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Aggression and Violent Behavior 26 (2016) 915

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Aggression and Violent Behavior

Why do people kill? A critical review of the literature on factors


associated with homicide
Mnica Botelho a,, Rui Abrunhosa Gonalves b
a
b

Investigation Center in Psychology, University of Minho, Braga, Portugal


School of Psychology, University of Minho, Braga, Portugal

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Article history:
Received 26 May 2015
Received in revised form 4 October 2015
Accepted 3 November 2015
Available online 18 November 2015
Keywords:
Crime
Homicide
Associated factors
Social constructivism
Judicial decision making

a b s t r a c t
Homicide is a crime that is currently decreasing in Europe (UNODC, 2013). However, it is serious enough to justify
the empirical efforts that have been developed, in order to better understand it and to seek its decrease and prevention. The following article aims to conduct a literature review on the factors that have been associated with
this crime, thus gaining a comprehensive view and critical reection from a social constructivist perspective.
The acquisition and development of aggressive and violent conducts that can potentiate a crime such as homicide
have multifactorial origins and imply multiple interconnections. This study discusses research results as well as
ofcial national and international statistics. Together, these data provide vital insight when dening healthcare,
education and social policies and also during the judicial decision making process. Research themes are also presented in this work, since they are clearly incipient in Portugal.
2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Contents
1.
2.

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Method used in reviewing, summarizing and organizing existing research
2.1.
Factors associated with homicide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.1.
Physiological factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.2.
Developmental factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.3.
Psychopathological factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.4.
Social factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1. Introduction
In modern societies, homicide is considered the most serious crime,
a relentless attack on the collective conscience, inheritor of the indignation incited by sacrilege and crimes of lse-majest (Durkheim, 1969). It
is perceived as crime against humanity. As Durkheim (1969), killing an
individual is, in a certain way, to break with humanity and stay out of it,
therefore becoming associated with the main line of thought of the 19th
century, which perceives the criminal, namely the killer, as belonging to

Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: monica6botelho@gmail.com (M. Botelho),
rabrunhosa@psi.uminho.pt (R.A. Gonalves).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2015.11.001
1359-1789/ 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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the pre-human plan. However, this behavior took on a normative characteristic when, in ancient Greece, for example, homicide was only punishable if it occurred within the same family. Despite being forbidden,
infanticide was tolerated in Europe until the 17th century, without
any type of punitive consequences (Hughes-Sheper, 1987). Nowadays,
it is the only crime that is condemnable by societies in general and
with more severe sentences (Cassel & Bernstein, 2007), including
death. The constructs by which societies are administered authorize
killing those who kill others and perceive casualties of war as collateral
damage, thus threatening civil values such as freedom, equality and the
right to life.
Roberts, Zgoba, and Shahidullah (2007) dene homicide as the intentional, unintentional or accidental death of a person. This is supported by Liem (2013), who perceives it as the most violent manifestation of

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M. Botelho, R.A. Gonalves / Aggression and Violent Behavior 26 (2016) 915

