Sunteți pe pagina 1din 6

Ampersand 3 (2016) 137e142

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Ampersand
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/amper

Voice onset time characteristics of voiceless stops produced by


children with European Portuguese as mother tongue
Lilia Brinca a, Lara Arajo b, Patrcia Nogueira a, c, *, Carolina Gil a
a

Laboratory of Audiology and Speech and Language Therapy, School of Health, University of Algarve, Portugal
gico Lda., Portugal
Clinic Center Crescer a Norte, Centro de Apoio Psicopedago
c
Research in Education and Community Intervention (RECI), Portugal
b

h i g h l i g h t s
 This study investigated the developmental pattern of VOT in pre-adolescent children.
 VOT characteristics of the voiceless stop consonants /p, t, k/ were studied.
 VOT is not associated with gender, but decreases signicantly with age.
 VOT value changed as a function of the place of articulation and the characteristics of the following vowel.

a r t i c l e i n f o
Article history:
Received 17 September 2015
Accepted 28 June 2016
Available online 1 July 2016

1. Introduction
Voice onset time (VOT) is dened as the interval between the
release of an oral constriction (acoustically marked by a noise burst)
and the onset of voicing (acoustically marked by the onset of periodic voicing) [1,2]. When the stop consonant is released prior to
voice onset, the VOT is considered to be positive, while voicing
onset that precedes the release is considered negative VOT. The
stop consonants /p, t, k/ are known as voiceless because the vocal
cords produce no voicing during the articular closure, and /b, d, g/
are stop consonants that are voiced. Because speech production
includes the temporal coordination of respiratory, laryngeal, and
orofacial muscle activities, the release of vocal tract occlusion and
the initiation of glottal vibrations have to be properly adjusted
during the production of stop consonant-vowel sequences. Thus,
VOT can be considered a measure of the temporal coordination of
the underlying successive articulatory gestures.
VOT values vary as a function of place of articulation: (1) /p/ and

* Corresponding author. School of Health, University of Algarve, Campus de


Gambelas, 8005-139 Faro, Portugal.
E-mail addresses: lara_daa@hotmail.com (L. Arajo), patricianogueira2@gmail.
com (P. Nogueira), carolinamgil@hotmail.com (C. Gil).

/b/ that are produced with the constriction at the lips (bilabial), (2)
/t/ and /d/ that are produced with the constriction of the blade of
the tongue against the ridge behind the upper teeth (alveolar), and
(3) /k/ and /g/ that are produced with the constriction of the back of
the tongue against the back of the roof of the mouth, the soft palate
(velar). Bilabial VOTs are consistently shorter than velar and alveolar, but there appears to be some speaker variation as to whether
alveolar stops have a shorter VOT than velars [3] or whether they
are the same [4]. Besides the place of articulation, VOT can change
as a function of the identity of the following vowel, speaking rate,
lung volume, and age [2,5e7].
In relation to gender the results are conicting, with some
studies reporting a difference between sexes [8e10], and others not
showing a signicant gender effect on VOT [11,12]. Because VOT
reects the temporal control between the larynx and the lips,
tongue and jaw, the examination of VOT patterns in children provides us with information on how this temporal parameter of
speech is acquired and mastered as a function of development
[13,14].
VOT has also received a good deal of attention from speech researchers in that it has proven to be a useful parameter for speech
pathologists. VOT has been investigated in a range of motor speech
and language disorders [15e24]. For speech and language therapists, a major clinical goal of VOT analysis in speech and language
disorders is to establish a correlation between the acoustic abnormalities and the phonetic perturbations, or/and disturbances in
phonological planning. VOT disruptions seem to occur in dysfunctions of the basal ganglia and the anterior language zones. Either all
these cerebral structures, i.e., frontal cortex, cerebellum, and basal
ganglia, interact during the computation of temporal relationships
or a variety of pathomechanisms result in similar deviations of VOT

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.amper.2016.06.006
2215-0390/ 2016 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).

