided portrayal of the positive side of the
negotiation will only create frustration amongst our people
and the possible negative backlash is unimaginable.
Up till today, I hope that the Aquino administration
is still pursuing the first best option, which is to sign an
agreement with the MILF, and the second best option, which
is merely to reform the Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao (ARMM), is not being pursued by the government
in replacement of the negotiated political settlement of the
Moro Question and the armed conflict in Mindanao. And

75
clearly if the first is the option of the government, then we

can expect seriousness in the current peace talks. But if the
second is now the option, then it is very easy to see. Expect
commitments made to be changed randomly.
Lastly, it is perhaps of interest to you that we share
our historic trip to Rome, Italy, from 58 March upon the
invitation of the Community of SantEgidio, which is a
Christian community that is officially recognized by the Holy
See as a Church public lay association. It claims 50,000
members in more than seventy countries. It is also recognized
by the United Nations within the ECOSOC.
Aside from being fascinated by the grandeur of Rome,
we were also struck by the openness of the group for religious
dialogues and their willingness to take part in conflict
resolutions. They have welcomed us with open arms and
they are seriously considering reaching out to the Philippine
government and the Catholic Church in the Philippines,
the two major players in shaping the direction of this state.
This group has a good track record in settlement of conflicts
from Africa and Bosnia-Herzegovina to South America.
They played the lead role in the settling of bloody conflict
in Mozambique in Africa where 1,000,000 died of starvation
and from the fighting. The peace pact that ended this conflict
was signed at the room where we were received by their key
leaders led by its president, Professor Marco Impagliazzo,
47 years old, who is teaching history at the University for
Foreigners of Perugia, and is now serving his second term
as president.
From Rome, we proceeded to Catalonia upon the
invitation of Mr. Kristian Herbolzheimer of the Conciliation
Resources, a member of the International Contact Group.
With our own eyes, we were able to see how former
monarchical and later dictatorial Spain has now transformed
itself into more federal rather than unitary. Madrid had
agreed to grant more and more autonomous powers to
the seventeen regions especially Catalonia and the Basque
Country. We have also talked to the movers of change in
the Catalan political landscape and those who represent the
76
GETTING TO PEACE
status quo. Throughout our four-day visit, we never felt the

stigma of the past and the curse of the 320-year Moro-Spanish
War in Mindanao. And Madrid, to our surprise, is at peace
in allowing the Catalans to pursue their right to identity,
language, and for a homeland. But still one of the battle lines
of continuous hard bargaining is the right to tax;
Madrid refuses to budge an inch to Catalonia to this day.
We also had a side trip to Granada where that famous
Alhambra Palace of the Moorish King is situated. We saw
the grandeur of the palace, the greatness of the architecture,
and the impregnable fort where the last battle between the
Moors and the Catholic army was fought that resulted in
the decisive defeat of the first, w hich e nded t heir a lmost
800 years rule in Spain. It is an experience of a lifetime that
brought us back in time, as Atty. Datu Michael Mastura, one
ustadz, and I, slowly made our way through the crowd of
mostly Japanese tourists, to examine every corner and room
of the fancied palace.
To the Moros in Mindanao, this side trip is very
important. Had not the Moors been defeated in Spain,
the Spaniards would not have come to the Philippines and
probably the whole of it would have become Muslims because
at the coming of Spain in 1570, Manila and Tondo were
firmly under Moro hegemony. There were also many areas
in Visayas and Luzon held by Moros especially Batangas,
Mindoro, and Pampanga. But these are all water under the
bridge. History has it that the unconquered is now at the
mercy of the conquered. This is what we are trying to correct
in this negotiation: the great imbalance of the totality of
relationship between the Philippine state and the Moros of
Mindanao.
On this note, I thank everyone in this session hall for
lending me his or her ear as we made a rundown of what I
believe as the true state of this 15-year-old GPH-MILF peace
negotiation in Mindanao.
Thank you and good day!
27th

24 April 2012

GPH Panel members Dr. Hamid Barra and Sec. Senen Bacani in a discussion outside the plenary session.
The plenary session during the 27th Formal Exploratory Talks. The GPH and MILF Panel Chairs and
Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed sign the GPH-MILF Decision Points
on Principles as of April 2012.
ince our last round of negotiations, there have been a lot of reports quoting
various sources from the Moro Islamic Liberation Front voicing some
concerns about the GPH and its position in relation to these negotiations.
Allow me to use part of this opening statement to address most of them.
Perhaps this can be a modest contribution so that we can collectively situate
ourselves as to where we may be in the process.
There is the cluster of questions that pertains to the decision-making
procedures for the mandate of the GPH panel in these negotiations. More
specifically, some high-level leaders of the MILF as stated in the national
gathering, voiced doubts as to who was actually making policy.
Let me quell these doubts once and for all. The GPH panel is a creation of
Executive Order No. 3, series of 2001, and the appointment of his Excellency
President Benigno S. Aquino. We draw our authority from the President of the
Republic of the Philippines. He, on the other hand, draws his constitutional
authority to conduct these negotiations from various sources in the 1987
constitution prominent among which would be his residual powers as Chief
Executive and his powers to decide when to call back the armed forces as
Commander-in-Chief. There is an existing Memorandum of Instructions to
the Panel drawing the general framework of the mandate of the panel and
delineating the roles of the Chair as well as the Presidential Adviser on the
Peace Process. There are also meetings done with the President, with him and
a cluster of the Cabinet, with members of his Cabinet and with individual
cabinet secretaries. For this Panel, everything that we formally put on the table
has his mandate.
Of course, we are under a duty to do consultations with those whom
we identify as stakeholders. Obviously too, considering the nature of the
negotiations, there are very difficult balances to be maintained between
revealing our positions prematurely by showing offers and counteroffers on the
table, on the one hand, and the need to get the ideas of all those involved, on
79
80
On 3-6 November
2011, The Asia
Foundation (TAF)
through the Social
Weather Stations
(SWS) commissioned
a survey of 1,800
adults in Mindanao
on public sentiments
on the ongoing
GPH-MILF peace
process. The TAF-SWS
survey covered a
myriad of issues such
as the concept of
Bangsamoro identity;
perceptions on the
most important
problem in conflictaffected Mindanao;
public satisfaction with
government officials
and institutions; levels
of public faith on
institutions to deliver
justice; levels of trust
among personalities/
institutions/groups;
effective means for
dealing with various
armed groups;
perceptions on Islam
and Christianity;
sincerity of peace
initiatives; and
economic trends amid
the resumption of talks,
among others. The
results of the survey
were helpful to the
GPH Panel in gauging
public attitudes and
providing context in
addressing key issues
being discussed on the
negotiation table.
GETTING TO PEACE
the other. Rest assured, this panel has conducted no less than
sixty-six meetings since its inception as a team. The meetings
include those with members of the Senate, members of the
House of Representatives, local government unitsfrom
mayors to governors and also the regional governor of the
current ARMM, and even the members of the Armed Forces
of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police. We have
also conducted formal and informal meetings with various
components of civil society. On some occasions, we have also
sat down with members of the media.
Of course, with the tempo of these negotiations, it is
impossible to say at this point that we are done with all
our consultations. Given the breadth of the constituencies
involved which is national in scope, all we can do is make
the best use of our time and resources not only to prepare
for the negotiations, be in meetings with our principals, and
also to conduct consultations.
We have suggested to the MILF a few meetings ago
that we conduct a joint survey so as to feel the pulse of the
communities that live within the areas which are the subject
of our discussions. The MILF, at that time, did not take
on this proposal. We however did the survey as a means of
informing ourselves as to the sentiment of the people. We
have been guided in many of our positions and arguments
by the results of that survey. We intend to conduct more of
these surveys as well as more of the group discussions as we
proceed in these negotiations.
Again, we emphasize that these consultations netted
various points of views. Some were agreeable to the direction
and substance of the talks. Others have been very critical. At
the end of the day, we are directed by the President who, in
turn, is accountable to the people.
Policy, therefore, is not made by the Chair of this Panel
nor by the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process. Rather it
is decided by the constitutional authority to whom we report.
Possibilities discussed during the negotiations, be they formal
or informal, are simply that: possibilities for the consideration
by the other side. They should never be confused for actual

81
positions already. We do state when we are ready to take a

position and to discuss the interest and reasons behind such
positions. We take care that these positions are always just
and legitimate.
That is precisely what is happening to the offer made by
the MILF on the question of the power sharing agenda.
The MILF provided us with a table containing three columns
namely: exclusive powers of the national government,
concurrent powers, and exclusive powers of the autonomous
entity. Within each column, the MILF listed topics which,
in its view, should be within the competence of either the
national government, the autonomous political entity, or
both. The listing is that of topics, and it is understandable
why the MILF took such an approach.
For the GPH, however, there is a necessity to look at the
various aspects of each topic. It is easy to imagine that the
topic saying energy which currently falls in your proposal
as a proposed exclusive power of the autonomous political
entity would cause and have indeed caused a very involved
discussion within the government. Unlike a revolutionary
movement, government needs to deal with all the ramifications
of energyfrom competences to decide on fuel mix, the
policy on deregulation, to the framework of transmission, and
distribution and pricing before it can provide a reasonable
position on the matter. Overarching all of these, of course,
is the concept of autonomy as an asymmetrical relationship
between the national and the autonomous region already in
the Constitution. This, in addition to the information that
was already provided to us through your panel during our
last round. We have also engaged the governor of the ARMM
and some of its past officials to give us a sense of what had
worked, what had not worked, of what is working, and what
is not working.
There are currently seventy-three items in the three
columns that you have proposed. Since then we have engaged
the relevant cabinet clusters, departments, and initially and
hopefully the President. But much more has to be done in
order for us to be provided with enough information to be
82
GETTING TO PEACE
able to produce a clearer position on this matter on this table.

Another month may be a reasonable timetable. Hence, we
have requested that the agenda on power sharing be deferred
for our next formal exploratory talks to be scheduled hopefully
in May. By the way, we have noticed that many of the topics
that you have placed in each column are now different from
the Revised Comprehensive Compact that was submitted
for our consideration. The language is in fact even different.
Which brings me to another point.
Much has been said about the initial documents
submitted by the GPH. That is, there is an accusation that
we have remained intransigent with our initial position which
we have named as the three-for-one formula. What we recall
is that the panels decided to look at what may be common
between our proposals. We also recall that we agreed to focus,
in the meantime, at this table on political restructuring. We
also know that we have identified at least eleven points where
we might have an agreement and found language for at least
ten points. Our panels, and our principals, know that these are
only an initial set of agreements which must be contextualized
later by the full final agreement. But, upon the suggestion of
your panel, we have agreed to craft it in a signable document
to mark our agreement and our progress. We have then
moved on to talk about power sharing, geographical area,
wealth sharing, and transition period. We have asked that
normalization be also put as part of the agenda.
The contents of our proposed peace accord are not
unreasonably set in stone. They are not unmovable, but the
contents of that document are there for us to discuss with
you. This is a negotiations process, and one cannot fault any
party when they come out with initial positions. Like you,
we have moved from our initial positions. Let me repeat that.
Like you, we have moved from our initial positions.
If we did a survey of all the autonomous relationships
in the other states in this planet, we could easily come to the
conclusion that there is no one size that fits all. But, there are
a few commonalities that we should already notice.

83
First, the principle of autonomy seems to be to allow

for more democratic spaces in situations where a national
minority (and I purposely put that term in quotation marks)
because of its sheer numerical minority would have a difficult
time in national policy. Yet, this minority, unlike the other
parts of the national body politic, share common histories,
dominant cultures or religions, or combinations of these
different from the majority. Unlike other minority concerns
which can be best addressed through some form of affirmative
action, those within a territorially delimitable physical space
opt to choose a subnational form of government, but at the
same time, with enough competencies that will allow them
to reflect their ideals, values, and aspirations. Autonomy
therefore guarantees more democracy.
Second, autonomous relationships are per se asymmetrical.
That is, that they enjoy competencies which may not be
similar to the other levels of local governments. Again, the
justification here is that it has distinctive historical, social, and
cultural characteristics that bind its inhabitants.
Third, autonomous relationships go through phases and
are continually negotiated. There are autonomies that do not
succeed because of failure of leadership, structural defects, or
both. There are autonomies that have been granted sufficient
normative competence but insufficient resources. There are
autonomies where the initial grant of competencies have
become anachronistic with the development of the region
which thus require continuous renegotiation with the national
government.
Fourth, autonomous areas are rarely self-contained; that
is, the problems they encounter can also affect not only their
neighboring regions but also the national state as well. This
is easy to imagine given our current reality, current security,
ecological, and even lately energy problems.
At this negotiating table, we are precisely discussing
the contours of that autonomous area, the modalities of
governance specifically the relationship of that autonomous
political entity to the national government and the transition
84
GETTING TO PEACE
period to lead to that meaningful autonomous reality. The

mere fact that we have an autonomous relationship clearly
negates that the Republic of the Philippines, in its ideal, is
purely a unitary form of government.
The narrative of the Philippines as a state is not
inconsistent with the narrative of a Bangsamoro identity.
While we speak with different standpoints we believe that
we have common goals: a government truly of our peoples
reflecting our histories, ideals, and aspirations. If we are to
find workable and meaningful answers to the Bangsamoro
question, it may be time for us to spend more time to look
seriously at each others reasons rather than to cause our people
to believe that we rattle our sabers. We have seen the face of
armed conflict; and both of us know that it is the least of the
options that we want to pursue.
Let us just talk just peace, patiently.
Thank you.
The Peace Negotiation Is Not Doomed

here is no doubt the current peace negotiation is passing through a very

difficult situation. Almost two years into the Aquino administration, the
two parties have barely moved from where they left off in 2010. The parties
commitment for the continuity of the peace process has not moved them
forward substantially. In fact, during our meeting in Kuala Lumpur last 1921
March, we almost went home empty-handed, except for the agreement of the
parties to agree to invite and grant observer status to OIC Secretary General, His
Excellency Tevetoglu hsano lu, to the ongoing GPH-MILF peace negotiations.
Although this is a tremendous huge plus factor in our continuing efforts to solve
the Moro Question and the armed conflict in Mindanao, the most substantive
part of this negotiation leading to the signing of the comprehensive compact
is practically untouched. Personally, I attribute this to several factors.
First, from President Manuel Quezon in 1935 until President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo, the Philippine policy and thinking about the Moros have
not basically changed. It is all about incorporating them into the national body
politic, treating them as an integral part thereof, and sending the full force of
the armed forces when they become restive or unruly. We have yet to see that
under the Aquino administration things will start to shape differently and for
the better. We still want to see that under his matuwid na daan (straight path)
policy, he would agree to do away with the paralyzing effects of the status quo
or the unitary system where subnational units are created and abolished, and
their powers may be broadened and narrowed, by the central government.
Although political power in unitary states may be delegated through
devolution to local government by statute, the central government remains
supreme; it may abrogate the acts of devolved governments or curtail their
powers. This well explained the cycle of abolition of offices from the Moro
Province, Department of Mindanao and Sulu, Bureau of Non-Christian
Tribes, Commissioner for
85
86
The Organisation of
Islamic Cooperation
(OIC) (formerly
Organisation of Islamic
Conference) is an
intergovernmental
organization with fiftyseven member-states,
aiming to ensure the
protection of Muslim
interests and promote
peace and harmony
in the international
community.
For this round, the
OIC Secretary General
Tevetoglu hsano lu was
invited by the Parties to
observe the conduct of
negotiations, but he was
not able to attend.
According to news
reports, Chinese naval
vessels were reportedly
seen unloading building
materials and installing
posts in Iroquis Reef
and Army Douglas
Bank within the area
of Spratlys Islands in
2011. At the time, China
however denied any
military incursions in
the Spratlys.
Seven states have
outstanding island and
maritime claims over
the South China Sea,
namely Brunei, Peoples
Republic of China,
Indonesia, Malaysia, the
Philippines, Taiwan, and
Vietnam.
GETTING TO PEACE
Mindanao, Commission on National Integration, Office of

Muslim Affairs, and now National Commission for Muslim
Filipinos. Will the abolition stop here? The answer is no,
because it is inherent in the unitary system that the units are
under the mercy of the central authority.
Therefore, a shift to the asymmetrical arrangement
inherent in a federal system is much desired, whereby a
group of members are bound together by covenant, with
a governing representative head, wherein provided further
that sovereignty is constitutionally divided between a central
governing authority and constituent political units (like states
or provinces).
Thus, the Manila government, as the successor in interest
or beneficiary of Moros loss of their homeland, even assuming
that prior to 1935 or 1946 they were not the ones calling
the shots and they too were also victims of some American
excesses, should and must be magnanimous in giving a
substantial restoration of Moro rights especially in governing
themselves under the aegis of defined relationship with the
central government. Without this magnanimity and political
will to grant substantial powers to Moros, the Moro Question
and the armed conflict will stay with us forever. Never mind
the economic aid to them, this can wait; in truth, if not
handled carefully, it would only complicate matters, because
only the elites in Moro society will snare the lion-share to
the almost exclusion of the ordinary people. The government
must learn to stay out of its comfort zone and dare offer to
the Moros a political package that is not empty and hollow;
an offer that does not add insult to injury. The days of bogus
autonomy has gone! It is time for government to be serious;
it is time for it to solve the internal problems, in the face of
the crisis in the China Sea. China is already on the fringes of
Philippine territory.
Second, there seems to be no unanimity in the approaches
of the parties that seriously prevented them to put their acts
together and bear clear fruits. For the MILF peace panel, we
want to see a process where we agree first on basic principles,
concepts, frameworks, and parameters, then the elements, and

87
then the parts or details. Obviously unknown to some, much

has been achieved already in this regard. The basic principles
and frameworks and the essential elements of the future
Moro entity have been settled and agreed upon by the parties
in many past documents, among which are: The General
Framework of Intent Between the GRP and the MILF
(August 27, 1998); Agreement on the General Framework
for the Resumption of Peace Talks (March 24, 2001); Tripoli
Agreement of 2001 (June 22, 2001); Consensus Points on
the Strand of Concept, Territory, Resources, and Governance
at TWG level (April 20, 2005); Consensus Points on the
Strand on Governance of the Ancestral Domain (September
16, 2005); and the Declaration of Continuity for Peace
Negotiation between the GPH and the MILF (June 3, 2010).
Surely, it is important for both parties to look back from
1997 in order to understand the current situation and move
toward the future with greater confidence and speed. More
importantly, they would be guided properly and conduct
the negotiation as faithful as possible; and consequently the
much desired mutual trust and confidence between the parties
which are vital in moving forward will be achieved.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the state-substate
asymmetrical arrangement proposal of the MILF, which in
every respect is a template for a federal system of government,
did not come from out of the blue ocean. It was borne out
of a difficult moment in the talks. Datuk Othman bin Abd
Razak, then the Malaysian facilitator, frankly told not just the
MILF Peace Panel but its Central Committee, during one of
his visits to Darapanan, Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao, that
he cannot continue facilitating the talks with a secessionist
agenda of the MILF in the negotiating table. Either the
MILF mellows down its stance to autonomy with no
option to secede or the Malaysian government ceases its
facilitation. It was indeed a difficult situation on the part of
the MILF to drop the option, in view of its firm belief that
the ultimate solution to the Moro Question is for the Moro
country to become fully independent. What the MILF did
to get out of the fix was to call for a series of consultation
involving the Moros in Mindanao, on whose behalf the
88
GETTING TO PEACE
MILF got its mandate and legitimacy including negotiation

with the government to articulate their aspirations. These
consultations culminated on 2931 May 2005 where more
than a million people responded and gathered in Darapanan,
and resulted in the renewal of the blanket authority of the
MILF Central Committee to continue negotiating peace with
the government. Teresita Ging Quintos-Deles, then also the
Secretary of the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace
Process, accompanied by Prof. Rudy Rodil, member of the
government peace panel, and Director Ryan Sullivan, head
of the government peace panel secretariat, graced the historic
occasion. Secretary Silvestre Afable Jr., then government chief
negotiator, was unable to come. However, sometime later, in
the presence of Datuk Othman bin Abd Razak, he also met
with Chairman Murad in Darapanan.
At this juncture, please be reminded that the healthy
interpersonal relationships between the peace panels during
Afables stint was passed on to the time of Secretary Rodolfo
Garcia, who was a former military man but imbued with
skills in negotiation, for which reason, the talks made
strides upon strides until that historic document known
as the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain
was shot down by the Supreme Court by declaring it as
unconstitutional on 14 October 2008. But nevertheless, the
Supreme Court rendered little but big justice to the MOA-AD
by noting that it can be renegotiated or another one will be
drawn up to carry out the Ancestral Domain Aspect of the
Tripoli Agreement of 2001, in another or in any form, which
could contain similar or significantly drastic provisions. This
decision in effect conferred upon the Tripoli Agreement of
2001, considered the mother of all agreements between the
government and MILF, that validity and binding effect on
the government. This agreement served as the main guiding
post for all subsequent agreements, most especially that hoped
for new formula contained in the proposed comprehensive
compact. This is the reason why the MILF peace panel starts
and situates its core position in this negotiation on this
framework agreement.

89
In addition, the MILF stance is firmly anchored on the

principle of right to self-determination of people; and by
virtue of that, they have the right to freely determine their
political status and freely pursue their economic, social,
and cultural development. This is embodied in Article I of
the Charter of the United Nations and in the Declaration
of Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly
Relations and Co-operation Among States adopted by the UN
General Assembly in 1970, the Helsinki Final Act adopted by
the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe in
1975, the African Charter of Human and Peoples Rights of
1981, the CSCE Charter of Paris for a New Europe adopted in
1990, and the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action
of 1993. As a matter of fact, the Philippine government has
tacitly agreed to this option when it signed with the MILF
the Tripoli Agreement on 22 June 2001, to wit:
The observance of International Humanitarian
Law and respect for internationally recognized human
rights instrument and the protection of evacuees and
displaced persons in the conduct of their relations
reinforce the Bangsamoro peoples fundamental right to
determine their own future and political status.
On the basis of this same agreement, the parties also

agreed that the political solution to the Moro Question and
the armed conflict in Mindanao must be in purview of a
new formula:
The negotiation and peaceful resolution of
the conflict must involve consultations with the
Bangsamoro people free of any imposition in order
to provide chances of success and open new formulas
that permanently respond to the aspirations of the
Bangsamoro people for freedom.
Again, on 3 June 2010, the parties signed the Declaration

of Continuity for Peace Negotiation, which firmly affirmed
this solemn commitment:
90
GETTING TO PEACE
The ultimate goal of the talks is to consider

new modalities to end the armed hostilities with
responsibility to protect and for human security, in
addition to resolve the legitimate grievances and claims
for the people of Moro ancestry and origin.
In brief, the position of the MILF is not only consistent

that has basis on signed agreements but also faithful to the
intention and commitment of the parties to pursue the peace
negotiations on the substantive issues as soon as possible, resolutely
continue the negotiation until the parties reach a negotiated
political settlement (Agreement on Intent, August 27, 1998).
I do not want to say this, keeping in mind that until
now out of respect and trust the MILF has never said unkind
words to President Benigno Aquino III. But even the 3-for-1
proposal put forward by the government is in the category of
an old formula that should not have been put forward if only
to fast-track the ongoing negotiation, as agreed by President
Aquino, and Chairman Al Haj Murad Ebrahim in Tokyo,
Japan on August 4, 2011.
To tell you very frankly, the MILF cannot slide down
any lower than our current proposal for the establishment of
a substate for our people. To do so is not only to render the
MILF irrelevant but would also lose its moral ascendancy to
lead our people to live a decent life on the basis of principles
of parity of esteem and equality of peoples. The totality
of relationship between the Philippine State and the
Moros, which is so one-sided against the latter, must be
altered, if we are to see real peace and development in
Mindanao. The MILF cannot and will never accept a
recooked ARMM even with all the spices and ingredients
to make it palatable to the MILF. The ARMM, despite
its billing as autonomous, is merely an administrative
unit of government, weaker than provinces or cities. No
less than the Supreme Court of the Philippines, in its final
decision on the law postponing the ARMM election to
allow for synchronization with the national elections in
2013, had decided with finality that it is not autonomous.
So, therefore, we appeal to the government,

91
please do not offer the ARMM or any similar entity to the

MILF again, because we will reject it with the same intensity,
as we have done before, in 2000, in 2001, in 2003, and in
2010. It is only a waste of time, energyand goodwill.
And the third reason is there is no rejoinder of issues.
The parties are speaking on dissimilar or irregular wavelengths
and measures. The MILF proposes a comprehensive compact,
which is what that declaration of continuity document, obliges
the parties to undertake while the government puts forward a
three-part proposal. The best template, as what the Afables
and Garcias peace panels did with the MILF in relation to the
MOA-AD, was to agree first on the basic principles and then
on strands of the Ancestral Domain as Aspect of the Tripoli
Agreement of 2001. They separately developed their proposals
using the same template, which they in turn jointly put into
a matrix, deliberated them one by one, and then indicated
where they agreed and where they disagreed. Those where
they agreed, they immediately wrote them in agreed text, and
thereafter proceeded to where they had disagreement. This
meticulous procedure was pursued patiently and objectively
until they have initialled the MOA-AD on July 28, 2008.
Of course, it was not an easy matter; in truth, they have
negotiated the MOA-AD for three years and eight months.
But the collaborative efforts of the parties, notwithstanding
the impasses, non-appearances, and walkouts, cemented the
mutual respect with each other that Afable or Garcia can call
on their counterparts from the MILF even at short notice.
Although nothing is personal in negotiation, but the personal
cultivation of trust and confidence amongst negotiators, in no
small way, helps bolster the productiveness of the parties. This
is not to say, however, that I do not have high respect for our
current counterparts in the government. I must confess that
of the five government chief negotiators that I have faced, I
find my current counterpart from the government, former
Dean Marvic Leonen, as the most articulate. Pardon me for
making this comparison.
As a parting statement, let me say here that the current
GPH-MILF peace negotiation is not doomed; it is still a

and MILF Peace Panels
signed the April 2012
Decision Points on
Principles which was
intended to guide
discussions on the
substantive agenda
of the negotiations.
Among others, the
Decision Points
recognize Bangsamoro
identity and the
legitimate claims of the
Bangsamoro people;
and that the status quo
is unacceptable and
that the Parties would
work for the creation
of a new autonomous
political entity in place
of the ARMM.
92
GETTING TO PEACE
living exercise, although it is limping. I still have trust in the

commitment of President Benigno Aquino III to deliver his
promise to solve the problem in Mindanao during his term
in office and not allow it to be inherited by the next president
in Malacaan Palace. I have strong faith in the Malaysian
government led by His Excellency Prime Minister Dato Sri
Mohammad Najeeb bin Tun Abdulrazak, and also in the
current Malaysian facilitator, Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku
Mohammed, ably supported by the Malaysian Secretariat. I
have faith in the creativity, resourcefulness, and dedication of
the members of the International Contact Group particularly
the United Kingdom, the Center for Humanitarian Dialogue,
and the Conciliation Resources in seeing to it that parties stay
engaged and continue the peace negotiation. I hope and pray
that the presence of the OIC Secretary General or his official
representative will provide renewed inspiration and political
will to the parties in order to surmount and parry all obstacles
along the pathway to peace in Mindanao.
28th

2830 May 2012

Members of the GPH delegation arrive in the Palace of the Golden Horses in Kuala Lumpur, venue of
the 28th Formal Exploratory Talks. GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen and GPH Panel member
Usec. Yasmin Busran-Lao talk with OPAPP Communications Group Head Dir. Polly Cunanan (center).
For this round, ARMM Governors were invited to serve as observers for the GPH delegation, which
included, from left: Senior Military Adviser BGen. Leo Cresente Ferrer, Tawi-Tawi Gov. Sadikul Sahali,
Basilan Gov. Jum Akbar, Lanao del Sur Gov. Mamintal Adiong Jr., North Cotabato Rep. Jesus Sacdalan,
GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen, Sulu Gov. Sakur Tan, Mangudadatu Gov. Esmael Mangudadatu,
GPH CCCH Secretariat Head Maj. Carlos Sol Jr., and Senior Police Adviser and PRO ARMM Dir. PCSupt.
Noel Delos Reyes.
Meaningful Autonomy for the

Bangsamoro Is also a Democratic
Autonomy
Monday, 28 May 2012
ismillah hir rahman hir raheem. Assalamu alaikum.
First I would like to introduce our delegation here, because today we are
privileged to have them here to show their support. All five governors of the
current Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao insist that they be present
even outside, and they will rotate in terms of being consultants to our panel.
Again, they are present here today to show support for the primacy of the
peace process and that we have many times engaged them in terms of their
ideas and the results of what we have talked about in these negotiations. For
todays opening session, the Governor of Lanao del Sur is with us.
We also reserved a seat for legislators. Today, that seat is occupied by Cong.
Jesus Sacadalan, Chair of the House Special Committee on Peace, Unification,
and Reconciliation of the House of Representatives. I would like to inform
everybody that Senators who are members of the Senate Committee on Peace,
Unification and Reconciliation, headed by Senator Teofisto TG Guingona,
would have wanted to come here, except that of course we all know that today
is a very critical day for the Senate, along the lines of daang matuwid.
Also with us are our police and military component. We would like to
inform the body that we now have a senior police adviser, who is directly in
contact with the Office of the Chief of Police of the Republic of the Philippines.
For and on behalf of the GPH Panel and of course our government, we
would also wish to extend our condolences to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
and to the family of Aleem Abdul Aziz Mimbantas. As we have communicated
to the MILF when we learned of his demise, we consider him as a revolutionary
95
96
Aleem Abdul Aziz

Mimbantas was the
MILF Vice Chairman
for Military Affairs.
He was a founding
member of MNLF
and MILF and served
as MILF Peace Panel
Chair from 1998 to
2000.
He died on 3 May 2012
at the age of 60.
Source: GPH CCCH file photo
GETTING TO PEACE
person, a true leader. One among many of the leaders of the

MILF who have given us reason to continue our personal
esteem and respect for the MILF.
Since our last formal exploratory talks, our panel was
naturally besieged by calls, invitations for forums and
dialogues not only on the content, concept, and rationale
of the Decision Points on Principles as of April 2012, but
likewise what our expectations were of the next round of talks.
This, alongside the technical preparations, consultations with
the cabinet, various members of the Senate, the House of
Representatives and, of course, with the President, occupied
much of the time of the GPH panel. The results of these
consultations have been presented in part as proposals and
counterproposals in this round. As always, we assume that all
our positions from both panels should be regarded as works
in progress.
I would like to share with you though two insights from
the publics reading of point number two of our Decision
Points on Principles: that is, that the parties agree that the
status quo is unacceptable. Most of the questions are framed
usually from the point of view of the querents interests. The
last variation was asked by an Ambassador last Thursday,
during a meeting of all ambassadors to the Philippines of
all the states represented in the Organization of Islamic
CooperationPeace Committee in Southern Philippines.
What do we mean exactly when we say that the status
quo is unacceptable? Do we mean to totally disregard other
institutions that have been set up through various modalities?
By the phrase the Parties will work for the creation of a new
autonomous political entity in place of the ARMM, do we
intend to work from scratch?
I am certain that the commonality as well as the nuances
in our understanding of this and many of phrases in the
Decision Points on Principles will surface again during much
of the discussion during the next three days.
Suffice it to say that I have a strong suspicion that both
sides agree that an autonomous arrangement for peoples with

97
Bangsamoro identity but are Filipino citizens augurs well for

democracy in our entire Republic. Again, echoing the position
we took during the last formal exploratory talks, a national
minority, and that phrase I put in quotation marks for a
reason you all know, can contribute more into the national
body politic through an autonomous government within a
delimited geographical area. It is in that entity that their values
can congeal into their various competencies. Our negotiations
are partly about the appropriate sharing of power so that the
best competencies of the national or central government
complement the best competencies of the autonomous
government given current abilities and future aspirations.
We might also have a strong consensus that the
autonomous self-governance currently in place is still far from
its ideal. But, our apparent differences on why it is far from
the ideal might be occasioned by our different standpoints.
Conscientiously and patiently seeing what the other is seeing
during these negotiations might help us to see a larger picture
and one which presents a better appreciation of reality. A
better appreciation of reality certainly is fundamental for
principled yet pragmatic political solutions to our conflict.
The fear of many of those who have engaged us has
something to do with whether the government, in saying
that the status quo is unacceptable, is ready to marginalize
the many other efforts done in the past and still continuing
in the present simply in order to sign a peace agreement
with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The fear is whether
government is ready and willing to marginalize other Moro
leaders within the conflict-affected areas.
The best answer to this is that any democratic
arrangement, even within an autonomous area, always
concedes tolerance. That is, stewardship of government comes
as a privilege distributed through a process that ensures a
democratic mandate. Negotiated political settlements with
armed insurgencies therefore should be careful that we do
not supplant, devalue, or marginalize the efforts of the good
souls who have even during the conditions of unpeace, also
worked valiantly to achieve the laudable aspirations of those
98
GETTING TO PEACE
who took arms. Put in another way, we must be careful not

to allow the attractions of a revolutionary ideal monopolize
our attention such as to forget the efforts of those who have
painstakingly engaged in the many other different struggles
needed to put some of the conditions for meaningful
democratic autonomy in place. These are the civil servants
and perhaps some political leaders who have participated in
elections no matter how imperfect. I believe that this is a
point that we share with the MILF.
Meaningful autonomy is and has always been a collective
effort of all Moros with the various other identities represented
by the national government complementing their roles.
Meaningful autonomy for the Bangsamoro is therefore,
I think we both believe, also a democratic autonomy.
This is how I would respond to those questions.
The last insight I wish to share in this opening statement
is this: there will always be a failure of political autonomy
if the conditions for economic viability of the autonomous
area are not given as much priority. Hence, our discussion
on wealth sharing and hence the openness of the MILF to
the concepts of economic development. I propose that there
are at least two ways that this statement is true.
First, poverty skews democratic choices. The
manifestations of these are too familiar that it is tempting
not to elaborate further. Perhaps just an image will suffice.
In an ideal democratic setup, for most of the voters in an
area, the allure of the offer to purchase ones vote during
any electoral exercise should not be more convincing or
enticing than the realization of how ones vote can affect ones
livelihood opportunities. Provide people with capacity to take
advantage of more livelihood opportunities as well as social
services that will allow them to have better living conditions
and with it a better quality of life, then you are on your way
to ensuring a better political choice. Tell them that these
capacities and ability to make good choices are theirs simply
because they are citizens entitled to it, then not only will you
ensure better political choices in the voting precincts; you

99
will have an active citizenry jealous of protecting their rights

as against even their own when need be. Put in place good
governance structures, provision of social services, economic
development, and participative democracy and you therefore
plant the seed for good governance.
Second, economic development along with good
governance should enable the autonomous government to be
less dependent on national fund transfers. Less dependency on
national fund transfers matters in the continuing negotiations
for competencies between the national and autonomous
government. Perhaps this was said by one provincial governor
during one of our meetings with them: autonomy in law is
important, but it will be nothing if there is no autonomy
ensured because of economic self-sufficiency as well.
We propose that these two fundamental points also be
taken into consideration when we go through the agenda
items we now have for discussion.
We are aware that in this table first we discuss the political
and then we will go into economic development.
Government is proceeding apace with various
socioeconomic projects which have been neglected in the
past. I am certain that this will complement the political
and legal adjustments that we can agree to in this negotiating
table. When we sign a comprehensive peace agreement, the
two components will then be in place to ensure that this
time around we can have a meaningful and democratic
autonomous government in place. We will also benefit from
the wisdom and leadership of the MILF after this agreement.
We remain optimistic that the sincerity of both sides will pull
us through what we expect would be difficult conversations
ahead.
Monday, 28 May 2012
n behalf of the Central Committee of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and
the MILF Peace Panel in particular, let me thank and express our profound
gratitude to all those who condoled with us during the passing away of MILF
Vice Chairman Aleem Abdulaziz Mimbantas last 2 May, after our historic
meeting with the new president of Japan International Cooperation Agency,
in Darapanan, Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao.
Truly we will miss him forever. But the seeds of struggle implanted in the
hearts and minds of our people especially the youth, first by the late Chairman
Salamat Hashim and nurtured by Abdulaziz, will ensure that this struggle will
not stop until we finally achieve our right to self-determination and freedom.
Surely, the MILF had only one Aleem Abdulaziz Mimbantas. But he had seen
to it during his lifetime that many like him will come forward to carry on the
liberation struggle. This was his legacy. He had also seen to it that in life and in
death, he and Salamat were inseparable and are symbol of unity for our people.
Both died in the very midst of the oppressed and suffering Moro masses whose
cause and rights they sought to defend and uphold to the last of their breaths.
Salamat died in Lanao, and Abdulaziz had willed that when he died he would
be buried near the formers grave. There together in the hallowed ground in
the jungles of Lanao del Sur, they lie together in the bounty of their Lord.
I take this opportunity to express our appreciation for the coming and
presence of the Honorable Director Ali Demirci of the Minority Affairs
of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation as an official representative of
His Excellency hsano lu Teveto lu, the OIC Secretary General. This is the
second time a high official of the OIC ever blessed the GPH-MILF peace
negotiation. The first was in August 2008 when His Excellency Sayed Kassem
El-Masry, Adviser and Special Envoy of the OIC Secretary General, came to
Kuala Lumpur during the supposed formal signing of the Memorandum of
Agreement on Ancestral Domain. Obviously, he went home frustrated after
the Arroyo administration did not sign the MOA-AD.
100

101
Welcome, your Honor!

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, we are back to this
beautiful city of Kuala Lumpur, after our successful meeting
here last month. More than one, we have myriad of reasons
to be optimistic. The shades of our success when we signed
the GPH-MILF Agreement Decision Points in Principles
last April 24 are still very much alive and staring at us. They
energize us, give us more confidence in ourselves, and increase
our trust in each other. More importantly, our people back
home and the international community are expecting us
to sign the peace pact soon and without reason or delay.
Truth is that if the Philippine government is really serious
and committed, signing a peace pact is possible now. For
the MILF, no obstacle is harder than our collective will to
overcome it. The yearning for peace is equal to our disdain
for war. Let us ensure that the reign of peace happens and
the scourge of war is obliterated forever.
Today, as we set to start this 28th exploratory meeting
of the parties, I have the feeling that the issue of transitional
arrangement is still the most ticklish issue to crack. This
puts to test whether the government is really serious in
empowering the MILF in the transition period and finally
the Moros in the regular government. Everyone knows that
the role of the MILF here is very brief, and it is not alone in
the implementation. In partnership with the government, it
sets the house in order and after which, it will be free for all.
The MILF either runs in the election in the regular period
or puts up a political party to participate in it, and if it wins
the majority in the assembly will form the government. If
the government insists on making the MILF hitchhike in the
transition and let others occupy the drivers seat, then it is not
really serious. It runs opposite to good practices that partners
in peace-making will help one another in the implementation.
Is this not the most reasonable and natural arrangement?
It is time to test the mettle of the MILF, whether it
can rise to the occasion and deliver or it is just another
corrupt group that when empowered will do exactly the
thing they disdained. The politicians have been at the helm
The Revised
Comprehensive
Compact submitted
by the MILF to the
GPH in February
2011 provided for a
seven-year transition
period. During this
period, transition
mechanisms were to
undertake, among
others, the drafting of
a Basic Law and review
of the Constitution,
cooperation on
internal security
arrangements including
a comprehensive
ceasefire, and the
setting up of an
economic development
agency. The MILF
were to lead these
efforts through an
MILF Transition
Team. A referendum
for the Basic Law or
the necessary process
for constitutional
amendments would
happen within this
period leading to
the creation of the
proposed Bangsamoro
political entity and
elections for its officials
at the end of the
seven-year period.
102
GETTING TO PEACE
of government ever since and what did they do to improve

the lot of our people? The Moro National Liberation Front
(MNLF) was installed in power in 1996 and what did they
prove? Did they make any difference in the lives of our
people? Just look around in the Moro areas, and one will get
the answers to this question.
However, I do not fault the politicians and the MNLF
in every way. Perhaps, they can only be faulted for joining a
system that they have no chance of correcting. Whoever joins
it without a provision for a level playing field of engagement
will be subsumed and finds themselves advocating the same
corrupt practices. Or they will be cast aside as casualties of
the system. For the MILF, a revolutionary Islamic movement,
the best way to fight a dysfunctional system is not to enjoy it,
but to present an alternative but superior system and assert
it until it becomes a reality.
Please be reminded that the flashpoint at the Scarborough
Shoal has simmered down a little, thanks to the diplomatic
handling of the Aquino administration. But even with this
diplomatic entente, the sore lurking in the corner will not
disappear so easily. I dont think the Chinese will ever be
convinced that they have no valid claim over the disputed
territory. This puts the resolution of the conflict in Mindanao
a valid priority for the Manila government. And in order to
fast-track the current peace process, erase it from the radar of
the Aquino administration, and concentrate on the emerging
crisis in the South China Sea, it is my wish that the GPH
should offer the best proposal to the MILF in order to save
time, effort, resources, and goodwill.
Thank you and wassalamu alaikum!
29th

1618 July 2012

MILF Panel Secretariat member Esmael Pasigan talks with GPH Panel member Usec. Yasmin BusranLao. ARMM Regional Governor Mujiv Hataman, attending the talks as an observer, speaks with GPH
Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen. MILF Panel member Abdulla Camlian, MILF consultant Timuay
Melanio Ulama, MILF Panel member Datu Antonio Kinoc, and GPH CCCH Chair BGen. Gilberto Jose
Roa sit together for a picture during the 29th Formal Exploratory Talks.
Let Us Build a Working Relationship