a criminal behavior. But why do people kill? What factors facilitate and
determine this behavior? The literature is very broad and many times
contradictory. The process of reading this type of crime and criminal
has followed the paradigms of science and criminology, with direct consequences in social and judicial terms. By assuming a social constructivist perspective, this article presents a critical review of the literature
focused on the factors associated with homicide. It does so by highlighting the risk of overvaluing certain variables over others without admitting that intra and inter-subject variations are signicant or considering
the dynamism of factors and, above all, the fact that it is not always obvious whether a certain condition was a cause or consequence of homicidal behavior. However, it is impossible to examine this crime without
considering the historical context, since, on the one hand, we cannot ignore its effect on the subject and, on the other hand, the determination
of what is culpable or illegal relies on the penal code/laws currently in
force.
2. Method used in reviewing, summarizing and organizing existing
research
This literature review is a comprehensive but concise summary of
the research that has been done about factors, which can be associated
with homicide. The emphasis is on integration, interpretation and critical analysis of primary research articles. This article intends to embrace
different epistemological perspectives from more positivists to the constructivist postmodern, and attempts to organize the research data into
major categories. The goal was to summarize and evaluate current ndings, and also include older articles because it helps to understand the
history of this research area. Relevant publications were obtained with
computer database search in Science Direct, PsycInfo, PubMed,
SCOPUS, Medline and Google Scholar, using the following keywords:
homicide psychobiological, homicide genetic , homicide abuse,
homicide dysfunctional families, homicide substance abuse, homicide alcohol abuse, homicide mental illness, homicide economic
deprivation, and homicide racial. Studies published between 1979
and 2014 were selected to fulll the inclusion criteria for this review. Articles' titles and abstracts were reviewed and all articles that appeared
relevant were retrieved in full-text format and evaluated for inclusion
in the review, if they: a) were peer-reviewed; b) the full text was accessible; c) exploring factors which can be associated with homicide
d) quantitative studies; and e) articles written in English and Portuguese. Grey literature was researched, including the websites for the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, Home Ofce, UNODC and World Health
Organization. After reading and analyzing the articles and the information from the websites it was possible to identify and organize the data
into four major categories of factors associated with homicide: physiological, developmental, psychopathological and social factors. Then it
was made an objective description of the data, and simultaneously critical thinking and judgment were applied. At the end grounded alternatives are provided, founded on the given aws and critiques of the
related issue.
2.1. Factors associated with homicide
2.1.1. Physiological factors
The scientic study of crime begins by considering biological rationality and by looking for explanations and causes in the organic structure of the delinquent. This is achieved by way of physical and biomorphological observation, factors over which individuals have no
control, thus putting them at the mercy of this determinism. It is in
keeping with this rationality that, in the 19th century, we witness the
development of bio-anthropological theories, highly inuenced by Darwin, who was mentored by Cesare Lombroso (Bruinsma & Weisburd,
2014; Canter, 2010; Cusson, 1998). The criminal was not only someone
who had broken the law, he/she was an atavistic being, characterized by
precise physical stigmas (Canter, 2010) and associated with certain

types of crimes and psychological traits (Cusson, 1998), such as vanity,


selshness and lack of remorse, etc. The task of judging and sentencing
the criminal was becoming apparently simple, since it was based on
positivist principles that seemed to leave little room for mistakes.
The data gathered and compiled by Lombroso, and later published in
his widely recognized work L'Uomo Delinquente (1876) were quickly
refuted, despite being seemingly thorough. The subsequent research
takes on a bio-psychological characteristic, focused on the determination of the dangerousness of the delinquent individual and oriented towards a double axis of social protection/prevention and treatment/
recovery. This research also considers that criminal behavior is not
only a result of biological factors, but of the interaction of these factors
with the environment in which the individual is born and raised.
Researchers have long tried to establish a correlation between violent crime and genetic anomalies by resorting to studies with twins
and adopted individuals (Cusson, 1998). Recently, studies on similar
populations have found evidence that links genetic factors with the development of aggressive, antisocial and violent behavior (Boardman
et al., 2014; Fergunson & Beaver, 2009; Fergunson & Dyck, 2012; Guo,
Roettger, & Shih, 2007; Jones et al., 2001; Rowe et al., 2001; Widom &
Brzustowicz, 2006).
There appears to be consensus among the scientic community regarding the inuence of changes in the functioning of certain areas of
the brain, namely the limbic system and the temporal and frontal
lobes, responsible for the mediation of aggression and violence. Through
neuroimaging, neuropsychological and neurochemical assessment
techniques, researchers developed studies with subjects who presented
cerebral injuries and decits. They were able to verify an increased predisposition towards violent and antisocial behaviors (Blair, 2010; Blair &
Cipolotti, 2000; Filley, Price, Nell, Antoinette, & Morgan, 2001; Giancola
& Zeichner, 1994; Pontius & Yudowitz, 1980; Raine, 2013; Yang et al.,
2008). The neuropsychopathology theory (Jones, 1984) establishes a relation between injuries to the prefrontal areas, the connections with
subcortical and temporal brain areas associated with limbic structures,
and aggressive behavior. The latter is associated with decits to executive function (attention, focus, memory and higher mental processes),
which generates an erroneous interpretation of stimuli and the inability
to regulate impulses (Moftt, 1993). Subjects with frontal brain injuries
show lower emotional control and an inability to assess the impact of
their behaviors. They also have difculties in establishing empathy
and in the critical assessment of their dysfunctional behaviors, which
they tend to repeat (Damsio, 2000; Jones, 1984).
Contrary to the atavistic classication of the criminal, biological factors can be one of the elements that are relevant to understanding the
crime, since on their own they do not help to understand and explain
why a certain individual has adopted a certain behavior. On the other
hand, genetic and neurologic anomalies are not present in all individuals who commit violent crimes, namely homicide. We can see that positivist ideologies still remain and are particularly present in the criminal
policies of several countries. As such, it is possible to make a legal decision to eliminate the dangerous individual (death penalty), order his/
her admission to a psychiatric hospital for treatment or select between
the deprivation of freedom or other security measures in accordance
with the level of danger posed by the individual. On the other hand,
the stereotypes associated with the crime and those who commit it continue to be positivist elements, demonstrative panaceas of the violent
behavior, exonerating human aws. According to this line of thought,
people kill because there is a permanent/non-permanent abnormality/
non-compliance that may or may not be treatable, thus bestowing
the subject with dangerousness. The punishment appears to derive
from this logic of certainty. However, we must reect upon this
line of thought. To adopt this perspective would be to assume the
insignicance of family, labor and social ties, developmental and
educational pathways and even life contexts. It would nullify individuals' personal interrelations with all their inherent historical
and cultural particularities.