138

L. Brinca et al. / Ampersand 3 (2016) 137e142

[16].
Several studies of the acoustic characteristics of European Portuguese (EP) have been published, although the studies on VOT
characteristics are scarce [25e29]. Moreover, the majority of the
participants were adults. The main purpose of this study was to
study the VOT changes as a function of gender and age, and to
contribute to the knowledge of the VOT characteristics of the stop
consonants /p, t, k/ in children with EP as mother tongue.
2. Methodology
2.1. Participants
Four groups of participants from one school in Faro were
recruited to the study: Group I (n 24; 5e6 years; mean age 5.5
years); Group II (n 14; 7e8 years; mean age 7.1 years); Group III
(n 14; 9e10 years; mean age 9.4 years). Equal numbers of boys
and girls participated in each age group. In all cases, the subjects:
(1) had no history of neurological or sensory-motor impairment
which would affect articulation, phonation, and/or respiration, as
judged by the class teacher; (2) were monolingual speakers of
European Portuguese; (3) had no speech or language impairments
as judged by TALC [30], GOL-E [31], and TAV [32]; (4) had no
hearing problems as judged by an audiologist, and (4) volunteered
to participate in the study with parental consent.

conducted by randomly selecting data from different age groups for


reanalysis by a second rater. A Pearsons product-moment correlation was used to calculate the level of inter-rater reliability. A
signicant correlation coefcient (r 0.940; p 0.000) demonstrated a high level of inter-rater reliability.
2.4. Statistical analysis
A t-test was used to establish the differences between VOT
values of boys and girls. A one-way ANOVA was used to study the
change of VOT with age, place of articulation, and the identity of the
following vowel. Whenever an overall signicant difference in
group means was obtained, the Bonferroni method was used to
make a pairwise comparison of VOT means. All statistical analyses
were carried out using IBM SPSS for Windows, version 22.0 (SPSS,
Inc, Chicago, IL). Signicance was set at p < 0.05.
3. Results
The results showed that children from all age groups had a
positive VOT when producing the voiceless stop consonants. Results show that the EP voiceless stops /p t k/ are unaspirated, as in
French, Spanish, Italian and many other Romance languages [34].
The inuence of gender, age, place of articulation and the identity of
the following vowel on VOT mean values were investigated.

2.2. Speech stimuli

3.1. Inuence of gender

All subjects produced three repetitions of each of the voiceless


stop consonants /p, t, k / in a syllable initial position, followed by
the vowels /a/, /i/, and /u/. The corpus contained nine disyllabic
words that were produced within the frame sentence Diga___por
favor [25,26] to produce speaking rates more nearly in line with
conversational speech. The phrases and target stop consonants
were elicited from the children in a randomized order using a
repetition task. A repetition task was chosen because the study
included very young children without reading abilities. In sum, a
total of 1404 items (52 speakers  3 vowels  3 consonants  3
repetitions) were produced. The childrens speech samples were
collected at pre- and elementary school facilities in the least distracting environment possible. Data were recorded using a wireless
system that included a handheld microphone (SHURE SM58; USA)
located 10 cm in front of the subjects mouth, and a diversity
receiver (T4A-PR; USA). Data were recorded using a laptop computer (Toshiba Satellite C850; Germany). All vocal recordings were
digitized at a sampling rate of 44.1 kHz a resolution of 16 bits and
saved in WAV-format, using Audacity 2.0.2, a freeware program
(GNU General Public License/GPL).

Gender differences were analyzed using a t-test (Table 1). In


most instances (79%), the mean VOT values did not differ signicantly between boys and girls. Therefore, the two groups were
considered to be from the same population, and the data from the
two groups were combined for the subsequent analyses.

2.3. Measurements
Measurements were made of VOT in EP plosives followed by
vowels in word-initial position in stressed syllables. VOTs were
measured by marking off the interval between the release of the
stop and the onset of glottal vibration [35]. Lag time measurements
were taken using the length from the burst to the instant in time at
which the second formant intensity becomes characteristic for a
vowel in the spectrogram. In the case of multiple bursts, the rst
burst was chosen as the beginning of VOT value. In the cases where
VOT was unclear, e.g. presence of background noise, the speech
sample was discarded. All samples were labelled manually in the
digitized sound wave using the computer program Praat (GNU
General Public License/GPL).
To ensure consistency in the VOT measurements, a test of interrater reliability was carried out. Reliability measures were

