A STUDY ON IMPACT OF DOMESTIC

VIOLENCE ON WOMEN OF AGE GROUP 18-40

YEARS

Dissertation Synopsis
Submitted for
Partial Fulfilment of the Degree
BACHELOR OF ARTS
In
SOCIAL WORK(HONOURS)

SUBMITTED BY
SUPERVISOR
KOPAL SRIVASTAVA
RUPESH KUMAR
ROLL NO: 13001045053

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL WORK

LUCKNOW UNIVERSITY
2015-2016

CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that the research work presented in the
B.A. (Hons.) 3rd year (Social Work), dissertation entitled
A
STUDY
ON IMPACT OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE ON
WOMEN OF AGE GROUP 18-40 YEARS has been carried
out by Ms. Kopal Srivastava under my supervision and
guidance. She has fulfilled all the requirements for the
degree of B.A. (Hons.) in Social Work, Lucknow University,
regarding nature & prescribed period of work.
The work included in the thesis is all original & has
been done by her.

Date:
Supervisor

Dr. Rupesh Kumar

Department of Social Work
University of Lucknow
Lucknow

DECLARATION
I, Kopal Srivastava, hereby declare that the
dissertation work presented in B.A. (Hons.) III year
entitled A STUDY ON IMPACT OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE
ON WOMEN OF AGE GROUP 18-40 YEARS, submitted to
Department of Social Work, University of Lucknow,
Lucknow, for the degree of B.A. (Hons.) in Social Work is a
record of independent dissertation work carried out by
me, under supervision & guidance of Dr. Rupesh Kumar.

Date:
Kopal Srivastava
B.A.(Hons) III year
Department of Social Work
University of Lucknow
Lucknow

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
This is to acknowledge all those without whom this
project would not have been a reality. It is the matter of
great pleasure and great satisfaction to present this
dissertation report on A STUDY ON IMPACT OF DOMESTIC
VIOLENCE ON WOMEN OF AGE GROUP 18-40 YEARS.
Success of this project would not have been possible
without the help of many people. I undertake this
opportunity to acknowledge the valued assistance and
guidance.
I am grateful to my Co-ordinator- Dr. Rupesh Kumar for
giving me an opportunity to work on this research work.
The study was interesting and I learnt a lot from this
project. My special thanks to him for his assistance and
guidance & for context, suggestion and thought
provoking discussion imparted which enabled me to
complete this study.
Last but not the least,
those not named here, but
operation, little or more,
preparation and completion

my appreciation goes to all

who have rendered their codirectly or indirectly in the
of this study. I am grateful to

all of my friends for their help and support regarding the

study.
Finally, I wish to put on this fact that without the help
and infallible guidance given to me by my teacher, my
study would have been in shambles and my endeavours
would have been nullified.

Kopal Srivastava
BA (Hons) III Year
Department of Social Work

PREFACE

About once every five minutes an incident of domestic

violence is reported in India, under its legal definition of
"cruelty by husband or his relatives". Domestic violence is
not unique to India. It occurs around the world, but what
sets it apart in India from many other countries is the
culture of silence that still surrounds it.
According to the last exhaustive family survey done by
the government, more than 54% of men and 51% of
women said it was okay for a man to beat his wife if she
disrespected her in-laws, neglected her home or children,
or even over something as trivial as putting less - or more
- salt in the food.

INDEX

S.
N
o.

NAME OF CHAPTER

PAG
E

Introduction

Review of Literature

25

Research Methodology

38

Profile of Respondents

55

Impact of Domestic Violence on

Women aged 18-40 years

63

Conclusion and Suggestions

87

ANNEXURE

References

95

Summaries of Actual Cases

98

Types of Violence in Narrative

100

Interview Schedule

106

CHAPTER-1
INTRODUCTION

By definition, domestic violence is a pattern of abusive

behaviour in any intimate relationship that is used by
onepartner to maintain a sense of control over the other.
Domestic violence is further defined as physical or sexual
violence within the family. This includes sexual abuse of
children and physical abuse of elderly parents.
Domestic violence occurs without regard to race, age,
sexual orientation, religion, or gender. It mattersnot if
one comes from upper-, middle-, or lower-classfamilies.
Domestic

violence

relationshipsas

well

occurs
as

in

both

opposite-sex

same-sex

relationships.

It

shouldalso be noted that domestic violence affects other

familymembers,

friends,

and

co-workers

(Office

on

ViolenceAgainst Women [OVW], n.d.). If a child grows up

withdomestic

violence,

he

is,

in

effect,

taught

that

violence isa normal way of life. A behaviour inculcated by

the verypeople who are supposed to provide him with
love andcomfort. This sets in motion a vicious cycle where
childrenof

abusers

themselves.Unfortunately,

become
domestic

violence

abusers
is

very

prevalent inour society.

In the India, it is estimated that betweentwo to four
million women are victims of domesticviolence every year.
It is probable that every 18 secondssomeone is a victim of
domestic

violence.

In

one

researchstudy

it

was

determined that approximately 80.8% of accusedabusers

1

were male as compared to 19.2% of femaleoffenders.

While females do abuse, most reported offendersare
male.There seems to be three main characteristics of
menwho batter their partners; frustration or stress,
genderroles

or

learned

behaviour,

and

alcohol

.The

excessive consumption of alcohol is a majorcontributor to

domestic violence. Approximately 43.5%of State prisoners
victimizing

family

member

and53.8%

victimizing

nonfamily members were using drugsor alcohol when they

committed the offense of domesticviolence.
Generally, when the subject of domestic violence is
discussed, one thinks about physical abuse. However,
there are many types of abuse that fall under the
umbrella of domestic violence. The major areas of concern
withrespect to domestic violence are physical abuse,
sexual abuse, emotional abuse, economic abuse, and
psychological abuse.

Physical Abuse
This form of domestic violence ranges over a large field,
from pushing throughto homicide. There is no particular
pattern to the physical violence that victimsof domestic
violence may be subjected to. Incidents may be as
frequent as dailyabuse, or as infrequent as once a year,
but

evidence

shows that

the

problem iswidespread.

Physical violence usually containsa number of different

physical

acts,

such

as

slapping,

kicking,

being

thrownagainst the wall or hit repeatedly with a weapon

which usually takes the form ofa household item, e.g. an
ornament. In America, guns are more commonly usedin
domestic incidents, mainly because of the availability of
2

guns in Americacompared with the situation in Great

Britain.
InBritain the rate of domestic homicide is less when
compared to the rate inAmerica. Domestic homicide in
Britain is more likely to occur from a physicalattack with a
household implement rather than a gun. Most physical
attacks result in injury, such as broken bones and cuts,
but other physical attacks can also result in internal
injuries. Being able to see the injuries is important. If an
incident is reported to the police, it may be deemed that
noinjury has occurred unless the injury is visible .Visibility
of the injuries may be hidden by the perpetrator by
forcing the woman to remain silent or hiding the victim
away from their friends.

Emotional/Psychological abuse
Being

involved

invariable

in

means

a
that

physically
the

abusive

victim

will

relationship
suffer

some

emotional or psychological abuse as well. Although this

type of domestic violence is not visible, the effects can be
argued to be moredamaging in the long term to the
individual than physical acts. No one victim ofdomestic
violence will respond in exactly the same way, mainly
because notevery victim is subjected to exactly the same
pattern of abuse. Emotional orpsychological abuse can
range from degradation to being constantly belittledwith
verbal abuse. Although in the majority of relationships,
couples shout andscream at each other both sides of the
argument know that a threat, if ever any,that is made is
not serious or will be carried out. This changes when in a
3

violentrelationship. The victim within a relationship that

contains domestic violenceknows that when a threat is
made more than likely it will be carried out Victims can
suffer psychological abuse by being disallowed to gain
employment or experiencing extreme possessiveness by
their partners.Domestic violence leads to the victim to
feeling a sense of loss of himself orherself, of the person
that they use to be. Feelings of shame, humiliation
andguilt for not being able to maintain a normal
relationship are also frequentlyreported.

Sexual Abuse
Many victims of domestic violence who are experiencing
physical violence alsoreport being subjected to sexual
abuse or violence. Kelly (1988) discusses theidea of a
continuum of sexual violence, which includes everyday
examples
assault

ofdominating

to

rape.

She

sexual

behaviour,

identifies

to

sexual

murderand

sexual

mutilation of girls or women to be the most severe form

of sexualviolence (Kelly, 1988). It is argued that it is not
correct to think of thecontinuum of sexual abuse/violence
in terms of severity, as different experienceswill have
different effects on each victim. Sexual abuse is probably
the hardestform of violence to confront, because society
is overall reluctant to hear about individuals sexual abuse
experiences.
A study carriedout by Tjaden and Thoennes (1998) found
that out of the population sample 18%of women had
experienced being raped in their lifetime. Their survey
also foundthat one out of six U.S women and interestingly
4

one out of thirty-three men hadexperienced an attempted

or completed rape in their lifetime. Sexual abuseaffects
people in many different ways. Some victims may feel that
they need toconfront the problem by talking about their
experience and taking legal action,whilst others may wish
to keep the experience to themselves and try and block
itout of their minds. Sexual violence is often intertwined
with a physical act.

Domestic Violence: Learned Behavior

Domestic
observation

violence
and

is

behavior

reinforcement.

Like

learned
other

through
forms

of

aggression, domestic violence is not caused by genetics

or illness. People are not born perpetrators and for the
5

most part there is no disease or illness that turns a nonabusive person into an abuser. Domestic violence is a
behaviour

acquired

observations
institutions

and

over

time

interactions

(Bandura,

1979;

through

with

Dutton,

multiple

individuals

and

D.,

The

1988).

behaviors, as well as the perpetrators internal rules and

regulations about when, where, against whom, how, and
by whom domestic violence is to be used, are learned.
Domestic violence and the beliefs that support it are
learned through direct observation (e.g., the male child
witnessing the abuse of his mother by his father or from
the proliferation of images of violence against women in
the media). It is also learned through the reinforcement of
the

perpetrators

experiences

(e.g.,

perpetrators

receiving peer support or not being held responsible,

arrested, prosecuted, or sentenced appropriately for their
violence).
Domestic violence is observed and reinforced not only in
the family but also in society. It is overtly and covertly
reinforced by societys major institutions: familial, social,
legal,

religious,

educational,

mental

health,

medical,

entertainment, and the media (Bandura, 1977; Dutton, D.

1988; Ganley, 1989; Dobash & Dobash, 1979). These
social

institutions

advocate

the

use

of

violence

as

legitimate means of controlling family members (e.g.,

religious beliefs/ positions that state that a woman should
submit to the will of her husband, laws that do not
consider violence against intimates a crime, medical and
mental health systems that blame victims for provoking
the

violence).

violence

to

These

practices

control

intimates
6

reinforce
by

the

failing

use
to

of

hold

perpetrators responsible for their actions and by failing to

protect victims. (See Jones (1994) for a more complete
discussion of social supports for battering. )
Domestic violence is repeated because it works and thus
the pattern of behavior is reinforced. The use of the
abusive conduct allows the perpetrator to gain control of
the

victim

through

victimscompliance,

fear
even

and

violence.

Gaining

temporarily,provides

the

partial

reinforcement for the perpetrators use of abusive tactics.

Often the battering behavior is also reinforced by the
responses of peers, family authorities, and bystanders.
More importantly, the perpetrator is able to reinforce his
own abusive behavior. He is able to justify his actions to
himself because of the socially sanctioned belief that men
have the right to control women in relationships and have
the right to use force to ensure that control.

Domestic Violence andGender

Domestic violence is a gender-specificbehavior which is
socially and historicallyconstructed. Men are socialized to
takecontrol and to use physical force whennecessary to
maintain dominance. Whilemost victims of male violence
are othermen, the majority of victims of domesticviolence
are female, although female-to-male,male-to-male (gay),
and

female-to-female(lesbian)

violence

also

occurs

inintimate relationships. Male violenceagainst women in

intimate relationships is asocial problem condoned and
supported

bythe

customs

and

traditions

of

particularsociety. There is a great deal of discussionabout

whether gender is the sole factordetermining the pattern
7

of abusive controlin intimate relationships or one of a

clusterof

significant

variables

(Miller,

1994;Renzetti,

1994). However, gender is clearlya salient issue when

considering the followingfactors: the prevalence of maleto-femaledomestic violence, injuries to femalevictims, the
use of physical force as part ofa pattern of dominance,
and

specificresponses

of

victims

and

perpetrators

todomestic violence.
As previously noted, in the majority ofreported domestic
violence cases, theperpetrators are men and the victims
arewomen (Douglas, 1991). In heterosexualrelationships,
some women sometimes usephysical force, but their use
of physicalforce is not always at the same rate orseverity
as mens (Dobash & Dobash,1979, 1992; Gelles, 1994).
Studies

indicatethat

sometimesuse

while

similar

both

men

physical

and

women

behaviors,

the

physicaleffects of male violence are far more seriousthan

female aggression as measured by thefrequency and
severity of injuries (Berk,Berk, Loseke, & Rauma, 1983).
Furthermore,the

impact

of

the

physical

aggression

variesaccording to the gender of the victim female

victims
negative

of

male

intimate

violence

consequencesthan

male

experience

victims

of

more
female

intimateviolence (Vivian & Langhinrichsen-Rohling,1994).

Furthermore, the purpose of womensuse of physical force
appears

to

be

differentthan

heterosexualrelationships,

mens.

women

In
use

studies

of

physical

forceagainst partners for self-defence, whereasmen use

force for power and control(Saunders, 1986; Hamberger &
Potente,1994; Jacobson, et al., 1994). In homicide studies,
8

women are shown to be morelikely than men to have

committedhomicide

in

self-defense.

In

contrast,

maleperpetrators of homicide are more likely tostalk

victims, kill victims and/or otherfamily members, and/or
commit

suicidethan

female

perpetrators

of

homicide(Wilson & Daly, 1992). The research onbattered

women

who

kill

also

suggests

thatwomens

use

of

physical force is related toprotecting themselves from the

severeviolence
Browne

(1987)

of

male

found

perpetrators

no

(Gillespie,1989).

distinguishingcharacteristics

between batteredwomen who kill and those who do not.

Theonly differences found in comparing thesetwo groups
of battered women were foundin their batterers (i.e., the
men who werekilled had been more violent against
thevictims as well as the children than thosewho were not
killed).
Obviously, in same-sex domestic violence the gender
pattern is different. However, the reality of same-sex
domestic violence does not discount the gender issues of
domestic

violence.

Male

violence

against

women

in

heterosexual intimate relationships is a paradigm for

intimate violence in gay and lesbian relationships: one
partner is intimidating and controlling the other through
the use of or threat ofphysical violence.
Even though the gender pattern is not the same for samesex relationships as for heterosexual, there are gender
issues related to how gay and lesbian victims and
perpetrators relate to the abuse and to how others view
same-sex domestic violence. For example, because of
their gender socialization, gay victims may have difficulty
9

identifying as victims because it is seen as unmanly

(Letellier, 1994); the gay community may discount the
violence because that is the way men are while the
lesbian community may deny lesbian domestic violence
because women are not like that; and the homophobic
mainstream dismisses the domestic violence as just part
of being gay or lesbian. While same-sexdomestic violence
is slowly receiving attention in the literature (e.g., Lobel,
1986; Renzetti, 1992; Letellier, 1994), there have been no
studies

comparing

heterosexual,

lesbian

and

gay

domestic violence. Consequently, additional questions

regarding gender and domestic violence still need to be
answered.

Domestic Violence andCultural Issues

Domestic violence occurs in all cultural/ethnic groups both
outside and within the United States. Cross-cultural
studies involving non-literate societies(Levinson, 1989;
Campbell, J., 1993;Erchak & Rosenfeld, 1994) indicates
that wife beating is more typical than husband beating in
those societies and that the prevalence and severity of
wife beating is influenced by a variety social factors
within particular society (e.g., tolerance of violence,
competitiveness between men and women, presence of
support networks for women). While a review of that
literature is beyond the scope of this chapter, it is
referenced here as a reminder that domesticviolence is
socially constructed and learned.

10

While researchers seek to understand the significance of

cultural differences as related to domestic violence, 3 it is
helpful for the health care provider to focus on what is
known. Domestic violence occurs in all cultural/ethnic
groups

and

consequences

has

serious

for

victims,

physical
their

and

children

emotional
and

their

communities. The health impact of domestic violence to

victims has been documented in various ethnic groups:
Latino, African American, Asian, Native American, and
Caucasian.
Cultural factors should not be used to dismiss the reality
of domestic violence in patients life. Perpetrators and
others

will

sometimes

offer

various

cultural

rationalizations for the conduct (e.g., Thats the way she

knows I love her, Its part of ourculture, It is their way
of life) and there may be certain cultural specificity in
the expression of those rationalizations (e.g., ______
women are very violent, too).This cultural defence for
domestic violence has even been inappropriately offered
in courts in attempts to explain away domestic violence
homicides.
Culture sometimes shapes the specific tactic of control
used by the perpetrator. Some perpetrators use cultural
factors of the victims as a way to further the abusive
control

(e.g.,

immigrant

status,

language

skills).

Perpetrators may accuse victims of acting uppity,

American, white roof being a bitch when they
assert their human rights. These tactics of control are
shaded with cultural issues to give the perpetrator
dominance over the victim. While culture does not alter
11

the reality of the health consequences of domestic

violence, cultural factors can influence identification,
assessment,

and

intervention

for

the

problem.

The

cultural identities of both the patient and the health care

provider may affect the identification and assessment of
domestic violence. A healthcare provider unfamiliar with a
particular ethnic group may misinterpret a patients
actions as indicative of abuse (e.g., avoidance of eye
contact) or as indicating that she is not a battered woman
(e.g.,

victims

abuser).Victims
different

rage

from

values

and

threats

against

different

cultural

groups

and

beliefs

about

her
have

interpersonal

communication, the role of healthcare providers, the role

of police, and the role of family members which shape
how they reveal or dont reveal their experience of
domestic violence.
Cultural

issues

should

be

considered

in

designing

effective responses and interventions for both the victims

(Torres, 1993; Campbell, D., 1993; Ho, 1990; Hamptom,
1987; Jang, 1991; Plass, 1993) and the perpetrators
(Williams, 1994). Just as health facilities have worked to
offer all health care services in ways that are accessible to
diverse populations with a variety of languages and
ethnicities, responses to patients experiencing domestic
violence must also be culturally appropriate

Domestic Violence vs. Illness-based Violence

12

While domestic violence is learned, there is other violence

that results from illness. A small percentage of violence
against adult intimates is illness-based buts misidentified
as domestic violence.
This

violence

is

caused

by

organic

or

psychotic

impairments and is not part of a learned pattern of

coercive control of an intimate partner. Individuals with
diseases such as
Alzheimers disease, Huntingtons chorea, or psychosis
may strike out at an intimate partner. Sometimes that
violence

gets

identified

as

domestic

violence.