M. Botelho, R.A. Gonalves / Aggression and Violent Behavior 26 (2016) 915

2.1.2. Developmental factors


The exposure to violent, debilitating or abusive family dynamics has
been studied in terms of its effects on the global development of the
child. Zeanah (2001) suggests that in addition to frequency, intensity
and duration, it is vital to consider the developmental period the child
is going through when he/she is victimized, since the risk increases at
younger ages. Several studies have revealed the negative impact of exposure and submission to violent and neglectful conduct, showing a signicant association with cognitive debility (Kelley, Howe, Hodge, Bates,
& Petit, 2001; Miller, 2014; Rossman, 2000; Widom, 2000), mental disorders (Edleson, Mbilinyi, Beeman, & Hagemaister, 2003; Holt, Buckley,
& Whelan, 2008; Loeber et al., 2005; Myers, Scott, Burgess, & Burgess,
1995; Rossman, 2000) and criminal behaviors during childhood and adolescence (Darby, Allan, Kashani, Hartke, & Reid, 1998; Miller, 2014;
Moftt, 1993; Moftt, Caspi, Harrigton, & Milne, 2002; Myers et al.,
1995; Pfeffer, 1980; Sigfusdottir, Farkas, & Silver, 2004).
The way a child grasps and understands the aggressive interactions
towards him/her or others affects the way he/she reacts in a conict situation (Davies & Cummings, 1994). Several studies carried out with
youngsters who committed a homicide have proved that they were
raised in dysfunctional families (Darby et al., 1998), with serious mental
health issues (Darby et al., 1998; Mendelson, Turner, & Tandon, 2010;
Myers et al., 1995), where the use of psychoactive substances can also
be veried (Dolan & Smith, 2001; Frendrich, Mackesy-Amiti, Goldstein,
Spunt, & Brownstein, 1985; Shumaker & Prinz, 2000; Widom, Weiler, &
Cottler, 1999). These children are exposed to several forms of violence
(Heide, 1994, 1997, 2003; Peck & Heide, 2012; Pfeffer, 1980) and are
frequently victims of physical (Darby et al., 1998; Shumaker & Prinz,
2000) and sexual abuse (Mendelson et al., 2010; Shumaker & Prinz,
2000). This prole illustrates the importance of the family as a
privileged group stroke down by a certain type of decient social circumstances; it is also where the ways of acting and thinking that
should be the object of timely interventions are created and perpetuate themselves. It is important to note that school environment can and
should play a vital role as promoters/creators of resiliency factors, and as
points of connection with the entities that protect children, youngsters
and families.
A number of studies also establish a relation between childhood
abuse, regardless of its type, and personality disorders, including psychopathy (Farrington, 2003; Grover et al., 2007). In 2006, research led
by Ogloff showed that 10.0% to 15.0% of violent and sexual crime offenders display a signicant level of psychopathy. Hodgins, Mednick,
Brenann, Schulsiger, and Engberg (1996) had already expressed their
concern when they estimated a 35.0% prevalence of this disorder
among homicides. These studies point out the probability of juvenile
homicides being raised in families with a history of violent crimes
(Bush, Zagar, Hughes, Arbit, & Bussel, 1990; Zagar, Arbit, Sylvies, Bush,
& Hughes, 1990). Heide (1999, as cited in Heide, 1997) highlights the
absence of positive and regulating educational models, free access to
cultural examples characterized by almost gratuitous violence, and social valuation of roles carried out in a competitive and aggressive way.
When these elements interact with situational factors, such as the
abused and neglected child, together with other risk factors (guns,
drug and alcohol use) and personality traits (difculty dealing with
frustration, low prosocial competencies, poor critical judgment, and
anger management issues), they can lead to devastating consequences.
Studies developed by Dicataldo and Everett (2008) and Farrington,
Loeber, and Berg (2012) obtained similar results, thus highlighting
easy access to rearms, use of illegal substances and anger management
issues as strong predictors of juvenile homicide.
Moftt (1993; Moftt et al., 2002) proposed a developmental taxonomy of offenders, according to their criminal trajectories: (a) the
adolescence-limited delinquentsthose who manifest criminal behaviors during adolescence but stop them after this developmental period;
and (b) the life-course-persistence delinquentsthose who display
criminal conduct in adolescence and perpetuate this conduct