3.2. Inuence of age


The VOT means and 95% condence intervals for the stop consonants /p/, /t/ and /k/ are illustrated in Figs. 1e3, respectively.
Studying the effect of age on the values of VOT, the bilabial stop
consonant /p/ showed the same pattern whatever the identity of
the following vowel (Fig. 1). A one-way ANOVA revealed a signicant main effect of age for syllables /pa/ (F(2,149) 17.45; pvalue 0.000), /pi/ (F(2,139) 47.87; p-value 0.000), and /pu/
(F(2,128) 12.26; p-value 0.000). Pairwise comparisons between
means using the Bonferroni adjustment revealed that, for all syllables, there were no signicant differences between the VOT
means of Group I (5e6 years old) and Group III (9e10 years old).
However, signicantly lower VOT means were obtained for Group II
(7e8 years old).
The effect of age on the values of VOT of the stop consonant /t/
was also studied (Fig. 2). For syllable /ta/ the pattern is similar to
that described for the stop consonant /p/. A one-way ANOVA
revealed a signicant main effect of age (F(2,142) 11.75; pvalue 0.000), and pairwise mean comparisons using the Bonferroni adjustment revealed that Group I is not signicantly
different from Group III, but both are signicantly higher than
Group II. For the syllables /ti/ and /tu/ VOT mean decreases with age
although the differences were signicant for syllable /tu/
(F(2,155) 3.95; p-value 0.021) but not signicant for syllable /ti/
.
Studying the effect of age on the values of VOT for the stop
consonant /k/ showed that syllable /ka/ does not change with age,
but /ki/ and /ku/ decrease signicantly with age (F(2,145) 25.54;
p-value 0.000 and F(2,119) 3.99; p-value 0.021, respectively).
Bonferroni post-hoc tests showed, in both cases, that a signicant

L. Brinca et al. / Ampersand 3 (2016) 137e142


Table 1
Comparison of VOT mean values between boys and girls grouped by the stop consonant and the identity of the following vowel. **signicant at the 0.05 level.
Age group

Consonant

/p/

/t/

/k/

II

/p/

/t/

/k/

III

/p/

/t/

/k/

Vowel

/a/
/i/
/u/
/a/
/i/
/u/
/a/
/i/
/u/
/a/
/i/
/u/
/a/
/i/
/u/
/a/
/i/
/u/
/a/
/i/
/u/
/a/
/i/
/u/
/a/
/i/
/u/

VOT mean
values

139

difference only exists between Group I and Group III, with VOT
mean of Group II being an intermediate value between those two
age groups.

t-statistic

Boys

Girls

18.8
22.4
35.1
21.1
39.3
41.7
31.0
59.6
66.0
11.2
17.4
29.9
16.1
33.0
37.7
33.2
52.0
61.2
18.1
22.7
36.1
23.8
30.4
34.1
37.2
39.1
53.6

17.6
22.4
36.6
24.8
35.8
41.0
40.4
60.6
63.1
14.9
17.4
24.3
18.6
38.7
39.0
39.4
59.2
59.4
16.2
24.8
41.5
25.7
37.4
37.0
37.8
45.5
55.7

3.3. Inuence of place of articulation


1.38
0.04
0.48
1.70
1.35
0.26
3.25**
0.29
0.71
3.34**
0.06
1.94
1.70
1.82
0.48
2.62**
2.02
0.33
1.32
1.03
1.59
2.02
2.74**
1.40
0.30
2.13**
0.53

Regarding the place of articulation, the mean VOT value tends to


increase as the position of occlusion moves posteriorly within the
oral cavity - the mean VOT values for /p/ are shorter than for /t/
which, in turn, are shorter than for /k/ (Table 2). Two exceptions
occurred relating to the vowel /u/ for age groups I and III, where
bilabial and alveolar VOTs have the same value and velar VOTs are
shorter.
3.4. Inuence of the identity of the following vowel
VOT changed as a function of the characteristics of the following
vowel. In most cases VOT tend to be longer before high vowels than
before low vowels (Table 3).
4. Discussion
The ndings indicated that the speakers gender was not a factor
associated with the VOT values. Previous investigations of VOT
differences between English speaking males and females have had
varied results. For some authors no signicant differences were
found related to gender in young adults [11,12,37]. Other studies
reported signicant VOT differences between sexes of

Fig. 1. Mean VOT for /p/ and vowel context /a/ (), /i/ (C) and /u/ (B), for each age group. Error bars denote inter-speaker variability (95% condence interval, CI).