Based on Trust
Monday, 16 July 2012
ismillah hir rahman hir raheem.
His Excellency Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed, the head of

delegation of our counterpart, His Excellency Mohagher Iqbal, Atty. Datu
Michael Mastura, Prof. Abhoud Syed Lingga, Mr. Maulana Alonto and Mr.
Abdulla Camlian. Also our greetings to the secretariat of the MILF headed by
Mr. Jun Mantawil, Mr. Mike Pasigan, Datu Antonio Kinoc, Mr. Mohajirin
Haj Ali, Atty. Raissa Jajurie and Mr. Melanio Ulama, whom we understand
is a consultant of the MILF. We also wish to recognize the presence of the
ICG. The state actors: Takewaka-sensei from the Embassy of Japan in the
Philippines, Mr. Yasin Temizkan, deputy head of mission from the Embassy
of Turkey, Mr. Nik Mehta, a representative from the High Commissioner of
the UK here in Malaysia.
Also, we would like to inform everybody that our consultants for this
session are none other than the Governor of the ARMM, Gov. Mujiv Hataman
and also the Senior Military Adviser for the Panel, BGen. Leo Cresente Ferrer.
Also, Ive forgot to recognize the NGO component of the ICG: David
Gorman, Emma Leslie, Dr. Sudibyo Markus, Dr. Steve Rood, and many others.
Assalamu alaikum wa rahmatullahi taala wa barakatuhu.
Last week, we were witness to a gathering mobilized by the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front in Darapanan, Sultan Kudarat, in the island of Mindanao.
Through the kindness of their leadership, we were able to interact with some
of the communities that are supportive of their ideals. We were also given the
chance to address the assembly. That assembly is living proof of the MILFs
commitment to consult and, therefore, to ensure that the points they arrive
105
106
Reportedly close
to 100,000 people
from the island and
mainland provinces
of the Autonomous
Region in Muslim
Mindanao attended the
Bangsamoro Peoples
Assembly held at
Camp Darapanan,
Barangay Simuay,
Sultan Kudarat, on 69
July 2012.
Attendees included
officials and leaders
from MILF and
MNLF, government
institutions, and
INGOs. The assembly
ended with the
submission of a
manifesto by the
Bangsamoro leaders
containing concrete
objectives and general
aspirations for the
Bangsamoro.
GETTING TO PEACE
at is the democratic choice of the people that they represent

at the negotiating table.
Undoubtedly too, we were witness to the extraordinary
cooperation between our ceasefire committees and the various
forces that we have on the ground. In an unprecedented
manner, you saw the full cooperation of the Armed Forces of
the Philippines and the Philippine National Police to make
your consultation a success. I have seen the photos and videos
of this cooperation and have been briefed by the various
commanding officers. Indeed, the working relationship was
impressive. I believe that it was so because it was founded on
trust and the respect that our troops already have for each
other. It was also founded on a vision, in that case an assembly
of hundreds of thousands. I am sure though that along the
way, many adjustments had to be done to the general plan to
make that event happen. Also, that there were definitely some
violations of some of the agreements, but they were assessed
in terms of whether they were intentional and in the spirit of
the entire commitment to make the goals happen.
It is this working arrangement that we want to foster
with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front.
This administration is prepared to fully invest in a
harmonious working relationship between the National
Government and the new autonomous political entity to
enable an autonomy that is truly viable, workable, and
meaningful.
The working relationship will be founded on trust and
a general plan: a general plan in which there is openness to
adjustments should real challenges present themselves in the
implementation, and the flexibility to assess violations of
commitments in its context.
The working relationship should make it truly possible
for meaningful autonomy to exist.
For instance, never again would it be possible for rights
or powers granted under any law or norm be rendered
inutile without the corresponding increase in the ability of
the autonomous government to mobilize and/or capacitate

107
leaders who will not only have the competence to govern

but who will also approach leadership as positions of trust
and stewardship.
Never again, would the initial stages of establishing that
autonomous political entity be starved with the lack of funds;
there will still be investments or national fund transfers from
the national government. Eventually, there will be the ability
of the new political entity (NPE) to generate its own sources
of revenues and this will be clearly seen.
We are at the door of an agreement. Let us persevere.
Now is indeed the time for peace.
Monday, 16 July 2012
t is my pleasure to thank all of those who came and attended the MILFsponsored Moro Leaders Assembly in Darapanan, Sultan Kudarat,
Maguindanao, last 69 July. In particular, I want to express my thanks and
gratitude to the Malaysian facilitator, His Excellency Tengku Dato Ab Ghaafar
Tengku Mohamed; my honorable counterpart from the government, Dean
Marvic Leonen and members of his panel, Prof. Miriam Ferrer, Secretary Senen
Bacani, Prof. Hamid Barra, and Bai Yasmin Busran-Lao; and of course, the
members of the International Contact Group led by David Gorman, Dr. Steven
Rood, Minister Keizo Takewaka, Ms. Emma Leslie, and Sabih Can Kanado lu
of the Turkish Embassy in Manila. Let me also extend my great appreciation
to Secretary Teresita Ging Quintos-Deles for taking time to join the MILF
in this assembly. Her presence speaks well of the future of the peace talks. To
all of the guests and visitors, our sincerest gratitude for their valued presence
that made our assembly more exciting and well engaged.
Today, we are about to venture into the crux of this current negotiation. If
we do not summon all the remaining powers within us and face the future with
resolve and sincerity, we might be the victim of the quicksand of uncertainty.
But there is a way to do this more easily. We can ease this burden by doing a
little of statesmanship to make this tough job easier. Heres how. It is a fact that
after almost two years into the Aquino administration we have already agreed
to establish a real self-governing new entity in place of the Autonomous Region
in Muslim Mindanao within the larger Philippine state. This we describe in the
MILF circle as a state-substate asymmetrical arrangement which in reality is
the essence of the federal system of government. A federal system of government
is one that divides the powers of government between the central government
and state of local governments. Each level of government has competence
in some areas and shares powers in other areas. For this reason, we can fasttrack the discussion of power sharing and wealth sharing by examining all
models of federalism and get inspiration therefrom. The government must be
108

109
magnanimous to yield those powers that are freely conceded

to the state government in these models. Through this we can
save goodwill and time, which we direly need in confronting
other hitches in our peace negotiation.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, let me reiterate the
need to resolve the Moro Question and the armed conflict
in Mindanao now and not later. First, the momentum for
this peace settlement is at hand. The people and their leaders,
who were gathered in Darapanan, representing diverse
organizational and party affiliations, have clearly spoken
in favor of this settlement. The international community
had also conveyed the same message. The Organization of
Islamic Cooperation and the Indonesian government have
sent their respective representatives. None so far had ever
spoken ill of the MILF and its quest for the solution to this
conflict, including those who represented the MNLF. They
never stated any doubt the inclusive approach of the MILF.
Members of the indigenous peoples, the women, and the old
and young folks have all been represented.
In brief, their message is loud and clear. The MILF can
be a reliable partner in the search for peace in Mindanao.
It has also demonstrated that it can relate to all sectors of
Moro society, which is an indication that the MILF enjoys
the trust of the people and their leaders. One former Moro
congressman, whom I cannot identify now, told those 800
or so gathered during the Moro leaders assembly proper on
8 July that the MILF should go ahead with its grand agenda
for the people and not to listen to the whispers of other
people including those who pretend to be their leaders. He
expressed confidence in the maturity and wisdom of the MILF
leadership and the correctness of its political line.
Our people and their leaders have spoken. A popular
leader like President Benigno Aquino III, aside from being
a good son of a good senator, a martyr, and a national hero,
should now listen, which I believe he will. To a Christian
like him, a practicing one at that, the voice of the people is
the voice of God carries so much weight. I am sure, he will
discern it so seriously. What the MILF is pushing through in
110
GETTING TO PEACE
the negotiating table now is lesser than what his late father,
Senator Benigno Aquino Jr., had promised to the Moros in
his famous speech on the resolution of the Moro Problem
delivered at the King Abdulaziz University in Jeddah,
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on 12 May 1981. Allow me to
quote a portion of that speech, which I believe has relevance
in our negotiation today:
That all Christian troops in Mindanao should be
withdrawn from that area. It takes two to fight. If there
are no more soldiers, there will be no more fighting and
therefore, we will be able to disconnect the fighting. All
Christian troops will be removed from those Muslim
areas and we will let the Muslims police themselves. We
will tell them, we are removing the Christian troops,
and you set up your own police force, you set up your
regional forces, you police yourselves because we do
not want any more conflict between Christian and
non-Christian communities.
In another portion, he had this bold proposal:

We will propose that the Muslims set up their
own courts, their own Shariah courts, their own
schools, their own madrasahs. If they want to use
Arabic to teach their children, let them use Arabic to
teach their children. Why should we impose English
or Tagalog, if they should also have their own courts,
and they should also have their own schools? Their
local autonomy should be Muslim and this should be
elected by their own people. The national government
will always support them if they are entitled to by way
of development.
I believe the Muslim community should be allowed
to call in their lawyers and set up their own civil code
against our own civil code. If this will be achieved, it
will go along essential opportunities that will signal the
beginning of the renaissance in the Muslim Philippines
which some five hundred years ago was the center

111
of the Filipino culture, learning, and power. With

the assistance of the Islamic Conference, funds for
development could be secured ushering all over the
Philippines. We feel that if our brothers will be united
and the hostilities will stop, we can set up training
camps, educational institutions all over Mindanao so
that the products of these institutions can come to the
Middle East for better employment.
Finally, I appeal to the international community

particularly members of the ICG to extend all possible
help to the government and the MILF to overcome their
differences and sign the comprehensive compact immediately.
Malaysia, as the facilitating country, is doing a very fine job,
but any external help within the bound of agreed terms of
reference is certainly a welcome development. A breakthrough
in this endeavor is certainly to the best interests of the
parties, especially the Philippine government which is also
confronting another problem in the South China Sea. Instead
of easing, it appears the row is far from over.
Thank you and good day.
30th

711 August 2012

GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen share a light moment with members of the ICG, from left: Ali
Saleem of Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (CHD), British Embassy Manila Second Secretary Mr.
Thomas Phipps, and David Gorman of CHD. MILF Panel Secretariat member Esmael Pasigan and
GPH CCCH Chair BGen. Gilberto Jose Roa. Members of the GPH delegation arrive at the venue of
the 30th Formal Exploratory Talks. (From top to bottom: OPAPP Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles, GPH
Panel member Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer, GPH Legal Team Head Atty. Johaira Wahab, Senior Police
Adviser and PRO ARMM Dir. PCSupt. Noel Delos Reyes, GPH Panel member Dr. Hamid Barra, ARMM
Reg. Gov. Mujiv Hataman, and Senior Military Adviser BGen. Leo Cresente Ferrer.
The Negotiations Are Proceeding with

Undeniable Momentum
Tuesday, 7 August 2012
The honorable facilitator His Excellency Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku

Mohamed. Our most esteemed counterparts led by His Excellency Mohagher
Iqbal, Datu Michael Mastura, Professor Abhoud Syed Lingga, Mr. Abdullah
Camlian and Datu Antonio Kinoc who is standing in for Mr. Bobby Alonto,
may he get well soon. The members of secretariat of the Malaysian facilitator,
also the secretariat of the MILF. The honorable members of the technical
working group of the MILF. The members of the International Contact Group,
both of the state and non-state representatives.
Assalamu alaikum.
At close to midnight of August 5, 2012, small units of the Bangsamoro
Islamic Freedom Fighters of the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Movement
engaged in unprovoked but coordinated attacks on several army detachments
along the national highway from Barangay Bagan, Talayan to Barangay Kauran,
Ampatuan and in Barangay Tugal, Midsayap, Cotabato Province. The length
of the engagement was short and sporadic, consistent with the conclusion that
they were mounted to simply harass army outposts.
The Army, under the 601st, 603rd and 1st Mechanized Brigade, all
of the 6th Infantry Division, repelled these attacks with almost no
casualties. Government forces are, as of this time, engaged in clearing
and punitive actions against this renegade group while being consistent
with our ceasefire mechanisms and our protection of civilians. We
understand that coordination is happening closely amongst our Coordinating
Committees on the Cessation of Hostilities. We also understand that the
Bangsamoro Islamic Armed
115
116
The Coordinating
Committee on
the Cessation of
Hostilities (CCCH) is
one of the mechanisms
upholding the ceasefire
between the GPH and
the MILF.
It was created by virtue
of the Agreement for
General Cessation of
Hostilities signed by
the Parties on 18 July
1997.
GETTING TO PEACE
Forces of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front have ordered

their troops to stand down and not to be involved in the
ongoing operations of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.
We are appreciative of statements that have been made by
Mr. Von Al Haq, the spokesperson of the BIAF, and Mr.
Ghadzali Jaafar, Vice-Chair of the MILF clearly expressing
their disapproval and non-involvement of the MILF in these
particular activities.
These attacks were suspiciously timed to coincide with
the opening of the 30th Formal Exploratory Talks between
the GPH and the MILF, when the passion is high that there
may be an agreement this year.
Clearly, this group of Ustadz Ameril Umbra Kato is
one of the few that are willing to go at lengths to deny our
communities and our peoples the benefit of a just and lasting
peaceful settlement to our armed conflicts. Clearly, they have
lost the moral high ground: they have put communities
and civilians in harms way for amorphous and illegitimate
objectives.
The BIFF, as well as Ustadz Kato and his commanders,
are not covered by any ceasefire agreements. They will be
the subject of continued operations with all the sensitivities
required by the rules of engagement to protect civilians as
well as respect for the ceasefire mechanisms with the MILF.
These incidents serve no other purpose than to
strengthen our resolve to find a credible, workable, and just
political settlement with the MILF. The sooner we craft our
agreements, the sooner we will also be able to fully unmask
those groups who do not do justice to the many sacrifices of
the many to find a just solution to the Bangsamoro question.
The sooner we craft our agreements, the sooner we will be
able to do our joint advocacies so that our partnership can
effectively deliver on our mutual promises.
Our negotiations are proceeding with undeniable
momentum. We will certainly not pause because of
unreasonable violent acts from those who cannot see that
the just way to resolve our conflict is through patient and
candid dialogue.

117
In this month of Ramadhan, where our priorities are

made clearer by our individual sacrifices, may we see a clearer
path ahead for an agreement, again this year.
We have no illusions; the next stages of our negotiations
will still be as complex. We are certain that the presence of
technical working groups will aid us in no small measure to
break down these issues. Also, as we mentioned during the last
round of talks, our principals will be confronted with issues
that will require difficult decisions. And I am sure that our
principals will be willing to make them and communicate
them through us so that we can both work on these concerns.
At this point may I just introduce the members of the
technical working group of the GPH. For power sharing,
we have with us Mayor Ramon Piang of the Teduray, who
has also served with us, with the panel during the previous
negotiations. Atty. Joe Lorena is also in the power sharing
technical working group and we have with us Usec. Chito
Gascon, who just arrived a few hours ago and braved the
floods just to get here. Usec. Gascon was also a member of
the 1986 Constitutional Commission, then representing the
youth. The official adviser of the power sharing technical
working group is Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer.
For the wealth sharing, Sec. Senen Bacani will chair the
working group, Asec. Anselmo Abungan of the DENR is here
with us. Dir. Ma. Lourdes Lim from NEDA is also with us.
Panel member Ms. Yasmin Busran-Lao will also join their
working group.
Now, more than ever, we are presented with the most
viable conditions for concluding our agreements and having
concluded them, to start yet a more challenging phase: the
implementation of our commitments to each other.
Again, I speak for our entire team when I say, it is indeed
an honor again to be herehopefully for some of the last few
timesand to be part of history.
Thank you very much.
do not intend to deliver a long speech today. Much of what I am supposed

to say now has already been highlighted in my previous speeches and it is
fasting month of Ramadan.
Clearly, we are now traversing the last stretch of our 15-year peace
negotiation, and for which reason, we can expect every sort of obstacle and
complication. It is the nature of this undertaking that bargaining becomes
more intense in the final stage. If we do not persevere, we will either fall on
the wayside or we become the victim of our own making.
As every real negotiator would tell, especially we on the MILF side, because
some of us have been in the negotiation for more than a decade, negotiation is
never easy. It is never fun. It is very difficult and exhausting. It is incremental.
Honestly, the telling effect of this prolonged engagement is more felt on the
rebels side rather than on the government side. The reason for this is simple.
There are numerous men and women out there who can be tapped by the
government to defend the status quo, while we find rare souls who are willing
to serve the MILF for free and with all the attendant hardships. More seriously,
it is very hard to find the right man or woman, who is sincere to the cause,
knowledge of the issues in the negotiation, and willingness to take the risks
and undergo hardships that come with the negotiation. This difficulty was
very much evident when, in the case of the MILF, the negotiation was in its
domestic stage where our counterparts were mostly military men. Sometimes,
while we were still talking, fighting had already taken place somewhere.
However, despite the hardships and risks, we find happiness and strength
in the undertaking because we are doing this for our people. We do not expect
recompense in this regard, except that of our sacrifice, we expect good future
for our people, especially the generations yet to come. We know that the fruits
of this undertaking will not be reaped much by the present negotiatiors.
118

119
On the lighter side of this exercise, another hitch is how

to manage expectation and frustration. Any stress on one
against the other will create big problem for the parties in the
future. But even if the parties can handle this satisfactorily,
but sometimes, those outside of the loop pretend to know
more than those sweating it out in the negotiating table. Look
at the short message system or texts circulating back home
especially in Mindanao that the government and MILF have
already signed a framework agreement for the establishment
of the new Bangsamoro political entity when the truth of
the matter is that we are still here in Kuala Lumpur trying
to hammer out this issue. The end of the road for this is still
very much to be reckoned by the parties. We do not know
when this happens, although we hope it to be soon!
More seriously, it is in the concluding stage of the
negotiation that the spoilers are expected to launch their
last-ditch efforts to frustrate our effort to conclude these talks
successfully. The recent aggression initiated by the so-called
Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters against government
forces is an example of dirty spoiling. Their intention is clearly
to shame us and to stop the peace negotiation. But will they
succeed? It depends on the MILF and the government. If we
are not decided to settle the Moro Question and the armed
conflict in Mindanao, then we become their first casualty and
their laughing stock.
This development also underscores the difficulty facing
the MILF in pursuing the negotiation track to solve the Moro
Question and the armed conflict in Mindanao. The so-called
radicals are not only distancing themselves from the pacific
approach of the MILF, but they are branding us traitors for
engaging in peace talks with the adversary. Surely, they will
not stop until they see the total failure of this negotiation.
But by Gods leave, however, they will not succeed. The
MILF knows that it is pursuing the right way to solve these
twin problems in Mindanao. The path of peace is always the
preferred way than the road of war. The late MILF Chairman
Salamat Hashim once said: The most civilized and practical
Since the resumption

of the GPH-MILF
peace negotiations,
talks between the
parties transpired even
during the holy month
of Ramadan. These
were the 22nd Formal
Exploratory Talks (2223 August 2011), 30th
Formal Exploratory
Talks (07-11 August
2012), and the 38th
Formal Exploratory
Talks (09-13 July 2013).
Plenary sessions during
these rounds of talks
were ended earlier
than the usual time in
consideration of those
fasting.
Meetings were also
held after Iftar, the
breaking of the fast at
7 pm.
120

and MILF agreed
to form Technical
Working Groups
(TWGs) to discuss
the power sharing and
wealth sharing agenda.
GETTING TO PEACE
way to solve the Moro Problem is through a negotiated political

settlement. In this way, everybody is a winner.
But rest assured that the MILF is confronting the
problem of radicalism, especially among the youth, head-on.
Of course, the so-called terrorists are not part of the equation.
We know that some of those radicals can be won over to the
pacific method by resolving the conflict in Mindanao, as
indeed, some are already onboard the MILF after the series
of dialogues with them. It is a matter of reaching out and
patiently explaining to them the pacific ways of the MILF. As
per our experience, this group is divided into three categories:
the ideologues, the uninformed, and the rah-rah boys.
We have gained substantially in winning over the last two
categories, but we are still locked up in the battle of the minds
and ideas with those in the first category.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, it is often asserted
that opportunity knocks only once. If we cannot seize the
current favorable atmosphere of the negotiation, we lose the
opportunityand the option to non-pacific ways in the
offing. To me there is no better time to settle this problem
than at present. First, the Bangsamoro people are in the mood
to settle this conflict. Second, the Aquino administration
is still enjoying a high popularity rating, and President
Benigno Aquino III is strongly viewed as willing to give the
peace process all the chances to succeed. Third, the current
leadership of the MILF is solid, consistent, and reasonably
pragmatic. Fourth, the international community is urging
both parties to conclude the peace talks without delay. And
fifth, the conflict in the South China Sea is still not brewing
to the hilt. Perhaps, the sixth reason is that the MILF has
demonstrated itself as a reliable partner in peace-making. If
we do not want to lose this momentum, then we must seize
it by signing the agreement that will address the problem in
Mindanao. And altogether, we can face the future with much
hope and confidence.
31st

58 September 2012

GPH Panel member Dr. Hamid Barra (center) with OPAPP Usec. Jose Lorena (left) and Mayor Ramon
Piang (right), both members of the GPH TWG on Wealth Sharing ICG members Dr. Steven Rood of
The Asia Foundation and David Gorman of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue chat on the way to
the plenary session. Members of the MILF delegation and GPH TWG on Wealth Sharing Chair NEDA
XI Reg. Dir. Maria Lourdes Lim on the way to the plenary session.
Wednesday, 5 September 2012
His Excellency Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed, the facilitator

and the secretariat of Malaysia, to whom we shall be eternally indebted for
always providing a very conducive forum wherein we are able to thresh out
our differences with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front.
The Honorable Chair of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front negotiating
panel, His Excellency Mohagher Iqbal, the members of the panelAtty. Datu
Michael Mastura, Prof. Abhoud Syed Lingga, Mr. Abdulla Camlian, and Datu
Antonio Kinoc and the members of their Technical Working Group.
The members of the International Contact Group, and we do notice that
the ICG like the parties is also growing. There are more members now, coming
from each organization.
Assalamu alaikum. Salamat, hariraya!
I was tempted to ask to request for a moment of silence to honor the
memory and work of DILG Sec. Jesse Robredo, but then I realized that there
may be a better way to honor him as well as those who passed away living lives
founded on the belief that there can be better societies that are better governed
and therefore more humane. There is a better way for all of us today to honor
all of them. And this is within the next four days.
For us at this table, it is to forthwith make haste so that we can usher in
agreements that will set up the platforms, so that we can build more trust and
confidence amongst our constituents, and also catalyze the kind of societies
that our people deserve.
It is not the minute of silence therefore that we now seek. We seek that
all guns be silenced permanently. And by all guns, we mean all guns. That
it is these guns that will become a memory and that our disagreements, our
disappointments, and perhaps even our anger will never be again channeled
123
124
Jesse Robredo served

as the Secretary
of the Interior and
Local Government
from the beginning of
the administration of
Aquino III in 2010, until
his untimely death in
2012.
He was popular for his
achievements as the
Mayor of Naga City for
six terms since 1988.
He was awarded the
Ramon Magsaysay
Award for Government
Service in 2001.
He died in a plane
crash on 18 August
2012.
GETTING TO PEACE
to cause deaths in violent confrontation. We seek that our

differences be settled in peaceful and deliberative fashion
with the government at any level, which follows laws that
have earned the respect of its constituents.
In this round of talks, the government proposes to
discuss the remaining contentious points that will go into
our framework agreement. Although at first we may seem to
take different positions on these issues, we know that both
our negotiating panels have the capability and the willingness
to be able to sufficiently exhaust our reasons in dialogue. We
are confident that both panels will consider the points that
will be made in this plenary and in the two working groups
very carefully. We urge that we continue to craft a viable way
forward that meets the necessities, values, and principles that
we share.
We are certain that everyone in this room, including our
observer, consultants, and the International Contact Group
will provide us advice along the way. We thus propose that
in this round, we take as our objective that we take home to
our principals a completed product, a consensus draft, even a
very rough draft with some options of a framework agreement
for their serious consideration.
We have set for ourselves a timetable that we hope to
be able to achieve. We think this timetable will allow all of
us to be able to take advantage of the propitious political
environment that we are in, to definitively deliver our mutual
political commitments to each other.
Source: DILG file photo
We learned from the events of the past few weeks that

while there are those willing to go to violent ends to scuttle
any peace agreements, there are many more who are willing to
unite to provide conducive environments to settle our longstanding differences so that the better societies in the dreams
of our martyrs can become realities. If there is anything to
be discovered, it is to see who our reliable partners are to
achieve these goals.
The power of the cynic has always been to call attention
to the imperfection and blow it out of proportion. This is true

125
with peace processes as it is to many dimensions of human

endeavor. Cynicism therefore thrives in environments that
negate hope, environments that induce nothing but despair.
Cynics therefore are not leaders. Far from it, they stifle those
inspiring visions of what we can be starting with, with what
can be viable even in the most trying of circumstances.
We do not aim for a perfect agreement. We do not
aim for an agreement whose words will immediately solve
centuries-old problems. Instead, we aim for an agreement
that is viableone that produces the first platforms that can
inspire both sides to build on the trust and confidence that
we may now have with each other. And magnify them as both
sides overcome the inevitable difficulties that lie ahead after
the peace agreement is signed.
It is this long road that all of us will have to take. Our
principals have already committed to take measured political
risks to point to where that road will start. It is there where
we will see the partnership of our peoplesto better the lives
of the future generations. It is there where we will truly start
to honor all of our dead.
A little more patience, a little more creativity, in the
words of a senior MILF leader in the newspapers today: We
are almost there.
Maraming salamat!
Wednesday, 5 September 2012
irst and foremost, let me reiterate my and the MILFs expression of

condolence and sorrow for the death of Interior and Local Government
Secretary Jesse Robredo during a plane crash on the seas off Masbate last 18
August. This indeed is a great loss, not only to the family and relatives and to
the Aquino administration but also to the peace process in Mindanao. The
late Secretary will always be remembered as a strong supporter and mover of
this peace-making effort. I hope that his successor in the DILG will follow
his footsteps in supporting the peace process in Mindanao. I hope the newly
appointed DILG Secretary, in the person of former Secretary of Transportation
and Communication Mar Roxas III, will actively work behind President
Benigno Aquino IIIs efforts to finally settle the Moro Question and the armed
conflict in Mindanao. We hope that what he did to the Memorandum of
Agreement on Ancestral Domain in 2008 leading to the defeat in the Supreme
Court is going to be a thing of the past. To the new DILG Secretary, heres our
message: The future is more important than the past.
Today, the GPH-MILF peace negotiation is passing through a defining
moment, nay critical phase, which allows no complacency on the part of the
parties. Very clearly, the spoilers are mounting their guns and are ganging
up on us and certainly if they have their way, they want us to stop and fail.
The recent aggression of the so-called BIFM/BIFF is a clear example. Their
agenda, as I mentioned previously, was two fold: to shame the MILF (and the
government) and to stop the peace talks. What made their sinister act doubly
serious is they are not acting alone. The collusion of some personalities or groups
is documented, but which I do not want to divulge details in this speech, lest it
will stir another complication. But I am so sure, the government or its military,
given their good intelligence network, is fully aware of this development.
At this juncture, let me inform you that in the face of this serious
development that undermines the negotiation, and more importantly, causing
sufferings and displacements of civilians, the MILF did not take the challenge
126

127
sitting down. We mobilized more than 3,000 of our forces

and encircled the 200 or so BIFF forces, which are divided
and isolated into two groups, and demanded that they cease
their aggression or we will be forced to resort to our last
option. As a result, five of their top commanders including
Mohiddin Animbang or popularly known as Kagi Karialen,
their vice-chairman on military affairs and chief of staff
signed a deed of commitment not to create trouble while the
negotiation is moving forward. However, Ameril Umbra Kato
and Mohammad Ali Tambako, chairman and vice-chairman
of their group, respectively, are yet to affix their signatures
on the paper. Katos signing the document, however, is most
unlikely, because he is seriously ill and can hardly speak or
moveand is no longer in control of the group.
As of yesterday, the MILF has loosened the containment
a little to allow them breathing space and to rethink their
position rationally, and perhaps, change in favor of pacific
ways. At the same time, we are monitoring their movement
very closely.
Without saying, the MILFs upper-hand position in the
face of the current hard situation obtaining in some parts
of Maguindanao and North Cotabato hinges on various
factors. One, both the ideological and political lines of the
MILF remained very valid and not seriously challenged.
Two, the MILF enjoys popular support. Three, the MILFs
has functioning peoples committees. Fourth, the MILFs
legitimacy and international support are growing. And fifth,
the MILFs military strength is more than all of those in the
hands of other Moro armed groups combined. In addition,
the MILF leadership is firm and decisive. Once a decision is
made, it is carried out without hesitation.
However, the sad part of this harsh reality is that these
challenges will not cease in the near foreseeable future. This
can be inherited even beyond the signing of an agreement,
which, therefore, require the parties to this negotiation to
rethink proactively how the new political entityand the
MILFwould be able to cope with these challenges. This is
128
GETTING TO PEACE
a challenge that we negotiators of the government and MILF

must now think of seriously.
To reiterate, there is a stiff and protracted battle of ideas
raging among Moro groups in Mindanao. This phenomenon
is not only true to our case in Mindanao, but rather this is
the rule in all conflicts elsewhere in the world. This is also
true among policy makers in governments. In our case, one
group bats for a radical approach, which is militaristic, and
another follows the MILFs line which pursues a negotiated
political settlement of the conflict in Mindanao. An outright
verdict in this controversy is not forthcoming. An idea cannot
be defeated by any other means effectively, except by a better
idea and well thought-out program of action. This can only
effectively happen and put to rest when after signing an
agreement with the government, the MILF can deliver and
the conditions of the people will change for the better.
Lastly, an article posted in the Mindanews carried a
statement of Secretary Teresita Deles of the Office of the
Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP) seeing
bright prospects for peace in Mindanao as negotiations with
the MILF are making headway. This is the first time, as far
as I know, the good Secretary has ever made a very positive
statement, short of saying that the agreement is already in
the bag. I hope she was quoted correctly.
Perhaps, this optimism reflects the positive response of
the government to the proposal of the MILF vis--vis some
of the remaining sticky points still to be hurdled by the
parties. In such a case, signing the Framework Agreement
is not a remote possibility. It can happen, perhaps not in a
very distant future.
On this note, let me thank all of you for giving me the
chance to speak before you.
32nd

27 October 2012

GPH Panel members Sec. Senen Bacani and Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer during the plenary session.
The GPH and MILF Panel Chairs shake hands in front of the Malaysian Facilitator at the close of
the 32nd Formal Exploratory Talks. Staff of the GPH delegation pose for a photo at the Philippine
Embassy in Kuala Lumpur. (From left: Ameen Andrew Alonto, Ernesto Rehuel Estonilo, Kristine Wee,
Sandra Mae Casal, GPH Legal Team member Atty. Armi Beatriz Bayot, Lorraine Cortez, Juliet Parungao,
Shiela Wang, and Vynn Laurilla.)
Tuesday, 2 October 2012
et us continue to focus on what we could agree upon. Bismillah hir rahman

hir raheem.
His Excellency Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohammed, our most

esteemed counterparts from the Moro Islamic Liberation Front headed by His
Excellency Mohagher Iqbal, the members of the secretariat of the MILF, the
members of the Technical Working Groups and consultants here present, the
members of the ICG and of course, the members of the Malaysian secretariat,
good morning. Assalamu alaikum.
Our people have expectations. It is right that they do. After all, it has
been more than two years since this [Aquino] administration took over and
over a year that we have started our face to face meetings to understand our
differences and explore our commonalities. After all, there is no other way to
resolve the difficulties and the vulnerabilities that lack of peace has brought
to our people than to commence the implementation of a just and pragmatic
solution that meets both our expectations.
While our presence here acknowledges that we do still have our differences,
we all know that finding mutually acceptable solutions also have as their premise
a willingness to accept that we do have consensus that we can build on. At this
time I dare belabor the obvious: the chances of finding an agreement are highest
when we opt to focus on what we can agree upon rather than the fundamental
differences that we will normally have. Negotiated political settlements that
emerge out of armed conflicts have neither victors nor vanquished. Negotiated
political settlements reject that dichotomy as a premise and again, rightly so.
Negotiated political settlements occur when there are leaders with clearer
but loftier visions of ways through which their pluralistic societies exist with
toleration, democracy, and development. Our principals, those of the MILF
as well as that of government, are such leaders. Our people have lived through
the perils of armed conflict enough. Many of you know this vulnerability
131
132
After six days of

marathon sessions, the
Framework Agreement
on the Bangsamoro
(FAB) was completed
on 7 October 2012, and
was subsequently signed
on 15 October 2012 in
Malacaan Palace. The
signing ceremony was
graced by President
Benigno S. Aquino III,
Malaysian Prime Minister
Dato Sri Hj Mohd
Najib bin Tun Hj Abdul
Razak, and MILF Chair
Al Haj Murad Ebrahim.
Members of the
diplomatic community
also attended the event
including Organization of
Islamic Cooperation
Sec. Ekmeleddin
hsano lu, and several
states expressed
their support, namely
Australia, European
Union, Indonesia, Japan,
Turkey, United Kingdom,
and United States.
The FAB serves as the
basic architecture for
the comprehensive
agreement between the
GPH and MILF. It defines
the structure and powers
of the Bangsamoro entity
which will replace the
Autonomous Region
in Muslim Mindanao
(ARMM); arrangements
for the transition from
the ARMM to the new
political entity; and the
principles, processes,
and mechanisms
that shall shape the
new relationship
between GPH and the
Bangsamoro.
GETTING TO PEACE
intimately. Many of our families live under precarious

conditions. Much of it spawned by the failure to find a just
and pragmatic solution to a long time conflict. To state that
what we hope to be able to do again in the next few days is
historical is definitely an understatement.
We are on the brink of layering the written predicates
that can frame the process, of building trust as we usher
in an era of peace, of hope, and of recovery. Yet even as we
acknowledge the legacy that we hope we could achieve, we
must always remain guarded in our optimism. Guarded not
because there is not enough goodwill to find solutions to
the issues that remain on this negotiating table; but rather,
because we need to prepare ourselves and our people too
for the enormous tasks that lie ahead. There will definitely
be challenges that will come the way of implementing the
political solution that we work at this table. Even as we labor
to bring in our collective foresight into this agreement, we do
know that its actual implementation will prove that hindsight
bears the better part of wisdom.
A peace agreement is, therefore, also as good as its ability
to promote the ramparts for developing trust and confidence
between the parties. Let us remember, that we cannot write
and, therefore, create trust only in the agreements that we
craft. Trust is something that we need to live through. It is
begotten by difficulty, amidst obstacles that we were unable
to predict. Trust comes as the result of our openness to
work out the main goals of what we have sought to achieve:
the empowerment of our peoples under a regime of peace
and understanding and prosperity. We cannot postpone
any longer. Now is the time. Let us persevere, respect
our differences, but engage our best creativity in finding
commonalities despite the differences. Now is the time to
fulfill our promises to our people.

133
Let us look forward to test our ability to implement,

encounter difficulties we could not have foreseen, adjust,
build trust, build confidence, and work further together.
This is not something we want to do. It is something that
we need to do. Thank you.
want to say here again that the negotiation is now in the homestretchand
the smell of success is reinforced every day. We all know this, because we are
the ones involved in this negotiation. We also know that the unsettled issues
are not insurmountable; they are well within our grasp. If we persevere and
remain reasonable, we will have it soon, God willing!
However, this impending success will not be reason for complacency.
Nothing is in the basket yet, so to say. Besides, the dangers of success are harder
to notice. By the time you come face to face with it, you will feel as if the whole
world has fallen on you. This is simply because you are not prepared and could
not get out of the way in time. Remember that negotiation, contrary to what
many believe, is a risky business. If we cannot conclude it soon successfully
now that we are at the brink of the exercise, we will be in trouble. The greatest
source of risk comes from spoilersleaders and parties who believe that peace
emerging from negotiations threatens their power, worldview, and interests, and
who use violence to undermine attempts to achieve it. There is no need for me
to be very specific on this. I know the government and the military are fully
aware of what I am saying here. Suffice to say, one need to check on YouTube in
order to have a glimpse of these emerging groups in Mindanao, although their
motives are varied, in pursuit of ideology, money, and limelight. The pertinent
question is, why put themselves and their activities on YouTube? Besides,
the BIFM/BIFF is not completely [shut]down. They will always attempt to
come back; and worse, some groups disgruntled with alleged government
ill-treatment and thirsty for more power, after tasting it, have entered into an
unholy alliance with the BIFM/BIFF, although they are not really one, except
their common goal to see the MILF and the government fail in this negotiation.
This is not an old development; it is fresh from the field. While we are here
in Kuala Lumpur, we continue to receive reports from the ground pointing
to this direction. The onset of the elections next year complicates this further.
Expect switching of party affiliations and complex alliances.
134

135
Sad to say, however, that this positive picture of the peace

process is not all positive for us. It has the dark side of it. The
far-reaching expectation that it creates amongst the people
is what we are worried of. The higher the expectation, the
greater also the frustration if this is not met. We therefore
need to manage this expectation.
Worse, the negative impact is more felt in the MILF
rather than by the government. First, the MILF cannot fully
deliver, especially basic services to the people, during the two
succeeding interim periods. It can only start to deliver if in the
regular government it wins in the election, in case it decides
to convert itself into a political party, and wins and forms
the government of the new political entity. And second, our
access to media is very limited. The media cannot only make
heroes or villains, but can also unmake good governance.
Therefore, we need to put up an effective communication
strategy, the main emphasis of which are fivefold: (1) the
absence of war in our midst is in itself a gain for everybody; (2)
the rules of engagement under a choking unitary government
arrangement has been remedied by the agreement to make
the playing field level; (3) the people at large are freer in the
determination of their political life than any time in the
past; (4), there is more access to international aid packages
than ever. With good partnership of the parties and the
international donor countries and agencies and correct
assessments of peoples needs, these development projects
will not only uplift peoples lives, but more importantly
make communities safer to live in; and (5) the people should
be reminded that real deliverance must come from within
or amongst themselves, and not from elsewhere. The Holy
Quran says:
Allah does not change the condition of a people
unless they change it themselves.
Finally, let me sincerely thank the two heads of states,

President Benigno Aquino III and Prime Minister Dato Sri
Haji Mohd Najib bin Tun Haji Abdul Razak, for making
The Bangsamoro
Islamic Freedom
Fighters (BIFF) is a
group led by Ustadz
Umbra Kato that
reportedly broke away
from the MILF in 2011,
despite attempts by
the MILF leadership
to convince Ustadz
Kato to support the
peace negotiation.
Escalation of violent
incidents involving the
BIFF, such as firefights,
strafing, hostage-taking,
and implantation of
explosive devices, were
aimed at derailing the
talks and the peace
process with the MILF.
On 5 August 2012, the
BIFF was reported
to have attacked a
military detachment
which resulted in
the displacement of
around 20,000 people
in Maguindanao and
North Cotabato.
Two months later,
INGOs and embassies
were warned not to
travel to ARMM and
neighboring conflictaffected areas due
to the heightened
presence and
activities of the BIFF.
136
GETTING TO PEACE
that very encouraging statement made at the sideline of the

APEC Summit in Vladivostok in Russia last September 7,
that a peace pact is forthcoming in Mindanao. We know that
the two leaders have a full grasp of what is taking place in the
negotiation and they know what they are talking and where
we are all going to.
On this note, let me thank all of you also for lending me
your ears in listening to my opening statement.
33rd

1217 November 2012

GPH TWG on Normalization Chair NSC Usec. Zenonida Brosas and TWG member OPAPP Asec. Jennifer
Oreta confer with GPH Panel member Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer outside the plenary session. GPH
Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen talks with MILF Panel member Abdulla Camlian. MILF Panel Chair
Mohagher Iqbal, MILG TWG on Normalization Chair Gaafar Deamaoden, and MILF Panel Secretariat
member Esmael Pasigan during a break in plenary session.
Monday, 12 November 2012
ismillah hir rahman hir raheem. Assalamu alaikum. And a pleasant morning
to everybody.
The honorable facilitator, the honorable secretariatMalaysian secretariat,

our honorable counterpart led by Chair Iqbal, the members of your Technical
Working Groups and your consultants, the members of the International
Contact Group.
Before anything else, perhaps I should just make an introduction on some
of the new persons that will be part of our entire team. The Technical Working
Group on Normalization for the GPH is going to be led by Deputy DirectorGeneral and Undersecretary Zenonida Brosas who will be our chair. She will
be ably assisted by our senior military adviser Brig. Gen. Leo Cresente Ferrer
and also assisted by Professor Jenniferwe call her AppleOreta, consultant
at the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process. The lead counsel
of our legal panel Atty. Johaira Wahab will act as our notetaker. The adviser
from the government panel is Professor Iye Ferrer, and the alternate will be
Dr. Hamid Barra. I also want to introduce our observer for this session and
helping out in the Normalization Technical Working Group Undersecretary
Luisito Montalbo. We also have a representative of DILG in the person of Atty.
Jesus Doque IV, and a representative of the Department of Justice Prosecutor
Susan Dacanay. The rest I will no longer introduce because they are too familiar
already and Im sure you want to get rid of us at the soonest possible time.
The feeling is mutual. The local, national, and international acceptance of the
Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro is far more eloquent than any words
that I can muster for todays opening statement on behalf of the government
of the Republic of the Philippines. Truly, we have ushered in an era of hope,
peace, recovery, and hopefully, a better trajectory to be able to realize genuine
social justice in our country.
I have very little to add to many of the statements that have been made
and are still continuously being made in different forums. There are many
139
140
GETTING TO PEACE
views that have been expressed: some pro, many also con.
Pluralistic democracy befitting many of our peoples are
already underway.
Our work on the annexes takes place within this umbrella
of hope. I am certain that both of us will try to find solutions
in order to complete the Comprehensive Agreement,
preferably in this round. I do not believe that the devil is in
the details. There has always been something wrong with that
metaphor. I think it is more that the angels will be found in
the details. Angels because the way we craft our agreements
will unlock more opportunities for our peoples to achieve a
life that they deserve. We should look forward at working
the details in order to find solutions rather than to find the
problems. Hence the angels, rather than the devils. The
roadmap in the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro
marks a path that is full of promise but also contains some
challenges. We are confident that we can build more trust as
we operate through those challenges and overcome them in
order to achieve what we mutually deserve.
All of us now are part of history; let us work together
some more to make that history truly matter.
Shukran and good morning.
Monday, 12 November 2012
did not make a prepared speech. I know that the decisions today, starting
from today up to November 18, would be from the TWGs which will be
working very hard to deliver some reports or achievements. So in other words
the real task rests on the TWGs which we hope would be able to deliver
achievements at the end of our seven-day sessions. The Panel, as far as we
are concerned, would be on standby mode and would guide and if there are
issues to be decided, and then the Panel, both the GPH and the MILF, are on
standby mode, and we can decide on issues that require decision. But I have
to tell [you] here that the issues before us are hard; they are not easy issues.
But I am optimistic that the Parties will surmount them, because, first,
the euphoria of our success in signing the Framework Agreement on the
Bangsamoro is very much alive. There is overwhelming response and approval
from our people, not just the Muslims but IPs and even the Christians. These
responses are overwhelming and very encouraging. Only few are sniping
at us; I do not need to name this person, it is very obvious. He had even
pronounced a death penalty for those who sign the Framework Agreement on
the Bangsamoro, and that includes our counterpart in the government. And
in addition to that, the spirit of compromise is very strong among us. And
aside from that, unless we tackle and settle the issues beforehand, before us
today, we cannot expect to move forward so we have to settle all these issues.
We cannot move to the next stage unless we settle the issues before us starting
today and six days ahead of us.
However, as I said, I believe that we can settle all these issues for reasons
that I had just cited. However I must admit that to me, normalization is a
harder nut to crack. It is not only our disposition of troops, with functions
[of ] decommissioning and policing. But it is more importantly tied up with
implementation of the agreement on the ground, which in turn breeds trust.
Trust is something that cannot happen instantly, especially with former
adversaries. You have to patiently build and nurture it.
141
142
In November 2012,
Chair Marvic Leonen
was appointed as 172nd
Associate Justice of
the Philippine Supreme
Court, leaving the
position of Chair of
the government peace
panel vacant. With
her credentials and as
the most senior of the
remaining members of
the Panel, Prof. Miriam
Coronel Ferrer was the
most likely candidate
to succeed him.
However, there were
speculations that the
MILF would be averse
to having a woman
chair the GPH Panel.
Responding to these
speculations, MILF
Chair Al Haj Murad
in late November
wrote to the President
assuring him that
they would accept
and welcome his
appointment of a
chief negotiator of any
gender or ethnicity.
This paved the way for
the appointment of
Prof. Coronel Ferrer
as the first woman
chief negotiator in the
GPH-MILF peace talks.
Chair Coronel Ferrer
took her oath of office
on 7 December 2012.
GETTING TO PEACE
On the level of the Peace Panels there are still decisions to

make, for instance, transitional arrangements and modalities.
We understand that the government had come out with a
roadmap, and I think it should be important that we should
sit down and try to work out the roadmap as we see it as the
roadmap that we will adapt. To me there are still one or two
issues that are to be imputed to that roadmap, but we will
discuss that later. Then we also need to decide on the Third
Party Monitoring Team. Of course, it is still very early but
I think there is no harm in deciding as early as possible. We
also have to decide on the Independent Commission on
Policing. And the fourth one is about the Joint Normalization
Committee; maybe this can be done later. And the other one,
the fifth one, is about trust funds. There is mention about
trust funds in the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro
and I think there is really a need for us to define what we
mean by trust fund, how we go about the trust fund. And I
repeat again that I have high hopes and best wishes for the
three working groups to finish their job successfully.
And lastly, I dont know if it is still timely to congratulate
my counterpart, because all directions point to one
convergence; still almost in a basket. So without being very
specific, I think I would give my advanced congratulations.
Id say, its good for the peace process. Thank you very much.
34th