An

assessment will distinguish illness-basedviolence from

learning-based

violence.

With

illness-based

violence,

there is usually no selection of a particular victim

(whoever is present when the short circuit occurs will get
attacked: health care provider, family member, friend,
stranger,etc.). However, with learning-based violence, the
perpetrator

directs

his

abusive

conduct

toward

particular person or persons. In addition, with illnessbased violence there is usually a constellation of other
clear symptoms of a disease process.
For example, with an organic brain disease, there are
changes in speech, gait, or physical coordination. With an
illness such aspsychosis there are multiple symptoms of
the psychotic process (e.g., He attacked her because she
is a CIA agent sent by the Pope to spy on him using the TV
monitor). Poor recall of the event alone is not an
indicator of illness-based violence (see Section III. B. 2 of
this chapter on perpetrator minimization and denial).
With
13

Illness-based violence the acts are stronglyassociated

with the progression of a disease (e.g., the patient
showed no prior acts of violence or abuse in the 20-year
marriage until other symptoms of the organic process had
appeared).
There has been no systematic research to determine the
percentage of cases identified by police or courts as
domestic violence that are attributable to illness. In
clinical

sample

of

those

individuals

identified

by

community police and courts and referred to a medical

centre as domestic violence perpetrators, less than 5%
were violent as a result of an organic process
(Galley, 1995). More research is needed onthis issue.
Illness-based violence can be most effectively managed
by appropriate medical or mental health interventions
and case management (e.g., instituting day treatment
programs,

appropriate

institutionalization

when

medications,
necessary).

respite
While

care,

attention

must be given to the safety of the victims in such cases, it

is more appropriately dealt with by those knowledgeable
about the particular illness. While the victim may benefit
from emergency shelter services and safety planning, the
perpetrator of illness-based violence would not benefit
from specialized domestic violence interventions.

Domestic Violence isnot caused by Alcohol or

Other Drugs
Many people use or abuse drugs without ever battering
their partners. Alcohol and other drugs such as marijuana,
14

depressants, anti-depressants, or antianxiety drugs do

not cause individuals to become violent. Although alcohol
and drugs may be used as the excuse for the
battering, research indicates that the complex pattern of
coercive behaviours which comprise domestic violence is
not caused by consuming particular chemicals(Critchlow,
1986; Taylor & Leonard,1983; Pihl & Smith, 1988, Gondolf
&Foster, 1991).
Some people who consume alcohol or drugs are violent
with or without the chemical in their bodies. An addicts
violence may be part of a lifestyle where everything,
including

family

life,

is

orchestrated

around

the

acquisition and consumption of the drug. Other addicts

are so focused on their addiction that they withdraw from
relationships

and

do

not

engage

in

any

controlling

behavior directed
at family members.
On the other hand, there is conflicting evidence whether
certain drugs (e.g. Steroids, PCP, speed, cocaine or
cocaines derivative, crack) chemically react within the
brain to cause violent behaviour or whether they induce
paranoia

or

psychosis,

which

is

then

sometimes

accompanied by violent behaviours. Further research is

needed

to explore the cause and-effect relationship

between those particular drugs and violence.

While research studies cited above have found high
correlations between aggression and the consumption of
various substances, there is no data clearly proving a
cause and-effect relationship. There are a wide variety of
15

explanations for these high correlations. Some say that

alcohol and drugs provide a disinhibiting effect which
gives the individual permission to do things that they
otherwise would not do. Others point to the increased
irritability or hostility which some individuals experience
when using drugs and which may lead to violence. Others
state that the high correlations merely result from the
overlap of two widespread social problems: domestic
violence and substance abuse.
Clinical experience cautions against viewing domestic
violence as being caused by alcoholism, drug addiction or
substance abuse. Such a view can misdirect interventions
solely to the chemical use rather than to the domestic
violence. For those who are addicted to alcohol and other
drugs, stopping domestic violence behavior is difficult
without also stopping the addictions. However, it is not
sufficient to treat the chemically addicted perpetrator of
domestic violence solely for either addiction or domestic
violence.

Interventions

forboth

require

one

of

the

following:
a) concurrent interventions for domestic violence and
substance dependence/abuse,
b) inpatient substance abuse treatment with a mandatory
follow-up program for domestic violence, or
c) aninvoluntary substance abuse commitment (which is
done in some, but not all, states) with rehabilitation
directed at both the addiction and the domestic
violence.
The presence of alcohol or drugs is highly relevant to the
assessment of lethality. The use of, or addiction to,
16

substances

may

increase

the

potential

lethality

of

domestic violence and must be carefullyconsidered when

addressing the safety of the victim, the children, and the
community(Browne, 1987).

Domestic Violence isnot caused by Anger

The role of anger in domestic violence is complex and
cannot be simplistically reduced to one of cause-andeffect.

Some

battering

episodes

occur

when

the

perpetrators not angry or emotionally charged and others

occur when the perpetrator is emotionally charged or
angry. Some abusive conduct is carried out calmly to gain
the victims compliance. Some displays
of anger or rage by the perpetrator are merely tactics
used to intimidate the victim, and can be quickly altered
when the abuser thinks it is necessary (e.g., upon arrival
of police).
Current research indicates that there Isa wide variety of
arousal or anger patterns among identified perpetrators
as well as among those who are identified as not abusive
(Gottman etal., 1995; Jacobsen etal., 1994). These studies
suggest that there may be different types of batterers.
Abusers in one cluster actually reduced their heart rates
during observed marital conflicts, suggesting a calm
preparation for fighting rather than an out-of-control or
angry
response.

Such

research

challenges

the

notion

that

domestic violence is merely an anger problem and raises

questions

about

the

efficacy

programs for batterers.

17

of

anger-management

Remembering

that

domestic

violence

isa

pattern

of

behaviors rather than isolated, individual events helps to

explain the number of abusive episodes that occur when
the perpetrator is not angry. Even when experiencing
anger, the perpetrator still chooses to respond to that
anger by
acting abusively. Ultimately, the individualism responsible
for how he expresses anger or any other emotion.

Domestic Violence isnot caused by Stress

Life is filled with many different sources of stress (e.g.,
stress from the job, stress from not having a job,
relationship conflicts, losses, illness, discrimination, or
poverty). People respond to stress in a wide variety of
ways (e.g., problem solving, substance abuse, eating,
laughing,

withdrawal,

and

violence)

(Bandura,

1973).People choose ways to reduce stress according to

what they have learned about strategies that have
worked for them in the past.
It is important to hold individualsresponsible for the
choices they make regarding how they reduce stress,
especially when those choices involve violence or other
illegal behaviours. A robbery or mugging by a stranger is
not excused simply because the perpetrator claims he is
stressed. Similarly, the perpetrator of domestic violence
cannot

be

excused

simply

because

he

is

stressed.

Moreover, as already noted, many episodes of domestic

violence occur when the perpetrator is not emotionally
charged or stressed. Since domestic violence is a variety
of

tactics

repeated

over

time
18

for

the

purpose

of

controlling

the

victim,

specific

stresses

are

less

meaningful in explaining a longitudinal pattern of abusive

control (Pence &Palmar, 1993).

Domestic Violence is notcaused by theVictims

Behavior or by the Relationship
People can be in conflicted relationships and experience
negative feelings about the behavior of their partner
without choosing to respond with violence. Focusing on
the relationship or the victimsbehavior as an explanation
for

domestic

violence

removes

the

perpetrators

responsibility for the violence and coercion and supports

the perpetrators minimization,
denial,

blaming,

and

rationalization

for

the

violent

behavior. Blaming the victim for making the perpetrator

angry, or blaming the violence on problems in the
relationship(e.g.,

poor

perpetrator

excuses

with

communication)
and

provides

justifications

for

the
the

conduct. This reinforces the perpetrators use of abuse to

control family members and thus contributes to the
escalation of the pattern of domestic violence.
Many batterers bring this pattern of control into their
adult relationships and repeat it in all their adult intimate
relationships, regardless of significant differences in the
personalities or conduct of their intimate partners or in
the characteristics of those particular relationships. These
variables in partners and relationships supports the
position that while domestic violence takes place within a
relationship, it is not caused by the relationship. Research
19

indicates

that

battered

there

are

no

personality

women(Hoteling&

Batteredwomen

are

no

profiles

Sugarman,

different

from

for

1986).

non-battered

women in terms of psychological characteristics. Once

again, this challenges the myth that there is something
about the woman that causes the perpetrators violence.
Furthermore, a study by Jacobson al. (1994) indicates that
no

victim

behaviour

could

alter

the

perpetrators

behavior. This also suggests that the victims behaviour is

not

the

determining

factor

in

whether

or

not

the

perpetrator is abusive.
Domestic violence in adolescent relationships further
challenges the notion that the abuse is the result of the
victimsbehavior. Often times the adolescent abuser only
superficially knows his victim, having dated her only a few
days or weeks before beginning the abuse. Such an
abuser is often acting out an image of how to conduct an
intimate relationship based on the recommendations of
his peers, music videos, models set by family members,
etc. The adolescents abusive conduct is influenced more
by that image or script than by the victims behavior.
Both

adult

and

adolescent

batterersbring

into

their

intimate relationships certain expectations of who is to be

in charge and what mechanisms are acceptable for
enforcing that dominance. Those attitudes and beliefs,
rather than the victims behavior, determine whether or
not they are violent.

20

Domestic Violence in India: Socio-Legal Aspects

Violence

against

women

is

manifestation

of

historically unequal power relations between men and

women,

which

discrimination

have
against

led

to

women

domination
by

men

over

and

to

and
the

prevention of the full advancement of women. The

United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence
against Women, General Assembly Resolution, December
1993.
Women are often in great danger in the place where they
should be the safest i.e. within their families. For many
home is that place where they have to face a regime of
terror and violence in the hands of somebody close to
them somebody they should be able to trust. It is that
place that imperils lives and breeds some of the most
drastic and heinous forms of violence perpetrated against
women and girls. Those victimized suffer physically and
psychologically. With different processes of socialization
21

that men and women undergo, men take up stereotyped

gender roles of domination and control, whereas women
take up that of submission, dependence and respect for
the authority. A female child grows up with a constant
sense of being weak and in need of protection, whether
physical, social or economic. This helplessness has led her
to be exploitable at almost every stage of life. They are
even unable to make their own decisions, enjoy their
basic fundamental rights or even voice their own opinion
for fear of further repercussions. Their human rights are
denied, even equality, security, self-worth and dignity are
at stake and their lives are stolen from them by the everending threat of violence. This violence against women
has increased manifold, though this torture on them is
not new, it is an old phenomenon from the time when the
social organization and family life came into existence
be

it

rape,

gang-rape,

torture

for

dowry,

illegal

confinement, kidnapping, abduction, molestation, honour

killing, physical assault, acid attack, sexual harassment
or female infanticide. In addition, they also have to bear
the brunt of pernicious practices like child- marriage, sati,
prostitution,

forced

marriages,

wife-beating,

stalking,

bride- burning, passing lewd comments, black-mailing,

sex-determination, sexual abuse of the girl child and
medical neglect are wide spread both in rural and urban
areas.

Women

in

India

are

subjected

to

domestic,

physical, emotional and mental violence. The safety of

women, who constitute of almost half of the countrys
population, still remains a far cry. They do not feel safe
while coming out of their houses, walking on roads,
travelling
treatment

in
in

public

transport,

hospitals,

undergoing

studying
22

in

medical

educational

institutions and also living within the four walls of their

houses. In this male dominated society, women are
exploited both at home and outside. They are always
treated as second class citizens.
Now, before understanding what the position of women is
in this current time, we should go back to the preindependence time to compare their position as of now.
According to scholars, women in ancient India enjoyed
equal status in all respect of life. They were given proper
education in the early Vedic period, were married at a
matured age and were also free to select their own
husbands. But the status of women declined with the
Islamic invasion of Babur and the Mughal Empire and it
further deteriorated during the medieval period when
child marriages and a ban on widow remarriages became
part of social life in some communities in India. Polygamy
became to be practiced among Hindu Kshatriya rulers.
During the British Raj, many reformers such as Raja Ram
Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar and many others
fought for the betterment of women. Women also played
an integral role in Indian Independence struggle. Thus it
can be understood the women played a vital part during
the pre-independence time.
The new millennium has brought with it a greater push
towards acknowledging the incidence of violence against
women and an international consensus has developed on
the need to deal with the issue. The Convention on the
Elimination

of

all

forms

of

Discrimination

against

Women10 adopted by the UN General Assembly some 20

years ago and the Platform for Action adopted at the
23

Fourth International Conference on Women in Beijing in

1995 all reflect this consensus. Further the Protection of
Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005, the Sexual
Offences Act, 2003, builds some policies nationally and
locally over the past decade, aiming to reduce the
incidence of sexual and domestic violence and improve
the treatment of victims by the criminal justice system.
The Domestic Violence Act which came into force on
26.10.2006

is

in

tune

with

the

above

mentioned

International Conventions. The Pre-conception and PreNatal Diagnostic Techniques (Prohibition of Sex Selection)
Act, 1994 was also introduced to prevent the misuse of
diagnostic techniques resulting in sex selection abortion.
But progress has been slow due to entrenched attitudes.
The researcher has primarily used the doctrinal method of
research. Different Legal Text books on the Domestic
Violence Act are the primary sources. While relevant text,
articles, case laws, as well as internet are the secondary
sources. For the purpose of this project, the researcher
has divided the entire project into five chapters. They are
as follows: Before delving deep into the concept of
domestic violence, it is pertinent here to explain certain
terms for proper understanding of this article.

Definition

of

Domestic

Violence,

Domestic Relationship and Aggrieved

Person
1. Domestic Violence

24

There is no universally accepted definition of violence

against women. Some human rights activists prefer a
broad-based definition that includes structural violence
such as poverty and unequal access to health and
education.

Others

have

argued

for

more

limited

definition in order not to lose the actual descriptive power

of the term. The term domestic violence includes
violence by an intimate person or by any other family
members, wherever this violence takes place and in
whatever form.
The United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of
Violence against Women (1993) defines domestic violence
against women as, an act of gender-based violence that
results in, or is likely to result in physical, sexual or
psychological harm or suffering to women, including
threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of
liberty, whether occurring in public or public life.
Section 3 of the Protection of Women from Domestic
Violence act, 2005 has clearly stated the definition of
domestic violence. It includes that any act, omission,
commission or conduct of the respondent shall constitute
domestic violence in cases.
(a) harms or injures or endangers the health, safety, life,
limb or well-being, whether mental or physical, of the
aggrieved person or tends to do so and includes causing
physical abuse, sexual abuse, verbal and emotional abuse
and economic abuse; or (b) harasses, harms, injures or
endangers the aggrieved person with a view to coerce her
or any other person related to her to meet any unlawful
25

demand for any dowry or other property or valuable

security; or (c) has the effect of threatening the aggrieved
person or any person related to her by any conduct
mentioned in clause (a) or clause (b); or (d) otherwise
injures or causes harm, whether physical or mental, to the
aggrieved person.
The Fourth Conference of Women, 1995, has defined
violence against women as a physical act of aggression
of one individual or group against another or others.
Violence against women is any act of gender-based
violence which results in physical, sexual or arbitrary
deprivation of liberty in public or private life and violation
of human rights of women in situation of armed conflicts.
Thus, the above are few definitions of Domestic Violence
which gives a detail insight about the concept and
perception of the above mentioned term i.e. domestic
violence.
2. Domestic relationship
Under Section 2(f) of the Act, domestic relationship
means a relationship between two persons who live or
have, at any point of time, lived together in a shared
household, when they are related by consanguinity,
marriage or through a relationship in nature of marriage,
adoption or are family members living in a joint family.
The scope of this provision is very wide. In a famous case
of Nandan Singh Manral vs. State18, the notice was
served on the brother-in-law. But it was held that the
husband of the married sister, who lived far away from
the family of the husband, cannot be said to have lived in
26

shared

household

with the aggrieved person as no

domestic relationship existed. Hence, the notice served

on the brother-in-law was quashed.
Crime head-wiseincidentsof crimeagainstwomenduring 2010 -2014
andpercentage variationin2014 over2013
Sl.
No.

Crimehead
2010
1

Rape

Attemptto commitrape*

Kidnapping&abduction ofwomen

Dowrydeaths

Assaulton women withintent to outrage her/theirmodesty

Insult tothe modestyofwomen

Crueltybyhusband orhisrelatives

Importation ofgirl from foreigncountry

Abetmentof suicide ofwomen

22,172

2011

2012

2013

2014

24,206

24,923

33,707

36,735
4,234

29,795

35,565

51,881

57,311

10.5

8,391

8,618

8,233

8,083

8,455

4.6

42,968

45,351

70,739

82,235

16.3

9,961

8,570

9,173

12,589

9,735

-22.7

94,041

99,135

1,06,527

1,18,866

1,22,877

3.4

36

80

59

31

13

-58.1

3,734

A.

TotalIPC crimeagainstwomen
CommissionofSatiPrevention Act

11

IndecentRepresentationofWomen(P) Act

12

TheDowry Prohibition Act

13

Protectionofwomen fromdomesticviolence Act*

14

ImmoralTraffic(Prevention) Act#

2,499

2,436

TotalSLLcrimeagainstwomen

8,57
6
2,13,585

9,50
8
2,28,650

Total(A+B)

38,262

9.0

40,613

10

B.

Percentage
variationin
2014over

Year

3,25,32
9
0

2,05,009

2,19,142

2,32,528

2,95,896

895

453

141

362

47

-87.0

5,182

6,619

9,038

10,709

10,050

-6.2

426

2,070#

2,563
11,74
2
2,44,270

2,579
13,65
0
3,09,546

12,59
3
3,37,92
2

*Newlyincludedcrimehead; #Modificationindata in2014,asfiguresreferto

womenrelatedcrimesonly.

In contrast, the scope of Section 498A of the Indian Penal

Code19 was essentially included to punish the husband
and the in-laws of the bride for the act of cruelty. In the
case of domestic violence also, the perpetrator is the
male against a women. Now, if the husband or the
relatives of the husband commits an act of domestic
violence through his male relatives or through his female
relatives, it is deemed that there was an act of domestic
violence for which the relatives and the husband will be
held responsible. Here the order of the Magistrate will be
binding on the parties, and non- compliance with the
27

9.9

-7.7
9.2

orders of the Magistrate amounts to an offence which is

punishable under Section 31 of Protection of Women from
Domestic Violence Act, 2005. Thus the above definition
though, its scope is very large, mentions and points out
the true ambit of domestic violence.

3. Aggrieved Person
According to Section 2(a) of the Protection of Women
from Domestic Violence Act, 2005, aggrieved person
means any woman who is, or has been, in a domestic
relationship with the respondent and who alleges to have
been subjected to any act of domestic violence.