140

L. Brinca et al. / Ampersand 3 (2016) 137e142

Fig. 2. Mean VOT for /t/ and vowel context /a/ (), /i/ (C) and /u/ (B), for each age group. Error bars denote inter-speaker variability (95% condence interval, CI).

Fig. 3. Mean VOT for /k/ and vowel context /a/ (), /i/ (C) and /u/ (B), for each age group. Error bars denote inter-speaker variability (95% condence interval, CI).

preadolescent children [8,9,36] and adults [10]. However, VOT


differences between sexes of preadolescent children were either
obtained only for aspirated stop consonants [8] or were linked to
age, becoming marked by the age of 11 years old [9] or 13.2 years
old [36]. These authors [9,36] hypothesised that the sex differences,

which are consistently present in the VOT values of the older


children, could be explained in terms of the sexual dimorphism of
the larynx and the vocal tract which emerges during adolescence.
This hypothesis could also explain why the data obtained in the
present study, which covers the ages between 5 and 10 years old,

L. Brinca et al. / Ampersand 3 (2016) 137e142

141

Table 2
Comparison of the mean VOT values (standard deviation) by place of articulation of the stop consonant. **F statistic signicant at the 0.05 level.
Age group

Vowel

Consonant
p

II

III

/a/
/i/
/u/
/a/
/i/
/u/
/a/
/i/
/u/

18.0
22.4
35.9
13.5
17.4
26.5
17.3
23.9
39.0

(3.8)
(4.8)
(12.3)
(3.7)
(4.5)
(8.4)
(4.4)
(5.8)
(10.6)

Post-hoc analysis

78.2**
209.0**
76.4**
191.3**
163.3**
77.2**
162.1**
44.6**
36.4**

/pa/ < /ta/ < /ka/


/pi/ < /ti/ < /ki/
/pu/ /tu/ < /ku/
/pa/ < /ta/ < /ka/
/pi/ < /ti/ < /ki/
/pu/ < /tu/ < /ku/
/pa/ < /ta/ < /ka/
/pi/ < /ti/ < /ki/
/pu/ /tu/ < /ku/

23.3
37.2
41.2
17.5
36.5
38.5
24.8
34.0
35.4

(9.2)
(11.7)
(12.8)
(4.7)
(10.5)
(8.3)
(2.8)
(8.5)
(6.4)

did not show signicant differences between the VOT values of


boys and girls.
Few studies have been published about the VOT values of EP
stops, so there is a lack of reference data for this characteristic. So
far, only two detailed studies on this matter have been published
[25,26]. The rst study [25] investigated VOT values of six Portuguese adults, and the second [26] analyzed stop consonants of two
Portuguese children, one with speech disorders and one with
normal speech. Thus there is a lack of data obtained from children
and no developmental studies on VOT values of EP stops have been
published. In the present study voiceless stops always had a positive VOT and mean results (based on the pooled data including all
children, n 52) are comparable to the values presented in both
papers cited above [25,26]. A mean VOT value of 23.8 ms was obtained for /p/, 32.1 ms for /t/, and 51 ms for /k/. Except for /k/, the
results are slightly higher than those found by Lousada et al. [26] for
adults (20 ms for /p/, 28 ms for /t/, 51 ms for /k/), and of the same
order of magnitude reported by Barroco et al. [25] for the child with
normal speech (26 ms for /p/, 31 ms for /t/, and 50 ms for /k/).
However, a more detailed conclusion can be drawn if data are
analyzed using simultaneously three factors e age, type of stop
consonant and identity of the following vowel. Upon closer inspection of the data, age seems to have no inuence on the
developmental VOT values of syllables /pa/, /pi/, /pu/, /ta/, and /ka/.
No signicant differences between the VOT values of Group I (5e6
years old) and Group III (9e10 years old) were obtained. This group
of syllables seem to be mastered by the age of 5 years old. However,
markedly lower VOT values were obtained for Group II (7e8 years
old). A possible explanation for this lower VOT value could be
related to the change of primary teeth that takes place at about age
6. This constraint could upset the pre-existing pattern of supralaryngeal gestures, which could be reorganized by the age of 9e10
years old. Nevertheless, a remarkable difference was observed in
relation to the inuence of age on syllables /ti/, /tu/, /ki/, and /ku/.
Statistical analyses conrmed that VOT decreases signicantly with
age. For consonants /t/ and /k/ and vowels /i/ and /u/, this could be