1215 December 2012

ICG member British Embassy Manila Second Secretary Thomas Phipps (leftmost) in a discussion with
GPH CCCH Secretariat Head Maj. Carlos Sol Jr. and Senior Police Adviser and PNP PRO ARMM Director
PCSupt. Noel Delos Reyes (seated) before the resumption of the plenary session. Photo opportunity
during the 34th Formal Exploratory Talks. (From left: MILF Panel Secretariat member Mohajirin Ali,
OPAPP Executive Director Usec. Luisito Montalbo, ICG member Emma Leslie of Conciliation Resources,
GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer, MILF Panel Secretariat member Esmael Pasigan, GPH
Panel members Usec. Yasmin Busran-Lao and Dr. Hamid Barra, and GPH Panel Secretariat Head Dir.
Iona Gracia Jalijali.) The entire GPH delegation for the 34th Formal Exploratory Talks pose for a
group photo in front of Traders Hotel in Kuala Lumpur.
GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer
Wednesday, 12 December 2012
ssalamu alaikum.
Esteemed friends and partners in the peace process, I now join you in
formally opening the 34th Exploratory Talks, the 15th formal meeting under
the incumbent administration, today on 12-12-12.
I do this now in a different capacity from the past times that we have
come to Kuala Lumpur.
Today, I come as the new chair of the Government Panel for Talks with
the MILFso designated to this position of responsibility by the President
of the Republic of the Philippines, Benigno Aquino III.
May I therefore submit at the onset my credentials to the Malaysian
government, through our beloved Third-Party Facilitator, Tengku Dato Ab
Ghafar Tengku Mohamed.
And of course, through the Facilitator, the certified copy of the
appointment paper to our most patient and most gracious negotiating partner,
Brother Mohagher Iqbal and his delegation.
And before anything else, allow me, in behalf of our delegation, to also
extend our belated birthday greetings to Tengku Ghafar who celebrated his
64th birthday yesterday.
To our dearest Tengku, may you grow, glow, and go with more wisdom
and serenity in the years to come.
We are also bringing with us a special gift. We were not aware what this
gift was all about. Our office was just asked to pick up a package at the Palace
with the instruction to bring it to Kuala Lumpur during this round.
It is a gift for Mrs. Murad from no other than the Presidents sister, Kris
Aquino. May we request Brother Iqbal to deliver, in behalf of Ms. Aquino, to
the family of MILF chair, Ebrahim Kagi Murad, this framed and autographed
photo of Ms. Aquino with an entourage of MILF women. Ms. Aquino had
145
146
GETTING TO PEACE
thoughtfully remembered her charming encounter with the

MILF ladies at the signing of the Framework Agreement in
Malacaang last 15 October.
We have also added other photos as souvenir for chairman
Murad.
To the hardworking members of the Malaysian secretariat
under Madame Che Kasnah, and to the illustrious members
of the International Contact Group who have kept the faith
with us every step of the way: our traveling companions from
the governments of UK, Japan, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia;
from the INGOs, CR, The Asia Foundation, CHD, and
Muhammadiyah:
It is a pleasure to once again see you and be with you in
the next days. We bear no gifts for you other than the gift of
companionship. (But if you want signed photographs with
our President, Kris Aquino, or the former chair now Associate
Justice Marvic Leonen, Im sure it can be arranged.)
We have returned here in Kuala Lumpur with high
hopes. After the fateful 32nd Exploratory Talks last 17
October when we completed the Framework Agreement on
the Bangsamoro, and the 33rd round where we auspiciously
convened for the first time our Technical Working Group on
Normalization, we have come back to Kuala Lumpur with
fortitude to resume our work.
We have returned confident of the wide public support
back home for a process that has concluded one phase and
began another.
We are here with a fortified team. Joining our panel
members at the table here, former Agriculture Secretary Senen
Bacani, Undersecretary/Presidential Adviser for Muslim
Concerns Bai Yasmin Busran-Lao, and MSU Professor Dr.
Hamid Barra. In addition, we have asked the Chair of the
National Commission on Muslim Filipinos, lawyer and
professor of Islamic jurisprudence at the University of the
Philippines, and former commissioner of the Commission
on Elections, Secretary Mehol Sadain, to join the panel while
GPH Panel Chair Ferrer | 34th GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

147
the appointment paper for the 5th Panel member is being

processed in Malacaang.
We are back with a team that has worked tirelessly
with the different agencies the last three weeks. Team GPH
includes our observers sitting here today, our Senior Police
Adviser Police Chief Superintendent Noel delos Reyes, and
GPHs chair of the CCCH, Brig. Gen. Jose Gilberto Roa.
Tomorrow we will be joined by no less than Lt. General
Emmanuel Bautista, commanding general of the Philippine
Army and Philippine Ambassador to Malaysia, His Excellency
Eduardo Malaya.
The wide range of government offices involved in our
meetings here and in the Philippines indicates the high level
of support the peace process with the MILF enjoys in the
whole government under PNoys leadership.
It reflects the firm determination of the bureaucracy,
through the crucial coordinative and kulit-ative role of the
Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Teresita QuintosDeles, to finish the work. That is, to finish it well, with
eyes wide open to the difficulties that then and now have
confounded the negotiations, and with arms ready to embrace
innovative solutions and practical approaches.
The Governments Technical Working Group on Power
Sharing is ready to complete with their MILF counterparts
the text that will make up the Annex on Power Sharing.
Upi Mayor Ramon Piang, Office of the Presidential
Adviser on Political Affairs Undersecretary Chito Gascon,
and OPAPP Undersecretary Joe Lorena shall be navigating
once more with their counterparts the three lists of allocation
of powers. They will do this knowing that:
the categories are not airtight nor strictly defined;
and
that all aspects of exercise of power are ideally practiced
under the governing principles of cooperation, parity
of esteem, autonomy and subsidiarity, check-and-
When Mehol Sadain

was appointed as the
Chair of the National
Commission on Muslim
Filipinos in December
2012, he sat as an
ex-officio member of
the GPH Peace Panel.
No 5th member of the
Panel was formally
appointed thereafter.
148
GETTING TO PEACE
balance, the need to harmonize and to meet norms

and standards, and ultimately the shared goal of
ensuring the safety, welfare, and the needs of the
parts and the whole, especially in the face of natural
disasters and dangers to national survival due to
unusual weather disturbances brought about by
climate change and the wanton exploitation of Gods
or Allahs gifts to humankind.
In previous meetings, the Governments Technical
Working Group on Wealth Sharing had shared with their
MILF counterparts all the relevant data that reflect the
challenges to the reconstruction and financial sustainability
of the future Bangsamoro.
This week, NEDA Region 12 Director Lourdes Babes
Lim, the Department of Finances Bureau of Tax Director,
Trinidad Ning Rodriguez, and Assistant Secretary of the
Department of Environment and Natural Resources Anselmo
Abungan are ready to continue collaboration on drafting a
working text that will lay down the parameters for short- to
long-term economic sustainability of the future Bangsamoro.
Given the development needs and fiscal realities in the
region, achieving a good measure of economic viability and
fiscal autonomy for the long haul cannot but happen in a
gradual and phased manner. The Government is ready to give
all the support necessary to jumpstart the process.
Our able and most studious Technical Working Group
on Normalization look forward to once again shake the hands
of their counterparts. Led by the Deputy Director-General of
the National Security Council, Zenonida Zen Brosas, the
other members of the governments Technical Working Group
on Normalization for this round are: Colonel Francisco Ariel
Felicidario, representing Senior Military Adviser of the GPH
General Leo Cresente Ferrer; and alternate members from
the OPAPP, Undersecretary Luisito Montalbo, and incoming
Assistant Secretary Jennifer Apple Oreta.

149
Decommissioning of combatants and weapons we

understand very well is normally what any armed revolutionary
group fears to tread.
There is fear of being left defenseless in a landscape
populated by so many other armed groups and individuals.
There is uncertainty of combatants and their families
of what the future awaits them under a new phase where
different skills, trainings, and orientation would be needed;
where protection shall be weaned away from reliance on
the barrel of the gun toward faith in what the power of
communal efforts, nonviolence, and resiliency can achieve
for individuals, families, communities, and the Bangsamoro
at large.
There is insecurity that the reforms anticipated would be
stalled; that the political commitments fall behind the road
map that both parties have plotted; that even good intentions
would be waylaid by insidious agents of the unacceptable
status quo.
It took a mature social movement like the MILF:
To learn from experiences around the world that
ultimately, the choice of peace would mean putting
beyond use the need for arms and the use of political
violence to achieve political ends.
To strategically envision the transformation of an
armed movement into a sociopolitical force able
to mobilize communities for social and economic
development.
To have the courage to take the risk to navigate
previously abhorred, unchartered terrain such as
the legislature, governance, and election. To be able
to stand up, act, implement, and compete fair and
square over ideas, programs under the precept: may
the best man, woman, or party win.
150
GETTING TO PEACE
This courage and maturity, government will meet with

reciprocity. Our processes may be bogged down sometimes
by the bureaucratic maze that involves any paperwork or the
systems of check-and-balance that are imposed on us and,
with due diligence, that we also impose on ourselves.
But we should not be discouraged by seeming
insurmountables.
Among Tausugs, there is a saying: In maksud mahunit,
makawa landu in halga. As translated by Usec. Joe
Lorena, Ang bagay na kinuha nang mahirap, marami ang
makikinabang. In English, from something achieved the
hard way, many will benefit.
Let us not lose heart, forgetting the forest, as we walk
through the trees.
In the same spirit of reciprocity, we anticipate the
difficulties that the MILF will have to face, similar to other
vibrant organizations that went through a paradigm shift
before.
There will be recalcitrants inside: mga pasaway sa
organizational command at disiplina ng mga pinuno ng MILF.
There will be malcontents to the gradual and evolutionary
approach that we have taken.
Outside, there will be one too many agitator, those who
will invoke religion, ethnicity, nationality, constitutionality,
and so on, not in the sincere desire to contribute to peaceful,
progressive, and inclusive reform, but to provoke violent
dissent or to advance personal interests.
All these humps and bumps, roadblocks, diversions, and
pitfalls we will be able to overcome if we remain honest and
committed to the partnership, a partnership that is not only
between the Government and the MILF, but for our peoples.
May our trust and friendship grow, glow, go forth, and
multiply by three dozens, from today, 12-12-12, InshaAllah.
Once We Commit, We Stand by It

Wednesday, 12 December 2012
t the outset allow me to extend my heartfelt congratulation and

felicitation for the appointment of Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer as the
new government chief peace negotiator, replacing Dean Marvic Leonen, who
was appointed associate justice of the Supreme Court.
I recall with utmost respect our hot and cold interactions at the negotiating
table which ended in a milestone achievement when we signed the Framework
Agreement on the Bangsamoro. Please extend to him my and my delegations
best wishes for his good luck and success in his new assignment in the Supreme
Court.
I consider my good counterparts appointment as new government peace
panel chair, not only as a new milestone but also a great challenge in my long
years in the peace negotiation and as chairman of the MILF peace panel for
ten long years since July 2003. This is the first time that my counterpart in
government is a woman, which I believe requires special adjustment in the
way we deal with one another. However, let me tell you that even before she
was appointed member of the GPH peace panel and as chairwoman now, we
knew each other a long time ago during her involvement in the campaign to
ban anti-personnel landmines, courtesy of the Philippine Campaign to Ban
Landmines in conjunction with the Geneva-based Geneva Call, whose efforts
led to the signing of a Deed of Commitment by the MILF in agreeing to ban
the use of victim-initiated anti-personnel landmines.
Frankly, I am very confident that, under her stewardship of the government
peace panel, we will be able to move forward in strides in our current
engagement in the negotiation. I am also optimistic that she will uphold
all the solemn commitments of her predecessor, especially in relation to the
Presidents Executive Order creating the fifteen-man Transition Commission,
which is supposed to have been signed already by now, following the Straight
151
152
Executive Order
No. 120 was issued
a few days after the
conclusion of this
round. It established
the fifteen-member
Bangsamoro Transition
Commission which
was mandated to draft
the Bangsamoro Basic
Law for submission
to Congress. It
was also tasked to
propose constitutional
amendments should
these be found
necessary for the
fulfillment of the
agreements, to
conduct consultations
with stakeholders,
and to assist in
socioeconomic
development
initiatives. The BTC
was fully constituted
and launched on 3
April 2013.
GETTING TO PEACE
Path policy of President Benigno Aquino III. After all, her

appointment had anchored not only on the strength of her
credentials but also to provide continuity and institutional
memory to what has taken place and has been agreed upon
by the parties during the negotiation under the Aquino
dispensation.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, 2012 is about to
end and the commitment by the two parties to finish the
annexes especially power sharing and wealth sharing within
this December is hanging by a hairline. I dont know if we
can finish them during this three-day meeting or we will
be compelled to extend by one day or two. Normalization,
however, is a different story. It is in its nature that if we can
agree on the architecture or a good number of consensus
points, then it is fair enough, or already very consoling. A
good part of the issue is a continuing agenda that requires
the participation of domestic and international players. The
fourth Annex, Arrangement and Modalities, is yet to be
deliberated on by the parties by creating a two-man team
from each side. Certainly, we have very little chance of
finishing this during this meeting.
I am afraid that if we do not buckle down, the euphoria
of the successful signing of the Framework Agreement on
the Bangsamoro in Malacaang on 15 October will vanish
in the air and frustration will ensue instead. Time is slowly
ticking away, and it is not coming back. To me, the only way
to be on top of everything is to be serious, consistent, and
honest to our commitment. More importantly, we must be
truthful to the provisions of the FAB, which has provided
the guidelines and parameters in handling the remaining
issues on the negotiating table.
The MILF is a good partner in peace-making. Once we
commit, we stand by it; once we sign an agreement, we fulfil
it. We have never engaged or will ever engage in a double
deal. Such is the way of the cursed. Similarly, we want our
partner in the peace journey to do the same. Only an honest-

153
to-goodness deal will bring us to the successful conclusion of

this negotiation. Any contrary way will bring us to disaster,
which none of us wants.
Lastly, I thank the Malaysian Government and its
facilitator, His Excellency Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku
Mohamed, as well as the Malaysian Secretariat led by
Madame Che Kasnah for their all-out support to make
the GPH-MILF peace negotiation successful. I also thank
the members of the International Contact Group: the
United Kingdom, Japan, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Centre for
Humanitarian Dialogue, The Asia Foundation, Conciliation
Resources, and Muhammadiyah for their unrelenting
support in various ways to the GPH-MILF peace negotiation.
35th

2125 January 2013

The GPH delegation in a caucus. MILF Panel members Prof. Abhoud Syed Lingga, Abdulla Camlian,
and Datu Antonio Kinoc awaiting the signing of the TOR of the Third Party Monitoring Team (TPMT).
In the foreground is GPH TWG on Power Sharing Chair Usec. Jose Luis Martin Gascon. The GPH
Panel holds a press conference at the end of the 35th Formal Exploratory Talks.
hank you very much. Assalamu alaikum.
His Excellency Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed, Brother

Mohagher Iqbal of the MILF, and our brothers Bobby Alonto, Abdulla Camlian
and Datu Antonio Kinoc, the MILF technical working groups and secretariat,
and our companions in this journey, the members of the ICG.
Good morning to everyone.
In the past weeks since we adjourned the December round of talks, both
the Government and the MILF panels met with a lot of people. In many
of these meetings, again and again we had to explain why it is important to
realize self-governance in the envisioned Bangsamoro; why this Bangsamoro
is different from local government units and administrative regions in actual
terms and as envisioned in the Constitution when it provided in Article X for
autonomous regions; and why therefore they deserve to have more powers,
more support and institutional features that are different from the rest of the
country, such as a plural administration of justice system and a ministerial
form of government.
Again and again we had to explain that this asymmetrical relationship
vis--vis other government units and the parity of esteem that we agreed to
uphold between the Central and Bangsamoro governments do not make the
Bangsamoro separate from the rest of the country. The MILF, the Bangsamoro,
are Filipinos.
Again and again, we explained why these people and the new political
entity that we are crafting deserve and have the right to be called Bangsamoro
as the symbol of their identity.
At the same time, before other constituents, we had to clarify that such a
right is not an imposition; that there shall be freedom of choice as to identity;
that basic rights, political representation, and equal protection shall be
guaranteed for all; that all indigenous peoples in the territorial jurisdiction of
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GETTING TO PEACE
the future Bangsamoro, whether Moro on non-Moro, shall

have the right to their ancestral domains; that vested property
rights and belief systems including those of settlers shall be
recognized and respected.
Still there are those who remained skeptical. They ask:
what makes you so sure that this time around it would be
different? That not another armed group will arise asking for
the same things. That governance will be better and not worse.
We tell them: we do not have all the answers, but we
have to try. The alternative is to be left with the status quo
that is unacceptable.
We say: this time, our aim is transformation and
empowerment, not patronage. The new institutions shall be
inclusive. There shall be transparency.
We have all learned from the lessons of the past.
In this round of talks we aim to settle the few remaining
issues across the four annexes that together with the
Framework Agreement will comprise the Comprehensive
Agreement.
These issues pertain to jurisdiction over natural resources;
transportation and communication; the extent of territorial
waters; taxing powers; timetables for decommissioning and
demilitarization; policing structures; the transition authority,
among others.
Expect that we will get worked up in the minutest details.
Expect that we will once again tangle with words and ruffle
emotions.
But our goals have remained the same:
1. To establish a Bangsamoro government that will
enjoy the blessings of meaningful political and fiscal
autonomy.
2. To get to this end through a peaceful transition
that will enable the MILF to test and prove its
brand of leadership, jumpstart the socioeconomic
development in the communities, and forever still
the guns in the erstwhile conflict-affected region.

159
3. To achieve healing, reconstruction and the human

security of the peoples, groups, and sectors in the
region.
To get any further toward these goals, we first have to
produce a comprehensive agreement that will measure up
to the core needs of the Bangsamoro advocates, on the one
hand, and at the same time stand the scrutiny of the skeptics
and all those who will coexist with each other under the
Bangsamoro government.
The government negotiating team and the bureaucracy
behind us has no other interest than to see this through. We
are not politicians. Our task is to assist the President realize
his vision of peace and progress for Mindanao where the
MILF is a trustworthy partner.
We are not tourists in this journey. Besides, this journey
is not for the fainthearted. After the annexes, the ride will
even be rougher. But, InshaAllah, we will get going.
Maraming salamat po sa inyong lahat.
Any Failure Is not Good for All of Us

wenty-one days after last 31 December, the supposed timeline the two
parties were to wrap up and sign agreements on the last three Annexes on
Power Sharing, Wealth Sharing, and Transitonal Arrangement and Modalities
did not happen. This makes many quarters jittery, and still so many others
are asking why.
For some, the reason for this delay seems obvious. The issues are simply
hard and contentious. Surely, this view is correct; it is true that the two annexes
on power sharing and wealth sharing have bedevilled us for the last four months
or so since we tabled them for discussion.
But is this the only reason? To me, as a way of explanation, I have great
reservations on the current manner and rate we are conducting ourselves in the
recent talks. It appears that there are many refrains, like a song, that should not
have obstructed our way nor discussed at all. I am referring to terms, concepts,
or powers already agreed in previous signed documents or those powers already
conceded to the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). They
should not consume our time and effort, or tax the goodwill of the parties.
These things should not be offered again and again. These are settled issues
and should be given.
Perhaps the other way to look at the slow process is to compare it with
the time before the parties signed the 10 Decision Points on Principles on 24
April 2012. For almost a year, the parties did not make any headway, because
they forced themselves to identify and agree on the various species of trees in
the forest, instead of the forest first, so to speak. But when they agreed on the
forest by signing this document, which is a bunch of important consensus
points, the rest became very easy. This led to the signing of the Framework
Agreement on the Bangsamoro on 15 October last year.
160

161
It seems we are at this gridlock again. This is clearly

noticeable in the Annex on Wealth Sharing. While I pay
tribute to what the two Technical Working Groups of the
government and MILF have achieved so far, it seems they
continue to lock horns on the current dismal financial
status of the ARMM and the perceived incapacity of any
new Bangsamoro entity to rise above this pathetic situation,
especially in relation to administering the taxes, especially the
base and collection. It appears that the parties cannot agree
that the issue should be appreciated first in terms of principles
and concepts (i.e., fiscal autonomy for the new entity), the
power to tax which must be devolved to it in order to be able
to stand on its feet, sharing of revenues and resources, and
then the administrative or implementation aspect of whether
or not the new entity is capable of. If it is capable, then let
it do the tasks immediately, if not, then the parties can agree
on the timetable.
Moreover, as in all negotiations, the mandates given
to both the government and MILF negotiating teams,
respectively, are ranged, perhaps, in a scale of one to three,
or packaged as option 1, 2, or 3. To offer or let known the
maximum position, understandably, is not a wise move in
negotiation, but to put up a very weak offer, on the other
hand, shies away the interest of the other side. Sometimes, it
can be interpreted as lack of interest in finishing the process.
It is on this premise that I ask my counterpart in
government to maximize their offer to the Bangsamoro people
through this peace process. Any diluted offer is only slowing
down the process. It is not helping us in any way. I also ask
the TWGs of the two parties to engage in real problem-solving
exercise: identify the still unresolved issues and find solutions,
one by one, without losing sight of one basic principle in
negotiation that one gains some and loses some.
Today, time is of great essence. Time is ticking away very
fast. Before we realize it, 2013 will say good bye and 2014
will come rushing in.
Therefore, the challenge before us now is to come up
with results. If we cannot finish all the Annexes, at least
162
GETTING TO PEACE
we can settle at least two of the Annexes. I am looking at

Power Sharing and Modalities and Arrangement Annexes as
possible areas of breakthrough. Any failure is not good for
all of us especially to the party that appears unreasonable
or recalcitrant. The eyes of the public and the international
community are staring at us intently. Surely, they do not want
us to fail in this endeavor.
It is on this above expectation that I close my opening
statement today that we rise above the situation together
and bring home the good news that we have achieved much
during this round of talks in Kuala Lumpur.
Thank you very much and good day!
36th

2527 February 2013

MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal (center) and MILF Panel member Maulana Alonto (right) in a
discussion with MILF TWG on Normalization member Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo (left) during a break
The GPH and MILF Panel Chairs with Ustadz Ibrahim Ali prior to the plenary session. The GPH
delegation in a caucus to discuss the Annex on Normalization.
ood morning, magandang umaga, salaam.
Your Excellency, Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed and the

members of the Malaysian secretariat; the members of the delegation of the
Moro Islamic Liberation Frontthe MILF panel, secretariat and Technical
Working Group members and consultants led by Bro. Mohagher Iqbal;
members of the International Contact Group from the governments of UK,
Japan, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, and international NGO leaders from The Asia
Foundation, Conciliation Resources, the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue,
and Muhammadiyah.
In behalf of Team GPHthe members of our panel, our secretariat,
consultants, and the Technical Working Groups on Normalizationwe greet
you today, the Anniversary of our 1986 People Power Revolution, with the
same hope and determination that energized our people to overthrow twentyseven years ago an authoritarian regime not with guns and bullets, but with
the collective will and spirit of a united citizenry.
There are indeed many reasons to smile and be happy about our
remembrances then and now.
Only two weeks ago (as Tengku just now recalled for us), on 11 February
2013, we witnessed the successful launch of Sajahatra Bangsamoro in Sultan
Kudarat municipality, in the province of Maguindanao.
Indeed, the Sajahatra Bangsamoro is living proof of the solid partnership
of the Government and the MILF. Working through their respective point
persons in just four months, both sides effectively mobilized their machineries
and delivered to hitherto unserved constituencies, concrete and immediate
benefits of the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro.
The launching took place with no less the President of the Republic of the
Philippines leading the ceremony and stepping foot for the first time in that
165
166
On 11 February
2013, the Sajahatra
Bangsamoro
was launched at
the Bangsamoro
Leadership and
Management Institute
(BLMI) compund
in Sultan Kudarat,
Maguindanao. The
activity was graced
by President Benigno
S. Aquino III, MILF
Chair Murad Ebrahim,
and members of the
Cabinet.
The Sajahatra
Bangsamoro is a
socioeconomic
program that aims
to uplift health,
education, and
livelihood conditions of
MILF communities. To
ensure coordination,
both parties have
created their own
task forces: MILF
Task Force Sajahatra
and GPH Task Force
on Bangsamoro
Development.
The term Sajahatra
is an Arabic-MelayuBahasa derivative
which denotes
blessings, prosperity,
and peace, and thus
signifies the joint work
of the GPH and the
MILF toward peace
and development in
the Bangsamoro.
GETTING TO PEACE
part of Mindanao. That it happened without any misstep

nor untoward incident that may have robbed the event
of its positive impact manifests to one and all the strong
and valuable security cooperation that both civilians and
combatants from our ranks, led by our Joint Coordinating
Committees for the Cessation of Hostilities, have built and
nurtured throughout the years of stable ceasefire.
To the MILF and GPH personnel who directly took
part in preparing for this big event, we give our gratitude
and applause. Some of them are in this room (Mike
Pasigan, Mohajirin Ali, others are outside; Major Carlos
Sol who led our GPH-CCCH Secretariat; while two other
persons; OPAPP Usec. Louie Montalbo is outside and Ica is
representing Usec. Lesley Cordero of the Office of the Cabinet
Secretary and will be joining us later).
But to this special track team, you cannot rest yet.
The next phases of the Sajahatra Bangsamoro must follow
immediately. We must continue what we began. People have
waited long enough for the day they will harvest the first
fruits of their struggle for peace, through peace, and in peace.
We all know that we launched the Sajahatra not because
it will take the place of our bigger political goal of putting
in place a new political entity and the blessings of a peaceful
and normal life for all. Not at all. Rather, such is the unique
design of our process. That even as we are still completing the
comprehensive agreement, we are beginning to implement.
One component does not diminish the other. It builds on
and supports one another.
Very, very soon the members of the Transition Commission
shall be announced. As I speak today, Palace spokespersons
are preparing for the press conference at Malacaan where
the names of the appointed commissioners shall be made
public for the first time.

167
The Transition Commission has a monumental task. It

will craft a draft Bangsamoro Basic Law that will establish
the new institutions that shall serve as the vehicle to realize
the aspirations for self-governance of the peoples in the
Bangsamoro.
It will, word for word, formulate the sentences and
paragraphs that will guarantee the rights and well-being of
all citizens, groups, and sectors in the new political entity.
In fulfilling this crucial task, the challenges to the fifteen
men and women of the Transition Commission remain the
same as those that the negotiators faced when they sat on
the table to discuss a lasting solution to the armed conflict in
Mindanao for the first time some fifteen years ago.
These are the challenges of inclusivity, transparency, and
constitutionality.
These are the same tests that our appointed commissioners
must pass, if the draft Bangsamoro Basic Law that will be born
from their efforts will stand the test of time and the scrutiny
of all well-meaning interlocutors in and out of Congress and,
most especially, of the people voting in the plebiscite that will
be held to ratify the new law.
Truly the tasks before the Transition Commission are
many and varied. In the first month, it will have to define
its rules and procedures, organize its financial and logistical
systems, and map out its work plan.
Afterwards, it will need to spell out in even finer detail
the various provisions in the Annexes to the Framework
Agreement on the Bangsamoro.
It will need to work together as a team, collaboratively
drawing on each others wisdom and goodwill.
It will need to seek expert advice, and constantly
engage Congress through supportive members of the august
bodys individual members, leadership, staff, and relevant
committees.
Aquino III appointed
on 25 February 2013,
the 27th Anniversary
of EDSA People
Power Revolution, the
fifteen members of the
Commission (BTC).
Seven (7) appointees
were nominated by
the GPH and eight (8)
by the MILF, including
its chair, Mohagher
Iqbal. Its members
hail from various
professional, political
and ethnocultural
backgrounds
to illustrate the
inclusiveness of the
peace process.
168
The Terms of
Reference (TOR)
for the Independent
Commission on
Policing (ICP)
was signed by the
Parties during this
round. The ICP is
mandated to submit
recommendations
to the Panels on the
appropriate policing
for the Bangsamoro.
The Annex on
Transitional
Arrangements and
Modalities (TAM) was
also signed during this
round, on 27 February
2013. This is the first
of the Annexes to
the FAB to be signed.
The Annex on TAM
provides the further
details on the political
roadmap towards
the creation of the
Bangsamoro.
GETTING TO PEACE
Equally important, it must keep attuned to the thoughts

and feelings of the ordinary men, women, and children
whom, when the time comes, the new political entity must
above all serve.
With its members representing diverse sectors in society,
and through various modes of consultations with the people,
we are confident that the Transition Commission will be able
to put together the complex concerns and plural perspectives
of the different stakeholders into a meaningful whole.
Meanwhile, in the next few days that we will spend
together here in the Palace of the Golden Horses, let us in
full riding gear mount our stallions, strut, gallop, and jump
over the obstacles that in the past had caused us to stumble.
By the grace of God, we will find the right cadence to
advance the Annexes closer and closer to the finish line.
Maraming salamat po. Shukran.
The Need to Outpace Potential Spoilers

ne of the many fears and suspicions of negotiations is the idea that the
other party is likely to be dishonest and will unfairly exploit any weakness
displayed by an honest negotiator. This suspicion and fear may be overcome
if a climate of mutual trust can be developed.
One therefore should establish both trustworthiness and the ability to trust.
We trust someone who seems willing to trust us. If we want to be trusted, we
have to be able to show trust in return. Often, this trust will be reciprocated.
It will encourage honesty and reduce negative costs from poor negotiation.
In many cases, it will invite opportunistic exploitation of mutual benefits for
both parties. As sound as this may seem, the process must still be managed very
carefully. This we will nurse and nurture in the current negotiation!
So far, neither the government nor the MILF has ever bungled seriously
on their commitment. If we observe the trend of things since President
Benigno Aquino III and MILF Chairman Al Haj Murad Ebrahim met in
Tokyo, Japan, in August 2011 there has been tremendous buildup of trust
between the two parties, which resulted in many achievements in the peace
talks. The MILF and Chairman Murad had agreed to hold the signing of the
Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro in Malacaang, the seat of the
Philippine government. And he was not alone. He brought with him the core
leadership of the MILF and if by chance any untoward incident happened
to them, the MILF would be crippled. But the MILF took the words of the
President for their safety. Similarly, President Aquino journeyed with his entire
official family to the inauguration of the Sajahatra Bangsamoro Program at
the Bangsamoro Leadership and Management Institute Training Center in
Crossing Simuay, Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao, a virtual place inside Camp
Darapanan of the MILF, on 11 February. He set aside the negative advice of
his advisers and proved to them that he is right: the MILF can also be trusted.
169
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GETTING TO PEACE
For what sensible reasons any of the parties can achieve, say
committing treachery to the other party? Nothing, except
condemnation, besides having to pay heavily for their crime.
In Islam, a commitment made with non-Muslims is as sacred
as the one entered into with Muslims.
It is with this momentum that we expect the parties
especially the government, to move the peace process fast
and without delay. We must settle the remaining issues on
power sharing and wealth sharing, if possible right away. All
those powers already granted to the Autonomous Region in
Muslim Mindanao and by other laws should not be discussed
at all. They are already granted and conceded by government.
The FAB had already made provision for this, which we must
not violate. We should focus on giving additional powers
to the new political entity to make it really autonomous or
self-governing, both politically and financially. Failure to give
enough teeth to the new entity is like a doctor prescribing
weak medicine that would only worsen the ailment of the
patient. Often a wrong prescription enables the bacteria to
multiply in manifold and as deadly as ever. Surely, it is to
the interest of the government in Manila that a viable and
progressive Moro entity is in place in Mindanao. I dont think
the government wants a Moro entity that is a baggage forever,
begging, grieving, and complaining. Worse, it can become
the hotbed of rebellious elements fighting the government.
Moreover, the Transition Commission should have
been formally constituted now, so that it can start to work
immediately. Any delay would only put it racing against time
to write the Basic Law. We must also constitute the Third
Party Monitoring Team so they can monitor the compliance
of the parties with all agreements. This is one check that
the parties to make sure that they are not remiss in their
responsibilities and compliance.
Frankly, there is really need to outpace potential spoilers
who are expected to be more active after the May polls. The
sour-graping of the so-called heirs of the Sultanate of Sulu
that they were not consulted in the ongoing peace talks is a
kind of spoilage. They were consulted on many occasions.

171
But the big question is: Why only make this noise now when
for more than forty years of conflict in Mindanao they have
been silent? This brings to the fore a pertinent observation:
Is it not obvious that in the current controversy the heirs of
the Sultanate of Sulu have focused on their personal interest
alone that precludes the interest and welfare of the entire
Bangsamoro people?
More than ever, the critical mass in support of the FAB
and the peace negotiation must be secured by the government
and the MILF. This is the reason why in spite of Tropical
Storm Crising, the MILF peace panel was not prevented from
going to Basilan against the advice of the Philippine Coast
Guard last 19 February. We attended the peace process forum
organized by the priests and nuns in Isabela City headed by
Bishop Martin Jumoad, a very influential churchman, we
were told.
This time we make sure that no one criticizes us for not
talking to everybody irrespective of ethnic, tribal, belief, and
party affiliations. We do not want to repeat the nightmares
of the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain
which was bitterly criticized allegedly for lack of consultations,
which we know is not true. In fairness to the GPH peace
panel headed by Secretary Rodolfo Garcia, they had heavily
conducted consultations not only in Mindanao but elsewhere
in the Philippines.
It is on this urgent necessity that we want the international
community to help the parties in whatever way possible in
reaching out to everyone in Mindanao and elsewhere in the
Philippines. We want to do it continuously and without letup,
but we have limitations especially in matter of logistics. This
task will intensify as soon as the TC starts to write the Basic
Law which requires that the people must be on board the
process and they must be consulted.
Finally, let me state here that the parties should not
overlook the fact that the current peace process has two tracks
namely, negotiation or political track and the socioeconomic
track, which at all times be pursued in a sequential manner.
The negotiation track must always be primary and the
On 11 February 2013,
around 100 to 200
people, some of whom
were armed, arrived by
boats from Tawi-Tawi
in Kampung Tanduo,
Lahad Datu in Sabah,
Malaysia, with the
alleged objective of
asserting the dormant
territorial claim of
the Sultanate of Sulu
and North Borneo to
Sabah. This resulted in
a clash between them
and the Malaysian
authorities. The
undertaking has been
dubbed as the Sabah
Standoff.
172
GETTING TO PEACE
socioeconomic track as supplementary. Any rearrangement

of the sequence, even it is done with the best of intention,
is to run the risk that the second track assumes the role of a
counterinsurgency approach especially if they are designed to
go to the people directly without a term of reference provided
by the parties in the negotiation.
37th

811 April 2013

GPH Panel Secretariat Head Dir. Iona Gracia Jalijali (left), GPH Legal Team Head Atty. Anna Tarhata
Basman (center), and GPH Legal Team member Atty. Armi Beatriz Bayot (right) in a discussion at the
Philippine Embassy in Kuala Lumpur. The support staff of the GPH delegation pose for a group photo
with Philippine Ambassador to Malaysia Jose Eduardo Malaya III. (From left: Prisci Val Bulanhagui,
Kristine Wee, Ameen Andrew Alonto, Wendell Orbeso, Amb. Jose Eduardo Malaya III, Lloyd Yales,
Lorraine Cortez, and Farrah Grace Naparan.) Support staff of the GPH delegation prior to a dinner
hosted by the Philippine Embassy in Kuala Lumpur.
n behalf of the GPH delegation, and of course our greetings to the heads and
members of the Malaysian and MILF secretariat and our respective technical
working groups, members of the International Contact Group, Mr. Ali Saleem,
Dr. Steven Rood, Dr. Sudibyo Markus, and those who were here earlier.
So I greet you in behalf of the GPH delegation. Panel members former
Secretary Senen Bacani, Undersecretary Yasmin Busran-Lao, and Undersecretary
Chito Gascon. Our observers for the session are General Cesar Dionisio Sedillo,
who is our new chair of the government CCCH; Atty. Adonis Sulit of the
Department of Justice who is working with us on the Normalization team; the
members of the TWG on Normalization led by Usec. Zenonida Brosas; General
Leo Cresente Ferrer who is also our senior military adviser of the government
panel, senior military adviser assigned to the government panel for talks with
the MILF; OPAPP Asec. Apple Oreta; and Usec. Louie Montalbo who is our
point person involved in the Task Force Sajahatra working with the Cabinet
Secretary Rene Almendras.
May I also introduce to you the new head of our legal team Atty. Anna
Tarhata Basman, accompanied by our legal counsel also from the Office of
the Solicitor General Atty. Armi Bayot whos been working with the TWG
on Wealth Sharing, and of course, the head of our secretariat Iona Jalijali who
just went through three difficult exams for her law degree the last few weeks
in the last three days, actually. Polly Cunanan who heads our communication
group and all our other staff, Im sure youre familiar with their faces. They
have been providing valuable support to our panel.
We are really very pleased to be with you here again on this 37th Formal
Exploratory Talks. We thank you for your indulgence in view of the slight delay
in our arrival today. We are more pleased to hear the progress in the discussion
of our TWGs on Normalization.
We thank our Malaysian facilitator for providing them with the facilities
and the environment to discuss and hopefully produce a consolidated draft.
175
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GETTING TO PEACE
In this round of talks our agenda remains clear: we solve the

remaining issues across the three annexes, seek the creative
compromises, and find the right language.
In this negotiation stage our goal remains the same:
confidently sign the remaining annexes which together with
the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro wIll form the
comprehensive agreement.
It would seem that the process is taking more time than
our counterparts might expect. This is because our President,
this government panel, our government are not the type who
will promise the moon, the sun, and the stars, only to leave
you later in the dark or to your own resources when the going
gets even tougher.
Our mandate is to negotiate with you not based on
false promises, but rather to negotiate with you on a solid
foundation, that will withstand the scrutiny of the skeptics,
the misgivings of the unconvinced, the cynicism of the
critical, especially among those whose view of the past peace
negotiations and autonomous regions are less than pleasant.
The Terms of
Reference (TOR) for
Sajahatra Bangsamoro
which was signed on
11 April 2013 lays out
the general framework
and parameters for a
development program
that will be jointly
implemented by the
GPH and the MILF,
focused at developing
and improving the
health, education, and
livelihood conditions
of impoverished
Bangsamoro
communities.
This is where this government leadership and this panel

are coming from. To look for culprits elsewhere in persons
or offices would be a waste of time. I can tell you that the
Cabinet members have gone out of their way to shepherd this
process. Many have spent time with us seeking solutions,
providing context, broadening understanding. Know who
your real friends are. Know who have been struggling
with and for you, to bring to fruition a meaningful peace
agreement. Distinguish them from those who play politics.
This is after all election time. Let us see beyond the moment,
beyond the black and white divide that we have constructed
between the so-called spoilers and supporters. All said, we
are ready to resume our work.
et me begin my opening statement this afternoon by stating that in any mans

important undertaking, say in our case, the ongoing peace negotiation,
the most difficult portions are how to begin and how to conclude it. The
MILF had been in the sideline, or sidelined, for twenty long years, amidst war,
destructions, and displacements, before the government had seriously decided
to enter into peace negotiation with the MILF. Also we waited and persevered
for another sixteen long years in this negotiation before the parties can say that
the negotiation has picked up momentum and the proverbial flickering light
at the end of the tunnel is clearly visible. I think I am not wrong if I say that
we are at this stage today.
Looking back into the past, the first difficulty that started the arduous peace
journey in January 1997 had been overcome by the government and the MILF.
The tremors that we have been experiencing since 2011 are part of the second
difficulty to finish the process. This hardship does not only refer to resolving
the substantive agenda of the talks, as well as handling the huge number of
stakeholders on both sides, but also to weld together the very people involved
in the whole process, say the central committee on the part of a revolutionary
organization or cabinet on the part of government. Sometimes, decisions
already clinched during meetings with the central leadership or cabinet, as the
case may be, will be discarded or questioned by individual members, for varied
reasons. A situation like this requires the negotiator to deal with it effectively
through the chairman of the organization or through the head of government
or state. They are the only ones who have the authority and clout to deal with
the deviants and non-conformists.
I must confess now as I have confessed in the past that sometimes it is more
difficult to negotiate with your own peers rather than to negotiate with your
adversary. Worse, at times, one is virtually negotiating with himself or herself,
because there are instances one disagrees with the decision of the principal
and in this particular case, one has to choose: follow your own thought or
177
178
GETTING TO PEACE
toe the official line. This is a difficult moment in the life of

a negotiator, which he or she has no way to resolve except to
do the right thing: make an appeal for the reconsideration
of the decision, or he or she has to leave for good (with ones
personal conviction intact). In the case of the MILF, we
have had a number of our political or military leaders who
disagreed with the leadership in some vital decisions regarding
the negotiation. But practically, except one, we handled them
in favor of the higher cause of the struggle. The higher interest
must be upheld at all times.
At this juncture, the most relevant question is: Can we
conclude this negotiation now and proceed without delay
to normalization, construction, and development of the
devastated region of the Bangsamoro?
Without appearing very simplistic, I think we are about to
achieve this historic feat of signing the comprehensive peace
agreement with the Aquino administration. First, for me, I
am very hopeful that the Annex on Wealth Sharing will be
signed by the parties, because the text had been settled during
the 36th GPH-MILF Exploratory Talks last 2527 February.
I dont see any reason why we cannot get pass through this
issue with much hassle. For the Annex on Power Sharing, I
am also upbeat that we can readily settle this, as there are only
three or four issues remaining for discussion. For the Annex
on Normalization, I firmly believe that once we settle the first
two Annexes, this will easily fall in place. A normal situation
in Mindanao will necessarily ensue once the root causes of
the conflict are addressed and the people are actively taking
part in shaping their future, as well as fair share of the pie
or the wealth of their homeland. When the land is peaceful,
progressive, and the people are happy, who will be in need of
guns anyway? It is not true to say that Moros love their guns
more than their wives. There is a bit of exaggeration hereif
not an outright racist comment. If they wanted to possess and
own firearms, it is because their lives are always in danger.
The issue of decommissioning, like gradual redeployment
of government forces, as well as the establishment of the
Bangsamoro police, is vital to the normalization process, but

179
we must see to it first that it has no stigma and consequence

of surrender, leaving their individual and collective security
at the mercy of chances.
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the necessity of
settling the remaining issues is the call of the hour. We cannot
afford to suspend it any longer; there is no reason to justify
it. The Bangsamoro Transition Commission has already gone
ahead by convening its inaugural session in Manila last 3
April. This will be followed by regular meetings in Cotabato
City, the official seat of the BTC, in order to start crafting
the Basic Law and to study and propose amendments, if
necessary, to the Constitution, among other tasks. It has also
organized itself into committees, formed its secretariat, and
assigned two of its members to draft the internal rules. After
this, it cannot go any further unless the Annexes on power
sharing, wealth sharing, and even normalization, especially
on policing, are settled and signed. This is the reason why we
must settle these annexes now and not later.
Finally, let us remind ourselves that our peace negotiation
has only one agenda: How to solve the Bangsamoro Problem
or more correctly, Bangsamoro Question. This agenda was
decided by the parties at the beginning of the current peace
talks in January 1997, and it has guided the parties since then.
Therefore, all our efforts and agreements, though sometimes
very incremental, are designed to address this problem,
especially the root causes. Therefore, to say that the solution
that we envision to address this question must be acceptable
to all must be taken in the context of acceptability by the
people that such formula suits a particular group, in this case
the Bangsamoro. Acceptability does not in any way mean
the right of veto power of the majority because the formula
does not suit their taste or redound to their direct benefit.
A special problem requires special prescription; hence, the
asymmetrical arrangement that the Framework Agreement
on the Bangsamoro has envisioned.
Let me assure my counterpart in government that the
MILF is fully committed to finish the process in order to
establish real peace in Mindanao. I also restate here our
On April 23, BGen.