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throughout their life. The subjects who eventually commit a homicide


are part of the latter category, thus proving that the interaction of risk
factors at a relatively young age potentiates the development of maladaptive behaviors (Dicataldo & Everett, 2008; Farrington et al., 2012;
Moftt, 1993; Moftt et al., 2002; Shumaker & Prinz, 2000).
A simplistic conclusion drawn from an analysis of the aforementioned studies would be that individuals commit homicides because
their family failed. Family and childhood are nothing more than social
constructs, historically conditioned and interdependent on the society
in which they are found. Looking back in history, childhood and family
were practically nonexistent constructs in the middle Ages (Aris,
1960). With the advent of the industrial revolution and capitalism, the
so-called nuclear family emerges, a model that subsists to this day,
showing that new family congurations have been developed over
time.
We must recognize the role of the family, together with the quality
and safety of early relationships, as organizing and structuring elements
for the individual. The role of primary socialization, which is characterized by the learning of the social rules and behavioral models to which
one has access, must also be considered, along with the effect of labeling
when one is subjected to it. But what is most important is the symbolic
meaning that characterizes family and childhood/adolescence, which
are distinguished as cultural realities produced in a historical context.
This awareness would allow for dening intervention programs aimed
at addressing the needs of families and children needs and would also
open new doors in the legal system and in the training of judges.
2.1.3. Psychopathological factors
Several clinical studies attempted to analyze the risk of subjects with
psychiatric disturbances for committing a homicide. For example,
Hiroze (1979) and Pertursson and Gudjonsson (1981) demonstrated
the existence of a signicant association between homicide and the
presence of psychiatric disorders, namely schizophrenia. Other studies
have shown that subjects with mental disorders, particularly those
from axis I (American Psychiatric Association, 2013), are more often
convicted of violent crimes than subjects who do not suffer from any
type of mental disorder.
Three types of studies support this construct: longitudinal studies
(Arseneault, Moft, Caspi, Taylor, & Silva, 2000; Hodgins, 1992;
Hodgins et al., 1996; Kooyman, Dean, Harvey, & Walsh, 2007; Wallace
et al., 1998), studies on subjects from mental institutions (Hodgins,
2001; Steadman et al., 1998; Tengstrom & Hodgins, 2002), and studies
with inmates who were convicted of violent crimes, namely homicide
(Ct & Hodgins, 1992).
This apparent relation between the violent act/homicide and axis I
mental disorders seems to be a persistent effort to explain the anti-nature and bizarreness of this criminal act. It is curious how some authors
refer to the normality and abnormality of this type of crime. Here,
normal homicides are nothing more than the consequence of the
functional reality of society, where urban violence is included
(Pertursson & Gudjonsson, 1981), while abnormal killers imply the
death of a relative (Simpson, Mckenna, Moskowitz, Skipworth, & Barry
Walsh, 2004), a child or previous sexual abuse.
Nielssen and Large (2010) contradict the construct that suggests
that homicides are committed by individuals with severe mental disorders, by revealing its incidence rate in most countries to be 0.13 in
100,000 people, which is considered very low (this proportion increases
in countries where homicide rates are higher). Several studies
(e.g., Bennett et al., 2011; Hodgins, 2014; Modestin & Ammann, 1996;
Nielssen & Large, 2010) have shown that the majority of crimes committed by individuals with psychiatric disorders are committed during
a period of crisis or when the individual is not on medication. According
to Modestin and Ammann (1996), individuals in a psychotic acute
phase of schizophrenia are four times more likely to be convicted of violent crimes, while individuals with chronic evolution of schizophrenia
do not present signicant changes in terms of violent criminal acts

