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Introduction
Democracy does not play a central role in Deleuze and Guattaris political
philosophy. They offer neither descriptive nor normative accounts of
democratic political processes. In A Thousand Plateaus, they consider the
different forms of modern government only from the Marxist perspective of
their subordination to the axioms of capitalist production. In this light,
authoritarian, socialist and liberal democratic states are all regarded as
equivalent to one another insofar as they function as models of realization of
the global axiomatic of capital. They point to the complementarity between
First-World social democratic states and Third-World totalitarianisms and the
(Deleuze and Guattari, 1987, 464466). While they allow that there are
important differences between the various modern forms of state, they offer
little discussion of these differences. What is Philosophy? repeats this analysis of
the isomorphic but heterogeneous character of all states with regard to the
global capitalist market. From this perspective, even the most democratic
states are compromised by their role in the production of human misery
alongside great wealth: What social democracy has not given the order to fire
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when the poor come out of their territory or ghetto? (Deleuze and Guattari,
1994, 107).
At the same time, the critical remarks about existing democracies in this
book appear to imply that other actualizations of the concept of democracy
might be possible. Deleuze and Guattari contrast the actual universality of the
market with the virtual universality of a global democratic state. They describe
their own political philosophy as reterritorialized on a new earth and a people
to come, unlike those found in actually existing democracies, and call for
resistance to the present in the name of a becoming-democratic that is not to
be confused with present constitutional states (Deleuze and Guattari, 1994,
113, translation modified). The apparently more nuanced attitude towards
democracy in the later book raises a number of questions about what is meant
by becoming-democratic and what role this concept plays in their mature
political thought.
Despite this ambivalence, Philippe Mengue finds only hostility towards
democracy in Deleuzes thought. He points out that, unlike Nietzsche, Deleuze
never explicitly rejects democracy but insists nevertheless that, in his political
philosophy Democracy is only devalued and rendered secondary, not for its
empirical failures but for reasons of principle (Mengue, 2003, 43). His
provocative Deleuze et la question de la democratie takes the relationship to
democracy as the focal point for a wide-ranging reflection upon Deleuzian
political thought. He argues that this weak point in an otherwise powerful
philosophy exposes the degree to which its political rhetoric is bound up with
the opinions and sensibilities of its time, attributing Deleuzes hostility towards
democracy to an uncritical acceptance of the Marxist doxa current among
many French intellectuals in the aftermath of May68. While this important study makes an important contribution to the development of Deleuzian
political thought by forcing us to examine these issues in detail, it overlooks much evidence to suggest that, while Deleuze is no theorist of democracy, he remains committed to egalitarian and democratic values. Ultimately,
I will argue, the thesis that Deleuze is hostile towards democracy is
unsustainable.
Mengue argues that Deleuzes apparent hostility towards democracy is all
the more surprising in view of the many affinities between the principles of
democratic politics and the ethico-ontological principles of his thought. As it is
a politics without foundation in which even the most fundamental convictions
expressed in its laws and institutions are open to change, democracy is a
politics of pure immanence. It is inherently experimental and creative in a way
that accords with the Deleuzian ethic of deterritorialization. As it is played out
in the space between the conflicting opinions and political orientations of
particular individuals or groups, democracy is a rhizomatic politics rather than
a politics of demonstration or deduction. It is a politics in which we are in the
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middle in all senses, horizontally, between equals, with equal and unprivileged
capacities for opinion and choice, and vertically, by virtue of the absence of
transcendent values (Mengue, 2003, 47).
It is paradoxical, Mengue suggests, that a philosophy of multiplicity,
plurality and the in-between should not have embraced the idea of a politics
in which conflicting opinions are pitted against one another and resolved
according to the principle of majority rule. This paradox is intensified once we
consider the need for principles of right in democratic states. In the absence of
regulation of the constitutional form and procedures within which the play of
opinions is resolved, democratic regimes would be populist, tyrannical and
potentially unstable. Constitutional principles of right are necessary to protect
individuals and minorities against majority opinions. Moreover, if we accept
the view of Rousseau and others that the goal of political association is to
determine a collective will as the basis for laws and public policy, then these
principles will govern public debate with a view to such collective decisions.
The resulting formation of consensus or right opinion can be understood as
the outcome of a specific and rhizomatic play of opinions, expert advice,
interests and values such that it operates a veritable deterritorialization of
opinion (Mengue, 2003, 53). Such collective decision-making involves the
reterritorialization of opinion on the idea of the public good, where this
includes the idea that it is appropriate that such decisions respect the wishes of
the majority of those affected. Mengue is undoubtedly correct to point out that
this amounts to a properly political or doxological plane of immanence on
which it is not concepts, percepts or affects that are produced but solidarity
and consensus regarding what is to be done here and now (Mengue, 2003, 52).
He is also right to point out that this kind of specifically political reason may
be characterized in Deleuzian terms, even though What is Philosophy? does not
mention political reason as a specific form of thought irreducible to
philosophy, science or art.
The absence of any account of specifically political reason is undoubtedly a
shortcoming of the tripartite division of thought in What is Philosophy?
However, this neglect of political reason is not sufficient to justify the charge of
profound anti-democratic bias at the heart of Deleuzian political thought.
Mengue advances three primary arguments for Deleuzes supposed hostility
towards democracy, each one related to certain key principles of his
philosophy: preference for immanence over transcendence and for becoming
over history; preference for minority over majority; and a conception of
philosophy as the creation of new concepts and, as such, resolutely opposed to
opinion in all its forms. The remainder of this article will examine and respond
to each of these arguments in turn before presenting an alternative and more
positive account of the relationship of Deleuzes political thought to
democracy.
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opponent of rights or even of the idea that some rights should be universal.
He is wary of attempts to ground human rights in features of human nature
such as human freedom, rationality or the capacity to communicate.
Understood in these terms, human rights presuppose a universal and abstract
subject of rights, irreducible to any singular, existent figures. They are eternal,
abstract and transcendent rights belonging to everyone and no one in
particular. Human rights understood in this manner say nothing about the
immanent modes of existence of people provided with rights (Deleuze and
Guattari, 1994, 107).2
Deleuze elaborates on the emptiness of human rights in the abstract in his
Abecedaire interviews with Claire Parnet, with reference to the situation of an
Armenian population subjected to a massacre by Turks and then to a
subsequent earthquake.3 He objects, firstly, that when people make declarations about human rights in such situations, these declarations are never made
as a function of the people who are directly concerned. In this case, he
suggests, the Armenian people concerned have specific needs in the context of a
specific and local situation: their problem is not the rights of man.4
Secondly, he argues that all such situations must be considered as cases to be
decided rather than simply subsumed under existing laws. He further develops
this idea of a jurisprudence proceeding case by case with reference to French
legal decisions relating to the banning of smoking in taxis. A first decision
refused to allow such a ban on the grounds that the occupant was considered to
be in the position of a tenant renting an apartment. A subsequent decision
upheld the ban on the grounds that a taxi was considered to be a public service
and the occupant in a public rather than a private space. In other words, the
judicial response to such cases is properly creative and not simply the rote
application of existing categories.
Mengue ignores these and other remarks about jurisprudence with good
reason, since they make it clear that Deleuze is not opposed to rights as such
but only to the idea that there exists a definitive set of human rights grounded
in some rights-bearing feature of human nature. His understanding of
jurisprudence clarifies the sense of his opposition to empty universals such as
human rights in the abstract: these are useless because they are fixed and ahistorical, unable to evolve in accordance with the requirements of a particular
case. His preference for jurisprudence over declarations of human rights or
their enshrinement in legal codes is a preference for the ongoing and openended creative process that leads to the modification of existing laws and the
invention of new rights. As such, it parallels the kind of conceptual abstraction
that he endorses in philosophy. Just as philosophy responds to problems by the
creation of concepts, so when we respond to particular situations by legal
means we are involved in jurisprudence, meaning the creative modification of
existing legal principles or the invention of new ones to fit particular cases:
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