36.6
60.1
64.4
36.8
56.3
60.2
37.5
42.0
54.5

(12.4)
(14.3)
(16.0)
(7.5)
(11.6)
(16.0)
(6.6)
(9.4)
(9.5)

an evidence that the coordination between articulators becomes


more effective (see discussion between VOT and place of articulation) as children grow older and, as a consequence, skill in the
speech motor control improves with age.
Results conrmed that place of articulation and VOT were
related (Table 2). In most cases VOT was longer for [k] than for [t]
and [p]), as previously reported by several authors
[2,25,26,28,29,33,37]. Results show that EP does not have aspirated
stops and therefore special motor skills in timing are not as
important as in English. But for unaspirated stops the literature
indicates [33] that several physiological/aerodynamic characteristics account for the variation of VOT associated with a difference in
the place of articulation. For instance, the volume of the cavity in
front of the point of constriction is greater in velar stops than in
bilabial and dental stops, and this causes a greater obstruction to
the release of the pressure behind the velar stop. This pressure will
take longer to decrease, provoking a delay in the production of
adequate transglottal pressure [33]. But the movement of articulators is also important for unaspirated stops [33]. A faster articulatory velocity in bilabials (movement of the lips) than in velars
(movement of tongue dorsum) allows a more rapid decrease in the
pressure behind the closure and consequently a shorter time before
an appropriate transglottal pressure is reached [33].
This complex mechanism is rened as the child grows and VOT
values of syllables /ti/, /tu/, /ki/, and /ku/ signicantly reduce between 5 and 10 years old.
VOT changed as a function of the characteristics of the following
vowel, as previously observed by other authors [2,25,26,29,37].
With very few exceptions VOT was longer before high vowels than
before low vowels. Co-articulation between sounds will always
inuence the positions of some parts of the vocal tract [34].
Whereas vowel /a/ has a tongue position that is low and back in the
mouth, the sound /u/ is produced with a high position of the tongue
and the lips relatively closed [34]. In this sense the longer values of
VOT observed in the present study for syllable /ku/ are the result of
a great obstruction to the release of the velar stop /k/ plus a

Table 3
Comparison of the mean VOT values (standard deviation) by the identity of the following vowel. **F statistic signicant at the 0.05 level.
Age group

Consonant

Vowel
/a/

II

III

/p/
/t/
/k/
/p/
/t/
/k/
/p/
/t/
/k/

18.0
23.3
36.6
13.5
17.5
36.8
17.3
24.8
37.7

/i/
(3.8)
(9.2)
(12.4)
(3.7)
(4.7)
(7.5)
(4.4)
(2.8)
(6.7)

22.4
37.2
60.1
17.4
36.5
56.3
23.9
34.0
42.0

Post-hoc analysis

97.1**
50.9**
72.8**
47.7**
77.9**
37.6**
83.9**
28.5**
31.3**

/pa/ < /pi/ < /pu/


/ta/ < /ti/ /tu/
/ka/ < /ki/ /ku/
/pa/ < /pi/ < /pu/
/ta/ < /ti/ tu/
/ka/ < /ki/ /ku/
/pa/ < /pi/ < /pu/
/ta/ < /ti/ /tu/
/ka/ /ki/ < /ku/

/u/
(4.8)
(11.7)
(14.3)
(4.5)
(10.5)
(11.6)
(5.8)
(8.5)
(9.4)

35.9
41.3
64.4
26.5
38.5
60.2
39.0
35.4
54.5

(12.3)
(12.8)
(16.0)
(8.4)
(8.3)
(16.0)
(10.6)
(6.4)
(9.5)