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M. Botelho, R.A. Gonalves / Aggression and Violent Behavior 26 (2016) 915

when compared with the control samples. Only a small number of people with schizophrenia commit crimes. And when they do, it is a consequence of the disease's symptomatology: command hallucinations
(Hakkanen & Laajasalo, 2006). However, the authors highlight that although this aggression may be directed at someone else, it is most typically self-directed. In other words, there is a greater probability of the
aggression resulting in suicide than in homicide.
Although the single cause of homicide cannot be attributed to psychopathological factors, one can observe that when this crime is committed by an individual with some type of psychiatric disorder, there
is a higher prevalence of psychotic and personality disturbances, mental
disability and use of psychoactive substances (Bennett et al., 2011; Fazel
& Grann, 2004; Flynn, Rodway, Appleby, & Shaw, 2014; Hodgins, 2008;
Kraya & Pillai, 2001; Leth, 2010; Nielssen, Malhi, & Large, 2012; Nolan,
Volavka, Mohr, & Czobor, 1999; Saraiva, Costa, & Pereira, 1995; Stroud,
2008; Sturup & Lindquist, 2014). But even when considering that certain mental disorders can increase this risk, one must critically reect
on the essentialism of the concept of psychiatric disturbances, which
tends to support a series of elements surrounding criminality and violence (the normal criminal), which is the basis of social and judicial
comprehensibility.
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
(American Psychiatric Association, 2013) includes the use of substances
and alcohol as triggers of psychiatric disorders. On the other hand, the
psychiatric comorbidity of the use of depressants and/or central nervous system (CNS) blockers by subjects with severe mental illness is relatively common, thus increasing the risk of violent criminality when
these subjects suffer a psychotic episode (Hodgins, 2008). In fact, it is
common to associate the use of alcohol or other substances with an increased probability of violent conduct. However, as Miles (2012) points
out, it is not psycho-pharmacologically possible to establish a direct relation between the effects of toxic substance abuse and homicide. A possible explanation for this association is proposed by Cohen (1999) and
Wiesner, Kim, and Capaldi (2005), who highlight the nancial constraints generated by the need to maintain the pattern of drug use and
trafcking, thus potentiating criminal conduct. On the other hand, as
Graham and West (2001) and Quigley, Leonard, and Collins (2003)
state, intoxicated individuals are more likely to hang out in locations
that serve alcohol, increasing the risk of altercations that can lead to extreme violence. Goldstein (1985) analyzed the homicide cases that took
place in New York in 1984 involving individuals under the inuence of
narcotics. Three relationship types were identied: psychopharmacological violence, economic compulsion and systemic violence. The rst
is associated with the use or absence of substances, since both situations
can change the individuals' behavior and make him/her more aggressive. Economic compulsion occurs when the addicted individual
chooses to follow a criminal trajectory as a way to support his/her addiction. The more common crimes are associated with drug selling
and crimes against property, which often result in homicide. Lastly, systemic violence involves the relationship between dealers and users, implying a very high level of violence: debt collection, territory disputes,
drug trafcking all of which can lead to homicide. Following the
same line of results, research developed by Brownstein, Baxi,
Goldstein, and Ryan (1992) and Varano and Cancino (2001) indicates
that drug use and trafcking play a decisive role in the motive for homicide, since they place the subject in violent situations.
The association between the use of alcohol and the prevalence of incidents and violent crimes (like homicide) has been reported at the scientic level and in national and international statistics (Darke, 2010;
Home Ofce, 2008; Room & Rossow, 2001; Rossow, 1996; World
Health Organization, 2005, 2006). Alcohol intoxication decreases selfcontrol (Giancola, 2013) and leads the individual to focus only on the
present moment, without considering the past or the future (Graham
& West, 2001; Graham, West, & Wells, 2000). Darke (2010) highlights
the disinhibiting effect of fermented or distilled beverages, responsible
for a type of cognitive blindness that inhibits individuals from making