Cesar Dionisio Sedillo
Jr. (Chair, GPH-CCCH)
and Said Shiek (Chair,
MILF-CCCH) signed
the Guidelines for
Mutual Understanding
for Ceasefire-Related
Functions for the May
2013 elections. The
signed MOU stipulates
the order to ensure
close coordination
with the MILF in
the unobstructed
deployment of election
equipment and
personnel within MILF
areas. This included the
agreement on the part
of the MILF to refrain
from consolidating
their troops from the
time of the deployment
of election equipment
until the completion
of election. The MOU
also provided for
the establishment
of a Joint Ceasefire
Monitoring Post
(JCMP) to serve as a
quick response team
in curbing any spur or
escalation of conflict
during the elections.
180
GETTING TO PEACE
continuing trust for the sincerity and commitment of His

Excellency President Benigno Aquino III to conclude the
peace agreement with the MILF. I trust and pray that the
Government of Malaysia, in particular His Excellency Prime
Minister Dato Sri Haji Mohammad Najib bin Tun Haji
Abdul Razak, will journey with us through to the end of
this negotiation.
Thank you and good afternoon!
38th

813 July 2013

GPH Panel member Usec. Yasmin Busran-Lao poses for a photo with MILF Panel Secretariat Head
Jun Mantawil and MILF Legal Team member Atty. Raissa Jajurie. MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal
during the plenary session of the 38th Formal Exploratory Talks. OPAPP Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles
speaks with MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal during a break in the plenary session.
Monday, 8 July 2013
ood morning to everyone. Assalamu alaikum to Malaysian Facilitator

Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed and to Malaysian Head of
Secretariat Che Kasnah who prepared our rooms for us today, our counterparts
led by MILF Peace Panel Chairman Mohagher Iqbal, the members of his panel,
and the rest of the delegation. On behalf of the members of the Government
Panel, we also send our greetings to the other bodies who are accompanying us
here today, the International Contact Group and the Third Party Monitoring
Team.
We arrived here in Kuala Lumpur with loads of prayers and well-wishes
from people back home. Like most of you, I too got an inbox full of sendoff
prayers.
Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Teresita Quintos-Deles has also
called on her prayer warriors, who have included our intentions in their novena
and daily masses. She has sent out the text message asking everyone to Please
pray for patience, insight, and understanding for the parties to find common
ground in mind and heart and bring the good news for the Filipino people
during the first week of Ramadan.
Civil society groups have come out with their statements, while other
groups I believe are also keeping vigil on the streets.
A few days ago, several friends, all leading lights in their respective
organizations, visited me in the office to express their support. They even
brought a gifta pair of pens. And we all know on what occasions we have
special use of pens. Thats why I have these pens with me on this trip.
With gratitude we welcome the biddings of good luck and good will. And
we too also have said our own prayers, our own whispered hopes for a most
fruitful meeting.
We have made our own personal pleas for strength and wisdom, so that
we may agree on the ways and means to operationalize our shared goal of
183
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GETTING TO PEACE
instituting meaningful fiscal and political autonomy for the

Bangsamoro political entity.
The Annexes that will come out of this process will not be
perfectnot perfect from where the MILF, the government,
nor any of the other stakeholders, whether self-ascribed as
Bangsamoro or not, from where they are coming from.
During this round, the

Third Party Monitoring
Team (TPMT) held
its first organizational
meeting.
The TPMT is composed
of Mr. Alistair
MacDonald, former
EU Ambassador to
the Philippines, who
serves as its chair; Dr.
Steven Rood of The
Asia Foundation who
transitioned from being
a member of the ICG;
Ms. Karen Taada of
Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace
Institute and Mindanao
Solidarity Network;
Atty. Zainnudin Malang
of Mindanao Human
Rights Action Center;
and mer Kesmen of
iHH (The Foundation
for Human Rights
and Freedom and
Humanitarian Relief).
Atty. Malang was later
replaced by Mr. Rahib
Kudto of the United
Youth for Peace
and Development
(UNYPAD). Mr.
Huseyin Oru also
replaced Mr. Kesmen
as representative of
the HH.
But like the Framework Agreement which drew up the

master plan, the Annexes will design the rooms with the basic
rudiments for dignified and harmonious governance. These
rooms shall be livable. Under good hands, they will nurture
leaders who will continue to strengthen the foundations,
dream new dreams, and change the lives of the whole
neighborhood.
We have a big responsibility, all of us in this room today,
to meet the expectations of so many people who want this
process to succeed.
With the presence of the TPMT here, we have expanded
the circle of responsibility. So indeed we welcome the Chair of
the TPMT, Alistair MacDonald who of course is no stranger
to the Philippines having been posted as deputy head of the
delegation of the European Union in the Philippines way
back from 1990 to 1995 and EU head of delegation to the
Philippines from 2007 to 2011. I remember writing him a
farewell note before he left the country saying that it is too bad
that he could not stay on for the comprehensive agreement,
and here he is joining us in this process leading to that kind
of completion and implementation.
We also would have to have special mention of Dr.
Steven Rood (of The Asian Foundation) who is transitioning
from the ICG to the TMPT. We thank him for his valuable
contribution to the ICG having been an original member of
this body. And somebody who has been insider for the most
parts, the most industrious person typing notes all the time
of events as they happened. I am sure that his book will be a
bestseller in the years to come.
We also welcome Karen Taada of the Gaston Z. Ortigas
Peace Institute who is also the Southeast Asian coordinator of

185
Peace Women Across the Globe. And we know of course

GZOPI had served as co-convenor of the Mindanao Solidarity
Network, which is linked with the bigger coalitions and
alliances in Mindanao such as the Mindanao PeaceWeavers.
Also welcome again to an old friend Zen Malang of
MINHRAC, who has holed up himself in Cotabato City
for the longest time, recovering from the trauma of 2008 to
become one of the most active members again in the process
in Mindanao.
IHH we dont really know much about. So we welcome
this opportunity to be acquainted and to become friends
with them as well.
Once convened, the TPMT as one body, will no longer
be GPH nominees or MILF nominees. We expect them to be
objective and constructive interlocutors of the process, both
in their individual and collective capacities.
Also part of the growing circle of responsibility, of
responsible individuals will be our legislators, and we do
hope that before we end this meeting, some senators might
be able to join us later this week. We are still awaiting final
confirmation of their travel arrangements.
Of course to the ICG who have stayed with us as our
constant companion, I notice that there are less of you today.
I hope that this is not a sign of losing interest, certainly not,
you have not been disbanded at all with the creation of the
TMPT. We do look forward of being with you again and
again.
The Centre of Humanitarian Dialogue organized the
fruitful forum in Oslo together with Government of Norway.
It was certainly a very good opportunity for us to informally
come together and set the next round of talks.
Many in the ICG are spending with the panels and the
Facilitator our third Ramadan together in these talks.
You will recall that during Ramadan in 2011, we had a
near breakdown with the MILF panel rejecting the GPHs
3-for-1 proposal and the government panel, led by former
HH stands for nsan

Hak ve Hrriyetleri ve
nsani Yardm Vakf
or The Foundation
for Human Rights
and Freedom and
Humanitarian Relief,
the Turkish NGO
nominated by the MILF
to the TPMT.
186
GETTING TO PEACE
chair now Associate Justice Marvic Leonen rejecting the

rejection.
Still, on April 2012, we signed the Decision Points on
Principles that laid down the major consensus on principles.
By Ramadan in 2012 last year, we had two Technical
Working Groups working on the Annexes on Wealth Sharing
and Power Sharing.
It is now Ramadan 2013: About time indeed we resolve
the sticky issues after completing two years of the Hijrah
(Islamic) calendar.
The items on the table are all hard issues. But what I
know is that we all want to solve the problem and that we will
jointly, collectively decide on the future of the partnership
that was forged with the signing of the Framework Agreement
on the Bangsamoro (FAB).
So with these, the prayers and good luck will see us
through.
Monday, 8 July 2013
t has been two months and twenty-nine days since we met here last April 11
for the 37th GPH-MILF Exploratory Talks where we agreed to exchange
notes on the coming days and to meet again after the 13 May Philippine
elections. That did not happen.
The peace panels have not met since except during a sideline meeting in
Oslo, Norway, during the Mediators Forum sponsored by the Norwegian
Foreign Ministry, and the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. Prof. Miriam
Coronel Ferrer, my honorable counterpart, in the presence of Secretary Teresita
Ging Deles and the Malaysian Facilitator, Excellency Tengku Dato Ab
Ghafar Tengku Mohamed, handed to us their latest paper on wealth sharing.
Of course, we were not there to negotiate the content of that paper but merely
to receive it and deliver to our principal for their perusal.
During this long period of uncertainty in the talks, so much negative
speculation has filled the air. It is not good to hear these, but they were all
expressed loud and clear. To many, the impression is that there is an impasse in
the peace talks. Truth is that the official explanation coming from government
that they needed time to conduct a due diligence study on wealth sharing
is less discernible because, first, the Annex on Wealth Sharing, alongside
the Annex on Power Sharing, has been on the agenda since July 2012; and
second, members of the two peace panels have initialled the Annex on Wealth
Sharing on 27 February, after no less than two from each peace panel led by
their respective chair, had agreed on the final text of this annex during several
rounds of executive sessions.
But a sigh of relief from friends of the peace process emerged after the
Malaysian facilitator came in early June to Manila and proceeded to Darapanan
to talk to key government officials and MILF leaders. Both camps declared that
their commitment to solve the Moro Problem is as strong as ever and they are
committed to do it soon than later. This feeling of resolve was strengthened
vigorously when MILF Chairman Al Haj Murad Ebrahim decided to write
187
188
The 2013 Oslo

Forum, the annual
international meeting
of armed conflict
mediators and peace
process actors, was
held in Oslo, Norway,
on 1819 June 2013.
OPAPP Sec. Teresita
Quintos-Deles along
with GPH Panel Chair
Prof. Miriam Coronel
Ferrer attended the
event, as well as MILF
Panel Chair Mohagher
Iqbal and MILF Panel
member Maulana
Alonto, and Malaysian
Facilitator Tengku
Dato Ab Ghafar
Tengku Mohamed. The
event was organized
by the Norwegian
Ministry of Foreign
Affairs and the Centre
for Humanitarian
Dialogue (CHD) as
an opportunity for
participants to share
their experiences in
conflict mediation and
peace processes.
In an informal meeting
during the event, GPH
Panel Chair Ferrer
handed to MILF Panel
Chair Iqbal the GPH
full proposals on
the Annex on Power
Sharing for them to
study and consider.
GETTING TO PEACE
President Benigno Aquino III reiterating the unwavering

commitment of the MILF to resolve the conflict peacefully
but politely informed him of the growing frustration of the
people and some members of the MILF as a result of the
delay of the talks. The problem is that the delay is perceived
not from the MILF side but from government. The President
responded positively to the letter. But I am so sorry I cannot
disclose the content of the letter because I dont have the
mandate to do so. Our chairman did not allow that copies
be made except one that is intended for the Facilitator for
the record of the Malaysian Secretariat.
In Oslo, Norway many, of the foreign participants
described the GPH-MILF peace negotiation as a success
story. We were so flattered and tempted to accept it,
but Brother Bobby Alonto and I have politely made the
correction. We told them that the parties have not yet finished
the process; in fact, they are still treading the most critical
stage of their peace journey. Besides, there are many spoilers
who are waiting in ambush. As a negotiator for more than ten
years, I have learned a lot of hard lessons. My experience tells
me that there is no easy part of any real life negotiation. For
this reason, I know that the road ahead of the current peace
talks is still full of humps and bumps. But this is no reason
to cause the failure of these talks. Sincere and committed
partners in peace process will always find creative formula to
get through any differences. If they dont find one, this means
one of the parties or both of them has changed policy from
solving the conflict to not solving it.
For the nth time, I must mention here that we are
solving the Moro Problem or Question, not the Philippine
Problem. Remember that a historic injustice has been
committed against the Bangsamoro, which must be corrected
once and for all in order to put to rest all future legitimate
struggles against the Manila government. Therefore, any
solution requires a major shake-up of the status quo. A mere
resort to legal remedies not founded on negotiated political
settlement will not hold water. Moreover, it is not symmetry
or what is common to all peoples of the Philippines is the

189
problem; rather, it is what distinguishes the Bangsamoro

from the rest of the inhabitants that we must address, and
which distinctiveness we have already discovered the formula:
asymmetrical relationship.
This means that the parties must find a political solution
that is above the current Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao and below independence. If we faithfully subscribe
to this formulation, the parties can move the process very
fast. There would be no back-and-forth movements like what
happened for the last more four months.
In plain words, what we are negotiating since 1997
has been clearly for an autonomous political entity. The
MILF agreed not to raise the issue of independence and the
government not to peg its position on the Constitution and
the territorial integrity of the Philippines. This moved the
process to new heights, which reached the peak when they
signed the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro in
October last year. The FAB provides the workable conceptual
framework for real autonomy for the Bangsamoro, which
entrenches political autonomy and fiscal autonomy. This is
the real reason why we have on the table power sharing and
wealth sharing discussions. Powers and resources must go
together to be able to call a political animal autonomous.
This is also the reason why we rejected the ARMM because
it is not autonomous but an administrative region like the
rest of the regions in the Philippines.
To fast-track the process, therefore, the government
must not offer anything already granted to the ARMM
especially by RA 9054 or by other legislations, for these are
givens that need no longer be negotiated on. On the other
hand, the MILF must not demand anything reserved for an
independent state. In order to aid them, they can learn from
other models on state-substate asymmetrical relationship that
are available around us.
Lastly, we are here today to continue the peace journey
and possibly to sign anything we can settle, hopefully the
annex on wealth sharing. I dont think that if we agree on
190
GETTING TO PEACE
any of the annexes we still go back to our principals for their

final say. I am sure we have the mandates to settle the issues
at hand. Besides, I am certain my counterpart and I can call
on our respective principals when there is a need for it, as
we effectively did with then Dean Marvic Leonen during the
dying minutes of bargaining on the FAB.
Truth is that too much pressure is building against us,
especially on government. The civil society organizations
way back home have already sounded the clarion call that
we wake up and finish the process. During the CSO Summit
on the Bangsamoro Peace Talks in Davao City last 4 July,
they called on the government and MILF to sign the peace
agreement now because time is running out.
This round of talks
produced the
Annex on Revenue
Generation and
Wealth Sharing,
which identifies the
sources of revenue
of the Bangsamoro
Government, and
the fiscal powers and
functions it would
exercise.
Conducted during the
holy month of Ramadan, the talks were
extended by one more
day than what was
originally scheduled.
The Annex was signed
on 13 July 2013 just
before the stroke of
midnight.
Finally, we express our grave concern over the reported

governments changing policy on our relations with
development partners and the GPH instruction to these
development partners to slow in their engagements with
the MILF. May we remind our esteemed partners that our
engagement with international development partners have
been mutually agreed by the Parties in 2001 as a result of
the Tripoli Accord of Peace of 2001. This is further bolstered
when we signed the FAB which said in Section VIII, Nos. 10
and 11, to wit: The Parties agree to intensify development
efforts for rehabilitation, reconstruction, and development
of the Bangsamoro, and institute programs to address the
needs of MILF combatants, internally displaced persons,
and poverty-stricken communities; and The parties
recognize the need to attract multi-donor country support,
assistance, and pledges to the normalization process.
These engagements are essential for the success not only of
the conclusion of this peace negotiation but more importantly
of the implementation of the Peace Agreement that we may
sign. Given the short period of the transition for the MILF
and the continuing delay in the completion and signing
of a comprehensive peace agreement, it becomes even
more urgent that the MILF receives technical assistance,

191
capacity development, development planning, and resource

mobilization to ensure that when it takes the reins from the
government it is able to deliver and meet the expectations of
the Bangsamoro people. It is our firm conviction that a strong
MILF is good for peace-making in Mindanao, not otherwise.
Thank you very much for your indulgence!
39th

2225 August 2013

The MILF TWG on Normalization in a meeting with their GPH counterparts. From left: Mr. Said Shiek,
Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo, and Ghaafar Deamaoden. The GPH and MILF TWGs on Power Sharing in a
meeting during the 39th Formal Exploratory Talks. GPH Legal Team Head Atty. Anna Tarhata Basman
and GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer arrive at the venue of the formal exploratory talks,
along with other members of the GPH delegation.
ood morning. Assalamu alaikum.
Rain or shine, hot or cold, we are opening today our 39th round of
exploratory talks. Our warm greetings to our host, Malaysian facilitator Tengku
Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohammed and the Malaysian secretariat led by
Madam Che Kasnah; our counterparts led by Chairman Mohagher Iqbal, the
members of the MILF panel, and the MILFs technical team; the members
of the ICG, one less without Dr. Steven Rood of The Asia Foundation, but
still kicking.
The deputy head of mission of the Embassy of Turkey in Malaysia Ahmet
Do an, UKs Tom Phipps, Ono-san of Japan, CRs Kristian Herbolzheimer and
Emma Leslie, Dr. Sudibyo Markus of Muhammadiyah, and coming tonight
is CHDs Ali Saleem.
We are also joined in todays Opening Ceremony by an unprecedented
number of observersa glowing affirmation that we need the whole village
to build peace.
From Congress, we are joined by House Rep. Rufus Rodriguez of Cagayan
de Oro, who sits as one of the council of observers to the peace process in the
Lower House; House Rep. Pangalian Balindong from Lanao del Sur, Deputy
Speaker of the House, and a member of the current House Committee on
Peace and Reconciliation, currently chaired by Rep. Jim Hataman; and coming
in later is House Rep. Jesus Sacdalan from North Cotabato, former provincial
governor, and immediately preceding chair of the House Committee on Peace
and Reconciliation who has been with us from the beginning of the talks on
the annexes and in the latter stages of drafting the Framework Agreement on
the Bangsamoro.
Then there are the members of the Transition Commission who are coming
from the GPH and the MILF but of course we understand they are certainly
one group, led by Chair Mohagher Iqbal in his concurrent capacity.
195
196
Due to the nomination

of Dr. Steven Rood to
the TPMT, The Asia
Foundation (TAF)
which was represented
by Dr. Roodended
their membership in
the ICG.
In the ICG, TAF
was replaced by
the Community of
SantEgidio, a Romebased Church lay
public association,
starting from the
40th round of talks.
The Community is
being represented
in the talks by their
Secretary-General,
Prof. Alberto
Quattrucci.
GETTING TO PEACE
Our faithful observers from civil society organizations:

Mary Ann Arnado, Patricia Sarenas, and Salic Ibrahim.
The signing of the Annex on Wealth Sharing on 13 July
was generally positively received. There were questions and
commentaries, to be sure, but none so serious as to throw out
or render unviable any single part of the Annex.
The signing, moreover, dispelled the doubts that a
comprehensive agreement between the Philippine government
and the MILF in our lifetime, under this administration, in
2013, can be done.
It showed that, with trust and confidence, both parties
do persevere in order to find a common ground on the
difficult issues.
Most important, the signing of the second Annex proved
that at the end of the day, the same goal of instituting strong,
inclusive, and responsive institutions imbued with meaningful
autonomy drives the process.
But we know that the path we have painstakingly taken
to get us to the second, third, and then the final Annex is
strewn with various types of landmines.
Even as we were meeting last July, already the Bangsamoro
Islamic Freedom Fighters were on a rampage, attacking
soldiers and setting off grenades and improvised explosive
devises (IEDs) in several parts of Central Mindanao, in their
bid to derail our negotiations.
On July 26a week after our return from Kuala
Lumpurin Cagayan de Oro, insidious forces detonated a
bomb that killed six and injured more than forty civilians.
Then on 5 August, a car bomb set off on a busy road in
Cotabato killed eight and injured scores of people, among
them young children.
But through their grievous deeds, these entrepreneurs
of violence and mayhem have only succeeded in isolating
themselves from the rest of the people.
Bombings, sniping, and various forms of indiscriminate
attacks on civilian populations and objects such as bridges

197
have no place in the moral order that we are instituting in

our country and our communities.
Violence is not strength. It reflects a weakness in ideas, a
lack of strength in the moral persuasiveness of ones beliefs and
causes. Its sheer force betrays a lack of legitimacy and popular
support. As Hannah Arendt, one of my favorite philosophers,
wisely wrote: Impotence breeds violence.
In this round, we will prove that we have not been waylaid
by these groups destructive, desperate ways.
Our ceasefire committees, the Ad Hoc Joint Action Group
and the International Monitoring Team together with the
Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National
Police, and a good number of national and local government
officials are working hard to address the continuing threats
to our peoples collective security. We thank them for the
courageous performance of their duties, especially the soldiers
who lost their lives, in our behalf.
The President has reiteratedat the State of the Nation
Address on 22 July, during the anniversary of the Philippine
National Police on 13 August, and the celebration of Eidl
Fitr in Malacaang on the same dayhis commitment to
see through our road map during his term.
On our end, we do our share of reaching the goal of
completing the last two remaining annexes. Let us show that
we are ready to put to sleep the infamous devil in the details
and awaken the angel of creativity and compromise.
I say this without underestimating the complexity of the
issues, the multiplicity of legitimate interests and needs that
have to be addressed in a plural society such as ours.
In many of our public consultations before and after the
signing of the Wealth Sharing Annex, we have said that even
though this table is with the MILF, we are ensuring that the
process and the outcome will be for all stakeholders, so long as
they choose peace and commit to meaningful reform beyond
ones personal or group interest.
We aim for an agreement that leaves no one in the
prospective Bangsamoro political entity left behind as far
198
GETTING TO PEACE
as protection of rights and access to power and wealth are

concerned.
To be sustained, our agreement must redound to the
well-being of not just one but of all the indigenous peoples
in the Bangsamoro; not of one political or sociocultural or
religious group but of everyone; not just of men but also of
women; not just of the elites but most especially of the poor
and dispossessed across the spectrum.
Furthermore, our agreement must give life to mechanisms
that are appropriate and effective to get us to our Exit
Agreement, and beyond that, to the institutions that will
nurture good governance and a constructive and harmonious
relationship between the Central and Bangsamoro
governments and the local governments therein.
Among such mechanisms are the various intergovernmental and Bangsamoro bodies that were stipulated
in the Wealth Sharing Annex; the set of intergovernmental
principles and power sharing arrangements that we are crafting
in the Power Sharing Annex; and the various transitional
bodies that we will be spelling out in the Normalization
Annex such as the Joint Normalization Committee and
security teams, the Independent Commission on Policing
and the Independent Decommissioning Body.
All of these mechanisms, including the Transition
Commission whose members are here with us today, must
allow for effective implementation and must be capable of
meeting all the challenges.
We know that there will be more challenges ahead, that
in fact, things might still get worse before things get better.
Such has been the experience in most post-conflict settings.
This is my objective view, not a pessimistic stance. But
it is an appraisal that is imbued with the determination that
we shall overcome.
Maraming salamat po.
resh from our success in signing the Annex on Wealth Sharing last 13 July
in this bustling City of Kuala Lumpur, we are here again to continue to
hammer out the last two annexes on power sharing and normalization which
I believe our respective teams on those competencies have covered a lot of
grounds during their two-day meeting here.
I congratulate Brother Jun Mantawil, head of our secretariat, who
temporarily sits as team leader of the MILF panel team on power sharing and,
of course, Ghaafar Demaoden, who heads the MILF Technical Working Group
on Normalization, as well as all other members of their respective groups for
their focus and dedication in doing the jobs given them. I also congratulate
their counterparts from government, Undersecretary Chito Gascon and Deputy
Director-General Zenonidas Brosas, for their tenacity and determination to
settle as much issues as possible on the two remaining annexes.
By the way, it is sad to note at this juncture that Prof. Abhoud Syed Lingga,
a regular member of the MILF peace panel, did not make it to this session
because he was admitted into the hospital for severe shoulder pains. We do
not know what caused the pains because the doctors findings have not been
released when we left Mindanao on the 19th of August.
It is so relevant to say here that because of the long and harsh nature of the
peace negotiations that started in January 1997, stagnated or stunted by the
breaches if not outright treacheries of past administrations, several members of
the MILF peace panel, current and past, have either died or are incapacitated
in the course of these sixteen years of peace engagement. The late MILF Vice
Chair Aleem Abdulazis Mimbantas, who once headed our panel, in 1999 to
2000, and lawyer Musib Buat, have already died, while lawyer Lanang Ali, a
mainstay in our peace team since 1997, is bedridden. This is not to mention
middle-level members of our team who also passed away like lawyer Omar
Umpar, Tony Falcon, Napis Biden, and Ustadz Elias Macarandas. Ondel
Meling, a member of the MILF peace panel secretariat, is alive but medically
199
200
The TWGs on
Power Sharing and
Normalization met two
days earlier prior to
the formal start of the
39th exploratory talks
on 22 August.
Members of the
Commission (BTC),
namely Comm. Pedrito
Eisma, Comm. Froilyn
Mendoza, Comm.
Akmad Sakkam, Comm.
Asani Tammang, and
Comm. Johaira Wahab,
sat as observers during
the sessions.
GETTING TO PEACE
speaking he is a living dead. He cannot sit nor stand and

can hardly speak.
As a sign of respect, we have not formally replaced him
in the secretariat up to this time.
I believe this creeping reality is also true on the side of
government. While I am not privy to the private lives of all
those involved in the peace process, it is fact that former
AFP chief of staff Jocelyn Nazareno, who was the first chair
of the GPH Coordinating Committee on the Cessation of
Hostilities, had already passed away many years ago, while
Maj. Gen. Orlando Soriano, who once headed the GPH
peace panel in the domestic stage of the negotiation has been
bedridden. If it could only be arranged inconspicuously, we
wanted to pay him a visit. Soriano is a reliable peace partner
and a fine soldier. I am not aware also of the situation of
Lt. Gen. Fortunato Abat, the first government chief peace
negotiator during the Ramos administration and who wrote
the book, The Day We Nearly Lost Mindanao, and Maj. Gen.
Edgardo Batenga, who was government chief peace negotiator
during the administration of President Joseph Estrada when
he ordered the all-out war against the MILF in 2000. On two
occasions during this period, I acted as acting chairman of
the MILF peace panel and I had direct deals with him. Until
now I can still remember vividly his stiff denial over the radio
that government had any plan to attack Camp Abubakar
despite the fact that bloody encounters had already been
taking place in Balabagan in Lanao del Sur and Matanog in
Maguindanao, the immediate fringes of the camp. This is not
to mention the round-the-clock artillery and mortar barrages
that fell into the camp.
Why I am making this narrative? It is simple! I just
wanted to stress the need to finish this process soon. Any
further delay is not only taking a toll on the very people
whose lives are heavily invested on the peace process but more
seriously, the various spoilers and enemies of peace are given
the chance to spread their venom and to jump on our failures
to stop dead the peace process on track. It appears nowadays
that there is a conspiracy of all these anti-peace forces against

201
us. This comes in various forms and uses diverse tactics to

advance their evil agenda.
In order to nip in the bud their bad intention and agenda,
I believe the answer is for us to finish the remaining issues and
sign the comprehensive peace agreement. Once the agreement
is sealed, it would be very difficult for them to destroy it.
More importantly, the partnership between the government
and MILF will be strengthened and, in tandem, they can
proceed to consolidate the gains of the process including
the strengthening of all the organs of the peace process and
finally those of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission and
Bangsamoro Transition Authority and by 2016, hopefully, the
Bangsamoro government will be put into place. Once this
government is fully entrenched and functional, the problems
that we are encountering now will gradually be eased out
and those still opposing or fighting the government will be
deprived of legitimacy and of popular support. Take away
the water, a famous Chinese revolutionary adage says, the
fish will die.
On the more urgent side, the Bangsamoro Transition
Commission had already met four times and we are happy
to inform you all especially His Excellency, the Malaysian
Facilitator, my good counterpart from government, Prof.
Miriam Coronel Ferrer, as well as the Malaysian Secretariat,
and members of the International Contact Group that we
have officially adopted and approved our internal rules, logo,
and calendar of activities. We have also formally organized
the various committees of the BTC. Fully conscious of the
need to move fast and race against time, we have already
formally tasked the Committee on Fiscal Autonomy and
Committee on Transitory Provision to work full blast since all
the necessary materials are practically at their disposal already.
However, the three other committees (political; security,
justice, and culture; and amendments) are on standby mode
because much of the materials they need to craft that part of
the Bangsamoro Basic Law are still tied up to the Annexes
on Power Sharing and on Normalization.
202
GETTING TO PEACE
It is in this context that the remaining annexes must be

settled and fixed now by the parties. The BTC cannot write
the BBL in its wholeness except when all the annexes or the
comprehensive peace agreement is signed by the parties. As
chair of the BTC, I appeal to the government and MILF
to fast-track their negotiation and, without delay, sign the
remaining two annexes and finally the CPA. The year 2013
is about to end and very soon 2014 will come and similarly
surely pass by. We cannot afford to delay the completion of
the peace process. We must act now before it is too late. Time
flies away, and it never comes back.
Yet, while we in the MILF would like to see this done,
we also have to underscore the fact that every issue and every
bone of contention in the peace negotiation have to be settled
within the framework of justice so as to achieve an enduring
peace. It is on this very principle that we have agreed from
the very beginning of the political negotiation to engage the
government on the negotiating table and eventually as our
partners to address and resolve the Bangsamoro Question.
To me, the only barrier that we cannot do this or
complete the process is if the two parties or either one of them
changes its course, say, it is no longer interested to finish it.
By then, the remaining term of office of President Aquino is
so short and fleeting to just dribble the talks, which I firmly
believe is never the case. Our trust in the President is fully
intact. We know that he is as fully committed as the MILF
in wrapping up the process soon and not later.
Frankly speaking, I am seeing a ray of hope that the
Annex on Power Sharing will be settled and signed by the
parties during this meeting. I see no clear reasons why this
should be delayed any longer since it has been the subject of
negotiation more than a year ago. Once this annex is settled,
we can pour all our remaining stamina on normalization,
an issue that is not too difficult to overcome by willing
and committed peace partners. After all, the end state that
we all desire in this peace process is for peace, justice, and
development to reign in our lands.
40th

1020 September 2013

The GPH and MILF Panel Chairs signed the Joint Statement for the 40th Formal Exploratory Talks,
which was extended for one day. Standing in for Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar
Tengku Mohamed was Malaysian Secretariat Head Che Kasnah. Usec. Jose Luis Martin Gascon
being interviewed by media during a break in the 40th Formal Exploratory Talks. GPH Legal Team
Head Atty. Anna Tarhata Basman (right) and GPH Legal Team member Atty. Armi Beatriz Bayot in a
discussion outside the plenary.
Tuesday, 10 September 2013
ood morning to our good facilitator Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku

Mohamed, the members of the Malaysian Secretariat led by Madame
Che Kasnah, our counterparts led by Chair Mohagher Iqbal, Brother Bobby
Alonto, Brother Abdulla Camlian, Datu Tony Kinoc; the members of the rest
of the MILF delegation, the secretariat led by Brother Jun Mantawil; experts,
consultants, and lawyers; and of course, our guests today for this session for the
first time, the members of the ICP led by the Chair Randall Beck, accompanied
by Canadian Embassy in Manila Political Counselor Mr. James Christoff; the
MILF nominees and representatives to the ICP are Brother Von Al Haq and
Ret. Police Gen. Amerodin Hamdag. Welcome, sir, GPH nominee Ret. Police
Director Ricardo de Leon, who was also President of Mindanao State University
and now Vice President of Centro Escolar University; and our government
representative, Atty. Jesus Doque, who was the Head of the Legal Bureau of
the Department of the Interior and Local Government.
Our apologies for arriving late. Of course our apologies as well to the ICG.
We have Mr. Asif Ahmad and Mr. Nik Mehta from the UK. Of course, from
the international NGOs are Emma Leslie and Dr. Sudibyo Markus.
The GPH Panel is here today. Like our counterparts, we have one member,
who is still not yet here with us, Sec. Mehol Sadain who will be joining us later.
He actually had to have an appendectomy after our meeting last time, still
recovering but basically catching up with work at his office so he will be joining
us later this week. Of course, we have here former Secretary Senen Bacani,
Undersecretary Yasmin Busran-Lao, and Undersecretary Chito Gascon, the
other members of our delegation, alternate member Undersecretary Zenonida
Brosas, our consultants, Senior Military Adviser Gen. Leo Cresente Ferrer, and
Major Jun Sol who heads the secretariat of our ceasefire committee.
The head of our legal office, the head of our secretariat, you know them
very well, and the rest of our staff.
205
206
In the early morning

of 9 September,
rogue elements of the
MNLF faction loyal
to Nur Misuari and
under the command
of Habier Malik
attacked Zamboanga
City, leading to
armed clashes with
government forces.
The 19-day long ordeal,
popularly known
as the Zamboanga
Siege, ended on
September 23, leaving
208 dead, twenty-four
surrendered, and 269
captured from the
MNLF side. On the
side of the government
forces, AFP listed a
total of 196 casualties,
of whom nineteen were
killed and 177 were
wounded in action.
The PNP reported a
total of five deaths
and fifteen wounded.
Severe fighting also
resulted in 9,709
burned structures,
displaced communities,
and a total of 110,394
evacuees in thirty
evacuation centers. As
per the Zamboanga
City Fire Marshal
District Office,
damaged properties
amounted to PHP
200,580,000.00.
Source: NICA 9 and Regional
Intelligence Committee 9
GETTING TO PEACE
We open our 40th Formal Exploratory round of talks

today with firm resolve that as we seek to hurdle the difficulties
we are facing in the negotiations, we will also overcome
the security challenges confronting us in various parts of
Mindanao today.
Zamboanga City is currently under siege by elements
of the MNLF loyal to Mr. Nur Misuari and Ustadz Khabir
Malik. So far we have reports that as of September 9, 10 am
today, one member of the Philippine Navy SWAG has been
killed in action with six wounded in action; one member of
the 32nd IB killed in action with four wounded in action;
Task Force Zamboanga, one wounded in action; MNLF, five
killed in action; an undetermined number wounded in action;
and two civilians killed and three wounded.
In Maguindanao, AFP soldiers lay their lives on the line
confronting the BIFF and known foreign terrorist elements
that have found sanctuary in the BIFFs lairs. Only last week,
three soldiers were wounded by an IED planted by the BIFF
along the source of drinking water of the community in Brgy.
Dabalawag, Midsayap, Cotabato. Last Saturday, another
soldier responding to the report of a civilian of the citing of
an IED in Datu Paglas, Maguindanao, was wounded.
We know that the firefights are exposing the GPH-MILF
talks to criticism. But our response is simple. Will aborting
this negotiation make other groups happy and stop their
violent acts? Will preventing ourselves from finishing our
work enable peace to prevail?
Not at all. The opposite in fact may be truer.
There are groups and leaders who are waiting for this
process to fail. Waiting in the wings to be able to say: See,
nothing has come out of that process. We told you so. Come
and join us.
Their leaders goal is to lead people back to the path of
violence, using misinformation to justify the use of arms and
attacks on civilians.
Precisely for this reason, we cannot allow this process
to fail. We have to show to one and all that through reason

207
and compassion, through dialogue and cooperation, we can

create the process and the institutions that will enable one
and all, exercising their free will but refraining from the use
of all forms of violence, to rebuild their societies and polities.
By succeeding, we are able to take away the fodder that
feeds the fire. We can then focus on the issues, not on the
personalities; on the collective grievances, not on the personal
vendettas; on the people and the future, over and above tribal
and organizational interests and the convoluted past.
Because the issues are conjoined. Complicated, yes, given
the political, ethnic, and historical cleavages that brought
them about. Complicated but conjoined.
The Tripartite Review Process is scheduled to convene
in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, next week in order to thresh out
the remaining issues pertaining to the implementation of the
1996 Final Peace Agreement between the Government and
the MNLF. The meeting aims to identify the next steps to
be taken that will complete the review process as set out in
the previous Tripartite meetings.
Among the outcomes of the review process are common
understandings on the matter of strategic minerals and
forty-two consensus points that, as agreed, shall be pursued.
Some of these of items require legislative reform to the current
ARMM lawthat is, Republic Act 9054. Some do not really
need amendments, only further legislative action on the part
of the ARMM Regional Assembly, or executive action on the
part of the ARMM Governor.
Many of these items are similar to what we are discussing
now under the Power Sharing Annex. As example, there is that
matter on the expansion of the Shariah courts as part of the
administration of justice system in the Bangsamoro; greater
participation of the regional government in the management
of mineral resources; and a host of other items on education
and economic reforms.
This is what we mean when we said the issues are
conjoined. The tables may be separate, and the processes
multiple, layered, and parallel, but the issues are conjoined.
208
GETTING TO PEACE
The subject matter and the territorial application overlap.