Causes of Domestic Violence

There are no single causes/factors that contribute to the
violence perpetrated against women. For the purpose of
this article, the researcher has divided the types of
causes of violence against women into five headings.
They are cultural, economic, legal and political. Let me
discuss them one by one under the following
1. Cultural
Acceptability of violence as a means to resolve conflict is
the major reason of violence against women. Victims
generally feel that it is better to suffer in silence than to
be separated from their loved ones. They keep hoping for
improvement but their wait turns into a nightmare
28

without any remedy. Religious and historical tradition in

the past have sanctioned the chastising and beating of
women. The male members control family wealth, and as
such it places decision- making authority in male hands,
leading to its dominance. Traditional norms in those
societies also allow the killing of errant daughters and
wives suspected of defiling the honour of the family. Even,
experiences

during

childhood,

such

as

witnessing

domestic violence and experiencing physical and sexual

abuse have been identified as factors that put children at
risk. Excessive consumption of alcohol has been noted as
a factor in provoking aggressive and violent male violence
towards women.
2. Economic
Another important factor that contributes to the violence
against women is the economic and financial dependence
of women on men. This is generally true when the male
person is unemployed and feels his power undermined in
the household. The threat and fear of violence keeps
women from seeking employment or compels them to
accept low-paid exploitative labour. And on the other
hand, without economic independence, women have no
power to escape from an abusive relationship.
3. Legal
Improper and inadequate laws and legal status of women
is the primary cause for domestic violence. In India, laws
relating

to

inheritance

divorce,
are

child

always

custody,

in
29

favour

maintenance
of

men,

and

ignoring

womens rights. This has further led to violence on the

women. The law enforcement agencies are also less
sensitive towards women and their problems and always
tend to guard the male counter-part. In many places it is
seen that the perpetrators who commit violence are less
prosecuted and punished leniently. This finally tends to
break

the

will

power

of

women

and

they

submit

themselves before the male society. The last nail which is

driven into the coffin of all women is that they are less
educated than their male counter-part.
4. Political
The isolation of women from communities and less
participation in the field of politics also contribute to
more of violence on women. As their interactions with
strangers or outer people are less, so they become
victims of violence. They fear to raise their timid voices,
least they fall prey to more violence than before. Thus,
the above are the causes that contribute to domestic
violence on women. But now-a-days the scenario is
changing with the passage of time. Women are more
financial independent than before; they pursue their
higher studies and even raise their strong voice against
their male-counter-part. Now domestic violence is taken
up seriously.

Types of Violence
After recognizing the causes that lead to violence against
women, it is essential to know the different types of
violence. Though there cannot be any specific type of
30

violence, violence is such which tends to lower the selfesteem of an individual. Still the researcher has identified
some types of domestic violence against women. They are
as follows:
Violence which is money oriented;

Violence

which

is

the

result

of

stressful

family

situation;
Violence which seeks power over the weak;
Violence which is the result of the perpetrators
pathology;
Violence which aims at pleasure seeking;
Violence which is victim precipitated.
But one thing is to be noted here is that, the primary
difference between domestic violence and any other
violence is, the former is committed by an intimate
partner or family members of that partner. These types of
violence are generally done by those men who suffer from
depression,

inferiority

complex,

self-low-esteem,

personality disorders, and psychopaths, have suspicious

and dominant nature, victim of violence in childhood and
frequent users of alcohol. The table below shows the
types of domestic violence in different stages of life of a
woman.
Violence against Women
Phase

Type of violence

Sex-selective
1. Pre-Birth

abortion;

Effects of battering during

pregnancy
outcome.
31

on

birth

Female
2. Infancy

infanticide;

Physical,

sexual

and

psychological abuse.
Child
3. Girlhood

marriage;

genital

Female

mutilation;

Physical,

sexual

Psychological
Incest;

and
abuse;

Child

Prostitution

and Pornography.
Dating
4.

Adolescence

and

and

courtship

violence (Ex. Acid throwing

Adulthood

and

rape),

coerced
girls

Economically

sex

(Ex.

having

School

sex

with

sugar Daddies in return

of

school

abuse

in

fees;
the

sexual

workplace;

Rape; Sexual Harassment;

Incest;

Trafficking

in

women; forced prostitution

and pornography; Marital
Rape;

Dowry

murders;

Abuse

and

Psychological

abuse; Forced pregnancy;

Abuse

of

Women

with

Forced

suicide

or

homicide

of

Disabilities.

5. Elderly

economic
Physical,
32

widows

for

reasons;
Sexual

and

Psychological Abuse.

Thus, the above table shows that violence against women

is a cycle/chain of abuse that manifests itself in numerous
forms throughout her life.

Legislative Check-Up on Domestic Violence in

India
Before discussing the legislative check-up, it is advisable
to know first as to who may file the complaint. Complaint
may be filed on behalf of the aggrieved women or any of
the members of the household against any other member
or members of the household. The husband of the
aggrieved women can file a complaint on behalf of his
wife against other members of the family who have
committed the acts of domestic violence on the aggrieved
women. Likewise the father-in-law can also file the
complaint on behalf of the aggrieved women. It is to be
noted here that only male would not be the respondents.
But the complaint must be filed by any aggrieved women.
It is also to be noted here that, the cause of action for
instituting a case under this act must be in the occurrence
of domestic violence in present or which is continuing.
But if the violence is done by any outsiders, then the
proceedings will not be under the Domestic Violence Act,
instead it will be tribal under any other criminal law as
ordered by the Magistrate.

33

The problems of violence on women are arising at a high

note day by day. Be it illiterate women or educated, they
have to face these violence at some point of their life. To
match with this social transformation and growing needs
of the society, the Parliament in 2005 enacted the
Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005.
Before the passing of this act, there were certain laws like
Sections 304B27 and 498A (has already been discussed in
Foot Note No. 13) of the Indian Penal Code, Sections
11228 and 113B29 of the Indian Evidence Act, 1872, the
Dowry Prohibition Act, the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955,
Section 12530 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, the
Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act,
1986, the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956 and many
others.
But none of the above mentioned acts dealt entirely on
the problems of domestic violence. So the need was felt
to materialize something/law which would only look after
the problem of domestic violence, hence this act was
passed. But no amendments were made since its birth
and women are still tortured physically and mentally and
even killed or driven to suicide by their husbands and inlaws.
The Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961 was amended in 1984,
1985 and 1986. Even Section 498A was introduced in the
Indian Penal Code, but nothing is so far done other than
just enacting the law. It is to be mentioned here that no
provision for protection of the complainant is provided
under the Domestic Violence Act. A woman who has
complained of harassment goes back to those very people
34

against whom she has complained. What security can be

possibly given to such victims who continue to act on her
complain? One cannot predict the future of Protection of
Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005; its current
workings provide some ideas on rationalizing drafting and
implementation processes. The limitation of this law with
regards to its use in preventing harmful practices is that
it recognizes civil wrongs whereas the gravity of harmful
practices requires a response in criminal law.

35

Secondly, it applies only to practices that are perpetrated

by those in a domestic relationship, whereas, other
entities

might

be

involved

in

perpetrating

harmful

practices. Thus, it can be clearly understood from the

above discussion that, strong voice should be raised to
bring

in

more

clarity

and

transparency

in

the

act.

Different amendments should be made to make the law

more effective and fruitful for the oppressed victims.
Comprehensive laws on key issues, such as statutory
equality code, a criminal law on violence against women
and a comprehensive legislation to the regulation of
medical practice. Each of the above mentioned laws
should be co-related both in terms of the mode in which
implementation is envisaged and in terms of defining its
ambit. Efforts should also be made to educate women in
adopting

the

methods

which

is

necessary

implementation of the law.

CHAPTER-2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE

36

for

the

A parallel shift in the discourse on women in development

has sought to change the perception of women from one
of

beneficiaries

to

one

of

active

participants

in

development. This has involved redefining development

to encompass a process that replaces constraints with
choices. A factor clearly responsible for inhibiting the
choices of women in development is domestic violence.
Abuse

has

participation

been
of

observed
women,

to

impede

undermine

the

their

public

economic

efficiency, cause increased health burdens, and impose a

drain on scarce national resources (Heise et al. 1994). For
example, a World Bank study (1993) highlighted the cost
of violencein terms of the health burden, estimating that
rape and domestic violence account for five perceptive
the healthy years of life lost to women of reproductive
age in demographically developing countries.
An Inter-American Development Bank study(Morrison and
Orlando1997) indicated that domestic violence resulted in
a loss of US$1.56 billion in Chile (more than 2 per cent of
Chiles GDP in 1996),

when considering only the loss of

womens wages. Few studies have attempted to calculate

the entire economic cost including the provision of all
services by the state. But a study in New Wales, Australia,
estimated that the overall cost was Aus$1.5 billion a year
(NCVAW 1993). This limited evidence suggests that the
economic

implications

alone

are

serious

enough

to

warrant special attention to violence as a development

priority.

reciprocal

concern

is

whether

and

how

development efforts can impact violence within the home.

Limited evidence from studies on microcredit lending
37

programs, for example, suggest that improved household

income by women and greater control over that income by
them reduce the level of violence within the home
(Schuler 1998; Kabeer 1998).
It is equally possible, however, that development efforts
can shift and intensify gender dynamics within the
household

and

exacerbate

incidents

of

violence.

To

determine the impact of development interventions on

violence against women requires an analysis of specific
factors and behaviors thought to trigger violence in
individual households (the focus of Leela Visarias study
to follow) and the ways in which the gender dynamics of
power within the household as well as the community are
affected by development efforts. Even without unravelling
these complex interconnections, it is clear that violence,
and even the threat of violence, is a crucial factor that
inhibits womens participation in development and is,
therefore, a central constraint for realizing their full
potential.

Research Issues
The formulation of effective and sustainable intervention
strategies to address domestic violence against women
requires

comprehensive

understanding

of

all

dimensions of the problem. This includes identifying the

victims and perpetrators, the evident risk and protective
factors, the common outcomes of violence, and the real
needs of survivors. Equally important is research to
document the responses implemented so far to identify
gaps in existing strategies and to distil possible lessons
38

for future strategies. Such researchon domestic violence,

however, must first attend to a series of methodological
issues concerning ethics and safety, the determination of
an

appropriate

mix

of

research

methods,

and

the

definition of domestic violence.

Definitions of domestic violence can be broad or focused,
amorphous or targeted. The reason that the definition of
violence is important is because it shapes the response.
For example, a community response, whether it be legal
reform or the provision of support services, is shaped by a
particular understanding of what constitutes domestic
violence and whether it is to be conceptualized as an
intra-family conflict, or a criminal violation of rights. The
definition implied by the law is especially critical as it
defines

standards

and

thus

impacts

broader

social

perceptions of the problem. Elements of the definition

that need to be considered then are the boundaries of the
relationship between the perpetrator and the abused, the
norms of acceptable behavior, and the specific acts that
constitute violence. A frequent perception of domestic
violence against women is that it is limited to physical
harm perpetrated on adult women within a marital
relationship.
While this understanding may capture a large universe of
the

experience

of

women,

it

is

predicated

on

the

assumption that women primarily live in nuclear families.

Across

cultures,

there

are

variety

of

living

arrangements ranging from joint families to nuclear

families to single parent families. Moreover, women may
be in an established relationship or in the process of
39

separation or divorce. Violence is often not restricted to

the current husband but may extend to boyfriends, former
husbands, and other family members such as parents,
siblings, and in-laws. A definition that acknowledges
these multiple possibilities would lead to interventions
that are more inclusive of the experiences of all women.
Definitions of domestic violence rest upon not only the
nature of the relationship between the perpetratorand
the victim but also upon norms of acceptable behavior.
There is considerable difference of opinion regarding
which behaviours or manifestations should be considered
violent, as well as the level of intensity and frequency
required

to

label

relationshipas

violent.

Another

contentious issue is how toevaluate the intent of the act,

why

the

determine
indicates

act

was

this.
that

For

initiated,and

whose

instance,Indian

significantnumbers

view

field

of

should

experience

women

do

not

perceive acts as violenceif they perceive them to be

justified. The social construct surrounding the ideal good
womanclearly

sets

the

limits

for

acceptable

norms

beyondwhich verbal and physical assaults translate into a

notion of violence. Thus, wife beating is not seen asan
excessive reaction if the woman gives cause forjealousy
or does not perform her wifely duties adequately,such
as having meals ready on time or adequatelycaring for
children. This is further complicatedby a common belief
that violent acts are anexpression of love and merely a
desire to help the subject be a better person.
The core of a definition of domestic violence consists of
all the acts that constitute violence. Some definitions are
40

narrow and focus on a specific act of violence and others

are broader and incorporate the full range of acts. In
India, public discourse and the media equate domestic
violence

with

dowry

violence.

This

incomplete

representation undermines awareness of the widespread,

daily psychological, physical, and sexual abuse women
confront that is often unrelated to dowry. As a result,
newspapers may fail to report the less sensational stories
that do not involve bride-burning and unnatural death.
Indian legislation on marital violence perpetuates this
narrow definition. For example, both Section 498A of the
Indian

Penal

emphasize

Code

and

violence

the

within

Dowry
the

Prohibition

context

of

Act

dowry

harassment. However, informal discussions with women

by researchers and activists have underlined the need for
greater

study

of

other

factors

and

characteristics

associated with abuse.

A further critical element in the definition of violence is
whether it is framed as an exclusively interpersonal act or
seen more broadly as an expression of power that
perpetuates the subordination of women. If it is the
former, the definition would only include those acts which
might be seen as crimes and thus focus only on acts
which result in physical evidence. If it is the latter, the
definition of violence would include all acts of physical,
verbal, visual or sexual abuse that are experienced by
women or girls as threats, invasion or assaults and that
have the effect of hurting her, or degrading her and/or
taking away her ability to control contact (intimate or
otherwise) with another individual (Koss et al. 1994).
Such a definition
41

more fully captures all the different processes by which

women undergo subordination within intimate relations
and fits more directly into a human rights perspective.
In this research program, the underlying framework for
any of the operational definitions of domestic violence
adopted by specific studies resembles this latter view:
that the process of subordination becomes manifest in a
wide range of violent acts. The definition in each study
attempts to be as broad as possible. For instance, the
study

by

Leela

Visaria

has

explicitly

considered

psychological, emotional, physical, and sexual abuse in

her analysis of forms of abuse. Similarly, both the studies
on responses to violence against women examined herein
explicitly state an operational definition of domestic
violence that includes mental, emotional, and financial
abuse of woman. These acts of intimidation and cruelty
led women or their family members to seek the support of
agencies other than the family.
In 1998 and 1999, the Centre for Women and Law at the
National Law School of India University under-took a
study of court records in the state of Karnataka, India. In
this study, court cases and judgments in-evolving violence
against women from 1987 1997 were closely examined.
The research concentrated on cases from the High Court
in Bangalore, the Family Court in Bangalore, one urban
Sessions Court, and one rural Sessions Court (see box
below).
A study of court records provides an opportunity to
analyse the types and outcomes of domestic violence
cases in the judicial system; to learn about how judges
42

and lawyers interpret the law and the dynamics of

domestic violence; and to identify the major obstacles
abused women and their families confront in pursuing
legal redress. Furthermore, an examination of court
records offers insights about the information flow from
institutional systems (such as the police and hospitals) to
the courts. Lastly, such a study explores how detailed and
consistent documentation sheds light on the effectiveness
of existing laws and their implementation, and provides
observations about the patterns and trends of violence
against women.

Court Structure

The major objectives of the investigation were to:

1. Examine all cases connected with domestic violence in
order to understand the trend of court judgments and
43

to identify specific factors that may influence

judgments;
2. Study gaps and filters within the flow of information
from such institutions as police and hospitals to the
judiciary (including a look at records from the time of
filing the initial complaint, the role of police in the
investigation, and the final judgment); and
3. Construct the definition of domestic violence

as

operationalized by the judicial system.

The methodology was a two-step process of establishing
the universe of cases for each of the four courts studied
and then selecting a sampling for detailed examination.
The researchers searched first for cases that gave any
indication of being within the scope of domestic violence,
for example, divorce, maintenance, and physical and
psychological abuse. The study included cases covered by
the Indian Penal Code in Sections 319-322 (injury and
grievous in-jury), 324 and 325 (use of a dangerous
weapon), 327 (causing injury to extort property), 339 and
340 (wrongful restraint and wrongful confinement), 351
(assault), and 498a (cruelty and dowry demand). From
this broad sweep of possible cases, the researchers
identified

landmark

cases

that

illustrated

the

interpretation of domestic violence in the courts and the

trend of judgments. Five landmark cases from each of the
courts were analyzed in detail.

Difficulties Accessing Records

A factor in both the process and outcome of this re-search
was the difficulty of accessing court records, which has
significance for future attempts to study and monitor the
44

judiciarys

treatment

of

domestic

violence.

The

researchers encountered a great deal of bureaucracy in

obtaining permission to look at the records. This process
was so prohibitive and time-consuming for the High Court
that the researchers instead decided to study only the
published judgments.
In addition, the staff members who monitor the records
were extremely uncooperative and the sheer number of
records made the research difficult. In both the rural and
urban Sessions Courts, the records room staff declined
free access to the researchers. Further, the lack of
organization

and

systematic

classification

of

these

records made the selection of records by staff fairly

haphazard. Lastly, due to the confidentiality rules of the
records office in each court, the researchers were only
allowed

to

take

notes

on

photocopying them.

45

records

rather

than

Sample Size
Despite these constraints, the 117 cases gathered offer
valuable information and insights about the four courts
treatment of domestic violence, and provide ideas for
future research and questions.
Given that access to High Court records was not forthcoming, the researchers scanned three separate law
journals in order to review the High Courts decisions:
Karnataka Law Journal, All India Reporter (Karnataka
edition), and Karnataka Law Cases. Few cases reach the
High Court, and over the entire decade, a total of only 22
46

cases

relating

to

domestic

violence

were

found.

Subsequently, all 22 cases were examined to the depth

possible with published material.

Because of the higher volume of cases in the two Sessions

Courts and the Family Court, the researchers hoped that a
larger number of cases could be accessed to identify the
landmark

cases.

For

example,

the

Family

Court

in

Bangalore sees more than 1,000 cases per year. In the

urban Sessions Courts dealing with atrocities against
women, an even higher vol-ume of cases is processed in
this court there were 891 cases in January 1999 alone.
However, due to the constraints mentioned earlier, the
researchers could only access 13 and 11 cases for the
rural and urban Sessions Courts, respectively.

As the Family Court cases were more numerous and the

records room staff more accessible, the researchers
decided to analyse five cases from each year between
1987 and 1997 and ten cases from 1986, for a total of 71
cases.

The

records

from

each

year

were

randomly

selected by the staff of the records office. One caveat is

that because of the lengthiness of court proceedings,
those selected from the last two years must have passed
through the courts quickly, and may not actually be
representative of most cases from that period.

Five landmark cases were identified for each court. These

cases were selected on the basis of which had the

47

greatest

bearing

on

the

interpretation

of

domestic

violence.