adaptive social judgments, leading to violent responses. Authors like


Sturup and Lindquist (2014) emphasize the increased number of victims who were intoxicated at the time of the crime, which likely increased their risk of victimization.
There seems to exist an attempt to substantiate homicidal behavior
according to a causal deterministic logic that ignores the discursive constructions regarding madness and altered behaviors. Initially, the actions of the madman were only comprehensible according to the
actions of the gods and the devil, until Pinel was able to explain them
in terms of medicine and Freud in terms of psychology (Foucault,
2006). Nowadays, aggression is linguistically ingrained, namely when
prejudice and stereotypes are reproduced (Gergen, 2007) in relation
to subjects with mental disorders and/or psychoactive substance
abusers who have committed violent crimes. It is important and urgent
to understand that social groups develop representations and practices
regarding conduct, processes and people, and they relate and function
according to these constructs. There seems to remain a kind of blindness
that uses a deterministic linearity that apparently works to facilitate
tasks. In the scope of judicial decision making, this logic is based on
law codes and removes the blame of the imputable, thus leading to therapeutic imprisonment. In order to achieve general prevention, it is vital
to transform the predatory animality of madness into a bland animality
(Foucault, 2006). One can raise the question of reintegrating logic. A homicide was committed. The body was disciplined. Then what?
2.1.4. Social factors
About one hundred years ago, the Chicago School theorized that immigration and poverty disorganized society and were responsible for
the increase in criminality rates.
The 1942 studies by Shaw and MacKay (Bursik, 1988) aimed to explain criminality, namely violent crime, according to three structural
factors: low socioeconomic indicators, ethnic heterogeneity and high
residential mobility. The combination of these elements would lead to
the weakening of social rules by modifying individuals' behavior and
making it more difcult for them to learn rules, especially among younger groups. This would consequently damage the continuity of social
control and increase criminality. Crime was explained according to disorder and lack of integration, elements that were considered to be characteristics of emigrant communities comprising racial and ethnic
minorities.
The public cost-containment policies in the USA transformed minority groups in enemies of the nation (Wacquant, 1999), pushing them
to the cities' outskirts and strengthening the belief that violent crime
is associated with AfricanAmericans and immigrants (Wacquant,
1999, 2009). Several authors have been warning us about the racial typication of crime, which gave place to a racial construction in terms of
crime and crime in terms of race (Chiricos, Welch, & Gertz, 2004;
Dugan & Apel, 2003; Feldmeyer & Steffensmeier, 2009; Lee, Martinez,
& Rosenfeld, 2001; Martinez, 1996; Martinez, Jacob, Stowell, & Lee,
2010; Nielsen, Lee, & Martinez, 2005; Sampson, 2008, 2013; Sampson
& Groves, 1989; Sampson & Wilson, 1995). In terms of homicide, this violent crime will not be justied according to racial or ethnic assumptions. Several studies on the USA's Hispanic community have denied
the construct that immigration promotes increased homicide rates
(Lee et al., 2001; Martinez, 1996; Sampson, 2008). The explanation for
this Latin paradox is not clear. However, it can be perceived as a social
selection issue, since those who immigrate are individuals with a lesser
predisposition to homicide and higher motivation to work, so as to
avoid deportation (Sampson, 2008). Lee et al. (2001) pointed out that
despite the residential segregation and poverty that characterizes the
Latin community, these individuals present low levels of involvement
in homicide cases. According to the authors, the explanation could
stem from greater family stability, namely the presence of two parents
throughout adolescence, as well as the fact that these communities
live in areas with a high concentration of immigrants. This high concentration, once perceived as a criminogenic factor, turns out to be a