The constituencythe Bangsamoroare the same. They
will have to meet where they are best addressednotably, in
Congress, for those aspects that will require legislative reform;
in the forthcoming plebiscite, where the people themselves
will give their imprimatur to the law and to their inclusion
in the new political entity that will be instituted; and in the
2016 election, where Bangsamoro political parties of all
shapes and hues may contest the election and govern, if so
voted into power by their own people.
We fully agree therefore with the MILF, when it posted
on its website, in an editorial in Luwaran, that the two
processes (one with the MNLF, the other with the MILF)
are complementary. The Framework Agreement on the
Bangsamoro and its Annexes will build on the 1996 Final
Peace Agreement with the MNLF. Details may differthere
may be peculiarities here and there that are more in tune with
contemporary realities as when they were negotiated in the
1990s. But the sum total effectively builds on what the MNLF
achieved, or did not achieve, for one reason or another, and
indeed there are many reasons.
We regret that what some leaders cannot get through
reason, they twist through misinformation. What they cannot
achieve with circumspect and consistency, they attempt to
wrestle through force and endless demands. Positions that
they cannot win in elections, they coerce on the table, or on
the streets, taking with them hostages.
This administration has painstakingly worked to address
all commitments made by the Philippine Government
under previous administrations through the Tripartite
Review Process. Several of us hereUndersecretary Chito
Gascon, Undersecretary Yasmin Busran-Lao, Undersecretary
Zenonida Brosas, former ARMM Executive Secretary Naguib
Sinarimbo, now in the MILF delegationwill attest to this
as we were all part of the government delegation led by the
Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Secretary Teresita
Quintos-Deles that met with the MNLF delegations (and I
say delegations, plural, because they come from the different

209
factions of the MNLF) in Solo and Bandung in 2011 and

2012, respectively, among several other meetings.
The Government will continue to painstakingly abide by
its past commitments, and enjoin our brothers and sisters in
the MNLF to take this path with us. This is the only way that
this process could find continuitycontinuity through this
other, complementary, parallel but also converging process
so that the gaps are addressed, the issues and their resolution
become conjoined, and the Bangsamoro can live more happily
than ever before after having been inflicted with decades of
man-made disasters known as war or armed conflict.
Now to the more immediate tasks before us here in the
next few days.
We welcome this opportunity for the ICP to be partly
constituted. We know, of course, that you have a six-month
work plan and the results of your work will have to be fed in
the drafting of the Bangsamoro Basic Law, so to that extent
there is a real urgency in the nature of the tasks that have
been given to you by the two panels.
Last night, the members of our panel, the head of our
legal team, and head of secretariat almost missed our flight to
Kuala Lumpur. We met with the President and his Cabinet
on the two remaining Annexes up to about 7:15 pm, and
arrived in the nick of time to catch our 8:50 pm flight via
Cebu Pacific. But with the prayers and good vibrations of all
those in and out of government who ardently support this
process, we made it. Otherwise, we will not be here with you
today this morning.
With the same good tidings, we convey to you the key
messages that the President expressed during this meeting:
Have a clearer accounting of what are aspirational
and realistic at this point in time;
Come up with a set of Annexes that he can
confidently carry through Congress;
Remember that power comes with responsibility: for
example, ARMM arrears in the GSIS premiums of
The members of
the Independent
Commission on
Policing (ICP)
convened for the first
time during this round.
The ICP was composed
of Mr. Randall Beck
from Canada as the
Chair, Mr. Cedrick
Netto from Australia,
Prof. Yuji Uesugi from
Japan, PDDG Ricardo
de Leon (ret.), PDir.
Lina Sarmiento, Mr.
Von Al Haq and Mr.
Amerodin Hamdag.
The ICP is
mandated to submit
recommendations
to the Peace Panels
on the appropriate
form, structures,
and relationships
of the police force
for the envisioned
Bangsamoro.
210
GETTING TO PEACE
its teachers amounting to PHP 2 billion had to be

paid by the national government from its coffers in
order to allow the teachers to be able to enjoy their
benefits in the social security system for government
employees;
Lastly, he said that we might be negotiating now
with people whom we can trust to try their best to
govern well, but how do we know if in the future this
will not be the case? Therefore, we must have a legal
framework that will provide for accountability and
check-and-balance that will govern future leaders.
Needless to say, he remains fully supportive of this
process. The President is particularly pleased with the
potential of greater cooperation between the Philippine
government and the MILF, especially with regard to building
peace on the ground. The joint visit to Cararao, Maguindanao
and in Watu, Balindong in Lanao Sur last week shows how,
together, we can quell threats to human security in the region.
For these reasons, the President has given this process the
utmost attention it deserves, despite the other pressing issues
of State.
God willing we will all have in the next ten days,
the physical strength, the wisdom, understanding, and
camaraderie to jointly, collaboratively complete our task.
s we start today this 40th round of peace negotiation between the

Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front,
MNLF forces under the leadership of Nur Misuari are creating pockets of
disturbances especially in the coastal villages of Zamboanga City.
This is an unfortunate twist of development, because first, this is totally
contrary to the official pronouncement of MNLF spokesmen that they will not
use force to back up their declaration of independence; and second, violence
only begets violence. I dont think this would help the MNLF any way closer
to their objective of whatever level or form of their aspiration.
I think it is time for all concerned parties to handle the issues of MNLF
and Misuari in the most appropriate manner. It is not getting simpler as days
go by. As mentioned, the declaration of independence and the indiscriminate
planting of MNLF flags in many parts of Mindanao including the attempt to
raise the flag at the City Hall of Zamboanga City are more than symbolic. I do
not want to imagine it, but one clear complication, nay a casualty, is that the
MNLF or at least Misuari has rendered the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement
of 1996 moot and academic. For all intents and purposes, by the very acts of
declaring independence and their military adventurism in Zamboanga City,
the MNLF or Misuari has unilaterally abrogated this agreement, and, therefore,
cannot be invoked anymore, legally speaking.
Be that as it may, nothing is lost by our people and by our MNLF brothers
in this abrogation. The best of what is in the GRP-MNLF FPA is already
subsumed or entrenched even in the GPH-MILF Framework Agreement on
the Bangsamoro. Many more will be captured or fleshed out once the MILF
and GPH sign the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, hopefully very soon.
More importantly, our brothers from the MNLF have nothing to worry about
because the MILF is inclusive and, God willing, we will see to it that the fruits
of our struggle will benefit everybody. For the MILF, solving the Bangsamoro
Question is not about franchise. Whoever will be able to address it, we support
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GETTING TO PEACE
it. It just so happened that Misuari, after having been given the
opportunity, failed to consolidate their gains and lost steam on
the last stretch of their engagement with the government. The
GRP-MNLF FPA lacked enough mechanisms to withstand
the test of time and adversity.
It is in light of this development that I appeal to the
collective wisdom of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation
to consider revisiting its usual approach to the GRP-MNLF
FPA. As pointed out above, Misuari has literally abrogated
this agreement and to continue factoring this into the current
peace talks is causing complications. Besides, convergence
of the two peace processes is simply not attainable or
practical because they, in both forms and developments,
are not congruent. The MNLF track has been virtually
consummated, while the MILFs is still a work in progress.
Meanwhile, the radical anarchists in Mindanao are also
causing headaches for all of us. They do not want us to succeed
for they do not believe in peace negotiations. They do not
subscribe to any form of order brought about by any peaceful
political settlement of the Bangsamoro Question except their
own. The longer the peace negotiations drag on, the better
they believe it is good for them. They merrily feast on our
perceived failures.
However, the noise that they are creating nowadays does
not mean they are getting stronger. Their very nature and the
message they are espousing are not appealing or attractive
to the vast majority of the people, especially their view that
civilian casualties are a given in war. This is the reason they
attack government forces and installations even in the middle
of civilian populations. They dont care about civilians.
Therefore, the best way to deprive them of any
opportunity to put into play their anarchist agenda at the
expense of the peace talks is for the parties to conclude their
negotiation and without delay sign the comprehensive peace
agreement. There can be no other antidote to these rumblings
except through this way.
For the moment, the MILF has very limited capacity
to effectively address these various problems. We are still

213
basically an underground movement. Only through limited

engagement that we are effecting this partnership with
government, mainly via the Coordinating Committee on the
Cessation of Hostilities, Ad Hoc Joint Action Group, Local
Monitoring Teams, Bangsamoro Leadership and Management
Institute, Bangsamoro Development Agency, Sajahatra
Program, and the Bangsamoro Transition Commission.
The full potential of our people can only be realized once
their empowerment is realized through the formation of the
Bangsamoro Government. With it come power, resources,
and technical skills, not to state the full cooperation or
mobilization of the people. I could only imagine how strong
and effective this would be if the Central Government and
the Bangsamoro Government fully cooperate with each other
in the near future.
For the MILF, however, addressing these multifaceted
problems require a multitrack approach including, as a last
resort, a firm and just use of force. Using force unnecessarily
creates more problems rather than solves them. One effective
way to handle complex problems is to see to it that the people
are involved and they support it. It must be a popular decision
with the people or at least their legitimate representatives are
part of the decision-making.
Finally, in this round of negotiation, the parties will
discuss normalization, alongside power sharing. If power
sharing has proved to be a hard nut to crack for more
than a year, normalization, which has at its core individual
and collective security, as well as that of the national
government, is a sensitive and emotional issue. More than
that, any haphazard handling will have far-reaching negative
consequences for both sides.
For this reason, I would like to suggest that part of the
discussion on normalization be about an honest-to-goodness
risk analysis. Both the MILF and GPH have legitimate fears
and concerns and clear vulnerabilities that have to be sincerely
addressed or considered by the parties. As we all know, risk
analysis is the process of defining and analyzing the dangers
to individuals, groups, businesses, and government agencies
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GETTING TO PEACE
posed by potential natural and human-driven adverse events

including defining the various threats, determining the extent
of vulnerabilities and devising countermeasures should a
threat or attack occur.
It is not real honest-to-goodness negotiation that we
are in today if the parties do not face these harsh realities
head on and offer solutions together with utmost sincerity,
frankness, and partnership. And this partnership can only be
proved lasting if it is firmly based on mutual consent and a
sound foundation based on truth, justice, and realities. Any
attempt of either party to short-change the other party will
not only be known easily by the other party but it would
not last long. We see this imagined grim scenario in what is
unfolding before our eyes now in relation to the GRP-MNLF
FPA, which is flawed in terms of content, implementation,
and the actuations of the players. So, therefore, it is better to
be honest all the way to the future.
In closing, it is my fervent hope that we would be
able settle all the remaining issues on power sharing and
normalization, sign them, and bring home to our respective
places and constituencies the good news of this historic
success.
41st

813 October 2013

Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed holds the hands of GPH Panel Chair
Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer and MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal for a photo. From left to right,
ICG members Mr. Ali Saleem, Mr. Hirotaka Ono, and Mr. Ahmet Do an during a break in the talks.
ICG member Prof. Alberto Quattrucci of Community of SantEgidio chats with MILF Panel member
Abdulla Camlian.
hank you very much, Tengku. Assalamu alaikum. On behalf of the

Government delegation, members of our panel, Former Secretary Senen
Bacani, Undersecretary Yasmin Busran-Lao, Undersecretary Chito Gascon,
members of our legal team, and our secretariat, allow me to extend our
salutations to our Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku
Mohamed, whose barber I must commend for his very young and fresh look.
And of course to the secretariat headed by Madame Che Kasnah.
Our MILF counterparts in the panel led by Chairman Mohagher Iqbal,
Datu Abdulla Camlian, Datu Antonio Kinoc, and Atty. Raissa Jajurie. We are
missing Professor Abhoud Linga who is on hajj, and Brother Bobby Alonto who
we hope will get well very soon from his back problems. The other members of
the MILF panel; the Head of Secretariat, Brother Jun Mantawil; lawyers; and
other members of the technical working groups and Transition Commission.
The state members of the International Contact Group: Mr. Ahmet
Do an, from Turkey (and not Egypt); Mr. Tom Phipps from the United
Kingdom, and who will be joined by Mr. Hirotaka Ono-san, I believe, from
Japan; and somebody from the Embassy of Saudi Arabia here. The ICG NGOs:
Ali Saleem of Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue; Dr. Sudibyo Markus of
Muhammadiyah; our warm welcome to Signor Alberto Quattrucci, SecretaryGeneral of the Community, as Tengku said we will call the organization
because of the very hard way to pronounce the rest of the name (Community
of SantEgidio); and certainly the only rose among the ICG thorns, Emma
Leslie of Conciliation Resources.
We are very happy to have with us today Congressman Rodolfo Biazon
from Muntinlupa. Congressman Biazon joined the Government Negotiating
Team in our tour of Spain last year to learn more about autonomous
arrangements in Navarra and examine intergovernmental relations between
Madrid and Spains various regions.
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GETTING TO PEACE
If we were a class in that educational tour, we can say

that Congressman Biazon was the A-student, the one who
eagerly raised questions and seriously engaged the discussants
from the different government offices in Navarra and Madrid.
Expect therefore that because Congressman Biazon will sit
quietly for now as observer, he will have many questions for
all of us outside of the formal sessions.
We trust also that given his wide range of experience in
the Marines, as defender of President Corazon Aquino against
the coup plotters in 1989, who later served as her AFP Chief
of Staff, and many years as legislator thereafter, he will be an
articulate and passionate advocate of this process and the
future Bangsamoro Basic Law.
Congressman Biazon, we will count on you to be our
voice in Congress.
Later this week, we will be joined by one more member
of the House of Representatives, Congressman Teddy Brawner
Baguilat Jr., as well as Presidential Adviser Teresita QuintosDeles, and perhaps one or more Cabinet secretaries and
another Congress official to witness, inshaAllah, the closure
of at least one of the two remaining Annexes.
We regret that the ex-officio member of the GPH Panel,
Secretary Mehol Sadain, Chair of the National Commission
on Muslim Filipinos is unable to join us in this round because
of his paramount duty as Amirul Hajj of this years pilgrimage
to Mecca.
And so it has come to pass that we are now on the 41st
round of Formal Exploratory Talks between the Government
and the MILF.
Going by the June 2013 survey results of the Social
Weather Stations, a good 70 percent of Filipinos still believe a
peace agreement between the GPH and the MILF is possible.
However, only one-half of those people who continue to
believe actually expect it to happen soon, by or before 2016.
It is evident from these survey results that the key
question to many people following up this negotiation is not
so much if we will have a peace agreement, but when.
GPH Panel Chair Ferrer | 41st GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

219
After the when question, there are the even more difficult
what if questions. Just to give you a survey of the what if
questions we have received during our various consultations:
What if for some intent, malicious or otherwise,
a case is filed in the Supreme Court against the
agreements and actually prospers?
What if the Transition Commission is unable to finish
a draft law by early 2014? Will Congress have enough
time to work on it, when budget deliberations start
once again next year, and who knows what other pork
or other corruption controversies arise in Congress?
What if the President fails to muster enough support
in Congress for this urgent bill?
What if Congress mangles the draft Bangsamoro
Basic Law submitted by the Transition Commission?
What if some of the ARMM provinces do not join
the Bangsamoro political entity?
What if traditional politicians end up capturing the
Bangsamoro in 2016 and thereafter? Will the MILF
accept the election results?
Those who have asked the when and what if questions
do so, not just out of impatience, but of genuine concern for
the success of the process.
This impatience and the concern are also driven by the
rise in violence perpetrated by those who want this process
to fail.
From July to September, the GPH Panel Secretariat
documented more than fifty cases of attacks initiated by the
BIFF on civilian installations, communities, and military
outposts.
The Abu Sayyaf and other criminal groups collaborated
in some of these attacks and instigated their own as well,
such as the bombing in Cagayan de Oro City. However,
these did not match the scale of armamentation that we saw
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GETTING TO PEACE
in the September siege of Zamboanga City by a faction of

the MNLF.
In contrast, the ceasefire between the Government and
the MILF remains steadfast with zero hostilities and increased
cooperation in preventing untoward incidents and containing
criminal activities.
This alone is good reason for all those concerned about
peace in Mindanao, why, why it is important to pursue
this process between the GPH and the MILF: so that this
temporary ceasefire becomes permanent, and in becoming
permanent, the other, better things become possible; and so
that those who continue to take the path of violence will be
isolated, and the rest who commit to peace will coalesce to
bring about a broad consensus on the way forward.
We, the negotiating partners present here and the friends
of this process in the room, will need to steadfastly work
together to foil the many what ifs. We carry a great burden
born out of equally great expectations.
We know that it will require a lot of hard work, the
appropriate strategies, the effective mechanisms and
collaborative approaches, at the soonest possible time.
Allow me to borrow words of wisdom from a higher
source to help us in our task.
As my husband knows very well, I am not a very prayerful
person. But the First Reading in last Sundays mass awed me
as a message so fitting for this, our journey.
With your indulgence, allow me to lift excerpts from
the reading. It starts aptly with a lament over the man-made
suffering around us.
GPH Panel Chair Ferrer | 41st GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

221
How long, O LORD? I cry for help

but you do not listen!
I cry out to you, Violence!
but you do not intervene.
Why do you let me see ruin;
why must I look at misery?
Destruction and violence are before me;
there is strife, and clamorous discord.
And this is the Lords answer:
For the vision still has its time,
presses on to fulfillment, and will not disappoint;
if it delays, wait for it,
it will surely come, it will not be late.
The rash one has no integrity;
but the just one, because of faith, shall live.
Habakkuk, 1:2-3; 2:2-4
The rash one has no integrity,
but the just one, because of faith, shall live.
Indeed, if it has taken us a long while to put down in
words and phrases the Annexes, it is because we want to
guarantee the integrity of the outcome.
We need to ensure the justness of the solutions we are
adopting for one and all, so that with the faith of our fellow
Filipinos, this agreement will live and let live the hopes for
less strife, good governance, harmony, cooperation, and a
better life among the Bangsamoro and the whole country.
Padayon! Mabuhay!
Thank you.
have been asked many times by people especially media about my expectation
of this round of talks. In my usual way, I told them the road ahead is
unpredictable. Negotiation is one human endeavor that is difficult to predict.
I have been in this process for the last fourteen years or so, but I can hardly
make any prediction of the outcome. Whether the comment is positive or
negative, it hardly helps; on the contrary, it either raises undue expectations
or fears which are sometimes difficult to handle.
Today, we are once again back to this bustling metropolis of Kuala Lumpur
to try to settle the remaining two annexes to the Framework Agreement on the
Bangsamoro before the parties can sign the comprehensive peace agreement.
While we admit the issues before us are tough, substantive, and sensitive or
irritating, at times, but if we can mutually improve, as I said previously, on
our respective internal working process, I am sure we can move forward quite
faster. One way to do so is for the parties not to engage in too much legalism
because the process is not a legal process but a political one. Much of what
we intend to do to address the Bangsamoro Question is to think out of the
box, because the current Constitution of the Philippines is too narrow and
restrictive to argue or entrench any real solution to this problem. A half-baked
solution is no better than no solution at all; worse, the conflict will stay or
worsen with all its ugly phases. This we must start arresting now and not to
leave it for the next leaders or generations to handle. That might be too late.
It is on this frame that I caution ourselves that whether there is a need
to amend the Constitution or not is not a settled issue. Let us wait for the
Bangsamoro Transition Commission to make a stand on this. Therefore, the
Constitution should not be used as an argument to limit our creativity to solve
the Bangsamoro Question.
The GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement of 1996 is a case in point. This
agreement, although flawed in both substance and implementation, would have
better served our people if its totality was made part of the Constitution or
222

223
used to amend it. But that affirmative action was never fully
considered or consummated. What was done by government
was merely to scratch the surface.
However, despite its infirmities, the MILF has considered
the GRP-MNLF Final Agreement as an achievement not
only of the MNLF but an added feather on the long and
protracted struggle of the Moro people for their right to
self-determination. The MILF has never been remiss in this
recognition. This is the reason the MILF had made a stand
that it wanted the GRP-MNLF peace pact fully implemented
and what it is negotiating with government is what is lacking
in this agreement, which is diverse and compelling. And more
importantly, the fruits of this current endeavor will redound
to the benefits of everybody including the MNLF. This is
the reason that we appeal to our brothers in the MNLF to
support the MILF, or at least not to stand in the way. They
should give us all the chances to succeed as what we did to
them by heartily allowing them for sixteen long years to prove
their thesis as correct. If they failed, they should also look at
themselves for answers.
The other way to improve our system of engagement and
be productive is to conduct our meeting in a collaborative
way as a problem-solving exercise. Both parties must swing
from positional modes to putting forward our minimum
positions without losing sight of the larger picture. Each tree
is important, but the forest is more important. The forest
must not be sacrificed for the sake of just one tree. Rigidity,
which is almost equal to imposition, is anathema to good
and successful negotiation.
This approach can also be supplemented by resorting to
exchange of notes or formulations covering as many points as
possible. This is to save time and tense moments. Sometimes,
the principle in negotiation of being soft on people and hard
on issues is often forgotten by the parties, and at times, the
process becomes more of a personal engagement.
At this juncture, I would like to urge the parties to
resolve and finish the remaining annexes especially power
sharing, because it seriously impedes the working timeline
224
GETTING TO PEACE
of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission in crafting the

Bangsamoro Basic Law. If the three Honorable Congressmen,
Deputy Speaker Pangalian Balindong, Rufus Rodriguez, and
Jesus Sacdalan, who graced our meeting recently, were to be
asked, which we did, they want the Basic Law finished by the
BTC before January next year. Let us not forget that it was
on 15 October 2012 that the parties signed the Framework
Agreement on the Bangsamoro, and it set December of
that year for the parties to finish the four annexes. The next
December is less than two months from now, and we are still
struggling to finish the job.
Perhaps, at this point, it is interesting to ask ourselves why
it takes too long for us to finish the remaining annexes. Most
of the answers to this question are very clear to all of us. But
what is not openly discussed or admitted is the characteristic
nature of states to be overprotective of its powers. I dare say
here, almost without exceptions, that states are selfish in
sharing their powers and resources to sub-entities even to
the point of depriving other peoples to enjoy their inherent
right to self-determination. On the part of the MILF, I think
it cannot be faulted for asking too much or like asking for
the moon to fall, because what we are only seeking in this
negotiation is even less than what used to be enjoyed by our
forefathers. Succinctly put, we are negotiating for what is
above the ARMM up to a level short of an independent entity.
Specifically, that arrangement must be better than what the
MNLF had achieved, lest they will laugh and mock us no
end. More importantly, that agreement will be acceptable to
our people and will lead to solving the Bangsamoro Question.
Short of this, our efforts will be in vain.
Lastly, I want to inform the parties, especially the
Malaysian facilitator and secretariat, and members of the
International Contact Group that the BTC had passed a
resolution last 4 October authorizing the BTC Chair to
enter into an agreement with members of the civil society
organizations and other entities for the conduct of public
engagement. The various stakeholders, both rights-based and
interests-based, and the people at large have to be engaged,

225
informed, and their views sought in the writing of the Basic

Law. I believe that some of the best ideas are down there
among the people and these cannot be accessed until we
engage them with sincerity and frankness. In this regard,
we have scheduled the signing of the Memorandum of
Agreement with the CSOs, as initial partners, at the Office of
the BTC in Cotabato City on 17 October. These CSOs will
help the BTC in reaching out to the people, as a necessary
component of the process in the crafting of the Basic Law,
without prejudice to the BTCs prerogative to engage other
entities to undertake the same activities. More importantly,
the BTC would still do the most crucial and overall public
engagement especially those involving key players and
agencies in government.
Thank you and wassalam!
42nd

48 December 2013

ARMM Reg. Gov. Mujiv Hataman talks with OPAPP Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles outside the plenary
session. The GPH Panel at work during the 42nd Formal Exploratory Talks. From left: GPH Panel
Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer, GPH Panel members Sec. Senen Bacani and Usec. Yasmin BusranLao, and GPH Legal Team member Atty. Armi Beatriz Bayot. The GPH and MILF Panel Chairs shake
hands after signing the Annex on Power Sharing.
Thursday, 5 December 2013
ood morning to everyone, Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed,

the Malaysian Secretariat and the members of the ICG, Ueno-san (Japan),
Nikesh (UK), and others who will come eventually from the state and from our
very committed civil society members of the international NGO members of
the International Contact Group, Ali Saleem of the Centre for Humanitarian
Dialogue, Emma Leslie of Conciliation Resources, Dr. Sudibyo Markus
(Muhammadiyah), and Alberto Quattrucci (Community of SantEgidio).
Kristian Herbolzheimer is not with us. He is back in Barcelona and Tom
Phipps (UK) is still busy with the delegation from the Philippine National
Police including our representative in the ICP, PDir. Lina Sarmiento, led by the
Chief of the PNP, Director-General Alan Purisima, looking at the experience
of Northern Ireland with regard to policing reform and so on. We are certain
that will serve them well in the work of the ICP.
Our counterparts of course, led by Chair Mohagher Iqbal and members
of the Panel, Brother Bobby, Brother Abhoud, and Brother Kinoc. The rest of
his delegation, we are happy to see you once again, people we have not seen for
a long time: Juckra Abdulmalik, Timuay Melanio Ulama, who has not been
here for several meetings, and Ishak Mastura is back, Roslaine Lidasan MacaoManiri is back, Naguib Sinarimbo we have seen many times, and Mohajirin
Ali, congratulationsHajj Haj, on your successful hajj. He has his new look.
And our observer from WeAct, Jude Jover. Later on we will be joined by several
government officials who will arrive probably on Saturday for the last day with
high hopes for a very good ending on Saturday.
We apologize for the delay in the opening of the talks. We thank you for
accommodating our request to postpone the formal opening from yesterday
to today and convening instead the sub-panel to work on the draft on the
Normalization Annex. We believe that they were able to cover significant
ground in their meeting yesterday. Also, we apologize for coming a little bit
late today. Former Secretary Senen Bacani, Atty. Anna Basman, and I arrived
229
230
Later in this round,

on 7 December 2013,
Presidential Adviser
on the Peace Process
Teresita QuintosDeles, Presidential
Spokesperson Edwin
Lacierda, and ARMM
Governor Mujiv
Hataman joined the
GPH delegation.
GETTING TO PEACE
at the hotel at almost 2 am last night. We took the last flight,

a very convenient flight, a very good schedule, the 9 pm
flight of Malaysia Air. It is amazing how much traffic there
is between Malaysia and the Philippines, now that Malaysia
Air has added a new flight. Four flights a day, so that is a lot
of engagement between the two countries.
In April 2012, just a little bit of review of recent history,
we signed the first set of consensus between us, the GPHMILF Decision Points on Principles. In October 2012, in
a grand ceremony in Malacaan, we signed the Framework
Agreement on the Bangsamoro. Afterwards, we completed
two annexesthe Annex on Transitional Arrangements and
Modalities in February this year, followed by the Annex on
Revenue Generation and Wealth Sharing in July. In between,
we launched in another grand ceremony, this time in Camp
Darapanan, in the presence again of President Benigno
Aquino III and MILF Chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim on
11 February 2013, the Sajahatra Bangsamoro attended by
the Facilitator as well. Oh, no, you missed it. You had an
important event at that time, you married off somebody. But
Madame Che Kasnah was there.
Now, we are at the brink of completing the Power Sharing
and Normalization Annexes. So what has the Bangsamoro
people gained so far? Starting with the most important:
The acknowledgment of and a good, inclusive, and
non-imposing definition of the Bangsamoro identity;
The acknowledgment of the legitimate grievances of
the Bangsamoro people;
A potentially expanded core territory for the
Bangsamoro, based on the consent of the governed;
A ministerial form of government with a unique
structure of government, unique because it is the
only one of its kind in the rest of the country;
Much enhanced wealth sharing arrangement.
We know that ARMM did indeed suffer from
real structural deficiencies that did not allow it
GPH Panel Chair Ferrer | 42nd GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

231
to exercise fiscal autonomy, so now we have the

additional taxes devolved and new sharing formula
from government revenues, increasing the shares
for the Bangsamoro, and the most important, the
automatically appropriated and to be regularly
released Bangsamoro block grant;
The Special Development Fund for rehabilitation
and development purposes, to be released upon the
ratification of the Bangsamoro Basic Law;
Special socioeconomic programs for conflict-affected
areas, including combatants and their communities
that will be part of the Normalization process;
A holistic program to be developed for transitional
justice and reconciliation;
A proactive role in keeping the peace in their
communities for the MILF;
A new concept called Bangsamoro waters, again
very unique because we will not find this water
regime in other parts of the country;
A plural system for the administration of justice;
A list of powers including around fifty exclusive
powers or fully devolved powers and more than
ten to fifteen concurrent or joint powers relating
to the administration of justice, the management
and protection of various resources, disaster risk
reduction and management, trade and economic
development, and matters important to the practices
and way of life of Muslims (hajj, umrah, halal
certification, Shariah courts);
Various intergovernmental mechanisms such
as the intergovernmental fiscal policy board,
intergovernmental body for environmental and
developmental plans and, as contemplated in the
Power Sharing Annex, a similar IGR mechanism
between the Bangsamoro legislature and the
Philippine Congress;
232
On 2527 November
2013, OPAPP Sec.
Teresita Quintos-Deles
and GPH Panel Chair
Prof. Miriam Coronel
Ferrer attended
the Wilton Park
Conference visit on
conflict resolution
in Southeast Asia.
Malaysian Facilitator
Tengku Dato Ab
Ghafar Tengku
Mohamed and
former GPH Panel
Chair Assoc. Justice
Marvic Leonen also
participated in the
event.
The Wilton Park
Conference is
an international
forum for strategic
discussion supported
by the Foreign and
Commonwealth Office
of the United Kingdom.
GETTING TO PEACE
We now have a Third Party Monitoring Team whom

incidentally we met with yesterday only because
some of us have stayed behind and we bumped into
them in the hotel. And they sent their regards to
the MILF and expressed their interest in meeting
with the MILF, especially the Chair of the MILF
Panel if his schedule would allow it either on 8 or
9 December. So we are extending this message to
our counterparts if it can be done, a meeting with
the TPMT in Manila on Sunday or Monday before
the Chair of the TPMT, former EU Ambassador
Alistair MacDonald returns to Myanmar. And for
this meeting of the TPMT, they have actually tried
to complete their Code of Ethics, the internal rules
that will govern the work of the TPMT, and have
also scheduled several consultations with different
sectors;
Lastly, we have a very good Independent Commission
on Policing with a very tough work plan which
requires meeting almost regularly, almost daily, in
order to complete their task of coming up with their
recommendations within six months. And so we
expect that these recommendations would be ready
by April to be incorporated, that is, the elements
that will be needing legislation in the BBL through
the panel and especially through the Transition
Commission.
In all, we have the elements of a promising, just, and
principled agreement that will stand scrutiny of informed
and concerned students and practitioners of negotiated
political settlements. This much we have proven recently at
the Wilton Park conference that brought together government
negotiators and third-party facilitators, organized with the
support of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office of the
British Government and attended by several of us including
our facilitator here, Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku
Mohamed, along with the Malaysian Facilitator with the Talks
GPH Panel Chair Ferrer | 42nd GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

233
on the Southern Thailand process, myself, the former chair

of the panel Associate Justice Marvic Leonen, and Secretary
Teresita Quintos-Deles as well as by Emma Leslie, and Tom
Phipps of course who was very much on top of organizing
that conference.
Government has committed to all of these elements
in good faith, and trust that the MILF will use this chance
to prove the potential of Bangsamoro leadership and
autonomous governance. That in return, the MILF will prove
that it is ready to transform and participate in nonviolent
politics. That it is cognizant of the rights of all sectors who
will fall under the administrative and political jurisdiction of
the Bangsamoro political entity.
That, in the same way that the central government accords
the Bangsamoro with respect and parity of esteem, so will it
ensure the protection of vested property rights, the recognition
of customary laws and rights to communal property of other
indigenous peoples, the recognition of womens right to
meaningful political participation and provisions for plans
along the lines of gender and development; the basic rights of
all regardless of class, creed, disability, gender, and ethnicity;
and the bridging of differences with other Moro groupsin
order to ensure not only broad-based support for this process
and its implementation but the long-term well being, peace,
security and belongingness of those Filipinos and Moros
who will live under the politico-administrative jurisdiction
of the Bangsamoro political entity that is part and parcel of
the Republic of the Philippines.
We know that there are details that we still need to
come to terms with. But none are so great as to throw away
everything that has been achieved.
Article IX under the section Miscellaneous of the
Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro says, The parties
commit to work further on the details of the Framework
Agreement on the Bangsamoro in the context of this
document and complete the comprehensive agreement by
the end of the year.
234
GETTING TO PEACE
The wisdom in this formulation is that it did not say this

year which was 2012 meaning the year that the FAB was
signed. And I understand, after checking this with the former
GPH Chair, that this is in fact the wisdom of the MILF Chair
Mohagher Iqbal, that the exact formulation came from him,
to complete the Comprehensive Agreement by the end of the
year. So of course, therefore it could mean 2013, 2014, and
so on. But greater wisdom indeed compels us that the end
of the year be this year and no other year.
The Aquino administration has less than 1,000 days
left, let us make the most of these days, before we get caught
again in the whirlpool of the next electoral campaign, or our
national attention and resources again be consumed by the
next super typhoon, earthquake, or other devastating events.
So the time is now!
Thank you.
Thursday, 5 December 2013
ecember 2012 was supposed to be the completion or signing of all the

four annexes of the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro after
this was signed by the parties on 15 October. But almost a year had lapsed
since, we managed only to settle two annexes (Transitional Arrangement and
Modalities and Wealth Sharing) leaving two other annexes (Power Sharing and
Normalization) still on the negotiating table.
As I said repeatedly, the reasons for this hardship to finish these annexes
on time, are varied: first, power is very hard to give; it is the nature of all
governments especially those unitary and highly centralized states like the
Philippines to be overprotective of their powers and resources; second, the
MILF is making sure that any agreement with the government will lead to
the final resolution of the Bangsamoro Question, because any haphazard or
half-baked agreement will only worsen the conflict in Mindanao; and third,
while there is an encouraging and growing trust and confidence between the
parties, the fear, mistrust, and suspicion of the parties of each other is not
totally absent. From time to time, they become evident. But to me, this is not
really bad; in fact, this feeling is natural among former enemies, which we
must recognize, manage, and overcome, if we want to succeed.
Let us have a look at what really happened between the parties in the course
of their 16-year peace negotiation. Before they ever thought of a ceasefire, only
war defined their relationship. Then they entered into a very tentative truce
especially during the time of the late President Corazon Aquino, followed by
a formal ceasefire during the presidency of Fidel Ramos in 1997. Then they
started talking and signed several agreements, some implemented and others
were deliberately breached especially during the administrations of Estrada and
Arroyo. Under the current Aquino III administration, the relationship between
the government and the MILF is at the highest level and still progressing. If
we continue to be truthful and serious in this peace engagement, success of
our common endeavor for peace will be ours, inshaAllah.
235
236
GETTING TO PEACE
Today, we are gathered once again here in the bustling

city of Kuala Lumpur to continue to hammer out details of
the remaining two annexes. I am very hopeful that at least the
Annex on Power Sharing will be signed by the parties, so that
they can zero-in on Normalization until it is settled to give
way to the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
Frankly, normalization is as important as the other
annexes in the CPA. But of the four annexes, normalization
is the youngest and newest on the agenda. If I remember it
right, it was only in July this year that we started to discuss
and formed the Technical Working Group on Normalization,
while the other three annexes have been part of the discussion
as early as July 2012. It is therefore natural and more
reasonable that we settle Power Sharing now without waiting
for the Normalization to catch up. There are two urgent
reasons to do this: (1) crafting of the Bangsamoro Basic
Law by the BTC cannot cover most ground without this
annex; and (2) it is a confidence-building measure of sort to
make up for the popular notion that the government is only
interested in dismantling and disarming the MILF through
a glamorized scheme called decommissioning. Rest assured
that we do not impute such malicious thoughts on the Aquino
administration, which has proved to be a reliable partner in
peace. But, decommissioning is such a sensitive issue that once
the MILF decommissions its combatants and firearms and
put these beyond use, this process will be irreversible. It is the
first and last act. On the other hand, the Armed Forces of the
Philippines can deploy and redeploy, and cannot only come
back anytime but its firepower and manpower are effectively
intact. Come to think it, this is a one-sided equation! But dont
ever doubt the MILF complying with all signed agreements
including decommissioning. Who is in need of a gun anyway
when there is no need for it or everything comes to normal? It
is not fair to say that bearing firearms is part of Moro culture.
The truth is that enemies from without starting from the
Spaniards to the Americans and then to the years of Martial
Law of Marcos forced the Moros to defend themselves.

237
Because of the direct relevance of the subject above to

the task of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission especially
the crafting of the Bangsamoro Basic Law:
1. Meeting with FASTRAC (26 November in Davao
City)
2. Signing of the Minutes of the Meeting regarding the
implementation of the JICA-BTC Memorandum of
Agreement (28 November in Cotabato City)
3. Meeting members of the Independent Commission
on Policing (29 November in Cotabato City)
4. Signing of MOA with Conciliation Resources (30
November at the BTC Office)
5. Three-day Session of the BTC (30 November2
December)
6. Meeting of the Various Committees:
Committee on Fiscal Autonomy
Committee on Transitory Provisions
Note: Funding sources: BTC, JICA, FASTRAC
Other Committees waiting for official go-signal
to start formal work
7. Committee on Constitutional Amendment formally
constituted
8. Communication Group formed
9. Socioeconomic Office formed
10. On 10 December, the Coordinating Committee of
the FASTRAC will meet in Manila to discuss and
possibly approve all the pending requests for funding
from various groups including BTC committees.
Possibly we will also discuss ways and means to
demarcate the line of engagements with other friends
of the peace process especially those extending
logistical support on the basis of the principle of
no duplication but more on supplementation and
complementation.
The Facility for

Advisory Support to
Transition Capacities
(FASTRAC) was
launched on 29
April 2013 in Camp
Darapanan as a joint
initiative of the United
Nations (UN), the
World Bank (WB),
and the MILF, with
funding support from
bilateral partners such
as the Governments
of Australia and New
Zealand. FASTRAC
serves as a technical
assistance program
in support for the
preparations for
the prospective
Bangsamoro
Government, delving
into issues such as
governance, finances,
budget, and justice.
238
In this round, the

Annex on Power
Sharing was signed by
both Parties.
This annex describes
the sharing of powers
between the Central
Government and
the Bangsamoro
Government. It also
provides principles
of intergovernmental
relations to ensure
the harmonious
partnership between
and among different
levels of government.
The annex lists the
reserved powers of the
Central Government,
exclusive powers
of the Bangsamoro
Government and the
concurrent powers
of the Central
and Bangsamoro
Government.
GETTING TO PEACE
Finally, after talking to some lawmakers in Manila, the

BTC has set April in 2014 as the timeline that the draft
of the BBL will be finalized and immediately transmitted
to the Philippine Congress for their deliberation. I hope
Congress, with their collective wisdom, would pass a good
legislation. Simultaneously, massive public engagements or
consultations are underway in Mindanao and other parts of
the Philippines especially Manila, which is the nerve center
of the government. These activities are undertaken by our
partners in the civil society organizations, as well those
conducted by partners of international nongovernment
organizations, which signed memorandum of agreements
with the BTC. More importantly, the BTC will also conduct
its own public engagements or consultations with government
agencies or officials, especially legislators, academe, and other
sectors of society. Public engagement or consultation is an
indispensable aspect of the writing of the BBL.
Thank you very much and wassalamu alaikum!
43rd

2226 January 2014

The GPH Panel and other GPH officials announce to the press that the Parties have reached
consensus on the Annex on Normalization and the Addendum on Bangsamoro Waters and Zones of
Joint Cooperation. From left: GPH Panel member Sec. Senen Bacani, GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam
Coronel Ferrer, GPH TWG on Normalization Chair and alternate GPH Panel member Usec. Zenonida
Brosas, GPH Panel member Usec. Yasmin Busran-Lao, OPAPP Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles, GPH TWG
on Power Sharing Chair and alternate GPH Panel member Jose Luis Martin Gascon, DND Asec. Danilo
Augusto Francia, and Presidential Spokesperson Sec. Edwin Lacierda. The MILF Panel prior to the
signing of the Annex on Normalization and the Addendum on Bangsamoro Waters and Zones of Joint
Cooperation. Observer Prof. Octavio Dinampo of Mindanao Peoples Caucus shakes hands with MILF
Panel member Prof. Abhoud Syed Lingga, while GPH Panel member Sec. Senen Bacani raises a high
five in celebration of the signing of the two documents during this round.
Wednesday, 22 January 2014
ssalam alaikum. Good morning to everyone.
On behalf of the members of the government delegation present here today,

the members of our Panel: former Secretary Senen Bacani, Undersecretary
Yasmin Busran-Lao, Undersecretary Zenonida Brosas, Undersecretary Chito
Gascon; our consultant, Assistant Secretary of the Department of National
Defense, Danilo Augusto Francia; the members of our legal team and our
secretariat; we are pleased to be here today.
As the good facilitator has said, in this round, we are burdened with great
expectations.
So good morning again to everyone, Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku
Mohamed and the Secretariat of the Malaysian facilitator led by Madam
Che. Our good counterparts led by Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal, Professor
Abhoud Syed Lingga, Mr. Abdulla Camlian, Datu Kinoc, the lawyers and
the consultants of the MILF; and the members of the Central Committee,
we are pleased to meet you, perhaps personally for the first time; and Ustadz
Ibrahim Ali who has been joining us for many many rounds now, its our
pleasure to be personally engaged with you in this round. And certainly I have
not forgotten the members of the International Contact Groupfrom Japan,
Mr. Yudai Ueno; from Turkey, Mr. Ahmet Do an; from United Kingdom, Mr.
Tom Phipps and his companion. And from NGOs, Conciliation Resources,
Emma Leslie; Center for Humanitarian Dialogue, Ali Saleem; Community of
SantEgidio, Professor Alberto Quattrucci; and tomorrow, Dr. Sudibyo Markus
from Muhammadiyah.
We have with us today members of the civil society groups whom we have
invited or have asked to be with us and we have willingly agreed to welcome
their presence: an old friend, Professor Octavio Dinampo from Mindanao
State University in Sulu, Datu Hussayin Arpa of the Philippine Council for
Sama and Bajau Inc. I think Pastor Reu Montecillo is not yet here with us,
also from the MPC based in Lanao del Norte.
241
242
Three senior members

of the MILF Central
Committee were present
during this round, namely
Khalifa Nando, Zainoden
Bato, and Abo Ubaida
Pacasem.
GETTING TO PEACE
The presence of the members of the press, the first ever

again, as Tengku has noted, when the media was invited to the
opening ceremony; the larger than usual number of legislators
from the Senate and the House of Representatives who will
be joining us in the next days, along with Cabinet secretaries
Secretary Teresita Quintos-Deles and Edwin Lacierda, and
the guests of the Panel from civil society are the telltale signs.
They manifest the unusually high note of anticipation
that we will produce in this round the last of the four
Annexes that we had pledged to accomplish in the Framework
Agreement on the Bangsamoro. In addition, we are expected
to close the Addendum to the Annexes on Power Sharing
and Wealth Sharing that the GPH and the MILF panels
subsequently agreed to add.
To think that we are so close to closing the Comprehensive
Agreement on the Bangsamoro and we still call this round
Formal Exploratory Talksthe 43rd to be precise. It makes
one wonder when we will ever get to the next higher stage
of formal talks.
But it is probably the beauty in the word explorations
and exploratory that has allowed us to creatively think, to
push and pull here and there, consider and reconsider, to
argue and compromise, to add and subtract with net positive
results. In effect, to reach this far in our forward march toward
the peaceful resolution of the armed conflict between the
government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front.
Indeed, we have gone deep into defining and structuring
Bangsamoro autonomous governancehow in effect fiscal
and political autonomy shall be realized.
Moreover, we are coming to terms with the bigger
project of normalization with its diverse components
socioeconomic, transitional justice and reconciliation,
and security. The security aspect alone is made up of
several elementsdisbandment of private armed groups,
decommissioning of MILF combatants and weapons,
redeployment of the AFP from or within the Bangsamoro
as the security situation improves, a halt to the proliferation
GPH Panel Chair Ferrer | 43rd GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