Analysis
An overwhelming observation from the analysis of the
cases was the low number of convictions. In those that
did have convictions, it was often on charges for which
the violence was supporting evidence and not for the
abuse itself. The courts did vary in their judgements; the
High Court was the most favourable to women seeking
legal redress, compared to the rural and urban Sessions
Courts, which had a negligible number of convictions. A
closer analysis of the cases from these four courts
revealed a number of stumbling blocks to prosecution and
resolution of domes-tic violence cases.

Stumbling Blocks
The barriers or stumbling blocks to prosecution in these
cases ranged from types of proof to the opinion of the
court concerning what defines criminal acts of violence. In
some of the cases examined, no resolution was arrived at
because the parties abandoned the case. The lengthiness
of the court proceedings (up to several years) may be a
factor in this. In other cases, there was not enough
information

in

the

records

to

determine

why

the

defendants were ac-quitted. And in still other cases,

several of the women had been driven to commit suicide.
In general, barriers to the successful prosecution and

48

resolution of domestic violence cases may be categorized

as:

1. Proof of violence: A major constraining factor emerging

from the study was the difficulty prosecutors encountered
in providing the types of proof of domestic violence
required by the court. Since violence often takes place in
private, it is often the womans word against the mans. A
second issue of proof is missing documentation. This
includes not only missing documentation of physical
injuries, or amount of dowry given at the time of
marriage, but even marriage certificates to prove that the
couple

was

inadmissible

married.

Another

evidence.

significant

Evidence

may

problem
be

is

deemed

inadmissible due to lapses in protocol or variations in

statements. Mens confessions often become inadmissible
because the police did not strictly adhere to protocol.
Failure to properly record a womans dying declaration is
unfortunately a common loophole by which perpetrators
go free. For example, in one case heard by the High Court,
there was a variation in the dying statement of a woman
who had been burned. She told the duty doctor that it
was accidental, but later told the magistrate that her
husband had burned her. In this case, the court ruled that
the later statement could not be used as the doctor had
not signed it directly to certify that the woman was fit to
give

the

deposition,

but

had

separately.

49

given

his

certificate

2.

Time-barred

which

complaints:

highlights

the

Another

stumbling

inefficiency

and

block,

resulting

ineffectiveness of the judicial and law enforcement systeems, is the fact that many complaints do not get
investigated or filed within the required time period. Such
cases must then be dropped. For example, in a case
brought to the High Court, a woman sustained burns and
died. Due to her dying declaration, her husband was
being investigated. Though a charge sheet was filed, the
police report to the magistrate was dated more than one
year

after

her

death

and

was

then

considered

inadmissible. In another case before the rural Sessions

Court, the judge pointed to the fact that when the report
of suicide was made the womans parents did not mention
dowry harassment at the first point of inquiry and had no
proof that dowry was given. He ruled that the delay in
filing the complaint as well as not confiding about the
harassment to others during the marriage early on proved
fatal to the case.

3. Compromise agreements:Sometimes cases are not

prosecuted

because

both

sides

have

dropped

their

charges in favour of a compromise agreement. This is

another situation in which the cost and lengthiness of
court procedures, as well as a womans need to remove
herself from immediate danger, may prevent the judicial
system from being effective. In other cases, charges of
domestic violence may be dropped because what the
woman is really seeking is a divorce to end the violence
that she faces from her husband and in-laws, and the
divorce is granted. Though the woman has gained a

50

separation from an abusive situation, her spouse was not

held account-able for his criminal conduct.

4. Vague definitions of cruelty: While Section 498A of the

Indian

Penal

Code

makes

cruelty

punishable,

cognizable offense in the Indian Penal Code, cruelty is a

vague term and courts are often reluctant to define it.
The judicial systems definition of mental cruelty and
trauma is especially unclear and even judges who are
sensitized to the issue of domestic violence may find
themselves constrained in the types of rulings they can
make. The lack of clarity leaves room for inconsistency
among judgments, particularly as a large segment of the
judiciary is not yet fully sensitized to the dynamics and
dimensions of domestic violence. Thus, in some cases,
psychological

abuse

and

mental

torture

may

be

recognized and punished, while, in others, it is ignored.

5. Violence as a subsidiary issue: Another stumbling block

to effective prosecution of domestic violence is that the
abuse often becomes a subsidiary issue in the case. This
is particularly true for High Court and Family Court cases.
Even if a case involves domestic violence, the court will
focus on specific acts of dowry harassment or the act of a
husband

taking

lifelong

physical

present,

this

a second wife.
and

will

be

Though evidence of

psychological
viewed

as

violence
support

may
for

be

other

arguments rather than an important issue in and of itself.

A

case

will

be

considered

resolved

if

the

other

components are addressed; as mentioned earlier, it is

51

sometimesthe feeling of the court that if a divorce is

granted, there is no need to follow-up on the charges of
domestic violence.
In the end, Studies of court records can provide insights
into

the

effectiveness

of

the

court

system,

the

characteristics of domestic violence cases that make their

way into the courts, and the attitudes of judges, lawyers,
and police officers. This investigation highlights the need
for better documentation of court cases. In many of the
records, it is difficult to discern the reasoning behind the
judgments

and,

since

many

of

the

cases

ended

in

acquittals, why the vast majority of husbands charged

with

domestic

systematic

violence

and

are

thorough

not

records

convicted.
are

More

needed

for

reformers to understand what happens in each case and

why so many cases are dropped, end in compromise, or in
non-conviction.
Another issue that emerged from the research is that
there are several areas of ideological debate. These
include

ideas

about

cruelty

and

evidence.

The

wording of S. 498A is vague, with no consistent definition

of cruelty and, hence, of domestic violence. Abuse often
becomes a subsidiary issue in cases, while more easily
measurable and provable charges like bigamy take the
forefront.
Successful cases can shed light on the types of evidence,
crime,

and

procedural

regularities

necessary

for

conviction on domestic violence. Researchers in this study

gained insight into prosecutors and judges perspectives
and, as a result, were able to pinpoint areas that could
ensure greater effectiveness and accountability.
52

a) From the High Court - A woman filed for maintenance

and separate residence under S. 18(2), alleging that her
husband ill-treated her and that she was subjected to
cruel treatment for no valid cause or justification. She
also submitted that her husband drove her out and had
taken a second wife. In this case, the main issue was the
right to live separately and claim maintenance. The
violence

was

not

proven,

but

the

Court

held

that

subjecting a woman to the indignity of living with the

husbands other woman (concubine) was mental cruelty.
In this case, it was much easier to prove that the
husband had taken a second wife than to prove abuse.
b) From the urban/Sessions Court - A woman was beaten
to death by her husband after 14 years of marriage. After
the first seven years of marriage, they had filed for
divorce, but eventually the divorce proceedings were
dropped and they started living together again. The
husband was sentenced to life imprisonment under S. 302
and seven years under S.201. This case is interesting in
that there was no supplementary evidence of dowry
harassment or adultery. The explanation for the courts
decision is not detailed in the records. Of the five cases
studied in detail from the rural Sessions Courts, none
were successful in producing a conviction on charges of
violence.
Evidence also becomes a constraining factor in many
cases. The number of cases that were not able to move
forward because of lack of evidence or inadmissible
evidence

points

out

two

problem

areas

that

keep

domestic violence from being prosecuted un-der the law:

the ineffectiveness, inaccessibility, and tardiness of both

53

law enforcement officers and health care practitioners;

and the mismatch between the guidelines for proving
domestic violence (i.e. having witnesses) and the private
and often invisible nature of intimate abuse.

Based on the analysis of the court cases, the researchers

feel that the following actions are necessary for domestic
violence

cases

to

be

more

fully

investigated

and

prosecuted:

Improve responsiveness of the police: Many domestic

violence cases are not properly prosecuted because of
errors in police investigation or unnecessary time
delays. Efforts must continue to make the police
accessible and sensitive to women reporting domestic
violence. If women feel comfortable seeking help from
the police and if ensuing investigations are carried out
properly, the power of the judicial system to address
domestic violence in the courts would be greatly

strengthened.
Institutionalize clearer and more thorough protocols
for

record

keeping:

Consistent

documentation

is

essential for transparency and monitoring of trends.

Detailed records can aid in under-standing how judges
make

their

obstacles

decisions,

that

experiencing

often

abuse

and

can

prevent

from

help

identify

women

success-fully

who

the
are

prosecuting

their case. A better database of information also could

be useful in analysing the patterns and characteristics

of domestic violence cases brought to court.

Make the judicial system more accessible: Currently,
the enormous backlog of cases and resulting time
54

delay make the courts a less accessible place for

women experiencing violence to seek justice, as they
may need immediate safety. Efforts to create special
womens and family courts should continue, as well as

attempts to accelerate the judicial process.

Regularly monitor court actions and
outcomes

of

elimination

cases:

of

Advocates

domestic

violence

publicize

working
should

for

the

regularly

monitor the performance of the courts to under-stand

decision-making trends and to identify strategies for
supporting domestic violence cases through the legal
system. Furthermore, publicizing domestic violence
court cases will help to in-crease public awareness
about the issue. While there has been increased
coverage

of

newspapers,

dowry
the

deaths

public

and

rarely

burnings
learns

in

the

about

the

outcome of prosecutions. Publicizing cases is a way

not only to educate the public, but also to increase the
recognition of the challenges that women face in the
court system, and to mobilize different constituencies

to push for change.

Re-think and elaborate upon definitions of cruelty in
Section 498A: The vagueness of the term cruelty in
Section 498A often creates difficulties for judges when
making rulings. In most cases, actions pertaining to
dowry and adultery were considered cruel; what was
under constant contention, however, was whether
other types of domes-tic violence could be defined as
cruelty. A greater elaboration of cruelty and the
definition of domestic violence, as well as greater
consensus and consistency about these terms among
judges, would help make the judicial system more
effective in addressing abuse.
55

Examine and reform types of evidence needed for

domestic violence cases: Because of the of-ten private
nature of domestic violence, or the strategy by which
batterers injure their wives where no one else can see,
the types of evidence demanded should be rethought.
Many

domestic

violence

cases

are

unsuccessful

because the women cannot provide the numerous and

detailed types of evidence required.

CHAPTER-3
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Research in common parlance refers to a search for

knowledge. One can also define research as a scientific
and systematic search for pertinent information on a
specific topic. In fact, research is an art of scientific
investigation. Dictionary definition of research is careful
investigation of inquiry especially through search for new
facts in any branch of knowledge. Some people consider
research as a movement from the known to the unknown.
It is actually a voyage of discovery. We all possess the
vital

instinct

of

inquisitiveness.

When

the

unknown

confronts us, more and more our inquisitiveness makes us

probe and attain understanding of the known. This
56

inquisitiveness is the mother of all knowledge and the

method, which one employs for obtaining the knowledge
of whatever the unknown, can be termed as research.

Objectives of Research
The purpose of research is to discover answers to
questions through the application of scientific procedures.
The main aim of research is to find out the truth which is
hidden and which has not been discovered as yet. Though
each research study has its own specific purpose, we may
think of research objectives as falling into a number of
following broad groupings:
1. To gain familiarity with a phenomenon or to achieve
new insights into it (studies with this object in view is
termed as exploratory or formulativeresearch studies)
2. To

portray

accurately

the

characteristics

of

particular individual, situation or a group

(Studies

with

this

object

in

view

are

known

as

descriptiveresearch studies)
3. To determine the frequency with which something
occurs or with which it is associated with something
else (studies with this object in view are known as
diagnostic research studies)
4. To test a hypothesis of a causal relationship between
variables (such studies are known as hypothesistesting research studies).

57

Research Process
Research process comprises a series of steps or actions
required for effectively conducting research and for the
sequencing of these steps. The following are the various
steps that provide useful procedural guideline regarding
the conduct research.
1. formulating the research problems
2. extensive literature survey
3. developing hypothesis
4. preparing the research design
5. determining the sample design
6. collecting data
7. execution of the project
8. analysis of data
9. hypothesis testing
10.
generalisation and interpretation
11.
preparation of the report or presentation of the
results

Objectives of Social Research

The major objectives of social research are listed as
follows:a) The aim of social research is to discover new facts and
verifying or testing old facts.
b) It tries to understand the human behavior and its
interaction with the environment.
c) It tries to find out the casual connection between
human activities and natural laws governing them.

Functions of Social Research

58

The important functions of social science research are

discussed below:
a) Discovery of facts and their interpretation
Social research provides answer to questions of what,
when, how and why of man, social life and institutions.
Discover of facts and their inter relationship help us to
discard distortions and contribute to our understanding of
social reality.
b) Diagnosis of problems and their analysis
Our society has innumerable problems such as poverty,
unemployment, economic inequality, social tension etc.
The nature and dimensions of such problems have to be
diagnosed and analysed. An analysis of problems leads to
an identification of appropriate remedial actions.
c) Systematization of knowledge
The facts discovered through research are systematized
and the body of knowledge is developed. It contributes to
the growth of theory building.
d) Control over social phenomena
Research in social science provides first-hand information
about the nature of social institutions. This knowledge
helps us to control over the social phenomena.
e) Prediction
Social research aims at finding an order among social fact
and their casual relations. This affords a sound basis for
prediction in several cases.
f) Development planning
59

Systematic research can give us the required data base

for planning and designing developmental schemes and
programmes.
g) Social welfare
Social research can identify the causes of social evils and
problems. It can thus help in taking appropriate remedial
actions. It also provides guideline for social welfare.

Social Work Research: Definition

Social work research may be defined as systematic
investigation into the problems in the field of social work.
The study of concepts, principles, theories underlying
social work methods and skills are the major areas of
social

work

relationship

research.
of

It

social

involves

workers

the
with

study

of

the

their

clients;

individuals, groups or communities on various levels of

interaction

or

therapy

as

well

as

their

natural

relationships and functioning within the organisational

structure of social agencies.
While on the theoretical side, social work research reexamines the special body of knowledge; concepts and
theories, whereas in the area of social work practice it
tries to evolve a systematic theory and valid concepts, to
know the efficacy of different methods/interventions of
social

work

as

to

search

for

alternate/innovative

interventions and treatments.

According to Professor Brij Mohan, social work research
as an organised scientific endeavour is an established
professional activity towards building up a general theory

60

of human behaviour and social functioning involving a

coherent system of intervention.

Need of the Study

In order to the survey and assess responses in their

various

forms,

domestic

violence

was

first

defined

broadly to comprise those acts of intimidation and

cruelty such as mental, emotional, financial, and physical
abuse of a woman, which may make a woman or her
family members seek the support of agencies outside of

the family .
Domestic violence is the most prevalent yet relatively
hidden and ignored form of violence against women and
girls. This study will bring out the closet datein front of
people.

The value of differentiating among types of domestic

violence is that appropriate screeninginstruments and
processes

can

be

developed

that

more

accurately

describe the centraldynamics of the partner violence, the

context, and the consequences.

Objective of the Present Study

To prepare the profile of respondents.
To bring out the types of violence done to a female
from age 18- 40, and the most common violence.
Forms and Reasons of abuse.
Long term effects of domestic violence
Nature of assistance sought by the women.

61

Research Design
A research design provides a framework for the collection
and analysis of data. This framework references three
dimensions:

the scale of data collection (includes defining units and

spatial limits)
the use of time order
the use of inter-group comparisons or the comparative
dimension.

A research design includes the process and methods used

to carry out scientific research. The design defines the
type of study (descriptive, correlational, experimental
etc.) and sub-type (e.g. descriptive longitudinal, case
study), research question, hypothesis, independent and
dependent
relevant,

variables,
data

experimental

collection

methods

design,
and

and,

if

statistical

analysis plan.
The

word

research

design

describes

the

way

an

investigator puts a research together to solve a question

or a list of questions. It works as an organised plan
detailing the study, the researchers ways of collection,
information on how the study will get to its conclusions
and

the

limitations

of

the

research.

Design

is

not

restricted to a specific type of research and may include

both

quantitative

and

qualitative

analysis.

The

fundamental parameters of a research project, such as

factors like its primary approach (qualitative, quantitative
or

some

combination); the

questioned

or

observations;

observed;
research

sample or

number
locations

of

target to be
interviews

questionnaire

or
or

discussion outline; tasks and materials to be presented;

62

and so on, guides the researcher in the process of

collecting, analysing, and interpreting observations. It is a
logical model of proof that enables the investigator to
draw inferences concerning causal relations among the
variables being investigated. Design in basic terms could
be defined as the scheme of work to be done or carried
out by a researcher throughout the various stages of a
research project. It is the strategic plan for a project or
research programme, detailing the broad outline and
important features of the work to be performed, for
example the methods of data collection and analysis to be
used, and showing the way the research strategy deals
with the specific aims and objectives of the study, and
whether the research issues are theoretical or policyoriented.

Types of Research Design

On the basis of research purpose, research studies may
broadly be categorized into four types:
i.
ii.
iii.
iv.

Exploratory or Formulative Design

Descriptive Design
Diagnostic Design
Experimental Design.

The nature of each of these designs is explained below.

(i) Exploratory or Formulative Design: The main purpose
of exploratory study is to gather information which will
help in future for formulation of a precise research
problem. On the basis of the collected facts the
researcher may be able to formulate sound hypotheses
for further research. It may also enable the researcher
63

to get himself acquainted with the phenomena which

he expects to investigate at a later stage. The aim of
an

exploratory

or

formulative

study

may

be

clarification of concepts, establishing priorities for

future research and collection of data about the actual
conditions which affect an intended research.
The essentials for exploratory or formulative design are:
a) Review of pertinent literature
b) Experience Survey
c) Analysis of Insight Stimulating
cases.
(ii)

Descriptive Research Design: The purpose of

descriptive type of design is to describe some event,

situation,

people,

phenomena.

group

or

Fundamentally,

community
it

is

or

fact

some
finding

exercise which focuses on relatively far dimensions of

a well-defined entity, aiming at precise and systematic
measurement of some dimensions of a phenomenon.
Usually,

descriptive

design

involves

detailed

numerical descriptions, such as distribution of the

population of a community by age, sex, caste or
education. The researcher may also take recourse to
descriptive design for estimating the proportion of
people in a particular geographical locality in respect
of their specific views or attitudes. However, the
procedure followed in descriptive design is broadly
analogous, notwithstanding the differences evinced in
their field, formulation of hypotheses, objectives, for
treatment of the problem and in matters of field
expansion.
(iii)

Diagnostic Research Design: Being concerned

with the express characteristics and existing social

problems, the diagnostic research design endeavours
64

to find out relationship between express causes and

also suggests ways and means for the solution. Thus,
the diagnostic studies are concerned with discovering
and testing whether certain variables are associated.
Such

studies

may

also

aim

at

determining

the

frequency with which something occurs or the ways in

which a phenomenon is associated with some other
factors.
Diagnostic studies are mostly motivated by hypotheses. A
primary description of a problem serves the basis so as to
relate the hypotheses with the source of the problem and
only

those

data

which

form

and

corroborate

the

hypotheses are collected. As regards the objectives of

diagnostic research design, it is based on such knowledge
which can also be motivated or put into practice in the
solution of the problem. Therefore, it is obvious that the
diagnostic design is concerned with both the case as well
as the treatment.
Diagnostic studies seek immediate to timely solution of
the

causal

elements.