M. Botelho, R.A. Gonalves / Aggression and Violent Behavior 26 (2016) 915

protective factor. These communities are more cohesive and united; individuals interact with one another and easily determine common
goals, a characteristic that is not common among other urban communities. Assumptions such as conict between cultures and decient socialization fall at when we consider the results of the aforementioned study.
The unequal distribution of resources promotes social anomy, something that seems to be supported by studies that establish a relation between poverty, racial and ethnic segregation and homicide (Martinez,
Jacob, Stowell, & Lee, 2010; Morenoff, Sampson, & Rondenbush, 2001;
Silver & Miller, 2004). Economic factors such as lack of opportunities, social inequality, population density, unemployment and marginalization,
can be risk factors of violent criminality. By resorting to different methodologies, several studies have aimed to establish a link between
homicide and economic deprivation (Avison & Loring, 1986; Blau &
Blau, 1982; Hannon, 2005; Kubrin & Herting, 2003; Lynch, 1987;
MacDonald & Gover, 2005; Messner, 1982; Messner, Raffalovich, &
McMillan, 2001; Messner & Rosenfeld, 1999; Pridemore, 2002, 2008).
From a theoretical point of view, economic inequality is a criminogenic
factor, since it emerges from the accumulation of a competitive advantage (Messner, 1982). In other words, it results from the juxtaposition
of the blocked opportunities faced by many social groups, as well as
the exaggerated emphasis placed on measures of success. However,
the majority of studies that have tried to establish a connection between
homicide and economic disadvantage have been highly criticized, since
they fail to explain and specify a macro-social model able to relate homicide with economic deprivation (Chamlin & Cochran, 2005; Lee,
Martinez, & Rosenfeld, 2001). While studying the link between homicide rate and access to economic and social rights, Cardia, Adorno, and
Poleto (2003) conrmed that poverty (rate of poor population) alone
could not explain high homicide rates. According to the authors, homicide rates were higher when combined with the following factors over
time: concentration of younger population, absence of elderly individuals, unemployment, head of household's low level of education and absence of policies that aimed to diminish the impact of poverty. On the
other hand, when social development indicators and political institution
instability were studied, they followed the increase in homicide rates.
The authors also concluded that homicide rates were linked to substance use and trafcking.
Establishing univocal links between homicide, poverty, social, racial
and ethnic segregation, immigration and social integration can minimize
the complexity of this criminal act, thus restricting its analysis to an explanatory reductionism. The organization and social context to which an
individual belongs can be a criminogenic factor, inter-extenuating and
inserted in a social and historical period, thus highlighting the fact that
the conduct's legality and the penal system in force are socially
established. The social state of fundamental legal assets gives ground to
requests from the social environment, neo-criminalizing behaviors that
were conned to morality such as domestic violence and showing
that crime is the result of a social construction.
Determining and explaining the causality of homicide is complex.
The multiplicity and heterogeneity of factors that seemed to serve as explanations (albeit contradictory) lack an integrative vision concerning
each specic event. In fact, biological (prefrontal cortex decits, genetic
mutations), developmental (abuse, dysfunctional families, exposure to
violence), psychopathological (psychoactive substance abuse and mental illness) and social (poverty, racial segregation) indicators interact
and are associated with the increase in aggressiveness and violence
(Andrews & Bonta, 2010; Raine, 2013). However, it is important to highlight the fact that the individual belongs to a historical, social and political system, in which reciprocal interactions are established and from
which one cannot be excluded (Fig. 1).

13

Psysiological

Developmental

Homicide

Psychopathological

Social

Fig. 1. Factors associated with homicide: an integrative view.

making process. A preventive perspective will always be the best solution, acting as prevention against criminality and leading to economic
results with inherent advantages for any society. By failing to establish
any causal links between child negligence/abuse and violent crime,
the results of the studies presented suggest the exponentiation of risk.
It is important to reconsider the quality of the interventions (social, educational) that have been developed and the access to available
resources. On the other hand, the risk of a violent crime being committed by subjects suffering a psychotic episode is well known. It is important to highlight the role of the healthcare centers that monitor
individuals with severe mental illnesses and their families, as well as
their educational role, which is vital to eliminating the shame and prejudice associated with mental illnessa stigma that so often hides the
problem rather than treating it. The assessment of risk and violence
and the need to apply the 36/98 law are also important, in order to
quickly and effectively intervene during patient decompensation, thus
serving as a preventive measure against a possible violent crime.
From a remedial point of view far from the punitive logic that current society attempts to establish a better understanding of this type
of crime aids in dening improved intervention programs for inmates.
Rehabilitation strategies can and should contribute to blocking criminal
trajectories and support future social integration.
In terms of family intervention, knowing and understanding homicide allow for more conscientious intervention for both victimized families: those of the victim and those of the offender. In the Portuguese
research eld, the way families organize themselves to ght against
this type of victimization is important. However, research in the eld
of social sciences is lacking.
Lastly, in the judicial realm, it is important to highlight the objectivity and rationality of the law that imposes its practice to those who
apply it the judges. Those who commit a homicide are convicted according to the admission of apparently proven elements and the sentence is either reduced or increased. This is not a simple exercise of
gathering proof. The way each judge understands homicide, its context
and the moment it was committed is also added and connected. One
could then question if the person judging the trial is aware of the impossibility of a rational decision. Research in this eld is vital to providing
information that can be useful during the academic training of judges.
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