243
of loose firearms, and transitional security arrangements

that will see the Armed Forces of the Philippines, Philippine
National Police, and the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces
collaboratively keeping the peace on the ground.
As with all explorations enthusiastically pursued and
assiduously followed by the numerous stakeholders and
supporters, the expectations as to what the process will deliver
are enormous.
Foremost expectation is the end to the armed conflicts
in Muslim Mindanao, and a halt to the recurrence of
violence involving the various armed groups. Certainly, this
is an expectation not only for those that will fall inside the
Bangsamoro but those areas which would coexist side-byside the Bangamoro such as Zamboanga City and the rest of
the Zamboanga peninsula, North Cotabato, and Lanao del
Norte. We take special note of Zamboanga City which has
yet to fully recover from the trauma resulting from the siege
launched by a faction of the Moro National Liberation Front.
In this regard, we ask the MILF leadership to ensure that their
ranks refrain from any provocative acts that generate distrust
among the populace.
Secondly, the public expects that the new set of
institutions will bring about meaningful autonomy, yes.
But even more important, they need to see that these new
institutions decisively result in good governance, nurture
public trust, and secure the rights and welfare of all - especially
the minorities among the minorities, the poorest of the
poor, and other disadvantaged segments of society. Equally
important, these institutions must serve as the functional
channel for peaceful political contestation among politicians
and would-be politicians from non-traditional sectors
including from those in the MILF and the Moro National
Liberation Front.
In all, the public expectation is that these, our efforts,
would truly make a difference. A difference for the better.
A difference that is sustainable. A difference that will unite
rather than divide. A difference that will bring about a sense
Several legislators
joined this round of
talks as observers,
namely: Sen. Teofisto
TG Guingona III, Sen.
Aquilino Koko Pimentel
III, Zamboanga City 2nd
District Representative
Lilia Macrohon-Nuo,
Basilan Representative
Hadjiman Jim
Hataman-Salliman,
Ifugao Representative
Teddy Brawner Baguilat
Jr., Lanao del Sur 2nd
Pangalian Balindong,
Maguindanao 2nd
Zajid Mangudadatu,
North Cotabato 1st
Jesus Sacdalan.
Also sitting as observers
in this round were Tuan
Hajji Datu Hussayin Arpa
(President, Philippine
Council for Sama and
Badjau, Inc.), Professor
Octavio Dinampo
(Mindanao Peoples
Caucus), Pastor Reu
Montecillo (Mindanao
Peoples Caucus),
ARMM Assemblyman
Yasser Balindong, and
former Zamboanga
City Councilor Mr.
Abduhraman Nuo.
244
GETTING TO PEACE
of well-being and not stoke the fears and insecurities of the

populace.
To meet these expectations, wed need to put the right
people and appropriate mechanisms in place, the benchmarks
on which to measure our progress, and the protocols that will
guide our actions and instill discipline among our ranks. We
must be able to sustain the integrity of our peace process.
We must intensify our convergence efforts among the
Bangsamoro and with other non-Moro indigenous peoples. In
particular, we ask you, our negotiating partners, to show the
goodwill and benevolence in extending the hand of friendship
with your other fellow Moros and fellow indigenous peoples,
especially those, who like you, historically descended from
ancestors who called Mindanao their home.
At the same time, we need to be realistic enough to know
we will also make mistakes. That we will not be able to bring
everybody on board. That we will suffer delays. That there will
be naysayers, recalcitrants, and breakaways, as well as corrupt
and abusive members of our respective organizations. That
some will feel left behind while others will abuse and take
more than their just share. That there will be opportunists
and misfits for the opportunities that will be opened.
We come here as skeptical and realistic as anyone else. But
these dangers never stopped us from cumulatively achieving
consensus and inching our way forward. Why should these
stop us now from moving on to the next stage of our work
for peaceful change and reforms?
The many pages of the texts that we have initialed and
will be initialing soon will have to come alive in the form
of real-life changes. Very soon the main challenge would be
to make this difference manifest, in the lives of our people,
especially of those in Mindanao; in our institutions, especially
those of government at different levels; in our mindsets and
norms, especially that of our leaders in politics and society.
For this reason, we cannot afford to lose more time at
the expense of the bigger task of implementation, and of the
considerable progress we have already gained.
GPH Panel Chair Ferrer | 43rd GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

245
The time to conclude the formal exploratory talks is

now. Let us enable ourselves to move forward 100 percent
to the next stage of implementation. Call it exploratory
implementation if you like. After all, there is no ready-made
template for these kinds of endeavors.
However, from experience, we learned that a successful
peace process usually requires larger doses of goodwill,
determination, and faith. These crucial elements, fortunately,
are aplenty. They abound between and among the two parties
and all the friends of this process.
lmost everybody back home smells impending success in our current

peace talks, especially this 43rd round of negotiation. They say the signing
of the comprehensive peace agreement is just around the corner. They have
diverse reasons to entertain such belief and I cannot blame them for it. In fact,
I sympathize with them but not necessarily taking their view at face value. But
the truth is that anyone like me who has been part of the peace journey since
the beginning will exactly wish and long for the day of reckoning to come soon.
I ask everyone not to stay in the way of these dreamers. Many find solace
in dreaming and, therefore, let them continue to dream of that final peace
in Mindanao while we in the MILF and government continue to strive to
overcome all that stand on our way leading to the signing of the comprehensive
peace agreement.
However, this early as expected, the impending success of the talks is
gaining many relatives, because success is relative, nay, it has also many fathers.
This is a welcome development. It is far better to see droves of people supporting
the MILF and declare oneness with it, rather than they join the spoilers and
demolish the undertaking. After all, the fruits of the negotiation will redound
to the benefit of everybody. This can include even the spoilers and all those who
have never shown even a speck of support to the MILF in its four decades of
armed struggle and sixteen years of hard bargaining on the negotiating table.
Truly, it is the nature of a popular struggle, nay jihadic, that except for few
hardened outcasts of society, everybody is part of the victory party.
Be this as it may, let us caution ourselves this early that the final destination
of this journey of peace is not within immediate reach yet. We may be able
to sign the comprehensive peace agreement soon as we wish, but that is not
the end of the odyssey. Remember that the Exit Agreement that will formally
terminate this negotiation will only happen if the two parties satisfactorily
complied with their part of the deal; in addition, not until after the Third
Party Monitoring Team and the two parties and the Malaysian facilitator
246
MILF Panel Chair Iqbal | 43rd GPH-MILF Formal Exploratory Talks

247
finally certify that both parties have fully complied with their
obligations in the negotiation. Ideally that day of reckoning
will come our way on or before 2016.
But as a way of consolation to those who follow us and
perchance including ourselves, it is not far-fetched that during
this five-day session, we will be able to settle all the remaining
outstanding issues on the Bangsamoro Waters and Annex on
Normalization that block our way to conclude the talks and
eventually sign the comprehensive peace agreement very soon.
We have covered a lot of ground during our last executive
session. Thanks to the openness and spirit of accommodation
of the parties, the superb handling of the Facilitator, and the
absence of rigidity as in formal negotiations! Moreover, the
signing of the Annex on Power Sharing, as we stressed time
and again, had effectively provided the parties the muchneeded shot in the arm that triggered their adrenalin to shoot
up and overcome what previously were held as difficult issues
that haunted us for almost two years since July 2012. I am
referring to the issue of Bangsamoro Waters.
At this juncture, let me inform my counterpart, the
Malaysian facilitator and the Secretariat, and members of the
International Contact Group that the Bangsamoro Transition
Commission is working full blast to fulfil its mandate. The
BTC had just held its 8th regular session in Davao City on
1920 January; its various committees are also holding regular
meetings and public hearings or consultations. Many of these
hearings are scheduled to be held in the island-provinces. This
will bring the BTC closer to the people.
The crafting of the BBL has already commenced. The
BTC set April this year as the deadline for the finalization of
the draft of the BBL and by May it will be submitted to the
Office of the President, who will transmit it to Congress as an
urgent bill. I trust that the collective wisdom of Congress will
ensure the passage of Bangsamoro Basic Law very smoothly.
The BTC has also started paying courtesy calls on
local executives in Mindanao. On 16 January, they called
on North Cotabato Governor Emmylou Talino-Mendoza
and Maguindanao Governor Esmail Toto Mangudadatu,
In this round, the

Parties signed
the Annex on
Normalization and
the Addendum on
Bangsamoro Waters
and Zones of Joint
Cooperation, marking
the end of formal
negotiations and the
eventual signing of
the Comprehensive
Agreement on the
Bangsamoro (CAB), on
27 March 2014.
The Annex on
Normalization lays
out the details on the
return of the MILF to
peaceful civilian life.
The Addendum, on the
other hand, outlines
the delineation of
the Bangsamoro
Waters which shall
extend up to twelve
nautical miles from the
coasts that are part
of the Bangsamoro
territorial jurisdiction,
and where wealthsharing and powersharing arrangements
will also be applied.
On the other hand,
the Zones of Joint
Cooperation are
outside the territory
of the Bangsamoro
but are established in
part of the Sulu Sea
and Moro Gulf for
purposes of protecting
traditional fishing
grounds, benefitting
from resources, and
interconnecting
between the islands
and mainland.
248
This round was the

session most-covered
by media. Philippine
media agencies such
as GMA News, ABSCBN News, Philippine
Daily Inquirer, Rappler,
and MindaNews, and
foreign-based media
such as NHK and Al
Jazeera covered the
signing of the two
remaining annexes
to the Framework
Agreement on the
Bangsamoro (FAB).
They also posed
several questions on
the developments
and the next steps in
the GPH-MILF peace
process.
GETTING TO PEACE
who both received the BTC commissioners exceptionally

well. They promised to support the peace process as well as
pushing for the ratification of the Bangsamoro Basic Law
once the referendum takes place. In February, the BTC will
pay a visit to governors of Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and Basilan. The
BTC is also seriously considering visiting Zamboanga City
Mayor Beng Climaco. I do not know how she would react
and treat this gesture of goodwill from our side, knowing well
how she felt bitter, as anybody else of good sense, in relation
to the Zamboanga siege last November. Perhaps, our good
counterpart can advise us in this regard.
I am also happy to announce here that the BTCs
Communication Group has been formally constituted and
very soon its website (Bangsamoroonline.com) will join
the cyberspace communication arena. The BTC has also
organized the Task Force on Mamalu-Tabunaway whose
functions include the conduct of dialogues between the
descendants of Tabunaway and Mamalu, or more specifically,
the Maguindanaons and Tdurays, respectively, and to make
recommendations especially on land issues in aid of the
crafting of the BBL. I assure you, inshaAllah, that as long as
the two groups remain reasonable and commit to balance
between history and reality and cognizant of their roots as
descendants of the two brothers, everything will be settled
for the satisfaction of the parties.
On this note, let me thank everybody in this session for
giving me the opportunity to render this opening statement.
Thank you, good day, and wassalamu alaikum!
Part II
Other Statements
Statement of
on the Facilitation and Other MILF Issues
e still remain optimistic that talks with the MILF will resume in January.
We hope that the MILF can share that optimism.
We agree that the facilitator issue needs to be resolved. We, however, remain
confident that the proper officials in Malaysia already know our concerns.
These have been communicated to them through the proper channels. We
understand that the good offices they offer for the talks will take all these issues
into consideration. We have informed them that we desire to have an acceptable
politically negotiated settlement at the soonest possible time.
A politically negotiated settlement is needed at the soonest possible time
so that the energies of all can be channelled to addressing justice, lasting peace,
and sustainable development and prosperity for all peoples in Mindanao.
Administrative and security concerns do arise while peace negotiations
are ongoing. We prefer to discuss these with our counterparts from the
MILF as well as work on these issues first. We have, however, continued with
consultations with relevant sectors on many of the issues raised by the MILF.
We think that this is what negotiating in good faith means. It also is the
better part of prudence since issues taken out of context do contribute to
environments which can only foster more violence. We invite all concerned
to help us address the problems in the spirit of finding lasting solutions to a
complex problem.
251
Statement of
on the Informal Talks with the MILF
Thursday, 13 January 2011
he Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front

concluded informal talks today, 13 January 2011, in Kuala Lumpur, under
the auspices of the Malaysian government.
Both parties will resume formal, exploratory talks on 910 February 2011.
They agreed that the renewal of the mandate of the IMT and the AHJAG will
be positively considered in the February meeting.
In addition, the GPH affirmed the security guarantees previously agreed
on and will issue identity cards to members of the MILF participating in the
peace negotiations. The MILF submitted a list of twenty-five MILF members
allegedly in the custody of Philippine security agencies. Government, in turn,
agreed to review individually the cases of the people in the list.
The GPH panel welcomes the solution of the Malaysian government on
the concerns raised regarding facilitation. It is optimistic that talks will move
forward constructively.
The Government delegation in the informal talks was composed of Panel
Chair Marvic Leonen, Panel Member Miriam Coronel Ferrer, and head of
secretariat Iona Jalijali. Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal, Panel Member Michael
Mastura, and head of secretariat Jun Mantawil made up the MILF delegation.
252
Statement of
in Relation to Reported Split in MILF Ranks
Sunday, 6 February 2011
he government panel views the reported resignation of a known

commander of the MILF with serious concern and looks forward to a
clarification from the MILF panel during the meeting of the Parties on 9 and
10 February.
Until that time, we are careful not to take any public position on this issue
that may unduly complicate the current situation.
Suffice it to say, we are negotiating for a comprehensive political settlement
within the soonest possible time. Implied in this desire is the understanding
that both parties can deliver a just and lasting peace.
253
Statement of
Regarding the Upcoming MILF
Public Consultations
Friday, 4 March 2011
he Government Negotiating Panel for talks with the Moro Islamic

Liberation Front congratulates and welcomes the decision of the MILF
Negotiating Panel to conduct consultations with various constituencies in
Mindanao, especially indigenous peoples, civil society, and business groups.
This is certainly in keeping with the desire of both panels to maintain
transparency in the negotiations enough to encourage public discussions on
the substantive issues.
The GPH Panel considers the draft of the MILF Panel, furnished to us
during the exploratory talks in February this year, as an articulation of their
position. It is not yet the working draft for the negotiations. We hope that it
would be considered as a starting position of the MILF. On the part of the
GPH, after full and adequate consultation and clearances, it will likewise
present its proposed solution to reach a politically acceptable and principled
negotiated settlement.
We maintain that both sides should find a win-win formula that addresses
the needs of our State. We invite the public to contribute ideas and proposals
that can constructively move the process forward.
254
Statement of
on the Rescue of the Kidnapped FilipinoChinese Trader in Maguindanao
Tuesday, 24 May 2011
he rescue of kidnapped Filipino-Chinese businesswoman Mrs. Angelina

Suken Chew Manjique, at 4:30 am today in Barangay Dadtumeg in
Kabuntalan, Maguindanao, is a positive development in the peace process as
forces of the government and the MILF combined efforts during the ten-day
pursuit operations.
I congratulate the 6th Infantry Division led by Brig. Gen. Rey Ardo and the
MILF for conducting successful joint operations, as well as the Coordinating
Committee on the Cessation of Hostilities and the Ad Hoc Joint Action Group
of both parties for complementing the actions of the military and police.
The joint CCCH and AHJAG of the GPH and the MILF have also
been instrumental in preventing unnecessary armed encounters between
the government and the Moro group while the former was conducting law
enforcement operations in an MILF area.
Mrs. Angelina Suken Chew Manjique was kidnapped on 14 May by five
unidentified men and brought to the Liguasan Marsh, which is a territory in
Maguindanao, occupied by MILF members.
Considering that it is an MILF-dominated area, our military and police
immediately coordinated with the government CCCH and AHJAG to assist
in the rescue operations. Members of our CCCH and AHJAG contacted their
MILF counterparts who carried out their own operations.
On the tenth day, the kidnappers were forced to release Mrs. Angelina
Suken Chew Manjique in Dadtumeg where she was fetched and brought to
a nearby hospital.
255
256
GETTING TO PEACE
However, the operations do not end here. The

government is actively pursuing the perpetrators in order to
bring them to justice. We expect the MILF to do their part
in pursuing and arresting the kidnappers who are currently
operating in their areas.
Meanwhile, I have received reports that some of the
kidnappers of Mrs. Angelina Suken Chew Manjique are
also members of the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters
of Umbra Kato. I am also disturbed by reports that Umbra
Katos group had attempted to reinforce and aid the
kidnappers while they were being pursued by the Army and
the MILF. Fortunately, they were deterred by more superior
forces that stood in their way.
We will certainly raise this with the MILF. We urge them
to take these actions of elements of Umbra Kato seriously.
During our last meeting with the MILF, they represented
that Kato was still part of the MILF. Lasting peace does not
have room for those who do not respect the rights of civilians
and put them in harms way. There should be no safe haven
for anyone involved in these nefarious activities.
Statement of
on the Meeting of President Benigno S.
Aquino III and MILF Chair Al Haj Murad
Ibrahim in Japan
Friday, 5 August 2011
he President last night met with the Chair of the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front Al Haj Murad Ibrahim for about two hours.
The meeting was cordial but consisted of a frank and candid exchange of
their views about the frames of the continuing peace talks and some possible
approaches that the parties can take to bring about a peaceful settlement. Both
agreed that the implementation of any agreement should happen within the
current administration. Both agreed to fast-track the negotiations.
It was the President himself who sought the meeting prior to the
governments submission of its own agenda for the talks.
It should be recalled that the formal meeting set for 27 June 2011 was
converted by the panels into an informal meeting. It was during that meeting
that the panels discussed the logistics for the meeting between the President and
the Chair of the MILF. The GPH panel shared its proposed details and agenda.
The MILF panel, on the other hand, communicated the view of their Central
Committee that the offer for a meeting at that level was a grand gesture on
the part of government. They also mentioned that it was an honor that this
historical meeting was going to take place.
Only the President, Chair Murad, and their note takers were in the meeting
room. The meeting was informal. The meeting helps the formal negotiations
between the panels of both sides. It will facilitate its progress.
This is the first time that a President met with the Chair of the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front since the negotiations commenced about fourteen years ago.
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GETTING TO PEACE
The President was accompanied to the meeting

place by the Secretaries of National Defense, Budget and
Management, Finance as well as the Presidential Adviser on
the Peace Process, the Presidential Spokesperson, and the
Chair of the GPH Negotiating Panel.
Chair Murad was accompanied to the meeting place by
some members of the Central Committee, the Chair of their
negotiating panel and some base commanders.
To ensure the security of the participants and provide
the necessary environment free from any agenda which
would cloud the discussions, the meeting took place in the
suburbs of Tokyo. The President arrived in Japan at about
6 in the evening, yesterday, 4 August, Thursday and left to
return to Manila at about 10 oclock in the morning of 5
August, today. We just arrived. The meeting took place at
about 8:30 in the evening, after Iftar. This Presidential trip
to Japan was unofficial.
The next formal meeting of the parties will be scheduled
within the month of August, about the 3rd week of August.
We thank Japan for providing the facilities consistent
with their longstanding commitment to peace as shown in
their membership in the International Contact Group, as well
as the Malaysian facilitator for assisting with arrangements
between the two parties for this historic meeting.
Statement of
on the Issue of Popularity vs. Peace
make this statement with all due respect to those in the MILF who say that
the Presidents choice is between popularity and peace. The problems in
the conflict-affected area are myriad and complex. While some groups may
have their own view of which contributory cause is the most pressing and
deserves priority, it is always wise not to lose sight of how all these causes work
together to cause underdevelopment. To reduce the choices in the negotiations
to simplistic dichotomies like popularity or peace is dangerous because it
fixates on a debate that does not exist. There is more to the problem than this
false dichotomy.
During the meeting with the President, it was the Chair of the MILF
himself who invited the panels to adopt the framework of problem-solving
rather than debating and posturing like in most negotiations. To my
recollection, both parties agreed that this was the kind of conversation that
will honor those who have been affected by the conflict. We are done with
posturing and grandstanding.
I invite the MILF to buckle down with us to clearly see the problems on
the ground and the viable solutions that we can stage within the remaining
years of the current administration with a view to meeting all the interests of
all peoples in Mindanao. We are in serious negotiations. But it is the open
mind, more than a feisty one, that can find peace.
259
Statement of
on the Filing of a Protest on the Basilan
Incident from the WESMINCOM
Thursday, 20 October 2011
e learned today that the Western Mindanao Command of the Armed

Forces of the Philippines under the leadership of Lt. General Raymundo
Ferrer is filing ceasefire violations against the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
and murder and frustrated murder charges against their members for the death
of nineteen military soldiers. Protests for ceasefire violations are processed
through the procedures contained in the implementing guidelines to the
1997 Agreement on the Cessation of Hostilities signed by both sides. This
requires investigation and eventually a report to both panels. I have instructed
the governments Coordinating Committee on the Cessation of Hostilities to
aggressively facilitate the investigation and make a report forthwith.
We are seriously disturbed by information we are currently receiving from
the ground commanders and the chain of command of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines. Under existing ceasefire guidelines, large movements of troops of
the MILF should be coordinated with our AFP. Also, we are concerned about
the composition of the 114th base command (i.e., if some of its elements
have standing warrants for common crimes). Furthermore, the rules of armed
conflict, which both sides adhere to, prohibit the taking of personal belongings
of those who are dead and wounded. These rules also prescribe proper decorum
vis--vis those who are wounded in battle.
Again, I reiterate that it was made clear to us that the operations of the
governments security forces were not directed at the MILF. The results of
the investigation done within our ceasefire mechanism will be assessed and,
depending on its findings, may certainly weigh heavily on the peace process. The
agreement on the cessation of hostilities for us is an important agreement. Its
faithful implementation is necessary to provide the conditions for negotiations
to proceed in earnest.
260
Other Statements
261
This incident will certainly be part of the agenda in

the next meeting of the parties. We will honor our dead by
continuing in our efforts to find and negotiate fundamental
but pragmatic solutions to this conflict in Mindanao so that
in the near future no one elsesoldier or civilianwill fall
victim to these types of violence. We will also honor them
by doing and serving justice in an unflinching manner at the
right time and in the right way.
Christmas Message of
he holidays is a time to pause from a year that tested our faiths and explored
where hope can lead us. As we reflect on the blessings and the trials that
defined 2012, may we not lose sight of what the season is about and why it
matters to most Filipinos regardless of faith and religion.
Despite the challenges confounding the dialogue process, we are grateful
for a year filled with positive developments that have raised the hopes of our
people for an enduring peace, particularly in Mindanao. While we move
towards the final stretch of the peace negotiations, we remain steadfast,
bolstered by lessons well-learned from the past, and committed to find just
and sustainable solutions to the many aspects of the armed conflict that has
crippled our country for many decades.
Cheers to closer families, happier homes, prosperous communities, and
to God and country to whom we humbly submit the gifts of love and peace.
A Blessed Christmas and a Peaceful New Year!
262
Finish What We Began

New Years Message of
Tuesday, 1 January 2013
e in the Government Negotiating Panel for Talks with the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front enter 2013 with the conviction to finish what we have
begun together with the MILF.
The will and the goodwill are there to make this happen. The two
negotiating partners, the Bangsamoro, the peoples of Mindanao, the Filipino
public and the international community all want this peace process to succeed.
With this much public support, how can we not reach our goal?
It took some two years to achieve the set of consensus that now make up
the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro. The difficult issues were set
aside for the annexes. Only in December did we begin work on a fourth annex.
Still, the GPH and the MILF are way past the midway mark after meeting
only twice since the signing of the FAB on 15 October 2012. There has been
much progress both in the substance and in the languaging of the texts.
For one, there has been important breakthrough in coming to terms with
the principles that will guide the intergovernmental relations between the
Central and Bangsamoro governments and constituent parts.
An example is the principle to settle conflicts in laws, programs, or policies
in a non-adversarial manner. This way, harmony is maintained between and
among the parts not only under the P-Noy administration but also under all
future national administrations.
The three lists defining the allocation of powersreserved to the Central
government, devolved or exclusive to the Bangsamoro, and concurrentare
almost complete. They make up the bulk of the Annex on Power Sharing.
Only about four power sharing issues remain to be discussed. These
remaining issues are substantial and rather technical. The parties have agreed
to solicit advice from technical experts to help them find workable solutions.
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GETTING TO PEACE
There is a working consensus on a new and better sharing

formula in relation to government revenues derived from the
exploration and utilization of natural resources.
This wealth sharing formula, a set of devolved taxes, and
the system of block grants reflect the mutual desire of the
two parties to achieve sustainable self-governance and fiscal
autonomy for the Bangsamoro.
Soon, the GPH and MILF panels will be presenting to
the public a jointly produced road map that shall serve as the
official guide to the implementation of the FAB.
There are many more consensus points in the current
draft annexes. These will be openly discussed in due time.
More importantly, both parties are open to consider
options on the remaining eight or so issues, across the
annexes, including the technical impasse pertaining to the
Bangsamoro Transition Authority.
We firmly believe that there is no dealbreaker in this
process, in which much trust and effort have been invested,
and for which much more support will be given.
It should not take more than two months to finish
the four annexes. By this time, the Transition Commission
should have been fully organized and ready to build on the
terms laid out by the Panels in the Annexes.
The future is on track.
A blessed and peaceful new year to all.
Statement of
on the Appointment of Members of the
he Government of the Philippines Negotiating Panel for Talks with the

Moro Islamic Liberation Front heartily congratulates the newly appointed
members of the Transition Commission.
The TransCom is vested with the crucial responsibility of crafting a draft
Bangsamoro Basic Law that will realize the aspirations for self-governance of
the peoples in the Bangsamoro, and guarantee the rights and well-being of all
citizens, groups, and sectors in the new political entity.
In fulfilling this crucial task, the challenges to the fifteen men and women
of the TransCom remain the same as those that the negotiators faced when they
sat on the table to discuss a lasting solution to the armed conflict in Mindanao
for the first time.
These are the challenges of inclusivity, transparency, and constitutionality.
These are the same tests that our appointed commissioners must pass, if
the draft Bangsamoro Basic Law that will be born from its efforts will stand
the test of time and the scrutiny of all well-meaning interlocutors in and out
of Congress and, most especially, of the people voting in the plebiscite that
will be held to ratify the new law.
Truly the tasks before the Transition Commission are many and varied.
In the first month, it will have to define its rules and procedures, organize its
financial and logistical systems, and map out its work plan.
Afterwards, it will need to spell out in even finer detail the various
provisions in the Annexes to the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro.
It will need to work together as a team, collaboratively drawing on each
others wisdom and goodwill.
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GETTING TO PEACE
It will need to seek expert advice and constantly engage

Congress through supportive individual members, the
leadership, and relevant committees.
Equally important, it must keep attuned to the thoughts
and feelings of the ordinary men, women and children
whom, when the time comes, the new political entity must
above all serve.
With its members representing diverse sectors in society,
and through various modes of consultations with the people,
we are confident that the TransCom will be able to weave
together the complex concerns and plural perspectives of the
different stakeholders into a meaningful whole.
The GPH Panel will be working closely with the
Transition Commission in all ways and means that shall be
mutually agreed upon.
This is in keeping with the Governments commitment
to deliver what it has committed to do in order to build the
sturdy institutions for democratic governance and the stable
and sustainable foundation for an all-encompassing peace,
justice, and development in the Bangsamoro.
Ceremonial Opening
of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission

3 April 2013

From left to right: GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer, Senate Committee Chair on Peace,
Reconciliation and Unification Sen. Teofisto TG Guingona III, MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal,
OPAPP Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles, and Chair of House Special Committee on Peace, Reconciliation,
and Unity Rep. Jesus Sacdalan sit at the presidential table during the Ceremonial Opening of the
Bangsamoro Transition Commission. Members of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission pose for
a picture with Sen. TG Guingona, the GPH and MILF Panel Chairs, and Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles.
Members of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission during the press conference that followed.
MILF Panel Chair and
BTC Chair Mohagher Iqbal
Wednesday, 3 April 2013
et me welcome you to this modest yet symbolic gathering to formally

open the work of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission. This, indeed,
is a historic day for all of us, especially for the Moros in Mindanao who have
never tasted real and genuine peace in their entire existence since the coming of
Spain in the sixteenth century. Again, I welcome you all to this very memorable
occasion.
It is said that a journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step. For the
MILF this journey to peace is a giant leap of faith, immeasurable and beyond
the confines of time and space. Like the symbolism of todays occasion, we are
taking a giant leap from the familiar grounds of the Pulangi into the unfamiliar
plains of Pasig; from the comfort zone of our homeland to the home base of
our opponentsnow our partners in search of genuine, just, and lasting peace
in Mindanao; from the traditional means of our struggle through the barrel
of the guns into the strokes of the mighty pen.
To be candid, today I am probably as nervous as I was when I first entered
school, uncertain and anxious of the unknown. As we plunge into unfamiliar
grounds, and especially so, when one commits not only himself to a new
direction but an organization and a nation, the fear and anxiety is compounded.
I take comfort only in two things. One, trust in the guidance of Allah and, two,
an almost instinctive ability of guerrillas to adapt to its changing environment,
perhaps brought about by almost a lifetime of struggle.
Today also, I take comfort in the knowledge that Pasig is derived from a
Sanskrit word Passi which means a river flowing from one body of water into
another, perhaps from Laguna de Bay to Manila Bay. I do not wish to draw
familiar parallelism in Mao Tse Tungs notion of a guerrilla moving amongst
the people as the fish swims in the river. But here today, I take a wish, nay a
prayer, that the steps we take today is but a transition from one body of water
269
270
The Ceremonial
Opening of the
Commission (BTC)
was held on 3 April
2014 at the Crowne
Plaza Hotel. Messages
of support were
given by OPAPP Sec.
Teresita Quintos-Deles,
Senator Teofisto TG
Guingona III, North
Cotabato 1st District
Rep. Jesus Sacdalan,
and the respective
Chairs of the GPH
and MILF Panels.
The event was also
attended by DOJ
Secretary Leila de Lima
and DSWD Secretary
Dinky Soliman,
Senator Aquilino
Koko Pimentel III,
Maguindanao and
Cotabato City Rep.
Bai Sandra Sema, and
Muntinlupa City Rep.
Rodolfo Biazon, as well
as Basilan Governor
Jum Akbar and Lanao
del Sur Gov. Mamintal
Alonto-Adiong.
The fifteen (15)
members of the BTC
also convened en banc
for the first time on the
same day, led by BTC
Chair Mohagher Iqbal.
GETTING TO PEACE
(and I love to imagine it is our familiar Pulangi) full of dreams

and aspirations, into another body of water (and like a good
negotiator, I shall concede it to be Pasig for our counterparts)
with the promise of dawn and of dreams fulfilled.
But let me momentarily disturb our dream or free boat
ride from Pulangi to Pasig and quickly address the imperatives
of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission and outline the
MILF view of the Transition Commission, thus:
First and foremost, the MILF views the Commission as
its first initial partnership with the GPH. As such, it shall
endeavor to reach consensus with representatives of the
government on major decisions in the course of its work.
We shall not work against each other but instead work with
each other.
Second, the work of the Commission shall be devoted
principally into transforming the Agreements of Parties, the
Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro, and its Annexes
as well as other Agreements of the Parties, into a legislation
envisioned to establish a new Bangsamoro Political Entity
that embodies the political, economic, social, and cultural
aspirations of the Bangsamoro.
Third, the TC shall be open, transparent, and participative
in its approach. While the MILF acknowledges the fact that
the major principles have been agreed by the parties in the
negotiation, the specific translation of these into mechanisms,
institutions shall be open to public participation. After all
what we envision to build are institutions for our people and
never solely for the MILF. Beyond this, as an organization,
we are open to adopting new and innovative practices born
out of principles that we all share, such as cutting edge and
innovative ways in government service delivery that uses the
latest information technology.
Fourth, the institutions we envision to create under the
Basic Law shall feature mechanisms for inclusivity and public
participation to ensure a dynamic and robust government able
to engage with all stakeholders and address the concerns of its
constituency. It shall further entrench appropriate measures
of transparency and accountability to its people.
Other Statements | COBTC

271
Fifth, the Basic Law shall entrench the new relations

between the Bangsamoro and the Philippine government
founded on the principles of parity of esteem, mutual respect,
self-sufficiency, cooperation, and continuing dialogue to
further enhance this unique and special relations that both
respect and recognize our unique history but are brave enough
to face all possibilities in the future.
Sixth, the TC, as the first formal engagement of the MILF
with the government, shall mirror some of the features we
envision for the new Bangsamoro government such as:
A lean but competent bureaucracy;
Features of transparency such as an interactive
website where people can send their suggestions and
recommendations;
Constant public consultations to build consensus
and embrace divergent views to build a common
and shared vision;
Consciousness on the need to apply resources where
it is most needed; and
And more importantly able to partner with other
institutions to move forward.
Seventh, the TC shall envision a government guided by
the Quranic principles on religious freedom. Allah says: Let
there be no compulsion in religion. Truth has been made
clear from error. Whoever rejects false worship and believes
in Allah has grasped the most trustworthy, handhold that
never breaks. And Allah hears and knows all things [Srah
al-Baqarah: 256].
Eight, the TC shall be open for partnership both with
local and international actors/organizations. As we commence
several transitions, from rebels to governance, from
organization to government, from combatants to community
builders, we recognize the imperative to see best practices,
universal standards, other peoples experiences so that we need
not continuously reinvent the wheel. However, we shall always
keep in mind the principle that context is king.
272
GETTING TO PEACE
Ninth, the Basic Law must entrench the Bangsamoro

not because it is supreme over the others but because it is
an essential and indispensable heritage of this country, nay
even of the world. The uniqueness of the Bangsamoro is the
only meaningful contribution that we can contribute to the
richness of this country or even of the world, for if we are
just all the same, like factory-made apparels of the same size,
fit, and color, then we add no further value to our national
heritage. If we are to truly contribute anything significant to
the global village, let it be our uniqueness as a Bangsamoro
nation. Let this not be a source of conflict but an important
piece in our quest for harmony. As the Quran rightly said,
O mankind! Lo! We have created you male and female,
and have made you nations and tribes that ye may know
one another. Lo! the noblest of you, in the sight of Allah,
is the best in conduct. Lo! Allah is Knower, Aware [Surah
al-Hujurat 49:13].
Tenth, the Transition Commission can only begin its
substantial work when the Annexes are completed. The acts of
completion must be undertaken immediately. It is, therefore,
urgent that we complete the Annexes by taking the hard
political decisions. The issues remaining in the negotiations
have been simplified and the positions of the parties clarified.
We must seize the moment now. Let me call on, therefore, our
partners from the government to work hand in hand with us
in crafting an instrument that shall embody the Bangsamoro
ideals and aspirations, and create new relations founded on
the principles of parity of esteem and mutual respect. Indeed,
what we shall do today shall shape our tomorrow.
I call on the honorable members of the Senate and the
House of Representatives to help us hurdle the remaining
stages of this arduous process that we so bravely face despite
our foreknowledge of the challenges, dangers, and pitfalls that
it hides. To pass the Bangsamoro Basic Law is to affirm the
possibility of political assertion and settlement, and relegate
the armed struggle into the domain of history.
I urge the international community to help us shepherd
this peace process, so that we can demonstrate to the world

273
that there is a peaceful path to every political aspiration and

that the lessons that we may learn can hopefully help others
make it through the difficult passage from war to peace.
Let me express the MILFs profoundest gratitude to
His Excellency Benigno Aquino III for his continuing
commitment to see through the completion of this process
within his term after sixteen years of negotiation. In return,
we pledge the unwavering commitment of the MILF to
be an effective partner of his government in this quest for
peace in the south of the Philippines. Likewise, let me also
express the MILFs sincerest appreciation and thanks to His
Excellency Prime Minister Dato Sri Najib Mohammad bin
Razak and the Malaysian government for continuing to
facilitate the GPH-MILF peace negotiation since 2001. It is
our earnest hope and prayer that Malaysia shall continue to
journey with us in these peace efforts in troubled Mindanao
through to the end.
I seek no personal gain nor glory in this process. I have
been through the most difficult and painful years of our
struggle for the right to self-determination. I, like thousands
of our comrades in arms, years ago, have taken up arms to
fight injustice and assert our inalienable right to determine
our future. This has been the honorable way to respond to
the call of those days. Today, I, like many of us in the armed
revolutionary movement, am taking a giant leap of faith in
trusting that the peaceful path is possible for us. We put one
foot in the path of peace, while we struggle to pull the other
from the comfort of our mountain lairs. We are embarking
on a gradual and calculated shift in our struggle from the
barrels of the Kalashnikov into the mighty strokes of the pen.
Your response, the government response, indeed the
Filipino peoples response, shall finally determine which step
we shall ultimately takethe pen or the gun. Help us make
the choice easy.
Closing Remarks of
ccording to the book Democracy and Deep-Rooted Conflict: Options for

Negotiators published in 1998 by the International Institute for Democracy
and Electoral Assistance based in Stockholm:
If a process is designed that is not appropriate to the context, then
it is defeated before it begins.
Well, friends, we have long begun. We have moved forward. We have

faced many challenges. We have not been defeated. And now there are more
of us to continue this process.
As we know, the Negotiating Panels will complete the Annexes that together
with the Framework Agreement will comprise the Comprehensive Agreement.
It is the Transition Commission that will primarily carry the peace process
to the next stage leading to the establishment of the new Bangsamoro political
entity.
And so, in behalf of the GPH and MILF Negotiating Panels, I congratulate
the fifteen men and women of the Transition Commission.
Ladies and gentlemen, the Transition Commission is now fully open for
business.
Allow me in these remarks to draw some more quotes from the same book
to serve as inspiration and insights to our honorable commissioners.
According to the book: Appropriately crafted democratic institutions are
crucial to the sustainability of any negotiated settlement.
This line best sums up the challenge to the fifteen men and women of
the TC. How would such appropriately crafted democratic institutions look
like in this context?
I tried to imagine how the Bangsamoro political entity would look like
using no other than the letters GPH-MILF as guidepost.
274

275
I am pleased to note the similarities that Chairman Iqbal

came up with his 10-points on the TC. This only shows how
strong the meeting of minds and spirit are now between the
government and the MILF.
The first letter G will have to stand of course for good
governance, in this instance, under a ministerial form of
government. We await with excitement how the TC will
bring life to this notion and ideal.
P is for political parties with platforms, not just
personalities. In a ministerial form of government, political
parties are essential to the formation of government. The
Bangsamoro Basic Law will have to provide for the appropriate
political party and electoral system of the Bangsamoro.
H has to be for human rights which are the necessary
foundation of genuine peace. The FAB provides us with a
reiteration of these essential human rights and certainly we
should find all these again in the Bangsamoro Basic Law.
M stands for the various mechanisms with which to
effect and implement shared governance, and indeed the
Framework Agreement and Annexes call for the establishment
of several mechanisms such as: the intergovernmental fiscal
policy board, intergovernmental sustainable development
body, the Bangsamoro Transition Authority, transitional
justice and reconciliation bodies, and an economic planning
and development body.
I is for inclusive institutions and practices; in this
regard, the biggest challenge is to provide for a legislative
assembly that is truly representative, certainly much, much
more inclusive than what we now find in the Philippine
Congress (no offense meant to the legislators present here).
L stands for leadership, because institutions are run
by people and even good institutions can fail miserably in
the hands of wrong leaders. During the transition period,
the mettle of leadership of the MILF will be put to test, and
inshaAllah they will pass the test.
And finally: F for fiscal autonomy for as we know,
political autonomy cannot be real without self-reliance and
276
Among the fifteen

members of the
Commission (BTC), four
are women, and two
are from the indigenous
peoples, and one is a
Christian.
Mohagher Iqbal, the
Chair of the MILF
Peace Panel, also chairs
the BTC. Other MILF
nominees in the BTC
include Ibrahim Ali,
Maulana Alonto, Abdulla
Camlian, BIAF Deputy
Chief of Staff Hussein
Muoz, MILF CCCH
head Said Shiek, and
Timuay Melanio Ulama
who is a Teduray.
The women members
are Atty. Raissa Jajurie,
Froilyn Mendoza who
is a Teduray, Fatmawati
Salapuddin, and
Atty. Johaira Wahab,
the BTCs youngest
member.
The other members of
the BTC are Shariah
lawyer Talib Abdulhamid
Benito, Pedrito Eisma
who is a Roman Catholic,
former Ambassador
Akmad Sakkam,
former Sulu Rep. Asani
Tammang.
GETTING TO PEACE
the freedom to plan and manage ones own house. Fiscal

autonomy and national government support should provide
the Bangsamoro with the resources to deliver basic services,
spur jobs and economic development for the betterment and
deep sense of well-being of the peoples in the Bangsamoro.
There you are: GPH-MILF.
Now let me beg your indulgence with two other quotable
quotes in the book that are too good not to mention here for
our inspiration even only as part of closing remarks.
Quote: The degree of transparency, accountability,
and participation provide [sic] three crucial benchmarks to
evaluate the continuing health of a settlement.
In this quotation, we are reminded of the importance
of the process and not just the outcome. This is a message
already expounded by Chairman Iqbal in his opening speech.
To repeat: The degree of transparency, accountability, and
participation provide three crucial benchmarks to evaluate
the continuing health of a settlement.
And finally for the last quote:
The overriding determinant of whether a peace
agreement will endure is the extent to which the parties
to the conflict continue to be motivated to avoid a
return to bloodshed.
This citation I think is the most fitting way to end this

ceremony.
It reminds us of why we are all here in the first place: to
find peace, to build peace, to put an end to violence in politics.
And to make politics truly of service to the just aspirations
of the peoples in the Bangsamoro.
Shukran. Maraming salamat po sa inyong lahat.
Statement of
on the Protested Arrest of Four Alleged
MILF Members
Thursday, 13 June 2013
he Government Negotiating Panel, through its Committee on the

Cessation of Hostilities, has been furnished the copy of the protest filed
by the MILF on 8 June regarding the arrest of four alleged members of the
MILF in three separate incidents.
We are presently reviewing the documents and the circumstances
pertaining to the arrests.
Initial reports submitted by the Philippine National Police to the GPH
Panel Chair indicate that the law enforcement operation in Polomolok, South
Cotabato, on 31 May was covered by two separate search warrants against two
men. The search yielded several types of ammunitions and a weapon, leading
to the mens detention.
The arrest of another male person in Pantao Ragat, Lanao del Norte, on
8 June was, on the other hand, covered by a warrant of arrest issued on the
charge of frustrated murder.
We are still awaiting information on the fourth case of protested arrest in
Sultan Kudarat province that reportedly took place on 28 May.
The Ceasefire Guidelines prohibit unjustified arrestsnot arrests per
se. In this regard, we are looking into the basis for the arrests, the procedures
undertaken by the police in the conduct of these specific law enforcement
operations, as well as the current situation of those who have been arrested.
We assure the families of those arrested that government will observe due
process and respect all the attendant rights of the detained.
The GPH-CCCH will be issuing a reply to its counterpart MILF-CCCH
as soon as the government completes its internal inquiry. As in other cases of
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GETTING TO PEACE
alleged violations of the ceasefire committed by either side,

the process set out in the Ceasefire Guidelines shall apply.
We continue to appeal for prudence on one and all to
ensure that no opportunity will be given to those who wish
to undermine the process.
Statement of
on the Recent Bombing Incidents in
Mindanao
he recent bombing incidents in two cities of Mindanao are an affront

to the people of Mindanaos right to personal and collective well-being
and security. Whatever their objectives, the culprits showed utter disregard
for civilians. They picked places that seemed to indicate a desire to inflict
maximum casualties on innocent people.
It is very clear that these criminals have no place in the nations aspirations
to take violence away from our politics, to build peace and attain justice and
development.
We take heart in the peaceful mobilizations of the residents of Cagayan
de Oro that show that they will not live with this kind of violence. The people
of Cotabato should likewise show their indignation, as should the rest of the
country.
The Government panel negotiating with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
remains steadfast in its pursuit to achieve a peacefully negotiated solution to
the armed conflict in these parts of Mindanao. Bombings and other inhumane
acts have not softened our resolve to continue to work for nonviolence, peace,
and development in these areas that have suffered far too long from hostilities.
The peace process remains on track.
279
Joint Press Statement of the

GPH and MILF Peace Panels
on the Violence in Zamboanga City
he Government of the Republic of the Philippines and Moro Islamic

Liberation Front Peace Negotiating Panels condemn in the strongest terms
the violence concurrently being inflicted in Zamboanga City by elements of
the Moro National Liberation Front under Mr. Nur Misuari. The perpetrators
must be stopped and held accountable for their acts.
Those behind the continued acts of violence in Mindanao do not want
the current peace process between the Government and the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front to succeed. Their actions intend to derail the process using
violence and disinformation to spread fear and chaos in Mindanao.
The Parties remain committed to pursuing the peace process to its just and
rightful conclusion, in the belief that it is through partnership that institutions
reflective of the true needs and aspirations of the Bangsamoro and other peoples
of Mindanao shall be installed.
The Government will abide by its past commitments. The MILF, for
its part, encourages their Moro brothers and sisters in the MNLF to work
together so that the Moro struggle will benefit all. Both Government and the
MILF agree to ensure continuity of the peaceful option so that the peoples of
Mindanao can live in unity and prosperity.
The Parties extend their heartfelt sympathy to and solidarity with the
people of Zamboanga City and other areas affected by such violence.
280
Statement of
on the Zamboanga Crisis
Thursday, 19 September 2013
he sufferings of the people of Zamboanga City have been at the backs

of our minds since we met on day one of the 40th Formal Exploratory
Talks on 10 September. We are relieved that after more than a week of mayhem
resulting from the attacks of forces loyal to Moro National Liberation Front
leader, Nur Misuari, the violence has dissipated and the tremendous task of
rebuilding Zamboanga City can now begin.
We have always been aware that our problems in Mindanao are complex.
We have said time and again that although wethe Government Negotiating
Panel for Talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Frontare talking to only
one party among the many interested parties in Mindanao, we have consciously
tried to ensure that both the processes and the outcomes will benefit all.
We have become a broken record saying that from the beginning, among
the Presidents orders, is that the peace talks with the MILF be inclusive.
This injunction is laid out in the 7 October 2010 Memorandum of
Instruction issued by President Benigno Aquino III to the Peace Panel, then
chaired by now Associate Justice of the Supreme Court Marvic Leonen.
To summarize, the Presidents instructions were for the negotiations to be
guided by the following:
The Philippine Constitution, inclusive of the flexibilities therein;
Lessons learned from past negotiations;
GPHs ability to deliver its commitments; and
Inclusiveness and transparency in order to restore public trust and
confidence in the peace process.
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GETTING TO PEACE
Along this line, the Office of the Presidential Adviser on

the Peace Process led by Secretary Teresita Quintos-Deles,
have deliberately instituted parallel tracks to go side-by-side
with the negotiations with the MILF.
In the OIC-Government of the ARMM, several MNLF
personalities were given positions both in the Regional
Government and the Regional Legislative Assembly.
We organized various seminars where we sought to bring
together the different constituencies of the MNLF and the
MILF so that they could build bridges among themselves.
Several of us panel members sat in the other review table for
the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement.
The MNLF factions were invited to nominate people
who can be appointed to the Transition Commission, the
first major mechanism that emerged from the Framework
Agreement on the Bangsamoro. They declined but we ensured
nonetheless that the Tausugs and other islanders, including
those with affinity to the MNLF would get seats, along with
the non-Muslims and the other indigenous peoples in this
fifteen-member body.
We know that the MILF then were critical of these
initiatives, but we believe now they have seen the wisdom
in these efforts.
Those who have shot from the hip alleging that the
Government has ignored the FPA and/or Misuari, employed
the age-old tactic of divide-and-rule, and are nave of the
situation, regrettably spoke from ignorance.
They missed out on what was common sense to a lot of
ordinary people: that Misuari had been given the chance to
prove his worth as a leader of the ARMM but failed. They
have forgotten that the FPA has been largely implemented
with the creation of the Southern Philippine Council for Peace
and Development, the amendments to the ARMM law, the
integration of MNLF forces into the AFP and the PNP, and
the introduction of various livelihood programs for MNLF
base commands.
What now for our negotiations with the MILF?