The

researcher,

before

going

through other references, endeavours to remove and

solve the factors and the causes responsible for giving
rise to the problem.
(iv)

Experimental

Design:

The

concept

of

experimental design in sociological research refers to

systematic study of human relations by making the
observations under conditions of control. In the words
of Jahoda and Cook, 'an experiment maybe considered
as a way of organizing the collection of evidence so as
to permit one to make inference about the tenability of
a hypothesis. According to Chapin, "experiment is
simply observation under controlled conditions. When
observation alone fails to disclose the factors that
65

operate in a given problem, it is necessary for the

scientist to resort to experiment."
In real terms, experimentation is resorted to when it is
not possible to solve the problem through observation
and general knowledge. The core of the experimental
method lies in drawing inferences by observation of
human relations under controlled conditions. Since a
number of factors are in operation in every complex social
situation, the social scientist, while seeking to describe
the single causal relation of factor A to factor B, must
attempt to create an artificial situation wherein all other
factors, such as C, D, E etc., are controlled. Such a state is
achieve4 by selecting two groups which are equal in all
significant receipts and choosing either of the groups as
'experimental group, and the other as the 'control group',
and thereafter exposing the 'experimental group' to the
assumed causal variable, while keeping the 'control'
group under control. After a specific time period, the two
groups are compared in terms of the 'assumed effect'. The
assumed causal variable and the assumed effect are
otherwise called the independent variable and dependent
variable

respectively.

Required

evidence

for

testing

causal relations among variables, already stated in the

form of a hypothesis, is generated by the above method
of experiment.

Research Design for this Study:In the present research

work, descriptive research designhas been used by the
researcher to complete her research work.

66

Universe
The population or universe represents the entire group of
units which is the focus of the study. Thus, the population
could consist of all the persons in the country, or those in
a particular geographical location, or a special ethnic or
economic group, depending on the purpose and coverage
of the study. A population could also consist on nonhuman

units

such

as

farms,

houses

or

business

establishments.

Sampling
Sampling may be defined as the selection of some part of
an

aggregate

or

totality

on

the

basis

of

which

judgement or inference about the aggregate or totality is

made. In other words it is the process of obtaining
information about an entire population by examining only
a part of it. In most of the research work and surveys the
usual approach happens to be make generalization or to
draw inferences based on samples about the parameters
of population from which the population are taken. So we
can now define a sample is any number of persons, units
or objects selected to represent the population according
to

some

rule

or

plan.

The

census

method

is

the

enumeration of all the numbers or units of the population

to get the idea of the population whereas sampling is the
method of selecting a fraction of the population in such a
way that it represents the whole population.
According to Bogardus Sampling is the selection of
certain percentage of a group of items according to a predetermined plan.

67

For the purpose of determining population characteristic,

instead of enumerating entire population, the individuals
in the sample only are observed. Then the sample
characteristics are utilized to approximately determine or
estimate the population. In other words, when a small
group is taken into account as representative of the
whole, is called sampling.
Sampling is used in practice for a variety of reasons such
as:
i.
ii.

Sampling

is

cheaper

than

census

method.

It

is

economical too.
As the magnitude of operations is small in case of
sampling, so data collection and analysis can be

iii.

carried out accurately and efficiently.

Sampling is the only way when the population is as

iv.

large as the population of a country.

Sampling enables the researcher to make a precise
estimate

of

the

standard

error

which

helps

in

obtaining information concerning some characteristic

of the population.
According to Rosander, The sample has many
advantages over a census or complete enumeration. If
carefully designed, the sample is not only considerably
cheaper, but may give results which are just accurate and
sometimes more accurate than those of a census. Hence a
carefully designed sample may actually be better than a
poorly planned and executed census.

Merits

68

1. It saves time: Sampling method of data

collection saves time because fewer items
are

collected

and

processed.

When

the

results are urgently required, this method is

very helpful.
2. It reduces cost: Since only few and selected
items are studied in sampling, so there is
reduction in cost of money and reduction in
terms of man hours.
3. More reliable results

can

be

obtained:

Through sampling more reliable results can

be

obtained

because

there

are

fewer

chances of sampling statistical errors. If

there

is

sampling

error,

it

possible

to

estimate and control the results. \Highly

experienced and trained persons can be
employed

for

scientific

processing

and

analysing of relatively limited data and they

can use their high technical knowledge and
get more accurate and reliable results.
4. It provides more detailed information: As it
saves time, money and labour, more detail
information can be collected in a sample
survey.
5. Sometimes only method to depend upon:
Sometimes it so happens that one has to
depend

upon

sampling

method

alone

because if the population under study is

finite, sampling method is the only method
to be used. For example, if some ones blood
has to be examined, it will become fatal to
take all the blood out from the body and
study

depending

enumeration method.
69

upon

the

total

6. Administrative

convenience:

The

organisation and administration of sample

survey are easy for the same time, money
and

labour

reasons

which

have

been

discussed earlier.
7. More scientific: Since the methods used to
collect data are based on scientific theory
and

results

sampling

is

obtained
more

can

scientific

be

tested,

method

to

collect data.

Types of Sampling
There are two main sampling techniques:
(i) Probability sampling
(ii)
Non-Probability sampling
(i) Probability Sampling: It refers to the possibility that
each object in the target population could be selected
and usually the chance of selecting one object is equal
to the chance of selecting any other object. This
method

is

usually

used

with

surveys

and

generalizations about the population are obtained

from

the

sample.

Probability

sampling

has

four

important elements. First, the sampling frame which

refers to the population under investigation. Second,
to decide on an appropriate sample size, the larger the
sample the more accurate are the generations about
the population. Third, high response rate is important
because

the

higher

the

response

rate

more

representative the sample is of the population. Fourth,

select the best sampling technique for the study.

70

Types of Probability Sampling design are as follows:

a) Simple Random Sampling
b) Stratified Sampling
c) Systematic sampling
d) Cluster Sampling
a) Simple Random Sampling: Simple random sampling
is a probability sampling procedure that gives
every element in the target population, and each
possible sample of a given size, an equal chance of
being selected. As such, it is an equal probability
selection method (EPSEM).
b) Stratified

Sampling:

Stratified

sampling

is

probability sampling procedure in which the target

population

is

first

separated

into

mutually

exclusive, homogeneous segments (strata), and

then a simple random sample is selected from each
segment (stratum). The samples selected from the
various strata are then combined into a single
sample. This sampling procedure is sometimes
referred to as quota random sampling.
c) Systematic

Sampling:

Systematic

sampling

(or

interval random sampling) is a probability sampling

procedure in which a random selection is made of
the

first

element

for

the

sample,

and

then

subsequent elements are selected using a fixed or

systematic interval until the desired sample size is
reached.
sampling

The

random

procedure

start
from

distinguishes
its

this

nonprobability

counterpart, nonprobability systematic sampling

(discussed above). In some instances, a sampling
frame is not used. The target population need not
be numbered and a sampling frame compiled if
there is physical presentation such as a continuous
71

flow of population elements at specific locations.

For

example,

after

random

start,

one

may

systematically select every ith patient visiting an

emergency room in a hospital, store customers
standing in line, or records in file drawers.
d) Cluster Sampling: Cluster sampling is a probability
sampling

procedure

population

are

in

which

randomly

elements

selected

in

of

the

naturally

occurring groupings (clusters). In the context of

cluster sampling, a cluster is an aggregate or
intact grouping of population elements. Element
sampling is the selection of population elements
individually, one at a time. On the other hand,
cluster

sampling

population

involves

elements

not

the

selection

individually,

but

of
in

aggregates. The sampling units or clusters may be

space

based,

geographical
counties,

such
or

as

naturally

physical

census

tracts,

units

occurring

(e.g.,

blocks,

or

states,

buildings);

organization-based, such as such units as school

districts,

schools,

grade

levels,

or

classes;

or

telephone based, such as area codes or exchanges

of telephone numbers.
(ii)

Non-probability

sampling

designs

probability

in

the

Sampling:
do

not

choice

follow
of

Non-probability
the

elements

theory
from

of
the

sampling population. Non-probability sampling designs

are used when the number of elements in a population
is either unknown or cannot be individually identified.
In

such

situations

the

selection

of

elements

is

dependent upon other considerations. There are five

commonly used non-random designs, each based on a
72

different consideration, which are commonly used in

both qualitative and quantitative research. These are:
a) quota sampling
b) accidental or convenience sampling
c) judgemental sampling or purposive sampling
a) Quota Sampling: Quota sampling has some similarities
to stratified sampling. The basic idea of quota sampling
is to set a target number of completed interviews with
specific subgroups of the population of interest. Ideally,
the target size of the subgroups is based on known
information about the target population (such as census
data). The sampling procedure then proceeds using a
non-random

selection

mechanism

until

the

desired

number of completed interviews is obtained for each

subgroup.
b) Convenience Sampling: Convenience sampling differs
from purposive sampling in that expert judgment is not
used to select a representative sample of elements.
Rather, the primary selection criterion relates to the
ease of obtaining a sample. Ease of obtaining the
sample relates to the cost of locating elements of the
population, the geographic distribution of the sample,
and obtaining the interview data from the selected
elements. Examples of convenience samples include
mall intercept interviewing, unsystematically recruiting
individuals to participate in the study.
c) Purposive Sampling: Purposive sampling is also referred
to as judgmental sampling or expert sampling. The main
objective of purposive sampling is to produce a sample
that

can

be

considered

representative

of

the

population. The term representative has many different

meanings, along the lines of the sample having the
same

distribution

of

the
73

population

on

some

key

demographic characteristic, but it does not seem to

have any agreed-upon statistical meaning. The selection
of a purposive sample is often accomplished by applying
expert knowledge of the population to select in a nonrandom manner a sample of elements that represents a
cross-section of the population. For example, one might
select a sample of small businesses in the United States
that represent a cross-section of small businesses in the
nation.
Sampling

Technique

study,purposive

for

this

study :In

non-probability

the

sampling

present

has

been

adopted by the researcher to select the respondents.

Data Collection

Data collection is the process of gathering and measuring

information on variables of interest, in an established
systematic fashion that enables one to answer stated
research

questions,

test

hypotheses,

and

evaluate

outcomes. The data collection component of research is

common to all fields of study including physical and social
sciences, humanities, business, etc. While methods vary
by discipline, the emphasis on ensuring accurate and
honest collection remains the same.
Data collection is one of the most important stages in
conducting a research. You can have the best research
design in the world but if you cannot collect the required
data you will be not be able to complete your project.
Data collection is a very demanding job which needs
74

thorough planning, hard work, patience, perseverance

and more to be able to complete the task successfully.
Data collection starts with determining what kind of data
required followed by the selection of a sample from a
certain population. After that, you need to use a certain
instrument to collect the data from the selected sample.

Types of data
Data can be divided into two types, namely
1- Quantitative
2- Qualitative
Quantitative data is numerical in nature and can be
mathematically computed. Quantitative data measure
uses different scales, which can be classified as nominal
scale,

ordinal

scale,

interval

scale

and

ratio

scale.

Nominal scale is used to categorize items into different

group,

for

example

male

and

female,

different

examination grades, different races in a country, different

types of companies, different shoe sizes and so on. The
statistics that is used to analyse this type of data is
mode. The second measure for quantitative data is the
ordinal scale which other than providing information as
the nominal scale does also permit ranking of the data.
For example, shoe sizes can be ranked from big too small.
A typical ordinal in ranking a set of data is poor,
satisfactory, good, very god, excellent. On the other hand,
an interval scale not only rank order of a set of data, it
also measures the order in units of equal intervals.
75

However, the starting point for the measurement is

arbitrary rather than absolute. For example, Celsius in
temperature measurement is an interval scale because
0o C is an arbitrary value, it is not absolute zero, it does
not mean temperature is lacking at that point. For
absolute quantities, we have to use the ratio scale. For
example, measuring temperature in Kelvin is a ratio scale
as it starts the measurement at absolute zero, which is
about -273o Celsius.
Qualitative data are mostly non-numerical and usually
descriptive or nominal in nature. This means the data
collected are in the form of words and sentences.

Sources of Data Collection

Generally we can collect data from two sources, primary
sources and secondary sources. Data collected from
primary sources are known as primary data and data
collected from secondary sources are called secondary
data.
Primary data are also known as raw data. Data are
collected from the original source in a controlled or an
uncontrolled

environment.

environment

is

Example

experimental

of

research

controlled

where

certain

variables are being controlled by the researcher. On the

other

hand,

data

collected

through

observation

or

questionnaire survey in a natural setting are examples

data obtained in an uncontrolled environment. Secondary
data are data obtained from secondary sources such as

76

reports, books, journals, documents, magazines, the web

and more.
Sources of Data Collection in this study:Primary data
which is Qualitative in nature.

Data Collection Methods

There are many methods to collect data, depending on
our research design and the methodologies employed.
Some of the common methods are:
(i) Questionnaires
(ii)

Interview

(iii)

Observation.

(i) Questionnaires
A questionnaire is a research instrument consisting of a
series of questions and other prompts for the purpose of
gathering information from respondents. Although they
are

often

designed

for statistical analysis

of

the

responses, this is not always the case. The questionnaire

was invented by Sir Francis Galton. Questionnaires are
widely

used

for

both

quantitative

and

qualitative

research.
When we are designing a questionnaire, we have to pay
attention to the following issues:

Are the instructions clear and unambiguous?

77

Can the questions be understood; are they free from

jargon, esoteric terminology, unsuitable assumptions
and ambiguity?

Are

the

respondents

possessed

the

requisite

information and knowledge to answer the questions?

Is the wording of questions appeared offensive and

embarrassing to the respondents?

Is the wording of questions lead to bias through

leading the respondent to particular answers?

Questionnaire can be administered by post, face to face

distribution of the questionnaires or by interviewing the
respondents. If you are conducting questionnaire survey
by interview, you have to keep interviewer bias to the
minimum by following certain rules such as

Record exactly what the respondent answers

Do not answer on behalf of the respondent

Read the questions clearly and slowly.

Do not show approval or disapproval of any answer

(ii)
An

Interview
informal

interview

is

essentially

modelled

on

conversation, so it is a social event involving two or more

participants. The internet is a new, easy and cheap tool
for conducting interviews, and also allows for several
78

interviews to take place simultaneously. Another method

is the focus group, which allows for interviewing groups
together and observing the interaction between them as
well.
In an interview one is forced to ask sensitive questions
about age, sex, marital status and educational level. The
book offers some suggestions on how to phrase these
questions without shocking: asking someone what age or
how long ago they left school, or when they are due to
retire instead of how old they are; giving someone a
selection of ethnic origins to choose from or making your
own assumptions instead of asking them straight out etc.
(iii)

Observation

Observation is a process of recording the behaviour

patterns of people, objects, and occurrences without
questioning or communicating with them. Observation
can take the place in a laboratory setting or in a natural
setting.

Generally

there

are

two

ways

to

conduct

observation, namely non-participative observation and

participative observation.
The researcher in non-participative observation does not
involve in the activities of the people being observed. He
or she merely record whatever happens among the
people, including their actions and their behaviour, and
anything

worth

recording.

On

the

one

hand,

the

researcher in a participative observation involves fully

with the people being observed, with the objective of
trying to understand the values, motives and practices of
those being researched.

79

Data Collection Method for this Study : In the present

research work, Interview Schedule has been selected by
the researcher to conduct her study.

CHAPTER-4
PROFILE OF RESPONDENTS

80

In social sciences research personnel characteristics of

respondents

have

very

significant

role

to

play

in

expressing and giving the responses about the problem,

keeping this in mind, in this study a set of personal
characteristics
background,

etc.

namely,
of

age,

the

50

education,

respondents

family

have

been

examined and presented in this chapter.

Age
Age of the respondents is one of the most important
characteristics in understanding their views about the
particular problems; by and large age indicates level of
maturity of individuals in that sense age becomes more
important to examine the response.

Table4.1: Age Distribution of Respondents

Age Group

No. of

Percenta

(years)

Respondents

ge

18-25
25-30
30-35
35+
Total

21
16
8
5
50

42%
32%
16%
10%
100%

81

AGE DISTRIBUTION

10%

18-25
25-30

16%

30-35

42%

35+

32%

It

is

evident

from

Table4.1

that

majority

of

respondents(42%) belong to the age group 18-25 years,

32% respondents belong to the age group 25-30 years,
16% respondents belongs to the age group 30-35 years
and the remaining(10%) belongs to the age group 35+
years.

Caste
Caste is a form of social stratification which historically
separated

communities

into

thousands

of endogamous hereditary groups called jatis. Usually the

term is created by the English as " Castes. The origin of
the word caste found differently. Some says that the
caste meaning lineage whereas some says that the term
caste was derived from the Spanish word casta meaning
breed or race.

82

Table 4.2: Caste of Respondents

Caste

No. Of

Percenta

Respondents

ge (%)

13

26%

10
22
5
50

20%
44%
10%
100

Schedule
d
Lower
High
Muslim
Total

CASTE DETERMINATION

10%
26%

Scheduled
Lower
High
Muslim

44%

20%

The above table clearly shows that a majority (46%) of

respondents belongs to Sc/St category, 30 per cent of
them belong to General category and 24 per cent belongs
to OBC.

Education

Education is one of the most important characteristics

that might affect the persons attitudes and the way of
83

looking

and

understanding

any

particular

social

phenomena. In a way, the response of an individual is

likely to be determined by his educational status and
therefore it becomes imperative to know the educational
background

of

the

respondents.

Hence

the

variable

Educational Qualification was investigated and the data

pertaining to education is presented.

Table

4.3:

Educational

Qualification

of

Respondents
Educational

No. Of

Qualification

Respondents

Percent
age (%)

(Students)
No formal
schooling
Lower primary
Upper primary
Secondary +
Total

84

6%

9
17
21
50

18%
34%
42%
100%

EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION

6%

No formal schooling
18%

Lower primary
Upper primary

42%

Secondary +

34%

Table

4.4:

Educational

Qualification

of

Respondents Husbands
Educational

No. Of

Percenta

Qualification

Respondents

ge (%)

4%

7
26
15
50

14%
30%
52%
100%

No formal
schooling
Lower primary
Upper primary
Secondary +

Total

85

HUSBAND'S EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION

4%
30%

14%

No formal schooling
Lower primary
Upper primary
Secondary +

52%

Family Background
Family background refers to the place with which people
hold a long history and a deep cultural association. It
simply connotes ones origin. (Here) It refers to the area
to which respondents family belong. It has a very
important role in deciding values, beliefs and behaviour
patterns of a child which are likely to affects his or her
attitudes towards a particular problem.