142

L. Brinca et al. / Ampersand 3 (2016) 137e142

considerable amount of lip rounding occurring during /k/ when the


next sound is /u/. This skill in the speech motor control improves
signicantly with age but will always correspond to longer VOT
values.
The VOT data presented in this study complement previous
studies [33,35] that compare VOT in different languages.
5. Conclusions
In the present study the results indicated that gender is not a
factor associated with VOT in pre-adolescent children with EP as
mother tongue. The present study conrmed that VOT decreases
signicantly with age particularly for consonants /t/ and /k/ followed by vowels /i/ and /u/. Results conrmed that place of articulation and VOT were related being generally longer for /k/ than for
/t/ and /p/. For all voiceless EP stop consonants, the VOT value
signicantly changed as a function of the characteristics of the
following vowel, being generally longer before high vowels than
before low vowels.
Acknowledgments
Our thanks go to the participants, their parents and teachers for
making this study possible. Our thanks also to Dalila Pinto, PhD, for
her assistance with editing and proofreading.
References
[1] S.P. Whiteside, R. Dobbin, L. Henry, Patterns of variability in voice onset time:
a developmental study of motor speech skills in humans, Neurosci. Lett. 347
(2003) 29e32.
[2] D.H. Klatt, Voice onset time, friction, and aspiration in word-initial consonant
clusters, J. Speech Hear. Res. 18 (4) (1975) 686e706.
[3] L. Lisker, A.S. Abramson, Some effects of context on voice onset time in English
stops, Lang. Speech 10 (1967) 1e28.
[4] G.J. Docherty, An Experimental Phonetic Study of the Timing of Voicing in
English Obstruents, University of Edinburgh, 1989 (Unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation), le:///Users/patricianogueira/Downloads/329759.pdf.
[5] J.D. Hoit, N.P. Solomon, J. Thomas, T.J. Hixon, Effect of lung volume on voice
onset time (VOT), J. Speech Hear. Res. 36 (1993) 516e521.
[6] P. Torre, J.A. Barlow, Age-related changes in acoustic characteristics of adult
speech, J. Commun. Disord. 42 (2009) 324e333.
[7] R.H. Kessinger, S.E. Blumstein, Effects of speaking rate on voice-onset time and
vowel production: some implications for perception studies, J. Phon. 26 (2)
(1998) 117e128.
[8] F. Karlsson, E. Zetterholm, K.P.H. Sullivan, Development of a gender difference
in voice onset time, in: Proceedings of the 10th Australian International
Conference on Speech Science & Technology, Macquarie University, Sydney,
2004, pp. 316e321.
[9] S.P. Whiteside, J. Marshall, Developmental trends in voice onset time: some
evidence for sex differences, Phonetica 58 (3) (2001) 196e210.
[10] M. Robb, H. Gilbert, J. Lerman, Inuence of gender and environmental setting
on voice onset time, Folia Phoniatr. Logop. 57 (2005) 125e133.
[11] R.J. Morris, C.R. McCrea, K.D. Herring, Voice onset time differences between
adult males and females: isolated syllables, J. Phon. 36 (2008) 308e317.
m, M. Larsson, S. Wiman, A. McAllister, Voice onset time in
[12] I.L. Hammarstro
Swedish children and adults, Logop. Phoniatr. Vocology 37 (3) (2012)
117e122.

[13] D. Kewley-Port, M.S. Preston, Early apical stop production: a voice onset time
analysis, J. Phon. 2 (1974) 195e210.
[14] J.H. Lowenstein, S. Nittrouer, Patterns of acquisition of native voice onset time
in English-learning children, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 124 (2008) 1180e1191.

[15] P. Auzou, C. Ozsancak,


R.J. Morris, M. Jan, F. Eustache, D. Hannequin, Voice
onset time in aphasia, apraxia of speech and dysarthria: a review, Clin. Linguistics Phon.Phon. 14 (2000) 131e150.
[16] H. Ackermann, I. Hertrich, Voice onset time in ataxic dysarthria, Brain Lang. 56
(1997) 321e333.
[17] H. Adam, VOT-analysis: the production of stops by agrammatic Palestinians,
Int. J. Linguistics 4 (4) (2012) 300e308.
[18] S.E. Blumstein, W.E. Cooper, E.B. Zurif, A. Caramazza, The perception and
production of voice-onset time in aphasia, Neuropsychologia 15 (1977)
371e383.
[19] C. Bogliotti, W. Serniclaes, S. Messaoud-Galusi, L. Sprenger-Charolles,
Discrimination of speech sounds by children with dyslexia: comparisons with
chronological age and reading level controls, J. Exp. Child Psychol. 101 (2)
(2008) 137e155.
[20] J.I. Breier, L. Gray, J.M. Fletcher, R.L. Diehl, P. Klaas, Perception of voice and
tone onset time continua in children with dyslexia with and without attention
decit/hyperactivity disorder, J. Exp. Child Psychol. 80 (2001) 245e270.
[21] J. Chobert, C. Franois, M. Habib, M. Besson, Decit in the preattentive processing of syllabic duration and VOT in children with dyslexia, Neuropsychologia 50 (2012) 2044e2055.
[22] E. Fischer, A.M. Goberman, Voice onset time in Parkinson disease, J. Commun.
Disord. 43 (2010) 21e34.
[23] F.N. Gregio, Z.A. Camargo, Dados de tempo de incio do vozeamento (VOT) na
avalia~
ao do sinal vocal de indivduos com paralisia unilateral de prega vocal,
~o 17 (3) (2005) 289e297.
Distrbios Comunicaa
[24] J. Ryalls, H. Provost, N. Arsenault, Voice onset time production in Frenchspeaking aphasics, J. Commun. Disord. 28 (1995) 205e215.
[25] M.A.L. Barroco, M.T.P. Domingues, M.F.M.O. Pires, M. Lousada, L.M.T. Jesus,
lise temporal das oclusivas orais do Portugue
^s Europeu: um estudo de
Ana
~o fonolo
gica, Rev. CEFAC 9 (2) (2007)
caso de normalidade e perturbaa
154e163.
[26] M. Lousada, L.M.T. Jesus, A. Hall, Temporal acoustic correlates of the voicing
contrast in European Portuguese stops, J. Int. Phonetic Assoc. 40 (3) (2010)
261e275.
~o categorial num continuum de vozeamento em fala
[27] S.L.F. Castro, Percepa
natural portuguesa. Actas do 1 encontro de Processamento da Lngua Portuguesa Escrita e Falada, 1993, pp. 15e18. Lisboa, INESC/UNINOVA/CLUL.
[28] A. Andrade, Estudos experimentais aerodin^
amicos, acsticos e palatogr
acos
do vozeamento nas consoantes, Centro de Lingustica da Universidade de
Lisboa, Portugal, 1980.

[29] M.C. Viana, Etude
de deux aspects du consonantisme du portugais: fricatisavoisement, Universite
 des Sciences Humaines de Strasbourg, Strastion et de
bourg, France, 1984 (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation), le:///Users/
patricianogueira/Downloads/329759.pdf.
~o da linguagem na criana, 2007 (Lisboa:
[30] E. Kay, D. Tavares, Teste de avaliaa
Ocina Did
actica).
[31] E. Kay, M.E. Santos, Grelha de Observa~
ao da Linguagem, Nvel Escolar. Escola
~o, 2003.
Superior de Sade de Alcoita
rico-Pr
[32] I. Guimar~
aes, M. Grilo, Curso Teo
atico sobre Articula~
ao Verbal, 1997
(Lisboa: Fisiopraxis).
[33] T. Cho, P. Ladefoged, Variation and universals in VOT: evidence from 18 languages, J. Phon. 27 (1999) 207e229.
[34] P. Ladefoged, A Course in Phonetics, fth ed., Thomson Wadsworth, Boston,
2006.
[35] L. Lisker, A.S. Abramson, A cross-language study of voicing in initial stops,
Word 20 (1964) 384e422.
[36] S.P. Whiteside, L. Henry, R. Dobbin, Sex differences in voice onset time: a
developmental study of phonetic context effects in British English, J. Acoust.
Soc. Am. 116 (2) (2004) 1179e1183.
[37] R.J. Morris, C.R. McCreab, K.D. Herring, Voice onset time differences between
adult males and females: isolated syllables, J. Phon. 36 (2008) 308e317.