283
The end goal of this negotiation is to produce a new

set of government institutions that will fall under the rubric
of a Bangamoro Government that is part and parcel of
the Philippine Republic. To get there, we have to create
mechanisms that will effectively implement the agreements
and bring everyone on board every step of the way.
These new mechanisms and institutions must be truly
representative of the diversity of the populace. They must be
strong in order to be responsive not to the machinations of
one group, but in order to serve the people better.
The new institutions must allow for all taking the path to
peace to participate, and isolate those who continue to hold
on to violence as the way of life or mode of politics. They
must reward those who respect the rule of law and punish
those who transgress.
The process, moreover, must turn the weapons into
ploughshares and return the children, men, and women of
war to productive, civilian life.
As such, in our ongoing negotiations with our
counterparts, we have stressed the need to reflect the principles
of inclusivity and democracy in each and every aspect of the
provisions we are putting down on paper.
Peace dividends, after all, are not spoils of war. They
are meant for everyone, not booty that goes only to the
negotiating parties.
In all honesty, the negotiations in the past few days have
been difficult. We constantly tether between big ideals and
realistic possibilities; between ours in the exclusive sense
to ours, inclusive. But in doing so, we have been able to
achieve better understanding across the table and to work
out compromises.
The long time it is taking us to thresh out these details
is necessary to ensure that the end results will bring about
positive change and less conflicts. Not the other way around.
Please keep the faith with us in this process.
Comments by
on the SWS June 2013 Survey
on the GPH-MILF Talks
n all, we are pleased to find that seven out of ten Filipinos remain hopeful
that a peace deal will be reached between the Government and the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front. We also note that this hope is most enduring among
our brothers and sisters in Mindanao who are most affected by the violence
and its negative short- and long-term consequences. Equally important, based
on the survey results, it appears that both Muslim and non-Muslim Filipinos
share and nurture this hopefulness.
The highest point in Filipino hopefulness under the present administration
was 83 percent in June 2011; the lowest point was 58 percent in May 2012.
Although manifesting a decline from the March 2013 results, June 2013s 70
percent hopeful and somewhat hopeful was not the lowest point of hopefulness
and in all, still a good indicator.
It is expected that hopes rise and fall with developments in the peace
process. The decline from March 2013s 80 percent to that of June 2013 can
be attributed to the time lag from the first Annex signed in February 2013 to
the second Annex that was eventually signed in July 2013.
Now, it is true that the hope is not matched by the belief that a
comprehensive agreement with the MILF can be reached within the term of
President Benigno Aquino III. In Sept 2011, only 52 percent believed this
could be done. Since then, the expectation declined significantly until March
2013 with 49 percent of respondents expectant the deal can be completed
before or by 2016. That the assessment again declined in June 2013 to 35
percent can be attributed similarly to the delay between the signing of the first
and that of the second Annex.
284

285
The challenge for the GPH and the MILF panels of

course remains, and that is, to close the gap between the hope
and the actual expectation that we will have a comprehensive
agreement under this President.
For this reason, the two panels are working exhaustively
to come to terms with the remaining issues in the Annexes
on Power Sharing and Normalization. Despite the violence
instigated by other groups such as the BIFF, the Khilafah
Islamiya Movement, the ASG, and the Misuari faction,
the GPH and the MILF have continuously met formally
and informally or through intermediaries in order to reach
common ground.
Message of
on the Observance of Eidl Adha
he Government Negotiating Panel for Talks with the Moro Islamic

Liberation Front joins our Muslim brothers and sisters in celebrating
one of their most important festivals, Eidl Adha or the Feast of the Sacrifice.
Eidl Adha reminds us of the proof of faith through sacrifice that is
demanded of all the faithful. It recalls the story of Ibrahim (Abraham), whose
complete trust in Allah led him to accept sacrificing his own son. Faithfully,
the son likewise consented to be sacrificed.
Eidl Adha also marks the culmination of the Hajj to the Plain of Arafat.
As a feast among Muslims, it is a wondrous occasion for giving and sharing
meat and food.
It must be serendipity that we mark the first anniversary of the signing of
the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro last 15 October 2012 on this
day of the Feast of the Sacrifice in the Islamic calendar.
Perhaps we are being told that the delays and roadblocks are all part of the
pilgrimage that we must endure in order to complete our tasks.
We must therefore willingly offer more sacrifices as proof of our faith in
the peace process and in each other.
We need to share selflessly and wholeheartedly our strength and wisdom
in order to reach common ground.
Then shall we pass the test and together reach our destination.
Eid Mubarak!
Hari raya Haji!
Happy first anniversary of the FAB!
286
Statement of the
GPH Peace Negotiating Panel
on the Death of Sultan Jamalul Kiram III
he GPH Negotiating Panel for talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front extends its heartfelt condolences to the family of the late Sultan
Jamalul Kiram III who passed away on 20 October 2013. Inna lillahi wa inna
ilayhi rajiun (Surely we belong to Allah and to Him we will all return). We
wish the family of the late Sultan strength in this time of sorrow.
The GPH Panel had the opportunity to meet with the late Sultan, his
brothers Ismael and Agbimuddin, and their wives in 2011 in a closed-door
consultation on the GPH-MILF peace process. He and his family members
have been helpful in our attempt to understand the role of traditional leaders
in their communities and identify ways to strengthen their roles in building
peace in the region.
The Sultan had proposed at that meeting the placement of an historical
marker on the gravesite of the first Sultan Jamalul in Maimbung, Sulu. The
GPH peace panel believed in the proposal then and continues to support it
now. We see such memorialization as part of our shared goal of safekeeping
the history and culture of the people of Sulu, and of our commitment, as per
instructions of President Aquino, to ensure an inclusive peace process that gives
recognition to the richness of our historical narratives as a nation.
287
Joint Solidarity Statement of the

GPH and MILF Peace Negotiating Panels
on the Aftermath of Typhoon Yolanda
Saturday, 16 November 2013
he Government of the Republic of the Philippines and Moro Islamic

Liberation Front Peace Negotiating Panels extend their heartfelt sympathy
to and solidarity with the families and communities affected by the devastation
of Super Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan).
Disasters result in the disruption of peace, the destruction of property, and
the lack of order and security. In the same way that natural calamities bring
havoc to people and endanger their existence, man-made disasters such as
armed violence equally pose tremendous devastation to lives through blatant
disregard for life and other human rights.
It is the moral responsibility of everybody to place maximum importance
on the protection of life, that is, the right to live in a peaceful and humane
society. The destruction from Yolanda and similar natural calamities and from
man-made disasters such as wars and armed violence, though from different
sources, all point to the same gravity of suffering that halt development and
a better future.
Yolanda is a reminder, a call for unity and perseverance of everybody
irrespective of status and political stance to face boldly these hardships and work
together to mitigate, if not prevent, future disasters. The Parties believe that our
peoples resilience becomes our most potent tool during these challenges. Most
especially, the GPH and MILF Panels commit to work together in order to find
a just and lasting solution to the armed conflict in Mindanao so that together,
we can focus on the even bigger challenges of a changing global environment.
288
End-of-Year Statement of the

Tuesday, 24 December 2013
he year 2013 is the year we came to terms with what are possible and
doable to get to the first, elected Bangsamoro government in 2016. In
February, we signed the first annex that elaborated our road map. This was
the Annex on Transitional Arrangements and Modalities.
Sajahatra Bangsamoro, the first socioeconomic program of its kind
providing basic social benefits to previously unreached members of conflictaffected areas, came next. For the first time, the incumbent President and his
Cabinet entered the MILF camp, where the launching ceremony was festively
held before leaders and members of the MILF and international dignitaries.
A somewhat prolonged period, during which the May 2013 election
was eventually held, may have doused hopes of a comprehensive, negotiated
settlement. But come July, the Annex on Wealth Sharing was signed and greeted
by the public with general approval.
Early this month, the third big hurdle since the signing of the Framework
Agreement on the Bangsamoro in October 2012 was finally overcome. We
inked our signatures on the Annex on Power Sharing. This Annex provides
the foundation for the meaningful autonomy envisioned for the Bangsamoro
political entity and its constituents. It defines the new structure of government
and lists the various modes powers will be shared between the Central
Government and the Bangsamoro.
In all, our efforts at the negotiating table sought to find the good balance
between what is just, practical, and constitutional for this moment in our peoples
history, and those other, higher aspirations that may find fruition and wider
acceptability in some later future but not now. All the time, we based our work
on the shared principles of mutual respect, devolution, inclusivity, harmony, and
good governance. These principles are the essence of the Annexes we have signed.
We expectedly faced many challenges from those who chose to continue
the path of violence, the skeptics who have seen earlier similar processes fall
back on expectations, and the disgruntled who feel they would lose privileges
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GETTING TO PEACE
they have long enjoyed. To all of them, we extend the hand

of peace and open ourselves to dialogue and continuous
engagement in the hope that we will find fair reconciliation.
This year, we recorded scores of harassments initiated by
the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters against military
outposts and personnel in Central Mindanao and Basilan. Big
and small bombs were set off in different parts of Mindanao,
among the most serious of which took place in Cagayan de
Oro in July, and in Cotabato City in August. In September,
Zamboanga reeled from the attacks by forces loyal to MNLF
leader Nur Misuari. We grieved with all the victims of these
atrocities and condemned the senseless violence. And we will
continue to do so until once and for all, we take the guns
away from our political life.
Catastrophes, whether self-inflicted or by force majeure,
have thankfully not broken the Filipinos spirit. They have
strengthened and united us towards the common purpose of
rebuilding lives and reconstructing communities affected by
such mix-match of tragedies.
By early next year, we aim to finalize the remaining
Annex on Normalization, as well as an addendum on the
Bangsamoro waters. The Annex on Normalization will
concretize our vision for a post-conflict Bangsamoro. For this
purpose, we shall be putting in place the new infrastructure
that would pull together all our efforts in the security,
socioeconomic, and transitional justice aspects.
In 2014, we will also be working closely with the
Transition Commission and Congress to ensure the smooth
passage of the Bangsamoro Basic Law.
All of the accomplishments in the GPH-MILF peace
process were made possible through the collective efforts,
trust, and goodwill of both Parties, our respective principals,
and the unwavering support of various sectors to push the
process forward. We wish them all a blessed holiday.
Christmas is indeed a season to be grateful for all the trials
that were overcome. Truly, the new year is the harbinger of
hope that infuses us with renewed vigor and optimism for
the desired future that has yet to come.
Statement of the
on the Appointment of
Cotabato Archbishop Orlando B. Quevedo
as Cardinal by Pope Francis
he Government of the Philippines negotiating panel congratulates

Cotabato Archbishop Orlando B. Quevedo for his elevation by Pope
Francis to the College of Cardinals. Indeed, his appointment is a wonderful
blessinga portent of many positive developments to come as we push for
peace in the south. It reflects the recognition that the Vatican gives to the peace
process in Mindanao, our very own contribution to the global call of Pope
Francis to work for peace.
Cardinal Quevedo is a beacon of hope, and his new role will surely augur
well for the Mindanao peace process. A Mindanawon, he deeply understands
the diverse causes of the conflict that has tormented his homeland for decades.
Throughout the decades, Cardinal Quevedo actively promoted
interreligious dialogue among the tri-people (Christians, Muslims, and
Lumads), which is one of the cornerstones of the Oblates of Mary Immaculates
mission in Mindanao, in line with the efforts to achieve just and lasting peace
in the island.
Directly and indirectly, Cardinal Quevedo has accompanied the GPH
Panel in the highs and lows of the political negotiations. He always provided
encouragement and support to us during challenging times.
We believe that as a Cardinal, he will do even greater things to help achieve
our peoples desired peace.
We pray and sincerely wish him all the best as we all strive to foster a
culture of peace not just in the communities but, more importantly, in the
hearts of everyone regardless of creed and culture.
291
Statement of
on the Ongoing Military Operations
against the BIFF
Thursday, 30 January 2014
ver the last nine months, the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters
repeatedly harassed our soldiers and terrorized local communities. They
planted roadside bombs, sniped at our soldiers, took school teachers as hostages,
and in one instance, even beheaded a civilian captive. A few days ago, in the
midst of the fighting, they commandeered a private vehicle and forcibly used
it as a roadblock.
The ongoing military operations are geared at degrading the BIFFs
capability to continue to cause harm to the government forces, civilians, and
the peace process.
Prior to the conduct of the operations, the ceasefire mechanisms of the
GPH and the MILF have ensured the safety of civilians in surrounding areas.
Relief provisions have been on standby to meet the basic needs of those who
have been temporarily displaced.
Government and the MILF have taken the necessary steps to ensure
that the operations will not spill over to involve MILF combatants or cause
unnecessary or prolonged hardship to civilians. The MILF is assisting in the
operations by helping the government contain the movements of the BIFF.
We call on the members and the leaders of the BIFF to put down their
arms and be part of the process. We ask them to listen to the plea of their own
brothers and sisters to give peace a chance.
Local government officials are ready to receive those who would like
to silence their guns and participate in the different programs we will be
undertaking as part of the implementation of the peace agreements. We know
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293
that BIFF members can also contact supporters or local

ground commanders of the MILF who could facilitate their
return to normal lives. These and other avenues are open
for those among the BIFF who are ready to join us in our
peace efforts.
Following the
conclusion of
the 43rd formal
exploratory talks,
the BIFF launched
guerrilla attacks
against the AFP, with
roadside bombings
in the provinces
of Maguindanao
and Cotabato. To
respond to these
lawless activities, the
AFP embarked on
Operation Darkhorse,
an offensive against
the BIFF which lasted
from 27 January to 2
February 2014. This
led to the seizure of
BIFF camps and a
makeshift IED factory
in Maguindanao.
Statement of
on the Release of MILF Commander
Wahid Tundok
reparations are underway for the formal release of Commander Wahid

Tundok following the recall of the warrant of arrest order by the Regional
Trial Court Branch 15 of Cotabato City yesterday, 25 February 2014.
The GPH Panel thanks the Coordinating Committee on Cessation of
Hostilities and the Adhoc Joint Action Group of the Government and the Moro
Islamic Front for ensuring, with the assistance of the 6th Infantry Division of
the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the maintenance of the ceasefire and the
smooth resolution of the matter.
The MILF Commander was arrested on the basis of a warrant that was
served last 23 February in Cotabato City.
The turnover by the Criminal Investigation and Detection Group of the
Philippine National Police to the MILF-CCCH will take place tomorrow in
the presence of the International Monitoring Team, the GPH-CCCH and
AHJAG, and several local government officials.
294
Statement of
at the Press Briefing in Malacaan
Tuesday, 25 March 2014
n 27 March we will, we shall, sign the Comprehensive Agreement on

the Bangsamoro.
There is no turning back. Only moving decisively forward. The peace train
is on track. Its design is complete. Most of its elements are in place.
Although it had a slow start, it eventually picked up speed.
In the last eighteen months from the historic signing of the Framework
Agreement on the Bangsamoro on 15 October 2012, we have produced:
The four Annexes on Transitional Arrangements and Modalities,
Revenue Generation and Wealth Sharing, Power Sharing, and
Normalization;
One Addendum the Addendum on Bangsamoro Waters and the
Zones of Joint Cooperation; and
Five Terms of Reference for our five mechanisms the Third Party
Monitoring Team, the Independent Commission on Policing, the
Independent Decommissioning Body, the Transitional Justice and
Reconciliation Commission, and the Joint Normalization Committee
and renewed our TORs for the IMT and AHJAG.
And now the CAB, a short five-page, twelve point text that will formalize
the completion of the negotiations.
The CAB puts together all signed agreements: the FAB, the four Annexes
and Addendum, also the very first, very important document, the Ceasefire
Agreement of 1997; the Agreement on Peace signed in 2001 in Tripoli
which laid down the agenda for the talks; the Declaration of Continuity of
Negotiations in June 2010 which picked up the pieces from the failed MOAAD of 2008, etc.
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GETTING TO PEACE
The CAB text to be signed:

1. Reiterates the principles of the negotiation, namely:
recognition of the justness and legitimacy of the
cause of the Bangsamoro people, their aspiration
for meaningful autonomy through a democratic
process
the aim of finding a solution to the Bangsamoro
Question with honor, justice, and dignity
the aim to end the fighting between the
government and the MILF, and promote peace
and stability
the recognition of the responsibilities of the
Parties to protect and enhance the rights of the
Bangsamoro people and all other inhabitants,
correct historical injustice, and equitably diffuse
wealth and political power.
2. Reiterates the commitment to all signed documents
3. Thanks all those who played important roles in the
process
4. Provides the principles of implementation: Mutual
respect for the right to ones identity; continuing
dialogues and consultations, leading to the
establishment of a Bangsamoro government that
will protect individual and collective rights, and be
truly democratic, accountable, and representative of
the diversity of its populace; and for the parties to
abide by the modalities and mechanisms provided.
Most important, to ensure the integrity of the whole
process.
The whole negotiating panels of the GPH and the MILF
will sign the document. On the GPH end, the signatories
would be: myself; panel members Senen Bacani, Yasmin
Busran-Lao, Mehol Sadain; panel consultants Zenonida
Brosas, and Jose Luis Martin Chito Gascon.

297
On the MILF end, the signatories would be: Mohagher

Iqbal, Datu Michael Mastura, Maulana Bobby Alonto,
Abhoud Syed Lingga, Abdulla Camlian, and Datu Antonio
Kinoc.
The Malaysian Facilitator, Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar
Tengku Mohamed will also sign as witness.
The signing will be done in the presence of Secretary
Teresita Quintos-Deles, Al Haj Murad Ebrahim, President
Benigno Simeon Aquino III, and Dato Sri Mohd Najib bin
Tun Hj Abdul Razak.
It will be done in the presence of more than 1,000 people
on the Palace grounds.
The sealing of the comprehensive agreement is important
not only for the Bangsamoro, the people of Mindanao, and
all other Filipino citizens who have all to gain as one country
pursuing its unfinished task of nation-building.
It is also our global contribution to the pursuit of peace
in our immediate neighborhood, the Southeast Asian region,
and the rest of the world. The last momentous agreement of
this kind was that sealed in Aceh, Indonesia, between the
Republic of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement in 2005.
Many other countries continue to face similar troubles.
Our experience, our mechanisms, our approaches have
become a rich source of inspiration to these countries that
remain challenged by their respective domestic conflicts.
Moreover, our document would be unique in that it
would be the first such agreement to be signed by a woman,
not only as one of two chief signatories to a comprehensive
agreement, but also because a total of three womenone half
of the six-person negotiating team of the GPH, and about
one-fourth of the total number of signatorieswould be
signing it. Happy womens month to everyone!
The point, however, is not simply that you have women
in Track 1, but that this agreement is a partnership in
many ways: a partnership between the Bangsamoro and
the Philippine government, between and among peoples of
different faiths and ethnicity, and between men and women.
298
GETTING TO PEACE
And together, we can make it all happen. Together, we

can make peace, not war.
That said, the historic signing is but a short station stop
in this difficult but rewarding journey to build peace, attain
development and exercise meaningful autonomy for the
Bangsamoro and the other people in the parts of Mindanao
that will fall under the autonomous government.
We cannot rest, we shall be moving on, full speed ahead,
towards full implementation.
Thank you.
Statement of
on the Press Release of
Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago
on the Comprehensive Agreement
on the Bangsamoro
he Honorable Senator is a brilliant professor and an expert in

constitutional law. We certainly appreciate her insights and opinion on
the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro.
We assure the good Senator and the public that through every stage of
the negotiations, we remained ever mindful of the Presidents instructions that
any agreement we must conclude must be within the framework of the 1987
Constitution, and accordingly, the roadmap set by the CAB leads to Congress
as the established lawmaking institution.
We will be seeking a meeting with the Honorable Senator and other
legislators to extensively discuss the different provisions in the CAB and to allow
for a deeper understanding of the context and substance of the documents.
In the meantime, we are waiting for the Bangsamoro Transition
Commission to finish its draft bill on the Bangsamoro which will be endorsed by
the President as an administration bill to Congress for their due consideration
and passage at the soonest possible time. The Bangsamoro Basic Law, as enacted
by Congress, shall serve as the organic act for the autonomous region in Muslim
Mindanao provided for in the 1987 Constitution.
299
Best Easter Gift:

Release All Kidnap Victims
Press Release of
Saturday, 19 April 2014
PH chief negotiator Miriam Coronel Ferrer today asked the assistance of

all sectors including the Moro Islamic Liberation Front to give kidnap
victims their best Easter gift ever: freedom from captivity.
This year alone, 23 kidnapping cases were recorded in Basilan, Sulu,
Zamboanga and Lanao provinces involving around 30 victims, said the panel
chair. Let us join hands in redeeming them from a most terrible fate of being
held hostage.
In the last three years, there were nearly 100 cases of abductions of children
as young as a year old, students, businessmen, foreigners, journalists, senior
citizens, barangay officials, and teachers. Many of these kidnap victims are still
in captivity while some have been killed, Coronel Ferrer said.
On 11 April 2014, military operations were undertaken in Brgys.
Silangkum and Baguindan in Tipo-Tipo, Basilan, against the Abu Sayyaf
Group believed responsible for the recent abduction of a 21-year old female
from Zamboanga City. The same bandit group has been extorting money from
the contractor building the circumferential road in the province.
MILF-ASG connections
According to AFP reports, nine ASG members were killed during the
firefight. Among them was a certain Nur Espital who has been identified as
a member of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Three other alleged MILF
members, including a certain Imamul Mande, were wounded.
300

301
Said MILF members are connected by affinity to Furuji

Indama, the top leader of the ASG and one of the most
wanted men in the country, said Coronel Ferrer, citing reports
from the governments ceasefire mechanisms. Furuji is charged
with several cases of murder and kidnappings.
The four casualties affiliated with the MILF closed ranks
with their family members in the ASG during the firefight.
Stop impunity
As an organization that signed the peace agreement,
the MILF must not tolerate the criminal acts of any of their
individual members said Coronel Ferrer. They must do
their part in arresting the impunity long enjoyed by these
unscrupulous individuals.
Asked what the MILF can do, the government negotiator
said that the MILF leadership should ask their supporters
who are intricately involved with the ASG to choose between
war and peace.
They should expel from their ranks those who reject
peace and are directly or indirectly abetting the hostage-taking
and preventing development to set in, she said. The peace
process should not be used to shield criminals from their
accountability for their crimes against innocent civilians.
Renewed commitment
Tipo-Tipo, Basilan has been the site of many horrendous
encounters between government forces and armed groups.
Many lives have been lost on all sides. Several infrastructure
projects are ongoing in the area but these have been hampered
by the volatile situation.
A meeting among the ceasefire bodies and the Ad-Hoc
Joint Action Group charged with coordination in criminal
interdiction is reportedly scheduled to be held after the
Lenten holidays.
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GETTING TO PEACE
We expect both parties to renew their commitment

and to come up with concrete operational guidelines that
would allow them to effectively work together in securing
the peoples safety and well being in Basilan and elsewhere
in Mindanao, said Coronel Ferrer.
Timeline
of the GPH-MILF Peace Process
GPH-MILF
PEACE PROCESS
RAMOS ADMINISTRATION
19921998
1996
The peace negotiations
between the Government of
the Philippines (GRP) and
the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front (MILF) began.
7 January 1997
The Technical Committees
conducted their first
meeting.
18 July 1997
The Parties signed the
Agreement for General
Cessation of Hostilities.
12 September 1997
The Parties signed
the Implementing
Administrative Guidelines of
the GRP-MILF Agreement
for General Cessation of
Hostilities, and the joint
Coordinating Committee on
the Cessation of Hostilities
(CCCH) was created.
14 November 1997
The Implementing
Operational Guidelines of
the GRP-MILF Agreement
on the Cessation of
Hostilities was signed by the
parties.
ESTRADA ADMINISTRATION
19982001
6 February 1998
The Parties executed
the Joint GRP-MILF
Agreement to Sustain the
Quest for Peace.
27 August 1998
The General Framework
of Agreement of Intent
between the GRP and the
MILF was signed.
305
306
GETTING TO PEACE
25 October 1999
Peace talks formally
opened in Sultan Kudarat,
Maguindanao, with a set
deadline for conclusion on
June 2000.
ARROYO ADMINISTRATION
20012010
2001
The Parties resumed the
peace negotiations and
conducted exploratory talks
in Malaysia, marking its
diplomatic stage.
22 June 2001
The Agreement on Peace
between the GRP and the
MILF was signed by the
Parties in Tripoli, Libya. It
is also known as the Tripoli
Agreement of 2001.
6 May 2002
The Parties signed the Joint
Communique for the Ad
Hoc Joint Action Group
(AHJAG), which seeks to
interdict and isolate lawless
elements.
21 March 2000
President Estrada declared
an all-out war policy
against the MILF, causing
the latter to withdraw from
the peace table.
24 March 2001
The Agreement on the
General Framework for the
Resumption of Peace Talks
between the GRP and MILF
was signed.
7 August 2001
The Implementing
Guidelines of the Security
Aspect of the Tripoli
Agreement was signed by the
Parties.
Timeline: GPH-MILF Peace Process
11 February 2003
A military campaign was
launched at the MILF
Central Command
Headquarters in Buliok
Complex, Maguindanao.
8 September 2004
Terms of Reference of the
International Monitoring
Team (IMT).
4 August 2008
The Supreme Court issued
a temporary restraining
order (TRO) blocking the
scheduled signing of the
MOA-AD the day after.
15 September 2009
Framework Agreement
on the Formation of the
International Contact Group
(ICG).
307
7 May 2002
The Implementing
Guidelines on the
Humanitarian,
Rehabilitation, and
Development Aspects of
the GRP-MILF Tripoli
Agreement on Peace of 2001
was signed by the Parties.
13 July 2003
Upon the death of MILF
Chair and Founder Hashim
Salamat, Al Haj Murad
Ebrahim succeeded him as
MILF Chair and Mohagher
Iqbal became Chair of the
MILF Peace Panel.
27 July 2008
The Memorandum of
Agreement on Ancestral
Domain (MOA-AD) was
initialed in Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia.
14 October 2008
MOA-AD was declared
unconstitutional by the
Supreme Court.
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GETTING TO PEACE
27 October 2009
The Parties agreed to create
the Civilian Protection
Component of the IMT.
3 June 2010
Declaration of Continuity
for Peace Negotiation.
4 August 2011
Aquino III met with MILF
Chair Murad Ebrahim in
Tokyo, Japan, to express
the sincerity of GPH and
to fast-track the peace
negotiations.
3 November 2011
The Parties had an informal
executive meeting in Kuala
Lumpur to address pressing
issues, especially the fighting
in Basilan and Zamboanga.
811 August 2012

During the 30th Formal
Exploratory Talks, Technical
Working Groups (TWGs)
were created.
AQUINO ADMINISTRATION
2010
9 February 2011
The 20th Formal
Exploratory Talks was
conducted, marking the
formal resumption of peace
talks, in which the MILF
Panel submitted a revised
draft of the Comprehensive
Compact.
22 August 2011
The GPH Panel submitted
its 3-for-1 proposal to the
MILF Panel.
24 April 2012
The GPH-MILF Decision
Points on Principles as of
April 2012 was signed.
15 October 2012
The FAB was signed by both
GPH and MILF Peace Panel
Chairs at the Malacaan
Palace.
7 December 2012
UP Professor Miriam
Coronel Ferrer took her oath
as the new GPH Peace Panel
Chair, replacing UP College
of Law Dean Marvic Leonen
who was appointed Associate
Justice in the Supreme
Court.
2125 January 2013
Terms of Reference of the
Third Party Monitoring
Team TPMT) was signed
during the 35th Formal
Exploratory Talks. The
TPMT will review, assess,
evaluate, and monitor the
implementation of the FAB
and its annexes.
309
27 October 2012
The Parties forged the
Framework Agreement on
the Bangsamoro (FAB)
during the 31st Formal
Exploratory Talks.
1217 November 2012

During the 33rd Formal
Exploratory Talks, the TWG
on Normalization was
convened for the first time.
17 December 2012
President Aquino issued
Executive Order 120
creating the Bangsamoro
(BTC), which will draft the
Bangsamoro Basic Law.
11 February 2013
President Aquino and MILF
Chair Murad Ebrahim
launched the Sajahatra
Bangsamoro program at
the Bangsamoro Leadership
and Management Institute
(BLMI) in Sultan Kudarat,
Maguindanao.
310
2527 February 2013

During the 36th Formal
Exploratory Talks, the
Parties signed the Annex on
Transitional Arrangements
and Modalities, which
details the road map
towards the creation of the
Bangsamoro.
911 April 2013

The Terms of Reference for
Sajahatra Bangsamoro was
signed by the Parties during
the 37th Formal Exploratory
Talks.
29 April 2013
The Facility for Advisory
Support to Transition
Capacities (FASTRAC)
was launched at the MILF
headquarters in Camp
Darapanan, Sultan Kudarat,
Maguindanao, facilitated
by representatives of World
Bank (WB), United Nations
(UN), and MILF Chair
Murad Ebrahim.
GETTING TO PEACE
Also in this round, the

Parties signed the Terms
of Reference for the
Independent Commission
on Policing (ICP), which
was prepared by the TWG
on Normalization.
3 April 2013
On this day, the Bangsamoro
was ceremonially opened
at Crowne Plaza Hotel,
Ortigas, and was formally
23 April 2013
Guidelines for Mutual
Understanding for CeasefireRelated Functions during
the 13 May 2013 National
and Local Elections.
813 July 2013

The 38th Formal
Exploratory Talks resulted
in the signing of the Annex
on Revenue Generation and
Wealth Sharing. Members
of the TPMT were also
1020 September 2013

The Independent
Commission on Policing
(ICP) was convened for the
first time during the 40th
Formal Exploratory Talks.
2225 January 2014

The Annex on
Normalization and the
Addendum on Bangsamoro
Waters and Zones of Joint
Cooperation were signed by
the Parties at the close of the
43rd Formal Exploratory
Talks. These are the final
documents to be included
in the Comprehensive
Agreement on the
Bangsamoro (CAB).
311
48 December 2013
During the 42nd Formal
Exploratory Talks, the
Annex on Power Sharing
was signed by the Parties.
22 March 2014
The Parties signed the Terms
of Reference for the Joint
Normalization Committee
(JNC), the Independent
Decommissioning Body
(IDB), and the Transitional
Justice and Reconciliation
Commission (TJRC).
27 March 2014
The Comprehensive
Agreement on the
Bangsamoro was signed by
the GPH and MILF Peace
Panel Chairs at Malacaan
Palace.
Photo Gallery
Malaysian Facilitator Datuk Othman Abd Razak (middle) witnesses the exchange of documents
between GPH Panel Chair Marvic Leonen (left) and MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal at the conclusion
of the 20th Formal Exploratory Talks.
The GPH and MILF Peace Panels and members of the ICG pose with new Malaysian Facilitator Tengku
Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed on the last day of the 21st Formal Exploratory Talks in Kuala
Lumpur, Malaysia.
315
316
GETTING TO PEACE
President Benigno S. Aquino with GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen and OPAPP Sec. Teresita
Quintos-Deles, chats with Minister Hitoshi Ozawa who led the arrangements for the PNoy-Murad
meeting in Narita, Japan.
Members of the MILF Panel and MILF Central Committee

pose for a picture with Pres. Benigno S. Aquino III during
the meeting of the President and MILF Chair Al Haj Murad
Ebrahim in Narita, Japan, on 4 August 2011.
MILF Chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim and
President Benigno S. Aquino III on their
way to the closed-door meeting in Narita,
Japan.
The GPH delegation, including OPAPP

Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles and the GPH
Panel, in a photo with the President in
Narita, Japan.
Photos from the GPH-MILF Peace Negotiations
317
President Benigno S. Aquino III and MILF Chair Murad Ebrahim during the historic meeting in Narita,
Japan, on 4 August 2011.
The GPH Panel discusses with the ICG the impasse reached between the parties when the MILF
rejected the GPHs 3-for-1 proposal during the 22nd Formal Exploratory Talks.
318
GETTING TO PEACE
The GPH Panel poses with its legal team, communications group, and secretariat as well as the
observers present during the 23rd Formal Exploratory Talks.
The GPH Panel poses at the balcony of

the Palace of the Golden Horses, where
the Formal Exploratory Talks with the MILF
have been conducted since 2012. From left:
Dr. Hamid Barra, Usec. Yasmin Busran-Lao,
Dean Marvic Leonen, Prof. Miriam Coronel
Ferrer, and Sec. Senen Bacani.
GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen and

Amb. Eduardo Malaya in a conversation with
MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal and MILF
Panel member Dr. Michael Mastura during
a break in the 27th Formal Eploratory Talks.
319
Members of the ICG pose with Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed during
the 29th Formal Exploratory Talks. Top row from left: Nikesh Mehta of the British High Commission in
Kuala Lumpur and David Gorman of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue; bottom row from left: Dr.
Steven Rood of The Asia Foundation, Dr. Sudibyo Markus of Muhammadiyah, the Malaysian Facilitator,
Ms. Emma Leslie of Conciliation Resources, and Deputy Chief of Mission of the Embassy of Japan in
the Philippines Minister Keizo Takewaka.
Members of GPH and MILF TWGs on Wealth Sharing pose with ICG members during the 30th Formal
Exploratory Talks. From left: ICG member Dr. Steven Rood, Archie Buaya of the MILF TWG, Atty. Armi
Beatriz Bayot, DENR Asec. Anselmo Abungan of the GPH TWG, Dr. Mahid Macalingkang of the MILF
TWG, GPH Panel member Sec. Senen Bacani, Dr. Benjamin Domato and Atty. Raissa Jajurie of the MILF
TWG, NEDA XI Reg. Dir. Maria Lourdes Lim who chairs the GPH TWG, and ICG member Ms. Emma Leslie.
320
GETTING TO PEACE
Women and men pose for a photo during the 31st Formal Exploratory Talks. From left: Atty. Johaira
Wahab, Usec. Yasmin Busran-Lao, Ms. Emma Leslie, Ms. Carolyn Arguillas of MindaNews, Dir. Iona
Gracia Jalijali, and Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer.
From left: MILF member Hussein Muoz, BGen. Roland Amarille, Maj. Carlos Sol Jr., MILF Panel member
Datu Antonio Kinoc, MGen. Leo Cresente Ferrer, and MILF Panel member Datu Abdulla Camlian.
321
The full GPH delegation (GPH Panel, Legal Team, TWG members, observers from GPH, and OPAPP
staff) happily pose for a photo during the 32nd Formal Exploratory Talks, after the forging of the
Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro.
(Left photo) The GPH delegation grab a photo opportunity in front of the Philippine Embassy in Kuala
Lumpur; (Right photo) GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen poses with Philippine Ambassador to
Malaysia Eduardo Malaya and Philippine Embassy staff.
322
GETTING TO PEACE
President Benigno S. Aquino III and MILF Chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim deliver their speeches during
the signing ceremony of the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro in Heroes Hall, Malacaan
Palace, on 15 October 2012.
MILF Chair Murad Ebrahim, Malaysian Prime Minister Dato Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak, President
Benigno S. Aquino III, and Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles applaud as MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal
and GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen sign the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro, as
witnessed by Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed.
323
The GPH and MILF TWGs on Normalization: MILF Panel Secretariat member Juckra Abdulmalik; MILF
TWG: Said Shiek, Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo, and Gaafar Deamaoden; GPH TWG from middle: NSC Deputy
Dir. Gen. Usec. Zenonida Brosas, OPAPP Asec. Jennifer Apple Oreta, MGen. Leo Cresente Ferrer,
OPAPP Exec. Dir. Usec. Luisito Montalbo, and note-taker Prisci Val Bulanhagui.
MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal and GPH Panel

Chair Dean Marvic Leonen smile for a photo during
the 33rd Formal Exploratory Talks. This is the
last formal meeting that was attended by Dean
Leonen as Chair, before his appointment to the
Supreme Court.
The GPH and MILF TWGs on Wealth Sharing.