Table 4.5: Family Background of the Respondents

Family

No. of

Percentag

Background

Respondents

e (%)

Rural
Urban
Total

21
29
50

42%
58%
100%

86

FAMILY BACKGROUND

RURAL
URBAN

42%
58%

From table 4.5 it is quite clear that the majority of

respondents (58%) family background is urban and 42
per cent belong to rural area. This shows the increasing
trend of migration of families from rural to urban areas.

Family Structure
Family structure refers to the type of family in which
a person lives and gets socialized has immense
importance

in

deciding

his

values,

beliefs

and

behaviours patterns which are likely to affects his or

her attitudes towards a particular problem, hence the
family structure plays its own role in giving the
response of

an

individual

and therefore it was

thought important to understand the family structure

of the respondents.

Table 4.6: Family Structure of the Respondents

87

Family
Structur
e

No. of

Percenta

Respondents

ge (%)

32
18
50

64%
36%
100

Nuclear
Joint
Total

FAMILY STRUCTURE

NUCLEAR

36%

JOINT
64%

It is evident from the Table 4.6 that a large majority of the

respondents (64 per cent) live in a nuclear family and
remaining (36 per cent) of the total respondents live in a
joint family. This shows the increasing trends in the
changing families from joint family to the nuclear family
and the change in family system can be attributed to the
processes of urbanization, industrialization, migration and
modernization.

Years of Marriage

88

Table 4.7: Years of Marriage of the Respondents

Years of

No. of

Percenta

Marriage

Responden

ge (%)

ts
0-5
6-10
11-15
15+
Total

22
16
7
5
50

44%
32%
14%
10%
100

YEARS OF MARRIAGE OF THE RESPONDENTS

10%

0-5 years
6-10 years

14%

11-15 years

44%

15+ years

32%

From

the

above

table

it

is

clear

that

majority

of

respondents (44%) are married for 0-5 years, 32 per cent

of the total respondents are married from 6-10 years,
14per cent of them are married from 11-15 years, 10 per
cent respondents are married more then 15+ years. This
also shows that some women are bearing violence from
last 15 years.

89

CHAPTER-5
DATA ANALYSIS RELATED TO IMPACT OF
DOMESTIC VIOLENCE ON WOMEN OF AGE
GROUP 18-40 YEARS

This research study explored the status and nature of

record

keeping

among

domestic

violence

service

providers in India. Such a study contributes to larger

inquiries about domestic violence, including the impact of
services, what gaps are apparent, and how the needs and
interests

of

women

experiencing

violence

are

documented. In addition, the study sought to develop

effective methodology for a better understanding of

90

domestic violence and for the evolution of insights.

Thestudy also focuses on responses by the government
and the voluntary sector to domestic violence in states of
India. This research project built upon this work and
sought

also

to

better

understand

how

individual

communities respond to domestic violence. The study

documented the consistent recording of four primary
categories of information: types of violence reported,
apparent causes of violence, womens immediate needs,
and support sought in the past. In addition to examining
the written narratives of the women, this study explored
caseworker perspectives on the problem of domestic
violence and the kinds of services provided. The objective
is to mainstream womens rights and to insure that
womens civil, political, economic, cultural, and social
rights can be protected and promoted. As domestic
violence plays a crucial role in preventing women from
asserting their human rights. There were three main
objectives of this research: to assess the status domestic
violence service-providing organizations based inIndia, to
assess and interpret what can be learned about domestic
violence, and to investigate the capacity of support
womens human rights.

Forms

of

Violence

Reported

in

Womens

endure

tremendous

Narratives
The

data

indicated

that

women

cruelty at the hands of their husbands and family

members before they ever reach out for help. Most
profoundly apparent is the range and severity of the
violence, the compounding of multiple types of abuse
91

experienced in combination, and the predominance of

physical violence. It is clear that women sought help from
these organizations only after a long and severe history
of violence or after a particularly harrowing and cruel
incident.
Researcher categorized the data by types of violence
reported. These types were sorted into five general
categories,

from

17

specific

categories

based

on

descriptions of the violence in the narratives. Obviously,

many forms of violence may also have occurred to
women who chose not to explicitly mention these in their
narrative. The decision by women to include explicit
descriptions of the abuse is an important element of the
records that must be considered when exploring the kinds
of experiences encompassed within the rubric of domestic
violence. For example, an incident or pattern of physical
violence may be essential before women feel entitled to
seek help. However, women often mentioned types of
verbal or psychological abuse as well. In many instances,
the word torture in English and its Kannada equivalent
was mentioned repeatedly in the narratives. It appears to
refer to both physical and mental violence and was used
in most cases to mean unbearable cruelty. Although such
a term links types of violence together as they are
experienced in combination, researchersalso sought to
separate distinctive types in order to get a better sense
of the texture and experience of abuse which occurs.

Table 5.1 Forms of Violence

92

Types of

No. of

Violence

Respondents

Physical

41/50

violence
Verbal and

36/50

psychological
violence
Cruelty and

23/50

torture
Abuse to loved

17/50

ones
Abuse from in-

11/50

laws
Total

50

Types of violence
45 Physical violence
40
Verbal and psychological violence
35
30
Cruelty and torture
25
Abuse to loved ones
20
15
Abuse from in-laws
10
5
0

93

1. Physical violence: This includes hitting, slapping, and

beating with hands or fist, throwing objects, violence
during pregnancy and/or a forced abortion, use of a
weapon (such as an iron rod, a knife or kerosene), sexual
violence of any kind (including forcing her to sleep with
other men), poisoning, and other attempts to kill her.
Sexual violence may occur as part of a regular practice of
physical battering but not be mentioned in a narrative.
The fact that relatively few women reported sexual
violence may reflect discomfort in reporting this, not
necessarily the low incidence of this type of violence. 41
women out of 50 have faced physical violence in the
survey.

2. Abuse of loved ones: This category includes any

physical or mental cruelty and abuse to
complainants

children

or

her

natal

family,

such

as

beating of the children, assaults of natal family members,

and humiliation of family members.17 women out of 50
have faced Cruelty and torture.
3.

Mental

includes

and
threats

psychological
of

any

violence:

kind,

verbal

This

category

abuse,

and

harassment such as insults, filthy language and taunting,

harassment

for

dowry

and

income,

threats

top

our

kerosene, and such humiliating actions as trying to prove

she is insane, wiping dirty hands on her face, spitting at
her, treating her like a servant, andembarrassing her at
her workplace or in public. 36 women out of 50 have faced
Mental and psychological violence in the survey.

94

4. Cruelty and torture: This category includes such abuses

as confinement and deprivation (including denying her
the right to visit her family, tying her up and not allowing
her out of the house, and denying her food), forcing her
to

consume

unpleasant

or

disgusting

things,

the

destruction or theft of her property, throwing her out of

the house, taking another wife, and desertion. 23 women
out of 50 have faced Cruelty and torture.
5. Abuse from in-laws: This category refers to physical or
psychological abuse directed at the woman from one of
her in-laws. Overall, there was an overwhelming presence
of severe physical violence in the records. This may be a
consequence of womens perceptions that married life
inevitably involves a certain amount of suffering and that
they

are

expected

to

endure

abuse

and

cruelty.

Community attitudes may reinforce the belief that women

need to endure violence until it crosses a threshold, or
that violence is only considered bad when it leaves
injuries. A few comments from caseworkers implied that
there is a sense among some of the organizations as well
that it is appropriate for women to seek help not after the
first experience of abuse, but only after a significant
amount of violence has occurred. Further, there was also
some sentiment that obedience is an important virtue for
wives, and that it is, in fact, a husbands right to
reprimand his wife if necessary. 11 women out of 50 have
faced Cruelty and torture.

Detailed List of Types of Violence

95

Type of
violence

# of
wom
en

% of
wome
n

Pours
kerosene/
acid

12%

Poison/for
ced

4%

Violence
during

2%

Use of
weapon

10%

Assault
and
beating

46

92%

Sexual
violence

4%

Beats
children

8%

Abuse
from inlaws

6%

Attempts
to kill

6%

Threats

12

24%

Verbal
abuse

32

64%

Confinem
ent and

12%

Humiliatio
n

8%

Dowry
demands

2%

Threat to
pour

4%

Throw out
of house

10%

Desertion

4%

Physical
abuse

2%

4%

<1%

of family
Psychologi
cal abuse
of family
Suicide
attempt

96

by woman
Destroys
property

2%

Causes/Excuses for Violence

This category of information was also found consistently
throughout the records although less frequently than
types of violence. This may indicate a need to provide an
excuse or explanation for violence while reporting it, or it
may be the result of formulating a narrative that depends
upon a cause to link events together. Obviously, these
excuses or causes of abuse are interpretations offered
by

the

women

them-

selves

and

not

necessarily

explanations for the violence that occurred.

Six broad categories of these causes were identified from
the recorded narratives. Only 16 per cent mentioned no
cause for the violence and the vast majority included
some reason or excuse to explain why he began abusing
her. Most frequent by far were matters related to money
or dowry, with the majority mentioning either or both.
These

were

classified

separately

as

many

women

specifically mention dowry as a reason (52), while others

describe tensions over money or demands for her money
(62) as issues that are separate from dowry. According to
the narratives, struggles for control over income, assets
and expenses are central to household abuse dynamics.
References to money or dowry may also be present in
recorded complaints because of womens perceptions that
organizations can actually help in getting subsistence
money or finances restored. This is evident in the data
documenting what she wants, where returning her
things or dowry was requested in 22 cases, and general
maintenance was requested in 36 cases. Her own financial
independence may or may not have been relevant as she
may have been subject to violence whether she was a
97

wage earner or not. The concern is more about control

over money than money itself.
Causes or precipitating factors relating to sexuality were
referenced by 21 per cent of the cases. These included
actual

or

suspected

infidelities

by

either

partner,

resistance to intercourse, or his second marriage. For

example, a husbands second marriage may be used as a
threat to subdue the first wife or perpetrate violence
further. Women reported that their questions regarding
husbands extramarital affairs led to in-creased violence
against them. Some women also described being forced to
have sexual relations with other men as a form of abuse
against them. Womens narratives occasionally also linked
their own behaviours with increases in violence. In
particular, some listed causes of violence as challenging
him or his family, either by refusing to do what they were
told,

asking

requesting

questions
more

about

household

his

or

money,

their

behavior,

or

refusing

intercourse.

Correlates of Violence
He started enjoying drinking and would come home
drunk and start beating me. Now I am married for 15 or
16 years and have two boys of school going age. And I get
beaten up.
The women in the study were divided into those who
experienced both psychological and physical abuse, those
who experienced psychological abuse, and those who did
not report any abuse. The results show that each form of
abuse cuts across all age, caste, and education lines).
98

Identifying

trends

of

the

different

forms

of

abuse,

common precipitating factors thought to trigger the

violence,

and

magnitude

of

violence

across

these

correlates can establish the widespread prevalence of

violence across categories and contribute to the design of
more specific prevention and intervention strategies. In
addition, the social and economic conditions that may
foster

different

types

of

violence

can

be

examined

through such an analysis.

Magnitude of Violence in Entire Sample

Table 5.2
Psych

No

Perce

Psychologica

ologic

Repo

ntag

al
and

rted

e
Distri

Physi
Abuse

cal

butio
Abuse

n
of
Samp

Abuse

le
100

All

42 %

23 %

35 %

23
20
28
23

48
57
17
33

29
23
55
44

15
47
26
12

Caste
Schedule
d
Lower
High
Muslim
Age

%
%
%
%

of

Woman
99

%
%
%
%

%
%
%
%

%
%
%
%

15 24
25 34
35 +

26 %
23 %
17 %

52 %
38 %
47 %

22 %
39 %
36 %

24 %
66 %
10 %

schooling
Lower

16 %

60 %

24 %

49 %

primary
Upper

35 %

41 %

24 %

10 %

primary
Secondar

24 %

41 %

35 %

16 %

y+

32 %

10 %

58 %

26 %

schooling
Lower

14 %

68 %

19 %

17 %

primary
Upper

15 %

62 %

23 %

14 %

primary
Secondar

26 %

47 %

27 %

21 %

y+

28 %

25 %

47 %

48 %

23 %

50 %

27 %

60 %

Womans
Educatio
n
No
formal

Husband
s
Educatio
n
No
formal

Living
Arrange
ment
Nuclear

100

Joint
Years

23 %

30 %

47 %

40 %

40
24
18
21

35
40
51
40

25
36
31
39

6%
57 %
25 %
12 %

of

Marriage
15
6 10
11 14
15 +

%
%
%
%

%
%
%
%

%
%
%
%

(Because of rounding, not all rows add up to 100%

exactly)
Despite slightly higher numbers of young brides reporting abuse, the relationship between age, duration of
marriage, and violence is weak. The most widespread
violence was reported among women from the Thakore
and Baraiya castes (80 per cent), other low castes (75 per
cent),

and

scheduled

castes

(74

per

cent).

Though

relatively less, large numbers of Muslim women (56 per

cent) and high caste women (45 per cent) also indicated
abuse from their husbands. Differences in the rates of
physical abuse account for most of the variation between
caste groups. While all women reported similar rates of
psychological abuse (23-28 per cent), a smaller proportion
of high caste women (17 per cent) additionally indicated
physical abuse compared to low caste women (57 per
cent).
Reported violence declined with the increasing education
of both men and women. Though incidence did not fall
below forty per cent for any group, abusive relationships
were reported more frequently among illiterate women
(76 per cent) and illiterate men (81 per cent) than women
and men with secondary schooling or more (42 per cent
and 53 per-cent respectively). Violence also varied with
living arrangements 53 per cent of women in joint
101

families reported abuse compared to 73 per cent of

women in nuclear families. It is important to note that the
rate of psychological violence among both groups is the
same, the 20 per cent differential is due to higher
numbers of women in nuclear families reporting physical
abuse.
When grouped by age and duration of marriage, all
categories of women reported either psychological or
physical abuse at incidence levels ranging from 60 per
cent to 75 per cent. An interesting finding is that
differences in overall violence by these groupings are
statistically insignificant. Contrary to some expectations
that violence might subside with age, adult children, and
adjustments, women who suffer abuse early on continue
to experience it throughout their marriage. As one
respondent who had been married for several years
remarked, The frequency or intensity of beating or
quarrels have not really decreased. It should have with
the passage of time, but nothing of that sort has
happened. The data suggest that as women age and
have been married longer, forms of violence actually shift
towards

more

physical

violence.

For

example,

while

women who had been married 1-5 years reported similar

levels of physical and psychological violence (35 per cent
and 40 per cent, respectively), the responses of women
who had been married 11-15 years demonstrated a shift
towards more physical violence. About 51 per cent of
these women reported physical abuse and 18 per cent reported psychological abuse.

Precipitating Factors of Abuse

102

If the food is not according to his taste, and if the

quantum of salt in the vegetable is too much, or it is very
pungent or not fully cooked, he loses his temper. If he
thinks that I have not kept the house tidy and clean, he
loses his temper. He does give me money to manage the
house, but if the money is all spent and I ask for more, he
loses his temper and picks a quarrel. When he picks a
quarrel, he blames my parents and uses very foul
language for them. I cannot tolerate that and so we
fight.
A central question in understanding and addressing abuse
is how underlying patterns of gender subordination and
the

use

of

themselves

violence
daily.

attributed

an

proximate

causes

for

conflict

Women

outburst
or

of

in

resolution

the

violence

precipitating

study

manifest
frequently

against

them

to

triggers

such

as

mistakes in running the household. The catalysts cited

most often include: not preparing meals on time (66 per
cent), not cooking meals properly (51 per cent), not
caring for the children properly (48 per cent), and
economic stress (48 per cent). Though marital violence in
India is often equated with dowry violence, just one per
cent

stated

that

inadequate

dowry

precipitated

the

abuse. During the in-depth interviews, women stated that

while these incidents described above are often the initial
catalysts

for

violence,

their

husbands

anger

was

aggravated further when the women resisted verbal

abuse by defending themselves or using harsh language.
Though reports of precipitating incidents such as pre103

paring a meal late or not disciplining a child may seem

trivial, they are indicative of the many demands on
womens time. In addition to work and responsibilities
outside of the home, most women in the study are also
expected to be responsible for maintaining the household,
caring

for

the

children,

and

preparing

meals.

Such

gender-specific responsibilities like collecting fuel and

water

are

time-consuming

and

labour-intensive.

The

pressure of completing all of these tasks properly may

reinforce these dynamics of gender subordination and
become an excuse for violence.
Other existing literature has gone further in examining
the possible underlying factors. One study in Karnataka
found that alcohol use and dowry were primary and
important determinants of abuse (Rao 1997). Others
argue that hierarchical gender relations, perpetuated
through

gender

socialization

and

socio-economic

inequities, are the root cause of violence against women

(Heise, Pitanguy, and Germaine 1994). In addition to
economic inequality between men and women, David
Levinson (1989) outlines three other factors that together
help predict violence against women: a pattern of using
physical violence for conflict resolution, male authority in
the home, and a divorce restriction for women. In the
current study in Gujarat, only three women reported
dowry-related violence. This low number may be due to
higher prevalence of dowry harassment in urban, higher
caste families not represented in a rural sample. The
Gujarat findings support Levinsons predictors of violence.
The lack of womens power within the home as well as
constraining social and economic factors which provide
104

few options outside of marriage were indeed associated

with high levels of abuse.

Forms of Violence
Besides using abusive language, my husband hits me
with whatever he can lay his hands on. When he is really
mad, he flings a stick or whatever is in his hand freely
towards me. He does not kick or pull my hair or bang
against the wall. But hitting me in the back or slapping is
what he does most of the times. In a fit of rage, he even
asks me to leave home and go to my parents house. But
how can I go? I have children and this is my home.
In this study, reported violence takes many forms. The
most frequently reported types of violence against a
woman include abusive language (80 per cent), beatings
(63 per cent), forcing her back to her parental home (52
per cent), and threats to throw her out (51 per cent).
Other types of abuse include refusing to give money to
manage the household, protracted criticism, and getting
angry with the children. Two-thirds of the women who
were abused reported physical violence. Of the women
who reported physical violence, the most frequent forms
are slaps (100 per-cent), having objects thrown at them
(63 per cent), and beatings with a stick (58 per cent).
Approximately ten per cent of the women who were
physically

abused

indicated

they

required

medical

attention after get-ting beaten, yet only 38 per cent of

these sought treatment. Despite the fact that there were
few inquiries specifically on the subject of sexual abuse,
20

per-cent

of

women

reporting

described violence of a sexual nature.

105

physical

violence

Women in the survey who reported violence experienced

an average of three different forms of abuse. In addition,
45 per cent of the women reported that their husbands
used abusive language in the presence of their children,
and 63 per cent said that this occurred in front of their
parents as well. Many women grew to tolerate abusive
language in the presence of their in-laws, but felt physical
beatings in their presence were demeaning and corrosive
of their self-worth.

Precipitating Factors for Domestic Violence

Looking at the data as a whole helps to understand the
overall contours of domestic violence, but it is essential to
examine the survey responses more closely in light of its
complex nature. provides more detailed information on
the linkages among the precipitating factors for abuse.
Furthermore, the analysis suggests potential inhibiting
factors for domestic violence against women. With a
sensitive
violence,

and

socially

questions

charged
about

topic

like

domestic

under-reporting

arise.

Differences in reported violence by group, for example by

caste or levels of education, are difficult to analyse
because of concerns that some women may face stronger
social pressure to keep violence private and hidden, and
therefore may not be re-porting violence to interviewers.
106

The

consistent

interaction

between

researchers

and

participants in this study over a long period of time

hopefully minimized this possibility. Furthermore, many
women in all categories did report violence. An analysis of
these re-ports can provide important data regarding
possible differences in experiences of violence and in
trends by caste, age, and education. The knowledge of
such

distinctions

can

in

turn

guide

the

design

of

appropriate intervention strategies.

The forms of violence reported vary across caste. Women
from the scheduled and lower castes reported much
higher incidence of physical abuse than other survey
respondentsThey were also more likely to report that
their husbands threatened to force them out of the home
or back to their parents house. For example, 35 per cent
of high caste women in abusive relationships mentioned
that their husbands threatened to expel them from the
house compared to 62 per cent of lower caste women.
Precipitating

factors

also

varied:

while

all

women

mentioned com-plaints about meal preparation and child

care, 68 per cent of scheduled caste and 55 per cent of
lower caste women who had reported some type of
violence listed economic stress as a precipitating factor
for abuse. Another difference among castes was that a
greater proportion of high caste women (20 per-cent)
reported feeling that others instigated the violence in
their homes compared to Muslim women (12 per cent) or
lower caste women (10 per cent). Reported forms and
factors seen to be prompting violence among scheduled
caste

and

lower

caste

women

are

oriented

around

economic constraints and being thrown out of the house.

107

These women have few options outside the marital home.

Higher caste women may be more concerned about social
stigma and they may be less likely to report physical
abuse.

Table 5.3
Correlates, Forms, and Reasons Given for Abuse among
Women Experiencing Violence
Reasons Given for
Forms of Abuse

Abuse

ea

Ch

Abu

ys

Thr

ls

Eco

ild

siv

ic

eat

no

no

re

al

s to

mic

n
no

Lan

As

for

re

con

gu

sa

ce

ad

str

ca

ag

ul

out

ain

re

of

on
ti

ts

ho

Fo

me

Caste
6
Scheduled

Lower

High

78

60

65

68

43

%
7

91

62

72

55

47

%
3

48

35

50

18

45

108

5
Muslim
Age

79

38

58

33

67

of

Woman
6
15 24

25 34

35 +

80

51

58

45

51

%
6

79

56

66

51

49

%
7

87

56

83

44

39

Womans
Education
7
No formal

91

64

76

59

44

schooling

%
5

Lower

88

50

73

35

38

primary

%
6

Upper

80

46

46

54

57

primary

%
2

Secondary

38

22

43

16

60

Husbands
Education
8
No formal

96

67

75

65

44

schooling
Lower

%
86

%
8

%
62

%
81

%
65

%
40

109

1
primary

%
6

Upper

89

53

74

47

38

primary

%
5

Secondary

73

50

61

40

58

Living
Arrangem
ent
6
Nuclear

Joint
Years

82

57

70

51

49

%
5

77

43

57

42

47

of

Marriage
4
15

6 10

11 14

15 +

53

33

47

27

47

%
6

79

51

59

46

50

%
7

87

57

73

60

55

%
6

85

65

88

46

23

(Because women gave multiple answers to questions

about forms and reasons for abuse, the rows are not
110

meant to add up to 100%.)

Two

important

results

of

the

survey

contradict

the

popular perception of the young bride in a joint family

being the most vulnerable to violence. In this study,
women living in nuclear families reported more violence,
and this violence continued as women aged. Likewise,
economic constraints were consistently offered as a
precipitating factor by approximately half of the women,
regardless of their age. However, problems with meals not
being prepared on time were cited more frequently by
older women: 83 per cent of women aged 35 or older
listed it as a factor prompting abuse compared to 58 per
cent of women aged 15-24.
Similarly, higher percentages of women married for longer
periods of time mentioned some form of physical violence
as compared to newly married women. Women who had
been married fifteen or more years commonly reported
having objects thrown at them (54 per cent) and beatings
with a stick (42 per cent). Reports of abusive language
also increased with length of marriage: 53 per cent of
newlyweds reported verbal abuse as compared to 85 per
cent of women married for more than 15 years. Lastly,
women who had been married for several years were
threatened with eviction from the house more frequently
65 per cent as compared to 33 per cent of women
married for one to five years. Large differences did not
exist in the magnitude of violence experienced by women
who had been married for a short time as compared to
those who had been married for a long time. However, the
number of different precipitating factors and the forms of
111

violence both increased with the length of the marital

relationship. These findings could indicate that, with time,
abuse intensifies to the point where everything becomes
an excuse or trigger for violence.
Many of the greatest differences in incidence, forms, and
precipitating factors occurred by level of education. While
rates of reported psychological abuse in the entire sample
were similar across different groupings, reported physical
violence dropped from 60 per cent among women with no
formal schooling to 10 per cent among women with
secondary schooling. However, as mentioned previously,
even among women with more than secondary school
education, two out of five reported some form of violence.
Of these women, the most frequently reported forms and
factors triggering violence differed from the rest of the
sample.

Among

percentages

of

these
educated

abused
women

women,

smaller

reported

abusive

language or threats of being forced out of the home. The

factors that women with greater education cited for
precipitating violence also differed from the rest of the
sample: 43 per cent of educated women re-ported issues
with meal preparation compared to three-fourths of
women by other groupings. These women were more
likely than women with no schooling to cite child care (60
compared to 44 per cent) and the instigation of outsiders
(19 compared to 11 per cent) as factors precipitating the
violence.
The

magnitude,

precipitating

factors,

and

forms

of

violence also declined with husbands education, but to a

smaller degree. For example, 91 per cent of women with
112

no schooling reported abusive language compared to a

much lower 38 per cent of women with secondary
schooling. While 96 per cent of men with no schooling
abused their wives verbally, the violence declined less
substantially to 73 per cent among men with secondary
schooling.

Communication with Others about Violence

I do not have relatives living nearby, but there are
neighbours. It is not that the neighbours play any role in
the quarrels or instigate my husband against me. In fact,
they sometimes take my side and tell my husband that
since you do not earn regularly, how do you expect your
wife to run the house?
A womans access to support or alternatives may affect
her situation with domestic violence. In this study, three
out of five women confronting violence were able to
confide in others, usually neighbours or female in-laws
residing in the household. However, family members and
neighbours are reluctant to intervene because violence is
seen as a private, family affair. In other cases, they
sometimes feel helpless to stop the abusive husband.
Of women who maintain silence, 75 per cent emphasized
concern for the honour of their husband and family as the
primary reason for staying quiet. The isolation of women
in violent households deepens when social and economic
constraints preclude visits to their natal home. After
women have children, visits to their parents home
decline. Other reasons women cannot go home include a
113

social acceptance that women endure hardship with their

in-laws, the un-willingness to depend on married brothers
at

their

natal

home,

and

the

apprehension

that

subsequent return would be humiliating if their husband

did not come to fetch them back. Even for women who are
able to go to their natal home after a confrontation, 30
per cent reported that they do not tell their family the
reason for their visit.

Perceived Options
One does often feel like running away from it all. But
where does one go? There should be a place where
women can go. The only place is parents house but they
will always try to send you back. Also, when there are
children, where can one go? Sometimes I do feel quite
suffocated, but when I think of the children, I cannot take
any steps in haste. My children would not eat food
prepared by anyone else. So I have to live for them.
Especially when they were unable to access their parental home for support, abused women felt they had few
alternatives. Although many reported that they had
thought about running away or committing suicide, they
felt these options were not feasible because of their
young children and the lack of places to go.
Barbara Miller (1992) listed some options that may seem
viable for women who are considering escape from an
abusive situation, including: support from the natal home,
divorce/separation, bearing sons, age, and committing
suicide. As a result of the concerns discussed above,
114

women cannot always go to their natal home, and divorce

carries a great deal of social stigma for higher caste
women. Lower caste women, who have poor access to and
control over economic resources, may have no place to
go. Sur-vey results did not show that abuse lessened with
the birth of sons or with increasing age. Even suicide is
not an option because many women do not want to
abandon their children.
Public support institutions such as shelter homes are an
option but are still not easily or widely accessible to most
women. Measures such as approaching the police or
womens groups for legal actions must be examined
carefully as other ways by which women can address
violence. These solutions may have little value until
women have more economic options out-side of marriage.
In the private sphere, one important source of support is
the natal family. At present the natal family is often
constrained by social norms, the status vis--vis the
conjugal family, and economic resources. Natal families
should be strengthened to act as mediators. In searching
for

the

most

effective

strategies,

the

voices

and

perspectives of women survivors are crucial.

Long-TermEffects ofAbuse

domesticviolenceiseternal.Onceithas
been,theeffectsofitareuntildeath.And
notjustyourown[experience],butevery
personwhoisconnectedtoyou,
experiencestheeffectsofwhathas
life.- a domestic violence victim.
115

happenedtoyouinyour

Long-termeffectsencompassing
physicalandmentalhealthimpactsare
categorizedinsixmajorareas:

Internalsocio-emotionaleffects
Externalsocio-emotionaleffects
Damagedrelationships
Psychologicaleffects
Physicaleffects,and
Theintergenerationalcycleofabuse

Internal Socio-emotional Effect

I
I
e
a
S
i
e
o
o
l
E
eD

r
l

n
o

m
t
n

i
a

ff
c

External Socio-emotional Effects

116

EE
r
S
o
e
i
E
t

ff x

et

e c
l

a
o

o
n

t
a

ff

m
o

ff

ff

ff

Damaged relationships
DW
m
g
d
r
a
o
s
p

a i

a
e
e

l
t

i
n

i
s

Psychological Effects
117

PP
o
a
E

so

y s

ct

-h T

l
ff

Physical Effects

PD
a
E
s

hi
ff

y a

s b

i i

cl

Intergenerational Cycle ofAbuse

118

LI
a
O

n o

tn

r - gt
c
b
u

C
f

e g

l
A

e e r nm
l e
s
e

i c

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i o

i c

tu

i eo

s n

l a

i n

i n

i v

ir s a s

i o

i n

i m

l a

i o

i p

The children of the formerly-battered women were

affected well into their adolescence and their adult lives
by the abuse they had witnessed; Likewise, their children
were alsoaffected(the grandchildren of the formerlyabused women)by the abuse in previous generations.

The Womans Needs

What a woman wants of the organization from which she
seeks help is often stated explicitly in the narratives.
Although this category of information was found in a high
number of reports, it may not be exhaustive, nor is it
necessarily predictive of changes in her needs that may
continue to occur. The categories themselves are based
upon terms used by the women themselves, however, and
offer a glimpse of the perceptions women have of their
119

entitlements in the face of violence. The records made

clear that specific and concrete requests for maintenance,
help to get her things back, and custody of children
were mentioned frequently. This may be understood to
refer to situations in which she was thrown out of her
matrimonial home, or in which the husband took her
jewellery or other possessions when leaving her, and/or
when some kind of separation occurred.
In addition, however, many women appeared to seek less
specific or concrete outcomes. In 52 cases the request
was for safety or security from violence. This may
refer to needing assistance in restraining her husband or
in-laws in some way, regular protection from outside
authority or an alternative housing arrangement. An
interest in changing her fundamental circumstances was
evident somewhat in the high number of direct requests
for divorce and the relatively infrequent requests for help
in staying in the marriage. However, although it is
unstated, many women may not necessarily desire an end
to the marriage, just an end to the abuse. Finding help to
stay in the marriage (explicitly stated in only 14 cases)
may in fact depend on particular conditions. This is
evident in specific requests for help in changing his
behavior generally (13 cases), for help in stopping his
extra-marital affairs or his second marriage (16 cases), or
for help in curing his alcoholism.
Another abstractly expressed need found often among the
cases was an interest in finding some form of what was
termed either as peace, help, or jus-tice. These
terms were used throughout the cases and often formed a
summary, conclusion or an end to their complaint, as in I

120

just need some help, or Please help me live in peace,

or I want justice for this. It appears that the use of the
term justice implies some form of compensation for a
violation of his responsibilities and duties.

Support
A large number of cases recorded by the four
organizations made reference to help sought from other
sources before coming. This was included as part of the
narrative documenting the nature of her needs and their
evolution over time. This information reveals where
women think to go for intervention, the perceptions
women have of their own rights to safety, and whom they
believe duty-bearers might be.8 In addition, womens
perceptions of the effectiveness of these agents can also
be informative.
Most frequently, women sought help first with the police,
with community elders or panchayats, and with their natal
families. Some women appeared to seek help in all three
places before coming to the organizations studied. A brief
analysis of this data showed that none of the three had
been able to help women achieve safety, maintenance or
needed support. Further, it is evident that, according to
these accounts, none of these measures prevented the
violence from continuing, and sometimes the violence
increased.
Overall, these results make evident that natal families are
often the first and most frequent place a woman may go
for help and that women do often look to the police for
protection and safety. However, there are a number of
121

women who receive no protection, shelter or support from

their natal families and are unable to find support
elsewhere. It is possible that those cases that do not
explicitly mention their natal families in their written
complaints may have included an additional number for
whom the natal family is not capable of providing
support. This data also shows that women may seek help
repeatedly from many sources until they get what they
need, and that despite ineffective response from the
police, women are willing to continue to reach out to
other organizations.

Assistance Sought
A primary reason thatwomen approached to seek help for
preventing

further

domestic

violence.

This

included

negotiation for peaceful cohabitation, emotional and legal

support (including counselling, legal help, and shelter),
and resources to combat family violence Information on
the kind of assistance actually provided by the cell
however

was

sparse.

In

83.8

per-cent

of

cases,

information on the nature of help given was not available

in the records. From the available data, the demand for
legal assistance was the highest noted across almost all
age groups. One of the reasons for this could be that
women seek external intervention, in this case the Special
Cell, only when marital relations have reached a stage of
near collapse and legal intervention may be necessary.
122

Further, caseworkers at the Special Cell observed that

womens goals and priorities shift in the course of the
intervention process itself and the caseworker often has
to accommodate these shifts.
From the data that was available on assistance given,
Special Cell workers were able to provide police help for
women in over 1/4 of the cases. Police help ranged from
writing up non-cognizable offenses to registering criminal
cases against the offending husband to retrieval of assets
and enforcement of court orders. The data on retrieval of
personal

assets

received

at

the

time

of

marriage

(streedhan) indicates also that women seek outside help

to assist in the struggle for control over assets when they
want to opt out of marriage.

Assistance Sought

Frequency

Percept

Help to Prevent Violence

11

22%

Counselling with the View of

Reconciliation

12

24%

Legal Help for

Divorce/Maintenance

11

22%

Legal Help for Custody of Child

2%

Assistance to be Economically
Independent

2%

Shelter

2%

Financial Assistance

4%

Prosecution of the Offender

2%

Assistance from Police

18%

Share in Husbands
Income/Property

4%

Separation from the Abuser

6%

Right over Matrimonial Home

2%

Entry into Matrimonial Home

123

Recovery of Streedhan

Total

4%

50

When women approach the police for help, the police

must decide whether to register a complaint as a criminal
case or a non-cognizable offense. Thus, police records of
non-cognizable offenses provide important data regarding
this decision-making process as well as the demographic
trends that emerge. Evidence from these non-cognizable
or NC registers indicates a demographic profile similar to
that which emerged from the Special Cell records in terms
of age, marital status, and employment status. The
records of the NC register also provide more insight into
the kinds of issues that women and children are bringing
to police stations, their expectations from the system,
and the response of the police to these women.

124

CHAPTER-6
CONCLUSION & SUGGESTIONS
The study summarized in this together provide a broad
picture

of

the

degree

of

violence

experienced

by

individual women and the level and reach of services

offered by state and non-governmental organizations. A
strong

conclusion

emerging

from

the

study

is

that

domestic violence is a pervasive phenomenon in India.

The study emphasizes that violence cuts across caste,
class, religion, age, and education. While a greater
proportion of low caste and less educated women report
violence, even highly educated women report violence in
large numbers. The survey results suggest that in spite of
economic prosperity and high literacy rates, two out of
every five women experience physical abuse at the hands
of their husbands. Development strategies, therefore,
need to address not only individual womens needs, but
also general patterns of gender subordination.
In addition to depicting the prevalence of violence, the
study highlights womens lack of access to formal and
informal mechanisms for redress in situations of abuse.
The majority of women experiencing abuse do not access
any form of medical care for either psychological or
physical injuries. Two out of every five women in abusive
relationships stay silent about their suffering because of

125

shame and family honour. The lack of viable options keeps

women trapped in violent situations. Nearly one-third of
the

women

experiencing

abuse

had

thought

about

running away, but most said that they feared leaving their
young children and had no place to go. Social and
economic constraints further compound their sense of
isolation. Lack of awareness about their rights and how to
seek help renders these women more vulnerable to
continued and escalating abuse by their husbands.

Analysis of Responses toDomestic Violence

To address womens isolation, the NGO and state sectors
have

initiated

strategies.

These

dimensions

of

wide

range

efforts

domestic

of

public

concentrate
violence.

intervention
on

Some

different
focus

on

immediate needs such as short stay homes to provide

relief from abuse. Others are directed toward long-term
or preventive measures such as the monitoring of existing
cases, creating opportunities for economic self-reliance,
consciousness-raising, and mobilizing the community to
stop domestic violence.
The results from the study that examined responses to
domestic violence suggest the following typology of
responses:

ameliorative

services,

reconstructive

programs, and preventive strategies. This category of

responses describes the services a woman encounters
when she first seeks outside assistance. It includes a
range of short-term services catering to the immediate
and practical needs of a woman, such as shelter, legal aid,
medical aid, and remedial counselling. To sustain the
126

impact, a smaller range of pro-grams is oriented toward

rebuilding the well-being. of the woman and the family .
These reconstructive programs improve livelihoods, selfesteem, and empowerment. A crucial third category of
responses consists of measures designed to prevent and
eliminate
violence

the

conditions

.Preventive

responsible

strategies

for

domes-tic

con-tribute

both

to

empowering individual women and to raising community

awareness.
Also it is evident from this initial survey that some
combination of reactive or immediate responses and proactive or long-term responses is necessary in every
community. Family reconciliation is clearly a commonly
desired end sought by most community intervention
strategies and this is a telling and significant feature of
the social response to violence against women in India.8
In addition, however, it appears that proactive or holistic
efforts to address domestic violence through community
development

schemes,

womens

self-help

collectives,

efforts to raise public consciousness, and to empower

women economically and politically are also important.
These strategies attempt to change conditions that might
be responsible for domestic violence. These are the
efforts that can potentially reach the vast majority of
women who do not or can-not come forward to complain
of

domestic

violence.

It

appears

that

these

larger

proactive efforts to pre-vent domestic violence, however,

are a much lower priority within mainstream and statedirected pro-grams. The case studies show that the
following preventive strategies need to be implemented.
127

1. Raise Public Awareness: Public awareness pro-grams

that are carefully imagined, designed, and coherently
oriented around economic and political initiatives, and
that include gender sensitization components, ought
to be utilized in a variety of settings. In order to
accomplish

this,

networks

between

organizations,

between activists, and between state officers need to

be strengthened; funding needs to be channelled
toward improving mutual contact and communication
between state and voluntary sectors; and meetings
and conferences to address strategies need to be
systematically encouraged.
2. Establish and Maintain Case Records: Case studies
show

that

more

careful

record-keeping

and

monitoring of each case is essential within individual

organizations. This can help all providers to learn what
is and is not an effective intervention, and can help
each organization insure and sustain the safety of the
women it works with. These case records and the
documentation of follow-up procedures ought to be
available in some kind of larger data base to facilitate
a wider understanding of intervention strategies, and
the

common

violence.

problems

Those

cases

and
that

patterns
have

of

been

domestic
reconciled

through stamp paper agreements, for example, need

to be monitored and recorded to help organizations
identify successful and less successful intervention
strategies.
3. Address Physical and Emotional Trauma: Additional
128

observation
organized

showed

that

responses

to

with

few

individual

exceptions,

complaints

are

largely devoid of methods to address physical and

emotional trauma. Access to medical facilities, links
between

hospitals

and

family

counselling

centres

(including the sensitization of medical professionals to

the indicators and needs of domestic violence victims),
and attention to the problems of mental health are
largely

absent

from

this

survey

of

organized

responses. An awareness of the relationship between

violence and trauma, the complexities of psychological
health and/or the need for longer term counselling is
an important component which needs to be further
examined. Furthermore, efforts to reach the batterer
or perpetrator of violence are nearly non-existent.
Efforts to sensitize and sustain a dialogue about
violence and gender with professional communities
and workplaces, village and caste panchayats, worker
organizations and other sites where men may gather
would be an invaluable intervention toward this end.
In

addition,

concerted

attention

by

com-munity

leaders, counsellors and/or activists to meet and work

with men who are violent could provide an important
missing intervention.

4. Create

Crisis

Referral

Services:

Another

recommendation is to create local hotline or crisis

referral services that can take calls from women or
family members or concerned neighbours regarding a
given case or incident, or an inquiry about legal,
medical or psychological services. Such a service
129

would allow organizations to reach those women who

are less willing to come in person to a station or centre
some access to services and information, and would
give others the opportunity to speak on behalf of a
frightened woman.
5. Promote
Education:

Gender

Sensitivity

and

One

interpretation

of

Human
the

Rights

case

study

findings would suggest that sustainable and effective

responses to domestic violence in India may depend
upon establishing a culturally consistent continuity
between traditional practices and beliefs about family
and

community

relationships,

and

new

forms

of

consciousness about human rights, about womens

need for equality, and about non-violence.

Sector-specific Recommendations

A) Health Care Sector

1. Recognize domestic violence as a public health issue.
It is essential that domestic violence be recognized as
a serious public health is-sue, and that changes to
address this issue occur at all levels within the health
care

system

with

an

appropriate

allocation

of

resources.
2. Train health care providers-Health care providers,
researchers, and administrators at the conference
recommended
awareness
curricula

into
and

integrating
medical
providing
130

and

domestic

violence

nursing

education

training

for

current

practitioners. This is particularly important as the

research demonstrated that many doctors were simply
uncertain about how to appropriately identify and care
for a victim of domestic violence.
3. Implement domestic violence protocols- Health care
centres should implement domestic violence protocols.
These

include

improving

screening,

care,

and

referrals; making trained counsellors available on-site;

and ensuring that medical exams of sexual assault
victims are performed by female physicians.

B) Law Enforcement and Judicial Systems

In order to strengthen a womans ability to pursue justice
through

the

legal

system,

conference

participants

identified procedural changes that would improve the

accessibility

of

the

police,

the

classification

and

investigation of cases, and their successful prosecution in

the courts.
1. Change categories of crime- The representatives from
the police at the conference recommended creating a
separate category for crimes associated with domestic
violence. For example, while the murder of a woman
may currently be categorized only as dowry-related
or for reasons other than dowry, the suggestion was
made to specify domestic violence directly
2. Improve
collection
of
evidencerecommendations
presenting

were

evidence.

made

Legal

for

experts

Several

collecting
and

and

womens

advocates should explore how evidence requirements

may be adapted for the complicated circumstances
often

surrounding

domestic

violence

cases.

Counsellors, psychologists, and midwives should be

131

recognized as experts within the Indian Evidence Act.

Furthermore, the police, NGOs, and hospitals should
work together to ensure understanding of the type of
evidence and the fulfilment of proper procedures
needed for courts to consider the evidence admissible.
For example, doctors should be required to present
post-mortem notes within 24 hours and police officers
should

be

trained

to

identify

signs

of

domestic

violence. Furthermore, police reports need to include

and support the credibility of womens voices in their
descriptions of violence against them.
3. Increase sensitivity towards women

who

have

experienced violence- Women recounting sexual abuse

or assault could present their ac-counts in camera if
they so choose in order to avoid public embarrassment
and trauma.
4. Introduce a civil law- As the vast majority of women
seek redress through civil law, many lawyers and
judges at the conference supported a civil law that
would include making protection orders available for
women.
5. Clarify existing law and interpret consistently-The
ways in which different laws are used to rule on
domestic

violence

cases

should

be

clarified.

For

example, the term cruelty in Section 498A needs to

be detailed in a way so that it is not only linked with
dowry

demands.

Furthermore,

definitions

and

indicators for mental cruelty must be recognized and

expanded.
6. Monitor and publicize the processes and outcomes of
cases-The

creation

of

watchdog

groups

could

contribute to improving the cover-age of and ensuring

better accountability of the legal process. Though
crimes against women get some media coverage, the
132

usually unsuccessful outcomes of prosecution do not

get reported. In addition, greater public access to
court records as well as more systematic organization
and maintenance of those records would heighten
public knowledge and understanding.
7. Institute professional training programs led by peersProfessional peers should lead training programs on
domestic violence. A judge leading a training program
for another group of judges may be more easily
received than someone out-side of the field. Such
seminars would discuss the dynamics of domestic
violence as well as the laws ability to address it.

Research Recommendations

Based on the study as well as the recommendations,

participants had many suggestions for future research on
domestic violence:
1. Ensure that all methodologies pay attention to ethical
concerns

Ensure an ethical process of research that protects the

physical safety and emotional well-being of both

participants and researchers;

Ensure accountability of researchers to women and
their families as well as the institutions theyre
studying; for example, make an effort to return results

to the respondents (e.g. street plays, pamphlets); and

Conduct research and dissemination efforts in a way
that articulates the voices of women being researched

133

2. Conduct research that supports political advocacy

strategies

Design research protocols for action results; and

Clarify and refine the definition of domestic violence
and rethink modes for representing it.

Improved communication among and within institutions

responding to domestic violence in India needs to begin,
in part, with a dialogue about documentation. Such a
dialogue may include what kind of information needs to
be recorded, how to monitor and follow-up on cases, what
standards need to be upheld, and how information might
be shared safely. The process of exploring these issues
may also raise questions about the role of documentation
in providing effective health care and social services, in
improving law enforcement and prosecution rates, and in
establishing

higher

standard

for

cooperation

and

coordination among institutions. It is the hope and

intention of this project that these studies may contribute
to such a dialogue and lead to a more coordinated state
and community effort to realize and protect the human
rights of Indian women and women everywhere.

134

135

ANNEXURES

136

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Qualitative Enquiry 3(1): 53-70

SUMMARIES OF ACTUAL CASES

Shravai,
Age 22

Kartiki,
Age 39

Since Shravani had not brought dowry to

the marriage, her husband, mother-in-law,
andbrother- in-laws wife physically and
mentally troubled her. She endured the
abuse sinceher mother was poor and her
father was missing. Her husband had
punched her in the eyeonce and had been
maintaining sexual relations with her cosister. The FIR was filed 12/31/94 after she
had seen her husband and co-sister
engaged
in
sexual
relations.
Her
husbandthen beat her and asked her to go
and die, at which time she attempted
suicide by consuming rat poison. She was
hospitalized and saved. The case is still
going on in court.
Married on 1/21/77. They lived in a joint
140

family, and two months after marriage,

Kartikishusband had started harassing her
physically and mentally for trivial reasons.
Her husbandhad lost his job but he
continued to drink, and beat her for money.
Her husband sold herornaments, and her
mother-in-law demanded that ornaments be
brought from her natalfamily. On 1/21/91,
Kartiki attempted suicide by consuming
poison and was also treated fordepression.
On 3/4/94 a police constable was sent with
Kartiki, and on seeing them, her husband
started
attacking
her
physically
and
shouting loudly. He was then arrested for
causing threat to her life. She registered a
case on April 13, 1994 under section 498A
andSection 34 for Mental and Physical
Torture.
Kartiki
and
her
husband
compromised and started residing together.
The case was compounded and the accused
was acquitted.
Pausha,
Age 30

Married on 5/15/94. Pausha worked in a

private company, and used to give her
salary and gifts she had received in
marriage to her husband. Her husband
would say that she had hidden some gifts
and that he would burn her alive and used
to doubt her character. He would ask her if
she had relations outside the marriage and
catch her throat and threaten to kill her if
she revealed this to anyone. He used to
force her to have sexual intercourse against
her will. An FIR was filed on 7/13/94, after
suffering physical abuse. Her husband had
claimed that he knew she had illicit relations
with someone and that she was pregnant.
He further said that the child is not his so he
started hitting her stomach with his hand.
On 6/7/94 he took her to a private clinic for
an abortion. On 7/8/94 he went to her office
and asked her to give resignation. On the
same day she was admitted to the hospital.
The divorce was drawn by the family court.
Both the accused and the complainant
compromised on the ground that the
accused would return all the property to the
141

complainant. The accused was acquitted.

Falguni,
age 21

Dhanashr
ee, Age
21

Chatura,
age 25

Married on 5/18/94. Three days after

marriage, Falgunis in-laws claimed that her
father had not given enough gifts in
marriage. Her mother-in-law threatened to
burn her if her father did not give them a
flat. She also faced physical abuse from her
younger brother-in-law. When she left for
her natal home, her in-laws threatened to
kill her if she did not tell her father of their
demand for a flat. On 7/9/95, her in-laws
pushed her out of the house at night and
asked her to get the money for the flat from
her father. Until then she would not be
allowed to stay in the house and they
threatened to kill her. FIR was filed on
12/13/95. Thecase is still in court.

Married on 2/27/91. Her husband began to

abuse her and would say that he would not
keepher in the house if she did not get
money from her parents. Her mother-in-law
would alsophysically and verbally abuse her.
She delivered a baby girl who died after 12
days.According to Dhanashree, her motherin-law did not take care of her and her
daughter, andshe had become weak. An FIR
was filed on 12/11/96 prior to which
Dhanashree had goneto her fathers place
where she stayed for one year. Her father
then met with her father-inlawwho said that
she would be allowed back only if she
brought money. The case is still in court.

Married in 1988. Since her marriage,

Chatura was harassed in her marital home
142

but couldnot visit her family or have them

visit her. Her married sister-in-law would
come often andphysically abuse her. Her
husband would side with his family
members and fight with her.She could only
contact her brothers by telephone to
complain of the harassment. On
5/25/94 at night a fight took place between
Chatura, her husband, and his family
members,following which she was asked to
leave the house. She attempted suicide by
jumping fromthe terrace. The court records
indicate that both parties settled the
dispute amicably andthat the complainant
was now residing with her husband
peacefully. Since there was no
clear evidence of harassment and ill
treatment on record, all the accused were
acquitted.

TYPES OF VIOLENCE IN NARRATIVES

1) Physical Violence
a) Kerosene/acid/burns
i) Burns with incense sticks
ii) Pours kerosene on her and tries to set ablaze
iii)Pours kerosene on her and the children
143

iv)Pours hot oil on her

v) Singed cheek with a lighter
b) Hitting/beating/assault
i) Tried to cut off tongue
ii) Dragging by hair
iii)Severe beatings
iv)Cuts with knife
v) Biting
vi)Burns with cigarette
vii) Torture
viii) Physical harassment
ix)Beating after getting drunk
x) Kicks
xi)Beaten like a cow
xii) Pushing/Dragging
xiii) Abusing her at work all day
xiv) Battery
xv) Making her do all the housework
xvi) Bashing her head
xvii) Breaking her teeth
xviii) Manhandling her
xix) Slapping
xx) Broken her arm many times
xxi) Beats her like a mad dog if she asks questions
xxii) Catch by hair and bang against walk
xxiii) Hit her in stomach
xxiv) Beats when asks for money
xxv) Beats to get money
xxvi) Beating until unconscious
xxvii)
Throwing against wall
c) Forced to eat or drink
i) Poisoning
ii) Overdose of sleeping pills
iii)Threatens to force her to drink poison
iv)Forces her to drink his urine
d) Violence during pregnancy
i) Forced to have an abortion
ii) Kicked in stomach while pregnant
e) Use of weapon
i) Gave her infection
144

ii) Hands tied and cloth stuffed in mouth

iii)Iron rod
iv)Blade
v) Threatens with knife
vi)Wounded stomach with knife
vii) Injury with sickle
viii) Beats her with anything he can get his hands
on
ix)Beat her with a wooden log
x) Pouring hot oil on her
f) Confinement and deprivation
i) Denied food
ii) Denied food and water
iii)Confined to house
iv)Locking her up
v) Not allowing her to go out
vi)Denying right to visit natal home
vii) Ties to a pillar and beats her
viii) Ties her with a rope and leaves her in the well
g) In-law abuse
i) Threats from father-in-law
ii) Mental cruelty by mother-in-law
iii)Violence instigated by brother-in-law
iv)Brother-in-law holds her while husband beats her
v) Mother-in-law and brother-in-law support him
beatingher
vi)Mother-in-law hits her
vii) Mother-in-law and children hit her
viii) Husbands friend beats her
h) Attempts to kill her
i) While she is sleeping
ii) Tries to strangle her at the workplace
iii)Sets her ablaze
iv)Tries to kill her
v) Tries to strangle her
vi)By leaving gas on
vii) Tries to hang her
i) Sexual violence
i) Forced to sleep with other men
145

ii) Forced sex

iii)Tries to rape
j) Thrown out of house
i) Throws out of house
ii) Throws out of house at night
iii)Throws her and the children out at midnight
k) Beats children
i) Harasses female child
ii) Beats children
iii)Pours kerosene on the children
iv)Choking new-born child
v) Children not looked after
vi)Kills female child
l) Abuse of family
i) Hit her father, brother
ii) Hit brother
iii)Kills her second husband
iv)Abuses first husband

2) Psychological Violence
a) Verbal abuse/harassment
i) Harassment
ii) Mental torture
iii)Verbal abuse
iv)Calls her a prostitute
v) Taunts
vi)Abusing her at work all day
vii) Insults
viii) Tells her she looks like a monkey
ix)Filthy language
146

b) Threats
i) Threatens to kill her
ii) Threatens to kill entire natal family
iii)Threatens to burn her alive
iv)Threatens to divorce her
v) Threatens to pour kerosene and burn alive
vi)Threatens to send goondas to kill her
vii) Threatens to kidnap the children
viii) Threats of divorce
ix)Threats to ruin her factory
x) Threatens with knife
xi)Threatens to set her beauty parlour on fire
xii) Threatens to throw acid on her face
xiii) Threatens to hack with a machete
xiv) Threatens to leave her
xv) Threatens to drown her
xvi) Threatens to injure her
xvii) Threatening to keep away the child
xviii) Threatens to break her legs
xix) Threatens with acid/kerosene
xx) Threatens to pour kerosene on her and burn her
alive
xxi) Threatens to throw acid on her face
c) Humiliation
i) Trying to prove that she is mad and abnormal
ii) Forced to sleep with other men
iii)Slanders her name
iv)Treated like a servant
v) Public humiliation
vi)Wiping dirty hands on face
vii) Spitting
viii) Beating in front of friends
ix)Hits her with chappals
x) Removes her clothes and beats her
xi)Forced to drink his urine
xii) Bigamy

3) Property Destruction
a) Damaged windows and furniture

147

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

AGE

______________

SEX

______________

RELIGION

______________

CASTE
PLACE

______________
______________

NATURE OF FAMILY:

_____________________________

TOTAL FAMILY MEMBERS: _____________________________

FAMILY BACKGROUND:

Rural

Urban

EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: _____________________________

EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION OF HUSBAND:
PROFESSION

OF

FAMILY:

__________________________________________
SOURCE OF INCOME:
TOTAL INCOME

________________________________
:

________________________________

What types of abuse have do you suffer?

148

You have suffered Physical Abuse; what sort of physical

assault have you experienced?
What part of your body was targeted during the physical
assault(s)?
What sort of injuries have you sustained due to physical
assault(s)?
About the frequency of assaults:
How soon after starting the relationship did the first
physical assault take place?
How many times (approx.) have you been physically
assaulted?
How many times (appx) were you assaulted BEFORE
telling someone?
Have the physical assaults increased, stayed the same or
decreased during your relationship?
When did the physical abuse start?
Have you ever tried defending yourself from a physical
assault?
If you have suffered Sexual Abuse:
What sorts of sexual abuse have you experienced?
Frequency of sexual abuse?
How soon after starting the relationship did the first
sexual abuse take place?
How

many

times

(approx.)

abused?

149

have

you

been

sexually

How many times (appx) were you sexually abused BEFORE

telling someone?
Has the sexual abuse increased, stayed the same or
decreased during your relationship?
Domestic Abuse and Children:
Do/did you have any children while with the abuser?
How many children did you have while in the abusive
relationship?
Did the children witness (heard or saw) any abuse on you
from your partner?
If so, what sort of abuse? (Please give details, eg.
physical assault, shouting, sexual assault, etc.)
Where the children abused by your partner?
If so, what sort of abuse did your children suffer?
General Questions for ALL abuse types:
What is/was your relationship to the abuser at the time of
the abuse?
Are you still living with or in close contact with your
abuser?
How

long

have

you

been/were

you

in

an

abusive

relationship?
How long had/have you been in an abusive relationship
before confiding in someone?
About Support available:

150

If you are still in an abusive relationship, have you

confided in anyone?
if yes, whom have you told about the abuse?
Both current victims and survivors:
How would you rate the help and support you have
received?
How

long

contacted

had

the

abuse

been

an official body

Refuge,SocialServices)?

151

ongoing before you

(eg.

Police,