Top row from left: MILF TWG members Archie
Buaya, Dr. Benjamin Domato, Prof. Ali Ayug,
and DENR Asec. Anselmo Abungan of the GPH
TWG; bottom row from left: GPH TWG members
Trinidad Rodriguez of DOF and NEDA XI Reg. Dir.
Maria Lourdes Lim, Atty. Armi Beatriz Bayot,
and MILF TWG member Atty. Raissa Jajurie.
324
GETTING TO PEACE
MILF and GPH TWGs on Power Sharing during the 34th Formal Exploratory Talks. From left to right:
Ustadz Anuas Serad, Maguid Makalingkang, Esmael Pasigan, Vice Mayor Ramon Piang Sr., Dr. Habib
Macaayong, Usec. Jose Lorena, Usec. Jose Luis Martin Gascon, and Sittie Amirah Pendatun.
Members of the TWG on Normalization in a discussion during a break in the session. Clockwise from
left: OPAPP Executive Director Usec. Luisito Montalbo, OPAPP Asec. Jennifer Apple Oreta, thenLtGen. Emmanuel Bautista, NSC Deputy Director-General Usec. Zenonida Brosas, Atty. Jesus Doque
IV, and Col. Francisco Ariel Felicidario.
325
The GPH delegation discuss contentious issues in a caucus after the days session.
President Benigno S. Aquino III and MILF Chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim chat during the launch of the
Sajahatra Bangsamoro at the BLMI on 12 February 2013.
326
GETTING TO PEACE
President Benigno S. Aquino III delivers his speech during the launch of the Sajahatra Bangsamoro
at the Bangsamoro Leadership and Management Institute on 12 February 2013.
Clockwise from top left: Usec. Luisito Montalbo

(middle) poses with Engr. Mohajirin Ali and Mr.
Mike Pasigan of the MILF Panel Secretariat;
Sec. Mehol Sadain, Sec. Senen Bacani, and Datu
Antonio Kinoc engage in a light conversation; and
peace panel chairs Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer and
Mohagher Iqbal sit together for lunch.
327
ARMM governors and OPAPP executives attend the BTC Ceremonial Opening on 3 April 2013. From
left: Comm. Raissa Jajurie, Comm. Peter Eisma, Comm. Akmad Sakkam, Basilan Gov. Jum Akbar, Sec.
Teresita Quintos-Deles, Lanao del Sur Gov. Mamintal Alonto-Adiong, Sulu Gov. Sakur Tan, Comm.
Johaira Wahab, Comm. Asani Tammang, OPAPP Usec. Jose Lorena, and GPH Panel member Usec.
Yasmin Busran-Lao.
Members of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission sit down for their first en banc meeting.
328
GETTING TO PEACE
The members of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission. Fom top left: Ms. Froilyn Mendoza, Ms.
Fatmawati Salapuddin, Atty. Johaira Wahab, Mr. Pedrito Eisma, Mr. Said Shiek, Timuay Melanio
Ulama, Atty. Raissa Jajurie, Mr. Hussein Muoz, Prof. Talib Abdulhamid Benito, Atty. Asani Tammang,
former Ambassador Akmad Sakkam, Mr. Mohagher Iqbal, Mr. Maulana Alonto, Mr. Ibrahim Ali, and
Mr. Abdulla Camlian.
Members of the International Contact Group. From left: Herizal Hazri of The Asia Foundation, Ali
Saleem of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, author Teresa Whitfield, Emma Leslie of Conciliation
Resources, Dr. Steven Rood of The Asian Foundation, Thomas Phipps of the British Embassy in the
Philippines, Hirotaka Ono of the Japanese Embassy in the Philippines, and Kristian Herbolzheimer of
Conciliation Resources.
329
MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal in a discussion with Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo (left) and MILF Panel
member Maulana Alonto (right).
The GPH delegation in a celebratory mood after a days hard work at a dinner hosted by the Philippine
Embassy in Kuala Lumpur.
330
GETTING TO PEACE
North Cotabato 1st District Rep. Jesus Sacdalan

in a conversation with MILF consultant and TWG
on Power Sharing member Atty. Ishak Mastura.
The GPH Panel with its Legal Team and

Secretariat Head at the lobby of the Palace
of the Golden Horses during the 38th Formal
Exploratory Talks. From left: Dir. Iona Gracia
Jalijali, Atty. Anna Tarhata Basman, Sec. Mehol
Sadain, Sec. Senen Bacani, Prof. Miriam Coronel
Ferrer, Usec. Yasmin Busran Lao, Usec. Chito
Gascon, and Atty. Armi Beatriz Bayot.
ICG member Mr. Kristian Herbolzheimer of

Conciliation Resources in a discussion with
alternate GPH Panel member Usec. Chito Gascon.
On the last day of the

38th Formal Exploratory
Talks, only women
members of the GPH
delegation remained,
notably (from left) Dir.
Iona Gracia Jalijali, Atty.
Armi Beatriz Bayot,
GPH Panel Chair Prof.
Miriam Coronel Ferrer,
Usec. Yasmin BusranLao, and OPAPP Sec.
Teresita QuintosDeles (not in photo).
The Annex on Revenue
Generation and Wealth
Sharing was concluded
almost midnight that
day.
331
The Third Party Monitoring Team held its first organizational meeting during the 38th Formal
Exploratory Talks. From left: Ms. Karen Taada of Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute, Dr. Steven
Rood of The Asia Foundation, TPMT Chair former European Ambassador to the Philippines Alistair
MacDonald, Atty. Zainuddin Malang of Mindanao Human Rights Action Center, and mer Kesmen of
The Foundation for Human Rights and Freedom and Humanitarian Relief or HH.
The MILF Peace Panel sits with legislators and members of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission
who served as observers during the 39th Formal Exploratory Talks. These were Cagayan de Oro 2nd
District Rep. Rufus Rodriguez, Lanao del Sur 2nd District Rep. Pangalian Balindong, North Cotabato
1st District Rep. Jesus Sacdalan, Comm. Johaira Wahab, Comm. Talib Abdulhamid Benito, Comm.
Peter Eisma, and Comm. Froilyn Mendoza.
332
GETTING TO PEACE
Members of the MILF delegation pose with Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Sec. Teresita
Quintos-Deles (center). From left: Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo, Gaafar Deamaoden, Sammy Al Mansor;
fifth from left: Bangsamoro Transition Commissioner Ibrahim Ali, MILF Panel member Datu Antonio
Kinoc, and Ustadz Zainudin Bato).
Left to right: Abu Ubaida Pacasem, Edwin Lacierda, Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer, Sec. Teresita QunitosDeles, Ibrahim Ali, Ustadz Khalifa Nandu, and Ustadz Zainudin Bato.
333
Members of the Independent Commission on Policing were convened for the first time, with the GPH
Panel, on 21 October 2013 in Manila. Left: MILF nominees PCSupt. Amerodin Hamdag (Ret) and Mr.
Von Al Haq, and Mr. Hirotaka Ono of the Embassy of Japan in Manila who attended for the meantime;
Right: GPH nominee PDir. Lina Sarmiento.
BTC Commissioner Atty. Johaira Wahab talks with

Ifugao Lone District Rep. Teddy Brawner Baguilat
during a break in the Formal Exploratory Talks.
Tuan Hajji Datu Hussayin Arpa of the Philippine

Council for Sama and Bajau poses with DND
Asec. Danilo Augusto Francia, who are both
observers during the 43rd Formal Exploratory
Talks.
MILF Peace Panel member Datu Antonio Kinoc sits

with ICG member Prof. Alberto Quattrucci of the
Community of SantEgidio and Professor Octavio
Dinampo of Tulung Lupah Sug, Inc., who was invited
as an observer in this round.
334
GETTING TO PEACE
The GPH and MILF Peace Panel Chairs exchange documents after the signing of the Annex on
Normalization and the Addendum on Bangsamoro Waters and Zones of Joint Cooperation, the
final documents that make up the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro. The event was
witnessed by the GPH and MILF delegations, as well as media. (From left: Usec. Chito Gascon, Usec.
Zenonida Brosas, Usec. Yasmin Busran-Lao, Sec. Senen Bacani, Maguindanao 2nd District Rep.
Zajid Mangudadatu, GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer, Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles, North
Cotabato 1st District Rep. Jesus Sacdalan, Malaysian Facilitator Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku
Mohamed, MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal, Sen. Teofisto TG Guingona III, Datu Antonio Kinoc,
Sen. Aquilino Koko Pimentel III, Prof. Abhoud Syed Linga, Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo, and BTC Comm.
Ibrahim Ali.
The GPH and MILF Peace Panels with their respective legal teams pose with the Malaysian Facilitator,
the ICG, and the observers at a joyous close of the 43rd Formal Exploratory Talks.
335
Women of the GPH delegation during the 43rd

Formal Exploratory Talks. From left: GPH Legal
Team member Atty. Armi Beatriz Bayot, GPH
Panel member Usec. Yasmin Busran-Lao, OPAPP
Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles, GPH Panel Chair
Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer, GPH Legal Team Head
Atty. Anna Tarhata Basman, OPAPP Asec. Rosalie
Romero, and OPAPP Communications Group Head
Dir. Polly Cunanan.
Members of the MILF delegation (Chair Mohagher

Iqbal, alternate member Abdulla Camlian, MILF
TWG on Normalization member Atty. Naguib
Sinarimbo, and Panel member Prof. Abhoud Syed
Lingga) and observer Prof. Octavio Dinampo
converse with Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles during
the 43rd Formal Exploratory Talks.
The GPH delegation flash the peace sign at the end of the 43rd Formal Exploratory Talks.
336
GETTING TO PEACE
MILF Chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim and OPAPP Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles shake hands in front of
Malaysian Prime Minister Dato Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak and President Benigno S. Aquino III.
GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer holds

the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro
(CAB).
An MILF member captures the historic

moment of the signing of the CAB with his
cellphone as MILF Chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim
delivers his speech.
337
President Benigno S. Aquino delivers his speech during the ceremony held for the signing of the CAB.
MILF Panel Chair

Mohagher Iqbal and GPH
Panel Chair Miriam Coronel
Ferrer with Malaysian
Facilitator Datu Tengku Ab
Ghafar Tengku Mohamed
sign and exchange copies
of the Comprehensive
Agreement on the
Bangsamoro (CAB) on
27 March 2014 at the
Malacaan Palace, as
witnessed by (from center
left) MILF Chair Al Haj
Murad Ebrahim, Malaysian
Prime Minister Dato Sri
Mohd Najib Tun Abdul
Razak, President Benigno
S. Aquino III, and Sec.
Teresita Quintos-Deles,
alongside MILF Panel
members Datu Antonio
Kinoc, Prof. Abhoud Syed
Linga, and Maulana Alonto,
and GPH Panel members
Sec. Senen Bacani, Usec.
Yasmin Busran-Lao, and
alternate members Usec.
Chito Gascon and Usec.
Zenonida Brosas.
338
GETTING TO PEACE
Members of the Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Commission with the GPH and MILF Panels
during the GPH-MILF Special Meeting held on 2729 September 2014 in Kuala Lumpur. From left:
TJRC adviser Jonathan Sisson, MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal, TJRC MILF representative Atty. Ishak
Mastura, TJRC Chair Mo Bleeker, TJRC GPH representative Atty. Cecilia Jimenez, GPH Panel Chair
Miriam Coronel Ferrer, and GPH Panel member Sec. Senen Bacani.
The Panel Chairs pose with members of the JNC and the foreign experts of the IDB during the
September 2014 special meeting. From left: JNC-GPH Secretariat Head Dir. Susana Guadalupe
Marcaida, MILF Panel Chair Mohagher Iqbal, IDB Brunei nominee Maj. Muhammad Aiman Syazwi bin
Haji Abdul Rahim, IDB Chair and Turkey nominee Amb. Haydar Berk, JNC Co-Chairs Usec. Zenonida
Brosas and Muhammad Nasif, JNC members Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo and MGen. Leo Cresente Ferrer
(Ret), IDB Norway nominee Jan Erik Wilhelmsen, GPH Panel Chair Miriam Coronel Ferrer, and JNCMILF Secretariat Head Rasid Ladiasan.
Appendices
List of GPH Panel Members

19961997
Gen. Fortunato U. Abat
Chair
LtGen. Orlando Soriano
Rep. Anthony Dequia
Didagen Dilangalen
Simeon Datumanong
19972000
LtGen. Orlando Soriano
Chair
Rep. Anthony Dequia
Didagen Dilangalen
Simeon Datumanong
LtGen. Edgardo Batenga Jr.
20002001
LtGen. Edgardo Batenga Jr.
Chair
Rep. Anthony Dequia
Rep. Didagen Dilangalen
Dr.Emily Marohombsar
Santos Gabison
341
342
GETTING TO PEACE
20012003
Atty. Jesus Dureza
Chair
Vice-Gov. Mahid Mutilan
Mayor Muslimin Sema
Dr. Emily Marohombsar
Irene Santiago
*Sec. Simeon Datumanong (designated Co-Chair)
Gov. Datu Pakung Mangudadatu (designated 15 April 2003)
Usec. Zamzamin Ampatuan
2003 (9 May21 October)
Sec. Eduardo Ermita
Acting Chair
Gov. Datu Pakung Mangudadatu (resigned)
Dr. Emily Marohombsar
Irene Santiago
Mayor Muslimin Sema (resigned)
20032004 (22 October 2003May 2004)
Sec. Silvestre Afable, Jr.
Chair
Irene Santiago (resigned mid-May 2004)
Usec. Zamzamin Ampatuan (resigned 25 May 2004)
Dr. Emily Marohombsar (resigned 28 May 2004)
Saeed Daof (appointed 21 January 2004; resigned 17 February 2004)
Prof. Rudy Rodil
List of GPH and MILF Panel Members
20042007 (May 200414 June 2007)

Sec. Silvestre Afable Jr.
Chair
LtGen. Rodolfo Garcia
Prof. Rudy Rodil
Gov. Datu Pakung Mangudadatu
Sylvia Okinlay-Paraguya
2007 (2126 June)
Prof. Rudy Rodil
Acting Chair
Usec. Rodolfo Garcia
Gov. Datu Pakung Mangudadatu
Ms. Sylvia Okinlay-Paraguya
20072008 (27 June 20073 September 2008)
Sec. Rodolfo Garcia
Chair
Sec. Nasser Pangandaman
Prof. Rudy Rodil
Sylvia Okinlay-Paraguya
Gov. Datu Pakung Mangudadatu (ipso facto resigned)
Asst. Chief State Prosecutor Leah Armamento (alternate)
343
344
GETTING TO PEACE
20082010
Usec. Rafael Seguis Jr.
Chair
Sec. Nasser Pangandaman
Rep. Ronald Adamat
Dr. Grace Rebollos
Atty. Antonio La Vina
Mayor Adelbert Antonino (resigned 18 December 2009)
Atty. Tomas Cabili Jr. (resigned 8 February 2010)
20102012
Dean Marvic MVF Leonen
Chair
Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer
Sec. Senen Bacani
Vice-Mayor Ramon Piang Jr.
20122013
Chair
Sec. Senen Bacani
Usec. Yasmin Busran-Lao
Dr. Hamid Barra (resigned)
Vice-Mayor Ramon Piang Jr. (resigned)
2013 (Present)
Chair
Sec. Senen Bacani
Sec. Mehol Sadain
Usec. Yasmin Busran-Lao
Usec. Jose Luis Martin Gascon (alternate)
Usec. Zenonida Brosas (alternate)
MILF Panel Members

19961997
Ghazali Jaafar
Chair
Mohagher Iqbal
Sammy Al Mansour
Sani Gafar
Omar Hasan
19972001
Aleem Abdulaziz Mimbantas
Chair
Mohagher Iqbal
Ghazali Jaafar
Omar Hassan
Sammy Al-Mansour
20012003
Al Haj Murad Ebrahim
Chair
20042010
Mohagher Iqbal
Chair
Atty. Musib Buat
Datu Michael Mastura
Atty. Lanang Ali Sr.
Maulana Alonto
345
346
GETTING TO PEACE
20102015 (Present)
Mohagher Iqbal
Chair
Michael Mastura
Abhoud Syed Linga
Maulana Alonto
Abdulla Camlian (alternate)
Antonio Kinoc (alternate)
Atty. Michael Mastura
Atty. Alan Flores
Dr. Ahmad D. Alonto Jr.
Atty. Lanang Ali Sr.
List of GPH Technical Working Group

Members
19971998
GRP TECHNICAL COMMITTEE
Asec. Jovenal Lazaga
Chair
Alma Evangelista
LtGen. Eduardo Batenga
Joselin Nazareno
Angelo Reyes
Zenonida Brosas
Manuel Ibaes
Santos Gabison
Jose Maria Bautista
19982001
GRP TECHNICAL COMMITTEE
Alma Evangelista
Chair
Joselin Nazareno
Eduardo Batenga
Zenonida Brosas
J. Percival Adiong
Manuel Corrales
Manuel Ibanes
Delfin Lorenzana
Victor Corpuz
Santos Gabison
347
348
GETTING TO PEACE
20122014
TECHNICAL WORKING GROUPS (TWGS)
GPH TWG on Wealth Sharing
Reg. Dir. Maria Lourdes Lim
Chair
Asec. Anselmo Abungan
Trinidad Rodriguez
GPH TWG on Power Sharing
Mayor Ramon Piang Jr.
Chair
Usec. Jose Luis Martin Gascon
Usec. Jose Lorena
GPH TWG on Normalization
Usec. Zenonida Brosas
Chair
MGen. Leo Cresente Ferrer
Atty. Jesus Doque IV
Usec. Luisito Montalbo (alternate)
Asec. Jennifer Oreta (alternate)
List of MILF Technical Working Group

Members
19972001
MILF TECHNICAL COMMITTEE
Moner Bajunaid
Chair
Lanang Ali Sr.
Usman Mankabong
Elias Macarandas
Jaapal Ujajan
Jaime Casinto Sr.
Ignacio Ikling
Omar Umpar
Saifodin Tomawis
20012004
MILF TECHNICAL COMMITTEE
Musib Buat
Chair
Dingan Ali
Alan Flores
Lanang Ali Sr.
Roger Adamat
Jaime Casinto Sr.
Kadil Abdullah
Ali Laguindab
Safrula Dipatuan
Bobby Alonto
349
350
GETTING TO PEACE
20122014
TECHNICAL WORKING GROUPS (TWGS)
MILF TWG on Wealth Sharing
Dr. Benjamin Dumato
Chair
Archie Buaya
Raissa Jajurie
Alih Aiyub
MILF TWG on Power Sharing
Dr. Habib Macaayong
Chair
Omar Makalingkang
Esmael Pasigan
Ishak Mastura
MILF TWG on Normalization
Muhammad Nasif
Chair
Said Shiek
Naguib Sinarimbo
Juckra Abdulmalik
List of GPH Panel Secretariat Members

19971998
Oswaldo Villanueva
Chair
Alexander Umpar
19982000
Maj. Aldred Limoso
Alexander Umpar
20002001
Dir. Grace Gorgonia
Head
Alan Ragpala
Alexander Umpar
20012003
EDir. Diosita Andot
Head
Alexander Umpar
Raymundo De Guzman
20032010
Dir. Ryan Mark Sullivan
Head
Jennie Claire Laruan
Emilia Zozobrado
351
352
GETTING TO PEACE
20102015 (Present)
Iona Gracia Jalijali
Head
Atty. Johaira Wahab (resigned 2012)
Atty. Armi Beatriz Bayot
Atty. Anna Tarhata Basman
20102013
Head
Legal Team:
Atty Johaira Wahab
Head
Atty. Omar Romero (resigned 2011)
20132015
Head
Legal Team:
Atty. Anna Tarhata Basman
Head
Atty. Jesus Doque IV
Atty. Al-Amin Julkipli (beginning April 2014)
Atty. Amirah Pendatun (beginning February 2015)
List of MILF Panel Secretariat Members

19972004
Jun Mantawil
Head
Larry Meling
Mike Pasigan
Akmad Mama
20042015 (Present)
Jun Mantawil
Head
Mike Pasigan
Mohajirin Ali
353
List of International Contact Group

Members
STATE-MEMBERS:
United Kingdom
H.E. Boyd McCleary
British High Commissioner in Malaysia
Mr. James Paver
First Secretary, British High Commission in Malaysia
Mr. Chris Wright
Political Officer, British High Commission in Malaysia
His Excellency Asif Ahmad
Ambassador, British Embassy in the Philippines
Nikesh Mehta
Counsellor, British High Commission in Malaysia
Mr. Thomas Phipps
Second Secretary, British Embassy in the Philippines
Turkey
Mr. Yasin Temizkan
Charg dAffaires, Turkish Embassy in Malaysia
Ms. Eylem Altunya
Political Counsellor, Turkish Embassy in Malaysia
Mr. Ahmet Do an
Deputy Head of Mission, Turkish Embassy in Malaysia
354
List of International Contact Group Members
355
Japan
Mr. Hitoshi Ozawa
Minister, Embassy of Japan in the Philippines
Mr. Keizo Takewaka
Deputy Chief of Mission, Embassy of Japan in the Philippines
Mr. Naoki Hikota
Counsellor, Embassy of Japan in Malaysia
Mr. Hirotaka Ono
First Secretary, Embassy of Japan in the Philippines
Mr. Yudai Ueno
First Secretary, Embassy of Japan in the Philippines
Saudi Arabia
Mr. Moharib Ibrahim Al-Moharib
First Secretary, Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia in Malaysia
INTERNATIONAL NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS:
The Asia Foundation
Dr. Steven Rood
Country Representative for the Philippines and Pacific Island Nations
Mr. Herizal Hazri
Program Director for Malaysia
Mr. David Gorman
Mediation Adviser
Mr. Ali Saleem
Senior Programme Manager
356
GETTING TO PEACE
Conciliation Resources
Mr. Kristian Herbolzheimer
Director of the Philippines and Colombia Programmes
Ms. Emma Leslie
Philippines Programme Associate
Muhammadiyah
Dr. Din Syamsuddin
Chairman
Dr. Sudibyo Markus
Vice Chairperson
Community of SantEgidio
Roberto Pietrolucci
Member
Prof. Alberto Quattrucci
Secretary General
List of Malaysian Facilitators

20012004
Datuk Zakaria Abdulhamid
Facilitator
20042010
Datuk Othman bin Abd Razak
Facilitator
2010
Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar Tengku Mohamed
Facilitator
357
Index
A
Abat, Fortunato, 200, 341
Abraham, 286
Abu Sayyaf, 219, 285, 300-01
Abungan, Anselmo, 117, 148, 348
Addendum on Bangsamoro Waters and
Zones of Joint Cooperation, 247,
290, 295, 311
Ad Hoc Joint Action Group (AHJAG),
7-9, 41, 61-62, 65, 197, 213, 252,
255, 294-95, 301, 306
Afable, Silvestre, 74, 88, 91, 342, 343
Agreement for General Cessation of
Hostilities, 116, 305; ceasefire
agreement(s), 44-45, 116, 295
Aguilar, Restituto, 7
Al Haq, Von, 116, 205
Al-Barka, 40-45
all-out war, 40, 45, 200, 306
Alonto, Maulana, 105, 115, 157, 188,
205, 207, 217, 276, 297, 345-46,
349
ancestral domain, 158
Animbang, Mohiddin, 127
Annex on Normalization, 178-79, 19899, 201, 229-30, 235-36, 247, 286,
290, 295, 311
Annex on Power Sharing, 147, 152, 160,
162, 178-79, 187-88, 198-99, 20102, 207, 221, 230-31, 235-36, 238,
242, 247, 263, 285, 289, 295, 311
Annex on Revenue Generation and

Wealth Sharing, 160-61, 179, 18687, 189-90, 196-99, 230, 235, 242,
289, 295, 310
Annex on Transitional Arrangements
and Modalities, 168, 230, 235, 289,
295, 310
Aquino, Benigno Ninoy, 110
Aquino, Benigno III, 5-7, 10, 20, 27-28,
32, 40, 46, 52, 60, 65, 90, 92, 109,
120, 124, 126, 132, 135, 145, 152,
166-67, 169-70, 188, 230, 235, 257,
273, 281, 284, 297, 308
Aquino, Corazon, 218, 235
Aquino, Kris, 145-146
Arendt, Hannah, 197
Asia Foundation, The, 11, 80, 146, 153,
165, 184, 195-96, 355
Assembly of the Ulama, 33-34
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao
(ARMM), 6-7, 49, 54-55, 59-61, 71,
74, 80-81, 90-91, 94, 96, 105, 132,
135, 160-161, 189, 207-09, 219,
230-31, 242-43, 282
ARMM Organic Act, 55, 299
ARMM Regional Assembly, 207, 282
autonomy, 31, 44, 50, 53-54, 56, 59,
69, 81, 83, 86-87, 98-99, 106, 110,
147-48, 158, 161, 184, 189, 196,
231, 242-43, 264, 275, 289, 296,
298; fiscal, 148, 158, 161, 189, 231,
269, 275
359
360
GETTING TO PEACE
B
Baguilat, Teddy Brawner Jr., 218, 243
Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), 152, 167,
170-71, 179, 201, 209, 218-19,
224-25, 231, 236-37, 247-48, 265,
270-72, 275, 290, 299, 309
Bangsamoro identity, 80, 84, 91, 97,
157, 230
Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters
(BIFF), 9, 11, 18-19, 22, 115-116,
119, 126-27, 134-35, 196, 206, 219,
256, 285, 290, 292-93
Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Movement
(BIFM), 115, 126, 134
Bangsamoro Leadership and Management
Institute (BLMI), 8, 29, 166, 169,
213, 309
Bangsamoro Peoples Assembly, 106
Bangsamoro problem, 7, 16, 54, 179
Bangsamoro question, 51, 84, 116, 179,
202, 211-212, 222, 224, 235, 296
(BTC), 151-52, 166-68, 170, 179,
195, 198, 200-01, 213, 217, 219,
222, 224, 232, 237, 247, 264-66,
269-70, 272, 274, 276, 282, 290,
299, 309, 310
Bangsamoro waters, 231, 247, 290. See also
Addendum on Bangsamoro Waters
and Zones of Joint Cooperation
Barra, Hamid, 6, 49-50, 108, 139, 146,
344
Basilan, 40, 44-45, 171, 243, 248, 260,
270, 290, 300, 301, 302, 308
Basman, Anna Tarhata, 175, 229, 352
Batenga, Edgardo, 200, 341, 347
Bautista, Emmanuel, 147
Biazon, Rodolfo, 217-18, 270

Brosas, Zenonida, 139, 148, 175, 199,
205, 208, 241, 296, 344, 347
Brunei, 8, 86
bughaat, 33-34
Busran-Lao, Yasmin, 39, 49-50, 108, 117,
146, 175, 205, 208, 217, 296, 344
C
Cabaya, Loreto Jr., 45-46
Cabinet cluster(s), 15, 79, 81
Cagayan de Oro City, 21, 195-96, 219,
279, 290
Camp Darapanan, 12, 45, 87-88, 100,
105-06, 108-09, 169, 187, 230,
237, 310
Catholic, 20, 75-76, 276; Catholic
Church, 75
ceasefire, 7, 19, 22, 44-45, 52, 101, 116,
166, 220, 235, 270, 277-78, 294. See
also Agreement for General Cessation
of Hostilities
ceasefire mechanism(s), 7, 9, 30, 41, 11516, 260, 292, 301
(CHD), 11, 92, 146, 153, 165, 185,
187-88, 195, 217, 229, 241, 355
Charter of Paris, 89
China, 86
Commission on Elections, 146
Commander Topsider, 61
Commonwealth, 54, 56
Community of SantEgidio, 11, 75, 196,
217, 229, 241, 356
Comprehensive Agreement on the
Bangsamoro (CAB), 242, 247, 29596, 299, 311
Index
361
comprehensive agreement, 132, 140,

158-59, 166, 176, 184, 196, 233-34,
274, 284-85, 297; comprehensive
compact, 8, 10, 12, 16-18, 20, 2223, 28, 31, 33, 35, 44-45, 50, 53, 63,
73, 82, 85, 88, 91, 101, 111, 308;
comprehensive peace agreement, 43,
99, 178, 190, 201-02, 211-12, 222,
236, 246-47. See also Comprehensive
Agreement on the Bangsamoro
(CAB)
Conciliation Resources, 11, 75, 92, 153,
165, 217, 229, 237, 241, 356
Congress, 17, 152, 167, 195, 208-09,
218-19, 231, 238, 247, 265, 266,
275, 290, 299. See also House of
Representatives
Constitution, 7, 55, 79, 81, 101, 117,
157, 179, 189, 222, 237, 281, 299
Coordinating Committee on the
Cessation of Hostilities (CCCH),
7, 42, 44, 52, 61, 115-16, 147, 166,
175, 179, 200, 213, 255-6, 260, 277,
285, 276-77, 294, 305; ceasefire
committee(s), 106, 197, 205
Corona, Renato, 52
Civil society, 6, 16, 49-50, 60, 80, 229,
242, 254; civil society groups/
organizations (CSOs), 20, 43, 183,
190, 195-96, 224, 238, 241
Defensor-Santiago, Miriam, 299

delos Reyes, Noel, 147
democracy, 40, 69-70, 83, 97, 99, 131,
140, 283; Democracy and DeeplyRooted Conflict, 274
Department of Environment and Natural
Resources (DENR), 117, 148
Department of Interior and Local
Government (DILG), 123-24, 126,
139, 205
Disangcopan, Abdel, 6
Department of Justice (DOJ), 139, 175,
270
Doque, Jesus IV, 139, 205, 348, 352
Declaration of Continuity, 8-9, 87, 89,
91, 295, 308
Dacanay, Susan, 139

decommissioning, 141, 149, 158, 178,
198, 236, 242
Decision Points on Principles, 54, 91, 96,
101, 160, 186, 230, 308
FASTRAC, 237, 310

Ferrer, Leo Cresente, 105, 139, 148, 175,
205, 348
Ferrer, Miriam Coronel, 6, 108, 117, 142,
145, 151, 157, 165, 175, 183, 187-
E
Ebrahim, Al Haj Murad, 28, 29, 32,
34-35, 88, 90, 132, 142, 145-46,
166, 187, 230, 257-58, 297, 307310, 345
Eidl Adha, 286
Eidl Fitr, 34, 197
El-Masry, Kassem, 100
EO No. 120, 152, 309
equal protection, 157
Estrada, Joseph, 45, 200, 235, 305, 306
European Union (EU), 8, 132, 184, 232
Exit Agreement, 198, 246
362
GETTING TO PEACE
88, 195, 201, 205, 217, 229, 232,

241, 252, 262-63, 265, 274, 277,
279, 281, 284, 286, 292, 294-95,
299-02, 309, 344
Ferrer, Raymundo, 260
Final Peace Agreement, GRP-MNLF, 17,
18, 55, 207-08, 211, 222, 282
Formal Exploratory Talks, 5-6, 10, 82,
96-97, 116, 119, 175, 206, 218, 242,
245, 252, 281, 293, 308-11
Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro
(FAB), 132, 139-42, 146, 151-52,
158, 160, 165, 167-71, 176, 179,
184, 186, 189-90, 195, 208, 211,
222, 224, 230, 233-35, 242, 248,
263-65, 270, 274-75, 282, 286, 289,
295, 309; framework agreement, 88,
119, 124, 128
G
Garcia, Rodolfo, 74, 88, 171, 343
Gascon, Jose Luis Martin Chito, 117,
147, 175, 199, 205, 208, 217, 241,
296, 344, 348
Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute
(GZOPI), 184-85
Geneva Call, 151
Government of the Philippines (GPH),
5-6, 8-9, 16-18, 20-23, 29, 31-32,
34-35, 41, 44-45, 49-50, 52-56, 61,
63, 65, 73-74, 76, 79-82, 85, 87,
91, 95-96, 100-02, 116-17, 119-20,
126, 132, 139, 141-42, 147-48, 151,
153, 165-67, 171, 175-79, 185, 18788, 190, 195, 200, 205-06, 211, 213,
218-20, 230, 232, 234, 242, 248,
252, 254-55, 257-58, 263-66, 270,
273-74, 276-77, 281, 285, 287-88,

290-92, 294, 296-97, 300, 305, 308309, 311. See also government peace
panel; Government of the Republic
of the Philippines (GRP)
Government of the Republic of the
Philippines (GRP), 5, 8, 87, 211-12,
214, 222-23, 282, 305, 306, 347.
See also government peace panel;
Government of the Philippines
(GPH)
GPH Peace Panel, 5-8, 10, 15-17, 20,
23, 41, 44, 49-50, 79-80, 88, 95-96,
105, 108, 117, 139, 142, 145-47,
151, 165, 171, 175-76, 183, 185,
188, 200, 205, 209, 217-19, 23233, 241-42, 252-54, 258, 265-66,
277, 279, 281-82, 286-87, 291,
294, 296, 308-09; GPNP, 7. See
also Government of the Philippines
(GPH); Government of the Republic
of the Philippines (GRP)
GSIS, 209
Guingona, Teofisto TG, 95, 243, 270
H
Haiyan, 288
hajj, 217-18, 229, 231, 243, 286
Hashim, Salamat, 100, 119, 307
Helsinki Final Act, 89
House of Representatives, 15, 80, 95-96,
218, 242, 272; Lower House, 195.
See also Congress
House Special Committee on Peace,
Unification, and Reconciliation, 195
human rights, 89, 275, 288
Index
363
I
improvised explosive devices (IEDs), 31,
196, 206, 293
imperial Manila, 46
Independent Commission on
Decommissioning Body, 198, 295,
311
Independent Commission on Policing,
142, 168, 198, 209, 232, 237, 295,
310-11
indigenous peoples (IPs), 16, 30, 49,
109, 141, 157, 198, 233, 244, 254,
276, 282
Indonesia, 8, 86, 132, 207, 297
International Monitoring Team (IMT),
8, 42, 44, 52-53, 64-65, 197, 213,
252, 294-95, 307
Iqbal, Mohagher, 5, 7, 8, 10, 20, 32, 39,
43, 52, 59, 63, 69, 73, 85, 100, 105,
108, 115, 118, 123, 126, 131, 134,
139, 141, 145, 151, 157, 160, 165,
167, 169, 177, 183, 187-88, 195,
199, 205, 211, 217, 222, 229, 23435, 241, 246, 252, 269, 270, 275-76,
297, 307, 345-46
Islamic Sudan, 23
J
Jaafar, Ghazali, 45, 116, 345
Jajurie, Raissa, 39, 105, 217, 276, 350
Jalijali, Iona Gracia, 6, 175, 252, 352
Jalosjos, Rommel, 44-45, 52
Japan, 8, 11, 27-28, 32, 34-35, 90, 100,
105, 132, 146, 153, 165, 169, 195,
209, 217, 229, 241, 258, 308
JICA, 237
Joint Normalization Committee, 142,

198, 295, 311
Jumoad, Martin, 171
K
Karialen, Kagi, 127
Kasnah, Che, 32, 146, 153, 183, 195,
205, 217, 230
kidnapping, 31, 300-01
Kiram, Sultan Jamalul III, 287
Kuala Lumpur, 15, 32, 39, 43, 49, 85,
100-01, 119, 134, 145-46, 162,
183, 196, 199, 209, 222, 236, 252,
307-08
L
Leonen, Marvic, 5, 10, 15, 27, 32, 35,
39, 49, 59, 69, 79, 91, 95, 105, 108,
115, 123, 131, 139, 142, 146, 151,
186, 190, 232-33, 251-55, 257, 25960, 281, 309, 344
local government unit (LGU), 80, 157;
local government(s), 49, 83, 85,
108, 198
Liberal Party, 15
Lim, Ma. Lourdes, 117, 148, 348
livelihood, 98, 166, 176, 282
Lorena, Jose, 117, 147, 150, 348
lumad, 30, 291
M
Macapagal-Arroyo, Gloria, 52, 85, 100,
235, 306
MacDonald, Alistair, 184, 232
Madrid, 75-76, 217-18
Makati Business Club, 16
364
Malacaan, 92, 132, 146-47, 152, 166,

169, 197, 230, 295, 309, 311
Malang, Zainuddin, 184-85
Malaya, Eduardo, 147
Malaysia, 8, 49, 59, 86, 105, 111, 123,
147, 171, 180, 195, 230, 251, 273,
306-07, 354-55
Malik, Ustadz Khabir/Habier, 206
Manjique, Angelina Suhen Chew, 255-56
Marcos, Ferdinand, 236
Marines, 218
Martial Law, 236
Mastura, Datu Michael, 76, 105, 115,
123, 252, 297, 345-46
matuwid na daan, 73, 85, 95
Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral
Domain (MOA-AD), 11, 21, 33,
35, 45, 88, 91, 100, 126, 171, 243,
280-81, 295, 307
Memorandum of Instructions, 7, 79, 281
Mimbantas, Aleem Abdulaziz, 95-96,
100, 199, 345
Mindanao Peace Weavers, 185
Mindanao Peoples Caucus, 16, 243
Mindanao Solidarity Network, 184-85
Misuari, Nur, 64, 206, 211-12, 280-82,
285, 290
Mohamed, Tengku Dato Ab Ghafar
Tengku, 32, 39, 59, 92, 105, 115,
123, 131, 145, 153, 157, 165, 183,
187-88, 195, 205, 217, 229, 232,
241-42, 297, 357
Montalbo, Luisito, 139, 148, 166, 175,
348
Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF),
5-7, 16, 27-28, 33-34, 39, 40-41,
43, 60, 69, 79, 95, 97, 100, 105-06,
116, 123, 131, 165, 211, 242, 251,
254, 257, 260, 263, 265; Central
Committee, 22, 31-35, 45, 87-88,
GETTING TO PEACE
100, 107, 247, 257, 279, 280-81,

284, 286-88, 300, 305
Moro Leaders Assembly, 108
Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF),
7, 18, 55, 102, 243, 280-81
Moro Question, 10, 20, 35, 44, 52-54,
63-64, 73-74, 85-89, 109, 119,
126. See also Bangsamoro Problem,
Bangsamoro Question
Moro-Spanish War, 56, 76
N
National Commission on Muslim
Filipinos, 44, 86, 146-47, 218
National Ulama Council, 49
Nazareno, Jocelyn, 200, 347
NEDA, 117, 148
neocolonialism, 64
new political entity (NPE), 96, 106-07,
119, 127, 132, 135, 157, 166-68,
170, 208, 265-66, 270, 274
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs),
20-21, 43, 105, 165, 185, 205,
217, 229, 241; international
nongovernmental organizations
(INGOs), 106, 135, 146, 165, 205,
229, 238, 355
normalization, 63, 82, 141, 152, 17880, 190, 199, 202, 213-14, 231,
236, 242
North Cotabato, 45, 127, 135, 243,
247, 270; Cotabato (Province), 115,
206, 293
Norway, 8, 185, 187-88
O
Office of the Presidential Adviser on the
Peace Process (OPAPP), 39, 88, 128,
139, 147-48, 166, 175, 188, 232,
270, 282
Index
365
Organisation of Islamic Cooperation

(OIC), 85-86, 92, 96, 100, 109,
132, 212; Organisation of Islamic
Conference (former name), 111
Operation Darkhorse, 293
Oreta, Jennifer, 139, 148, 175, 348
Oslo, 185, 187-88
P
Payao, Zamboanga Sibugay, 44, 52
Philippine Army Special Forces, 40
Philippine Campaign to Ban Landmines
(PCBL), 151
Philippine National Police (PNP), 80,
106, 197, 206, 229, 243, 277, 282,
294
Philippine Navy SWAG, 206
political representation, 157
poverty, 5, 31, 70, 98, 190
Protestants, 20
Q
Quevedo, Orlando, 291
Quezon, Manuel, 85
Quintos-Deles, Teresita Ging, 74, 88,
108, 128, 147, 183, 187-88, 208,
218, 230, 232-33, 242, 270, 282,
297
Quran, 271, 272
R
Ramadan, 11, 34-35, 118-19, 183, 18586, 190
Ramos, Fidel, 45, 235; administration,
200, 305
Razak, Datuk Othman bin Abd, 5, 23,
87-88, 357
reject the rejection, 35
Republic Act No. 9054, 189, 207
Republic Act No. 10153, 60

rido, 30
right to self-determination, 10, 89, 100,
223-24, 273
Roa, Gilberto Jose, 147
Robredo, Jesse, 123-24, 126
Rodil, Rudy, 88, 342-43
Rodriguez, Trinidad, 148, 348
Romero, Omar, 6, 352
Rood, Steven, 105, 108, 175, 184, 19596, 355
S
Sacdalan, Jesus, 195, 224, 243, 270
Sadain, Mehol, 146-47, 205, 218, 296,
344
Sajahatra Bangsamoro, 165-66, 169,
213, 230, 289, 309-10; Terms of
Reference for, 176, 310
Saudi Arabia, 11, 110, 146, 153, 165,
217, 355
Scarborough Shoal, 102
Seguis, Rafael, 8, 74, 344
self-governance, 31, 43, 54, 63, 97, 108,
157, 167, 170, 264, 265. See also
right to self determination
Senate, 15, 80, 95-96, 242, 272
Soriano, Orlando, 200, 341
South China Sea, 86, 102, 111, 120
South Sudan, 23
Spain, 56, 75-76, 217, 269
Sullivan, Ryan Mark, 88, 351
Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao, 12, 29,
45, 87, 100, 105-06, 108, 165-66,
169, 306, 309-10; Sultan Kudarat
(Province), 30, 277
Sultanate of Sulu, 171; heirs of, 170
Supreme Court, 88, 90, 126, 142, 151,
219, 281, 307, 309
Surah Al-Fatihah, 73
366
GETTING TO PEACE
T
TAF-SWS survey, 80
Taiwan, 86
Tambako, Mohammad Ali, 127
Taada, Karen, 184
Technical Working Groups (TWGs),
120, 141, 161, 175, 200, 308-10,
348-350
Teduray, 6, 50, 117, 276
terrorists, 41, 120, 206
The Day We Nearly Lost Mindanao, 200
Third Party Monitoring Team (TPMT),
142, 170, 183-85, 196, 232, 246,
295, 309-10
Transition Investment Support Plan
(TISP), 60
Tripartite Review Process, 207, 208
Tripoli Agreement, 8, 87-89, 91, 190,
295, 306-07
Tropical Storm Crising, 171
Tundok, Wahid, 294
Turkey, 11, 105, 132, 146, 153, 165, 195,
217, 241, 354
Typhoon Yolanda, 288
United Nations, 75, 89, 237, 310

University of the Philippines College of
Law, 6, 309
V
Vienna Declaration, 89
Vietnam, 86
W
Wahab, Johaira. 6, 139, 200, 276, 352
We s t e r n M i n d a n a o C o m m a n d
(WESMINCOM), 260
World Bank, 237, 310
Y
Yusof, Dato Mahdi, 52
Z
Zamboanga Siege, 206, 248; Zamboanga
Crisis, 281
Zones of Joint Cooperation. See
Addendum on Bangsamoro Waters
and Zones of Joint Cooperation
United Kingdom (UK), 11, 92, 105, 132,

146, 153, 165, 195, 205, 217, 229,
232, 241, 354
11-point basic issues and concerns, 54

1986 Constitutional Commission, 117
3-for-1 proposal, 31, 35, 90, 185, 308

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GETTING TO PEACE

GPH Panel Secretariat

Getting to Peace: GPH-MILF Peace Negotiations

Message by PAPP Secretary Teresita Quintos-Deles

Message by MILF Chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim

Foreword by Director Iona Gracia D. Jalijali

Opening Statements of the GPH and MILF Panel Chairs

20th Formal Exploratory Talks (910 February 2011)

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

MILF Panel Chair Iqbal

21st Formal Exploratory Talks (2728 April 2011)

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

MILF Panel Chair Iqbal

22nd Formal Exploratory Talks (2223 August 2011)

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

MILF Panel Chair Iqbal

23rd Formal Exploratory Talks (57 December 2011)

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

MILF Panel Chair Iqbal

24th Formal Exploratory Talks (911 January 2012)

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

GPH Panel Chair Leonen

MILF Panel Chair Iqbal

34th Formal Exploratory Talks (1215 December 2012)

GPH Panel Chair Coronel Ferrer

GPH Panel Chair Coronel Ferrer

GPH Panel Chair Coronel Ferrer

GPH Panel Chair Coronel Ferrer

GPH Panel Chair Coronel Ferrer

GPH Panel Chair Coronel Ferrer

GPH Panel Chair Coronel Ferrer

GPH Panel Chair Coronel Ferrer

GPH Panel Chair Coronel Ferrer

GPH Panel Chair Coronel Ferrer

MILF Panel Chair Iqbal

Other Statements in the GPH-MILF Peace Process

GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen on the Facilitation

GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen on the Informal Talks

GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen in Relation to

GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen Regarding the

GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen on the Rescue of the

GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen on the Meeting of

GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen on the Issue of

GPH Panel Chair Dean Marvic Leonen on the Filing of a

Christmas Message of GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel

New Years Message of GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam

GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer on the

Commission (3 April 2013)

Opening Statement of MILF Panel Chair and BTC Chair

Closing Remarks of GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel

GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer on the Recent

Joint Press Statement of the GPH and MILF Peace Panels on

GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer on the

Comments by GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer

Message of GPH Panel Chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer