Bastiat, Frederic - Essays On Political Economy - 1874 - Essaysonpolitica00bast

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IFOURTH (PEOPLE'S) EDITION.^
ESSAYS
POLITICAL ECONOMY.
BY THE LATE
M.
FREDEEIC EASTIAi;
MEMBER OF THE
INSTITUTE OF FEAKCE.
LONDON
PROVOST &
CO., 36
HENRIETTA STREET,
COVENT GARDEN.
PF.INTED FOE PROVOST
AKD
PUBLISHERS, LONDON.
CO.,
HI3
CONTENTS.
'^
CAPITAL AND INTEREST.
>-
5J
cc
E
INTfiODUCTIOX
CAPITAL AND INTEREST
THE SACK Of CORN
19
THE HOUSE
...
22
THE PLANE
...
24
CD
THAT WHICH IS SEEK AND THAT WHICH

IS NOT SEEN.
INTRODUCTION
49
THE BROKEN WINDOW
50
THE DISBANDING OF TROOPS
54
TAXES
58
THEATRES, PINE ARTS
63
PUBLIC WORKS
71
CONTEXTS.
IV.
PAGE
THE INTERMEDIATES
74
RESTRICTIONS
83
MACHINERY
90
CREDIT
97
ALGERIA
102
FRUGALITY AND LUXURY
107
-n'ORK
AND PROFIT
11<3
GOVERNMENT
119
WHAT
136
IS
THE LAAV
MONEY?
173
Îy object in this treatise

real nature of
pose of proving that
it is
and
am more
I am
obscure.
plain than too
by a
the reader
no
series
and explaining why
may
I confess, I
yet,
examine into the
to
lawful,
This
should be perpetual.
it
is
the Interest of Capital, for the pur-
appear singular,
afraid of being too

afraid I
may weary
of mere truisms.
when
known to
easy matter to avoid this danger,
Avith
by
which
Ave
have to deal are
personal, familiar,
But, then, you
it
is
the facts
every one
and daily experience.
Avill say,
"
What
is
the use of this
AMiy explain what everybody knows?"
treatise?
But, although this problem appears at

so very simple, there is
suppose.
example.
to-day,
But
shall
Mondor
which
Avill
more in
first
sight
than you might

prove this by an
it
endeavour to
lends an instrument of
labour
be entirely destroyed in a week,
yet the capital will not produce the less interest to
Mondor
or his heirs, through all
Eeader,
eternity.
CAPITAL AXD INTEREST.
can you honestly say
you understand the
tliat
rea-
son of this?
It
would be a waste of time
to
seek any
satis-
factory explanation from the writings of economists.
They have not thrown much
light
upon the reasons
For
this they are not
of the existence of interest.
blamed for at the time they wrote, its lawwas not called in question. Xow, hoAvever,
tim(3s are altered
the case is different.
Men, who
consider themselves to be in advance of their age,
have organised an active crusade against capital and
interest; it is the productiveness of capital which
to be
fulness
they are attacking ; not certain abuses in the administration of it, but the principle itself.
been
has
journal
vehicle
Proudhon, and has,
The
tion.
the
electoral
"The
demned by
read,
is
first
the
true
established
crusade.
this
for
it
is
number
manifesto
It
to
servê
an immense
said,
as
conducted by M.
is
circula-
of this periodical contains

of
the
Here wq
people.
productiveness of capital, which

Christianity under
the
cause of misery, the
name
true
is
con-
of usury,
principle
of
destitution, the eternal obstacle to the establishment
of the Eepublic."
Another journal, La Ruche Po[jidaire, after having

some excellent things on labour, adds, " But,
above all, labour ought to be free that is, it ought
said
to be organised in such a manner,
and
tlio.t
muney-lenders
patrons, or mcisters, should not he paid for this
liberty
of
labour,
this
raised to so high a price
right
of
by the
labour,
which
traffickere of
is
men."
The only thought that

hy the words in
of the right to interest.
The remainder of the
article
democratic
Tliore
pressed
explains
It
here,
notice
that
is
ex-
Avhich imply a denial
italics,
it.
thus
is
the
that
Socialist,
expresses himself:
" The revolution
will always have to he recommenced, so long as we occupy ourselves with con-
sequences
ciple
attack
the old
b}''
ha\dng
the principle
capital, false
is
which
without
only,
courage to
property,
irgime,
the
This
interest,
made
is
the
or
logic
itself.
to
prin-
and usury,
weigh upon
labour.
"
Ever
since
the
credible fiction,
that
reproduchig
aristocrats
invented
the
in-
capital possesses the power of
the workers have been at the mercy
itself,
of the idle.
" At the end of a year, wUl you find an additional

crown in a bag of one hundred shillings 1
At the
end of fourteen years, will your shillings have doubled
in your bag ?
" "Will
work of industry
of
or
another, at the end of foui'teen years

"
Let us begin,
then,
skill
produce
by demolishing
this
fatal
fiction."
I have quoted the above, merely for the sake of
the
establishing
fact,
that
many
persons
the productiveness of capital a false, a

iniquitous principle.
it
is
well
sufferings
known
to
But
that
consider
fatal,
and an
(quotations are superfluous
the
Avhat they call
people
the
attribute
traJicJiiiir/
B 2
in
their
man

4
by man.
In
tyrannu of capital,
the phrase,
fact,
has "become proverbial.

I helieve there
is
man
not a
in the "world, Avho
aware of the whole importance of this question

" Is
laAvful,
the
interest
and
as
of
natural,
capital
useful
and
just,
payer as to the
the
to
is
re-
ceiver?"
You
answer,
entirely;
differ
Xo
but
it
is
answer,
of us
Then
Jfes.
tlie
is
in the right,
to
discover Avhich
we
shall incur the danger of
makmg
my
on
side,
If the error
however, the evil would not be so
must be
It
great.
otherwise
a false solution
of the question, a matter of opinion.

is
we
utmost importance
of
inferred
that
know nothing
about the true interests of the masses, or the march
human
of
progress
and that
all
my
arguments are
but as so many grains of sand, by which the car of

the revolution will certainly not be arrested.
But
are
if, on tlie contrary,

deceivmg themselves,
leading the
them the
it
people astray
evil
where
it
Proudhon and Thore
j\I]\I.
that
does
that
they are
they are
showing
and thus
follows
not exist
giving a false direction to their ideas, to their antipathies, to their dislikes,
follows
that
a horrible
and
to
and
absurd
struggle,
Avould be more fatal than defeat

to this supposition, the result
of
their
attacks.
in
;
which victoiy
since,
according
would be the
of
evils,
the
destruction
means of emancipation,
the
consummation
tion
own
universal
miserv.
It
the misguided people are rushing into
realisa-
eveiy
of
its

This
what M. Proudhon has acknowledged,

" The foundation stone,"
faith.
Just
is
with perfect good
my
he told me, " of
am
If I
credit.
vain dream."
I add,
for
Socialism
this,
a dream,
is
it
he a canse
therefore,
the gratuitousness of
is
themselves
tearing
are
|)eople
system
mistaken in
to
pieces.
surprise,
if,
is
which the
Will it,
in
when they
awake, they find themselves mangled and hlecding
Such a danger
if,
as this is
enough
to justify
me
fully
in the course of the discussion, I allow myself to
he led into some
and some
trivialities
prolixity.
CAPITAL AND IXTEEEST.

I
address
this
treatise
to the workmen of Paris,

who have enrolled them-
more
especially
selves
under the hanner of
to
those
Socialist
proceed to consider these two questions

Is
1st.
and
interest
2nd.
consistent
it
with
justice,
Avitli
that
tlie
capital
democracy.
:
nature
of things,
should
jiroduce
Is
and with
it
consistent with the nature of things,
justice,
he perpetual
that the interest of capital should
The working men of Paris

that a more important
ledge
will certainly
acknow-
suhject could not he
discussed.
Since the world

least
Eut
hegan,
it
has heen
allowed,
at
in part, that capital ought to produce interest.

latterly
it
has been affirmed, that herein
the very social error which
is
lies
the cause of pauperism
and
inequality.
It
For
It
in vain to
is
sin,
When
would be a hypocritical recommendation.
on the one
side there is a strong
on
robber
victim of rohbery
and a
rich,
should
suading
tarily
Wait
is
enough that we
hope of per-
till
with
your
opj^ressor
or
oppression,
by nature
till
it
unproductive,
that they are provoking a terrible
volun-
shall
and those who
and a
poor,
weak man, but
singular
is
former,
This cannot be
capital
know
"
him,
renounces
of itself."
that
the
to
man
the other, a
it
say
the
social order,
them that they

pacific means
tell
ought to have recourse to legal and

it
is
have a right to revolt against
exists.
it
stand.
levying interest from capital
if
Vv'orkers
as
very essential to
therefore,
is,
know now on what ground we
cease
tell
us
ought
to
and imme-
diate struggle.
If,
on the
contrary,
the
natural, lawful, consistent
borrower
favourable
to
economists
who deny
the
this pretended
men
interest
social
into a senseless
it,
of
capital
is
Avith the general good, as
as
to
the
the tribunes
lender,
who
traffic
the
in
wound, are leading the workand unjust struggle, which can
have no other issue than the misfortune of all.

In fact, they are arming labour against capital.
So much the better, if these two powers are really
antagonistic
But,
if
greatest
You
see,
and may the struggle soon be ended
they are in harmony,
the
struggle
is
the
which can be inflicted on society.

then, workmen, that there is not a more
evil
important question than this
"
Is
the iîterest of
capital lawful or not]"

In tlie former case, you
must immediately renomice the struggle to -whicli
you are being urged ; in the second, you must carry it
on bravely, and to the end.
Productiveness of capital
These are
difficult
make myself
perpetuity
tpiestions.
clear.
And
for
of
interest.
must endeavour
that purpose
to
I shall
have recourse to example rather than to demonstration
the
I shall place the demonstration h\
or rather,
example.
first sight,
pretend
to
it
may
a
begin by acknowledging that,
at
apjDear strange that capital should
remuneration,
perpetual remuneration.
You
and
"will
above
say,
to
all,
" Here
a.
arc
two men.
One of them works from morning till
night, from one year's end to another; and if he
consumes all which he has gained, even by superior
"When Christmas comes
energ)', he remains poor.
he is no forwarder than he was at the beginning of
the year, and has no other prospect but to begin
The other man does notliing, either with
again.
his hands or his head ; or at least, if he makes use
of them at all, it is only for his own pleasui'e it is
allowable for him to do nothing, for he has an income.
He does not work, yet he lives well ; he has everything in abundance ;
delicate
dishes,
sumptuous
furniture,
elegant equipages,
nay, he even consumes, daily, things which the workers have been
obliged to produce by the sweat of their brow,
for these thmgs do not make themselves ; and, as
far as he is concerned, he has had no hand in their
production.
It is the workmen who have caused
;
grow,
corn to
this
these
carpets
it
have spun, cut
is
out,
polished
anything
But here
left.
furniture,
him and
for
for
is
woven
daughters Avho
and embroidered these
sewed,
"We work, then,

him first, and then
stuffs.
for
this
our wives and
for ourselves
ourselves,
if
there
is
something more striking
still.
If the former of these two men, the worker,
consumes within the year any profit which may
have been left him in that year, he is always at
the point from which he started, and his destiny
condems him to move incessantly in a perpetual

and a monotony of exertion. Labour, then, is
rewarded only once. But if the other, the "gentleman," consumes his yearly income in the year, he
has, the year after, in those Avhich follow, and
tlirough all eternity, an income always equal, incircle,
perpetual.
exhaustible,
Capital,
rated, not only once or twice,
then,
is
remune-
but an indefinite num-
So that, at the end of a hundred

which has placed 20,000 francs,"' at
five per cent., Avill have had 100,000 francs; and this
will not prevent it from having 100,000 more, in
In other words, for 20,000
the following century.
which represent its labour, it will have
francs,
levied, in two centuries, a tenfold value on the
ber of times
years, a family
labour of
this
is
not
curtail its
In this social arrangement, is

And
monstrous evil to be reformed ?
others.
there not a
all.
If
it
enjoyment a
should please this family to

little
to spend, for
only 900 francs, instead of 1,000

*
franc
is
lOd. of our
it
money.
example,
may, without
CAPITAL AND IXTEREST.
any labour, without any other trouble beyond that of

investmg 100 francs a year, increase its capital and
its income in such rapid progression, that it will soon
much
be in a position to consume as
go to
workmen.
of industrious
families
prove that society
as a hiuidred
Does not
has in
itself
its
all this
bosom a
hideous cancer, which ought to be eradicated at the
some temporary
risk of
These
suffering
me,
the sad and irriwhich must be excited in your

minds by the active and superficial crusade which
is being carried on against capital and interest
On
tating
the
am
are,
appears
it
to
reflections
hand,
other
there
moments
are
which I
in
convinced, doubts are awakened in your minds,
You
and scruples in your conscience.

selves sometimes,
"But
not to produce interest,

created
say to your-
to assert that capital ought

is
say that he
to
instruments of labour,
visions of any kind, ought to yield
them wp
And
then, if
compensation.
who would
these
Is that just J
Avithout
it
is
who would
provisions?
create
his proportion,
never advance a step.
take care of them?

Every one would
them?
and the human race would
Capital would be no longer
formed, since there would be no interest in forming

It Avould
towards
so,
lend these instruments, these materials,
who even would

consume
who has
materials, or pro-
or
become exceedingly
gratuitous
loans
scarce.
singular
means
improving the condition of borrowers, to make

impossible for them to borrow at any price
would become of labour
itself?
for
it.
single step
there
of
it
What
wiU be
10
no money
not one single kind o f
and
advanced,
labour can be mentioned, not even the chase, Avhich

can be pursued without money in hand. And, as
for ourselves,
what Avould become
us
of
What
not to be alloAved to borrow, in order to

work in the prime of life, nor to lend, that we may
enjoy repose in its decline] The laAv will rob
we
are
of laying
by a
us of the
prospect
because
will prevent us from gaining
it
tage from
deprive us of
It will
it.
save at the present time, and of

It
the future.
for
with fatigue
sons
our
modern
become
is
useless
and
daughters
science
renders
Alas
exhaust ourselves
property,
little
if
for
we were
world
stimulus to
the idea of leaving
iiseless,
it
men
the
all
property,
any advan-
hope of repose
all
to
we must abandon
trafiickers in
interest.
little
which
since
we should
to lend it
these
on
persons
would open before us, as an imaginary good, is still

more dreary and desolate than that which they
condemn, for hope, at any rate, is not banished
from the latter." Thus, in all respects, and in every
point of view, the question
is
a serious one.
hasten to arrive at a solution.

Our civil code has a chapter entitled,
manner of transmitting property."

it
f'ives
When
it
"On
the
do not think
a very complete nomenclature on this point.

man by his labour has made some useful
in other words, Avhen he has created a value

can only pass into the hands of another by one
thing
Let us
modes
by changing,
of the following
inheritance,
as a
gift,
by the right of
One word
loan, or theft.
upon
eacli
plays
of these,
except
part
greater
in
tlie
the
11
althougli
last,
than we
world
it
may
gift needs no definition.

It is essentially
and spontaneous. It depends exclusively
upon the giver, and the receiver cannot he said to
have any right to it.
"Without a douht, morality
and I'cligion make it a duty for men, especially the
think.
Aôliuitary
to
ricli,
themselves
deprive
voluntarily
of
that
whicli they possess, in fixvour of their less fortunate
But
brethren.
If
were
it
in practice,
is an entirely moral ohligation.

he asserted on principle, admitted
this
to
sanctioned by law,
or
has a right to
the
property
of
that every
man
the
gift
another,
would have no merit charity and gratitude would

be no longer virtues.
Besides, such a doctrine
would suddenly and universally arrest labour and
production, as severe cold congeals water and susfor who would work if there was
pends animation
no longer to be any connection between labour and
the satisfying of our Avaats 1 Political economy has
;
not treated
that
of
them,
science devoid of
sation.
That
from the
its
effects,
gives
science
respect
perhaps
such
Avhicli
still
above
We
all,
therefore
is
the
treats
more
of
the
laAvs
of -services, had no
consequences of gene-
him who
considerations
of morals.
have limits
to
it
Tliis is a ridiculous accu-
Tecipmc/'f/j
inquire into
with
rosity
science
hence been concluded
and that
heart.
resulting
business to
It has
gifts.
disowns
it
receives,
precious,
nor into
on him who
belong evidently to the
must allow the sciences to

we must not accuse them
12
of denying or undervaluing Avliat they look i;pon as

foreign to their department.
The
which
right of inheritance, against
has been objected of
late,
so
much
one of the forms of
is
and assuredly the most natural of all.

That
which a man has produced, he may consume, exchange, or give.
What can be more natural than
that he should give it to his children?
It is this
power, more than any other, which inspires him
with courage to labour and to save. Do you know
gift,
why
the principle
in
called
the
inheritance
it
transmitted
This
the masses.
of
Because
thus
property
nomy
of right
question?
is
demonstrates,
in
fatal
is
is
thus
imagmed
that
plundered
from
is
error.
Political
eco-
the most peremptory man-
is a
creation which
any person whatevei\
For that
reason it may be consumed, and, still more, transmitted, without hurting any one
but I shall not
pursue these reflections, Avhich do not belong to the
ner,
value jDroduced
that all
harm
does no
to
subject.
Exchange
economj''.
the prhicipal department
is
because
it
is
by
far
of political
the most
frequent
method of transmitting property, according to the

free and voluntary agreements of the laws and effects
of which this science treats.
Properly speaking, exchange
The
me this, and
for me, and I
services.
remark
(for
is
the
reciprocity
of
between themselves, " Give

;
give you that " or, " Do this
parties say
I
Avill
Avill
this
do that for you."

It is well to
throw a new light on the
-will

notion
of
that
value)
implied in the
second form
tlie
Wlien
first.
me, and I will do that
13
it
this for
an exchange of
you,"
for
when
Again,
service for service is proposed.
always
is
"Do
is said,
it
is
Give me this, and I will give you that," it

is the same as saying, " I yield to you Avhat I have
done, yield to me what you have done."
The
"
said,
labour
is
is past,
instead of present
tion of the
two
services
value
in the services
is
and received on account of the produc-
exchanged,
tions
valua-
so that it is quite correct
to say that the principle of
rendered
but the exchange
by the comparative
not the less governed
than
rather
in
the
productions
themselves.
In
money.
There is a medium,
Paul has completed a
wishes to receive a
oil,
little
does Paul do
He
money, which
money
is
first
little
termed
is
for
coat,
bread, a
which he
wine, a
little
purchase
the
labour and the
the same individual,
" I
Say
circuit
now,
have done this for
In a word,
actually
is
nothing can be more
only, has the recipro-
its
only,
compensation are balanced in
has done that for me."

the exchange
then he exchanges this
and now,
of services
kind, so what
in
things which he Avants, Avhich
completed
city
of J. P.
effected
exchanges his coat for some
called scde
again for the
is called
that
exchanged
ever
Avhich
a visit from a doctor, a ticket for the play, &c.
The exchange cannot be
it
scarcely
are
services
reality,
directly.
correct
" Since
the
it
is
society,
only
accomplished.
now
Thus
than this observation

introduction
of money.
14
two elements, aale

is resolved into
and pjirchase. It is the reunion of these two elements which renders the exchange complete."
We must remark, also, that the constant appearevery exchange
ance
money
of
and misled
ing that
it
was
every exchange has overturned
in
our ideas
all
money was
to
multiply
hence paper money
"What
aphorism,
celebrated
in think-
and that to
and products.
services
the prohibitory system

the
men have ended
true riches,
one
multiplj''
Hence
hence
the
gains
and all the errors which have ruined

After
the earth, and embrued it with blood.*
to
order
that
in
found,
been
it
has
much research
make the two services exchanged of equivalent
other loses;"
value,
and in order
to render the
exchange equitable,
the best means was to allow it to be free. However plausible, at first sight, the intervention of the
State might
be,
it
was
soon perceived
that
it
is
always oppressive to one or other of the contracting

When we look into these subjects, we are
parties.
always compelled to reason upon this maxim, that
equal value results from liberty.
We
have, in
knowing whether,
no
moment, two services are of the same
other means
that of
freely
Allow the
exchanged.
other,
as
force,
to
and from that
of appreciation will
* This
at
fact,
given
value,
but
examining -whether they can be readily and
same thing
the
of
error
v,-ill
" Cnrstd Money."
be
which
on one
State,
interfere
momei^t
all
the
is
side
the
or
means
be complicated and entangled,

combated
in
pamphlet,
entitled

instead of becoming clear.
of the
State
to
artifice
and fraud
not to
violate
It ought to
prevent, and, above

;
that
it.
exchange,
although
my
is,
excuse
15
is,
to
be the part
secure
liberty,
have enlarged a
loan
is
my
to repress
all,
little
object
principal
that I conceive that there
is
and
upon
:
in a loan
an actual exchange, an actual service rendered by

the lender, and which makes the borrower liable to
an equivalent service, two services, Avhose comparative value can only be appreciated, hke that of
by freedom. Now, if it is so,

of what is called house-rent,
will be explained and justified.
all possible
services,
the perfect
la-wfulness
farm-rent,
interest,
Let us consider the case of Joan.

Suppose two men exchange two services or two
objects,
me
ten
equal
Avhose
Suppose,
for
sixpences,
We
value
Peter
example,
Avill
beyond
is
says
give
all
dispute.
Paul,
to
you a
" Give
five-shilling
e(|ual value more

"When the bargain is made, neither
The exchanged
party has any claim upon the other.
Thus it follows, that if one of
services are equal.
the aprties wishes to introduce mto the bargain an
piece."
cannot imagine an
unquestionable.
advantageous to himself, but un-
additional clause,
I'avourable
to
the
second clause,
other
which
party,
shall
he
must agree
re-establish
the
to
equi-
and the law of justice. It Avould be absurd

deny the justice of a second clause of compen-
librium,
to
This granted, we wdl suppose that Peter,

having said to Paul, " Give me ten sixpences,
sation.
after
I will give
you a crown," adds, "You
shall give
me
16
the
new
a year;"
/?i
in
he had
not appear plainly enough,
Pender me the
said, "
use for
to
and advantages
new and an
one of a different kind
my
the
the proportion of the
that Peter asks of Paul a
ditional service
me
it
claims
alters
it
Does
services.
fiict,
as if
that
give j'ou
-will
veiy evident that this
is
it
the
proposition alters
of the bargain
two
and I
now,
sixpences
ten
crown -jDiece
it
ad-
not
service of allowing
for a year,
proiit,
Is
five
shillings
and which you might have

And what good reason have
nsed for yourself?"
jou to maintain that Paul is bound to render this
especial service gratuitously ; that he has no right
to demand anything more in consequence of this
wliich belong
requisition
him
force
to
yon,
that
the
submit
ought to
State
Is
who
economist,
the
that
to
it
interfere
to
not incomprehensible
preaches such a doctrine
to the people, can reconcile
it
with his principle of
Here I have introduced

redpTOcity of servicer f
cash ; I have been led to do so by a desire to place,
tJie
two objects of exchange, of a perfect

value.
I was anxious
to be j)reparcd for objections ; but, on the other
hand, my demonstration Avould have been more
striking still, if I had illustrated my principle by
an agreement for exchanging the services or the
by
side
and
side,
indisj)utable equality of
productions themselves.
Suppose, for example, a house and a vessel of a

value
so
disposed
excess
or
perfectly
to
equal
exchange
abatement.
that
their
proprietors are
them even-handed, without

In
fact
let
the
bargain be

settled
hj
taking
possession,
citizen,
"Very
moment
At the
lawyer.
17
shipowner
tlie
saj's
transaction
well; the
of
each
to
the
completed,
is
and nothing can prove its perfect equity better

than our free and voluntary consent. Our conditions are thus fixed, I shall propose to you a little
You
practical modification.
me have your
shall let
house to-day, hut I shall not put you in possession

of
my
ship for a year; and the reason I
demand
you
of
this
That we may not be em-
wish to use the vessel."
by considerations
barrassed
make
during this year of delay, I
that,
is,
relative
to the deteriora-
tion of the thing lent, I will suppose the shipowner

to
"I
add,
hand over
is
you the
"
answer,
clause
By
the exchanged services.
which
both.
was
vessel.
You
are
it,
you
my
make
will
house
use of
same reason the clause is injurious

and a gain to
requiring
have a right to
compensation,
parties
I shall be deprived,
It stipulates for a loss to me,
to me.
By
propose
in the absence of this clause, the bargain
If,
just, for the
you.
it,
you
the equal value of
space of a year, both at once of
and of your
it
himself, if the citizen has not a right
The new
entu'ely alters the proportion or
for the
year, to
vessel in the state in Avhich
ask of every candid man, I ask of
to-day."
M. Proudhon
to
end of the
will engage, at the
to
are
principle
of
refuse,
an
agreed
which
distinguish tAvo
of
or
me
to
equivalent
upon
is
this
in
service
of you,
I
as
If
the
compensation,
the
service."
incontestable,
transactions
new
require
one,
we can
easily
two exchanges
c

18
in
of service
there
First
one.
the house for the vessel
the exchange of
is
after
there
this,
the
is
delay granted by one of the parties, and the com-
correspondent
pensation
by
delay yielded
this
to
These two new services take the generic
the other.
and abstract names of credit and interest. Eut

names do not change the nature of things and I
;
defy any one to dare to maintain that there exists
when
here,
done, a service for a service, or a
is
To say
services.
first
one of
that
does not challenge'^ the
services
the
all
of
reciprocity
other,
these
yay that
to
ought to be rendered gratuitously, without
injustice,
to
is
reciprocity of
say that
services,
injustice
that
consists
in
the
consists in one
justice
of the parties giving and not receiving, which
is
contradiction in terms.
To give an idea of
me
allow
make
to
interest
and
its
or
three
use of two
mechanism,
anecdotes.
must say a few Avords upon capital.

There are some persons who imagine that capital
is money, and this is precisely the reason why they
deny its productiveness ; for, as M. Thore says,
crowns are not endowed with the power of reproEut,
first,
ducing themselves.
and money
covery
of
are
the
the
precious
in the world
talists
But it
same
that time, as now,
and
is
not true that capital

Eefore
thing.
metals,
there
I venture
everybody was a
to
the
were
dis-
capi-
say that at
capitalist, to
certain extent.
What
things
is
capital,
then?
It
is
composed of three
Of the
1st.
upon
materials
19
men
wliicli
operate,
have already a value communicated by some human eflort, Avhich has bestowed
v.-ool,
upon them the principle of remuneration
when
materials
these
wood, &c.
flax, leather, silk,
2nd.
Instruments which are used for working
machines, ships, carriages, &c.
tools,
labour
l)(i
which
Provisions
3rd.
victuals,
consumed
are
during
liouses, &c.
stuff's,
Without these things the labourmg man would

unproductive and almost void ; yet these very
things have required
This
much work, especially at first.

much value has been
the reason that so
is
the possession
attached to
is
to
make
a profit of
from them
Xow
them
and
of them,
exchange and to
perfectly lawful to
it
if used, to
that
also
sell
them,
gain remuneration
if lent.
for
my
anecdotes.
THE SACK OF COEK

]\Iathurin,
obliged
to
nevertheless,
fine
piece
ingly
to clear
sow
by
cultivate
land.
it.
the
He
" Alas
to raise fences, to
away the brambles and
it,
might bring
me
became
owner of a
was exceed-
day-labour,
inheritance,
of uncultivated
ditches,
poor as Job, and
respects as
bread
by some
anxious to
"to make
to
in other
earn his
said
he,
soil,
stones, to
a living in
"
break the
plough
it,
a year or two
It is imbut certainly not to-day, or to-morrow.

previously
Avithout
it,
forming
about
set
possible to
20
saving some provisions for

harvest
tory
and
labour
present
Icnow,
my
hy
subsistence until the
indispensable,
is
labour
that prepara-
experience,
order
in
The
productive."
render
to
good
Mathurin
was not content with making these reflections. He

resolved to work by the day, and to save something
from his wages to buy a spade and a sack of corn
without which things, he must give up his fine
agricultural projects.
He acted so Avell, was so
active and steady, that he soon saw himself in
shall
take
shall
have
covered
starting,
the
to
it
enough
a
Avitli
mill,"
to
rich
live
sack
said
of
"
he,
till
my
Just
as
upon
harvest."
" I
corn.
and then I
field
he
is
was
Jerome came to borrow his treasure of

you will lend me this sack of corn,"
" If
him.
said
wished-for
the
of
possession
Jerome, "you will do
me
a great service; for
I have some very lucrative work in view, which I
cannot possibly undertake, for want

to
live
same
now
upon
case,"
until
it
ansAA'êred
is
finished."
Mathurin,
''
of
provisions
" I
was in the
and if I have
secured bread for several months,
it
is
at
the
my
arms and my stomach. Upon what

principle of justice can it be devoted to the realisa"
tion of i/oiir enterprise instead of mine ?
expense of
You may
one.
well believe that the bargain was a long
However,
these conditions
First
it
was finished
at
length,
and on
Jerome
promised to give back,
at
the end
of the year, a sack of corn of the same quality, and
of the same weight, Avithout missing a single grain.

" Tliis
first
clause
is
21
said
perfectly just,"
" for
he,
Mathurin would rjloc, and not Jend."

He engaged to deliver Jive litres on
every liedoliire.
"This clause is no less just than
the other," thought he ; " for without it Mathuiin
he
Avould do me a service without compensation
would inflict upon himself a privation he would
renounce his cherished enterprise he would enable
me to accomplish mine
he would cause me to
enjoy for a year the fruits of his savings, and all
tliis gratuitously.
Since he delays the cultivation
of his land, since he enables me to realise a lucrative
without
it
Secondly
labour,, it is c|uite natural that I
in
take,
should
of the
proportion,
a certain
him
let
par-
which
profits
I shall gain by the sacrifice he makes of his own."
On
his
of the
first
me
the
at
Mathurin,
side,
made
scholar,
this
who was something
calculation
clause, the sack of
" Since,
of a
virtue
corn will return to

to himself,
" I
will return to
me
end of a year," he said
shall be able to lend it again
by
it
end of the second year ; I may lend it again,

However, I cannot deny
that it will have been eaten long ago.
It is singular that I should be perpetually the owner of a
sack of corn, although the one I have lent has been
consumed for ever. But this is explained thus
at the
and
so on, to all eternity.
It
will
be consumed in the service of Jerome.
will jiut
it
superior
value
into
able to restore
It
the power of Jerome to produce a

and,
me
consequently,
Jerome
be
will
a sack of corn, or the value of
without having suffered the
slightest
hijiiry
it
but
22
quite
the
not consume
it
land, I should
myself,
myself,
regards
as
property,
this
long as I do
as
If I had used
have received
it
to clear
my
again in the form of
it
Instead of that, I lend
it,
and
shall
in the form of repayment.
the second clause,
possession
another piece
gain
At the end of the year
of information.
in
my
he
a fine harvest.
recover it
" From
And
contraiy.
value ought to
of
five
be
sliall
over the
corn
of
litres
one
hundred that I have just lent. If, then, I ^verc to

contmue to work by the day, and to save part of my
wages, as I have been doing, in the course of time
I should be able to lend two sacks of corn; tlien
and when I should have
then four ;
three ;
o-ained a sufficient number to enable me to live on
these
of five
additions
litres
over and above each,
I shall be at liberty to take a

old age.
But how
is
not be living at the
this
little
In this
repose in
expense of others'?
my
shall
case,
lô,
cer-
been proved that in lending I perform a service I complete the labour of my boronly deduct a trifling part of the
roAvers, and
due to my lendings and
excess of production,
tainly, for it has

;
savings.
It is a marvellous thing that a
thiis realise
man may
a leisure Avhich injures no one,
which he cannot be envied without
and
for
injustice."
THE HOUSE.
Mondor had
extorted
nothing
house.
from
In
any
buildirig
one
it,
he
Avhatever.
had
He

CAriTAL AXD INTEREST.
23
it to his own personal labour, or, which is the

same thing, to labour justly rewarded. His first
care was to make a bargain with an architect, in
virtue of which, by means of a hundred crowns a
year, tlie latter engaged to keep the house in constant good repair.
Mondor was already congratulating himself on the happy days Avhich he hoped
to spend in this retreat, declared sacred by our
owed
'
Constitution.
But Valerius Avished
make
to
it
his
residence.
"
How
can you think of
]Mondor to Valerius.
has cost
me
such a
" It is I
thing
who have
said
"
built
ten years of painful labour, and
would enjoy
it
it
now you
"
They agreed to refer the matter
They chose no profound economists,
But they
there were none such in the country.
found some just and sensible men ; it all conies to
the same thing
jiolitical
economy, justice, good
'ôw here is the
sense, are all the same thing,
decision made by the judges
If A'alerius wishes to
occupy Mondor's house for a year, he is bound to
submit to three conditions. The first is to quit at
the end of the year, and to restore the house iir good
repair, saving the inevitable decaj' resulting from
mere dui'ation. The second, to refmid to Mondor
the 300 francs which the latter pays annually to
it
to judges.
the architect to repair the injuries of time

injuries
taking place Avhilst the
service of Valerius,
it is
bear the consequences.
house
is
for these
in
the
perfectly just that he should
The
third,
that
he should
render to IMondor a service equivalent to that which
24
receives.
As
must be
freely
he
it
this
to
equivalence
of
services,
Mondor and
between
discussed
Valerius.
THE
PLA]SÊ.
very long time ago
village,
a joiner, avIio Avas
heroes
are
morning
his
in
till
effects.
hatchet,
He
my
^^ây.
with his
night
not
brain Avas
reviewing
of
their
there
poor
their
actions,
my
James worked from

two strong arms, but
He
idle for all that.
his
lived,
a philosopher, as all
causes,
Avas
fond
and
their
sometimes said to himself, "With my

saw, and my hammer, I can make only
and can only get the pay for such.

had a plane, I should please my customers
It is quite
more, and they would pay me more.
coarse furniture
If I only
just;
can
expect
only
services
those which I render myself.
Avill
make myself
However, just
reflected
further
days in the year.

plane, supposing
Avill
remain
for
proportioned to
I
am
resolved,
a plane."
as
:
Yes
it
me
he was setting to work, James

work for my customers 300
If
lasts
to
give
ten
to
making
my
me a year, only 290 days

make my furniture. Xoav,
in order that I be not the loser in this matter,
must gain henceforth, Avitli the help of tlie plane,

I must
as much in 290 days, as I now do in 300.
even gain more ; for unless I do so, it would not be
worth my whUe to venture upon any innovations."
He satisfied himself
James began to calculate.
that he should sell his finished furniture at a price
"
would amply compensate for the ten days

tlie plane
and when no douht remamed
\vhicli
devoted to
on
25
he
this point,
I beg the reader to
work.
set to
remark, that the power which exists in the tool to

increase the
At
of labour,
productiveness
of the solution
which
is
the basis
follows.
end of ten days, James had in his pos-
the
session an admirable plane, Avhich he valued all the
more
for
having made
joy,
for,
like the girl
He danced for
it himself.
with her basket of eggs, he
which he expected to derive
reckoned all the profits

from the ingenious instrument ; but, more fortunate
than she, he was not reduced to the necessity of
saying good-bye to calf, cow, pig, and eggs, together.
He was building his fine castles in the
air, when he "wâs interrupted by his acquaintance
Yfilliam,
joiner
"William having
neighbouring
the
in
admhed
village.
the plane, was struck with
the advantages which might be gained from
James
W. You must do me a
said to
J.
What
service
fail to
cry out, "
thing, "William
what
He
service.
IF. Lend me the plane for a year.

As might be expected, James
did not
it.
will
you do
for
How
'W'ell,
me
at
proposal
this
can you think of such
if I
in return
do you this
service,
Don't you know that a loan ought

Don't j'ou know that capital is
naturally unproductive
Don't you know fraternity
W.
to
Kothing.
be gratuitous
has been proclaimed.
If 3'ou only do
me
a service
26'
for
tlie
sake
my
J. William,
that
all
me
one from
of receiving
what merit would you have
Whether
mean
does not
friend, fraternity
the sacrifices are to he on one side
if so,
on yours.
do not see Avhy they should not he
return,
in
he Gratuitous I don't knoAV
a loan should
that if I were to lend you my plane

would he giving it you. To tell you
the truth, that was not what I made it for.
W. Well, we will say nothing ahout the modern
maxims discovered hy the Socialist gentlemen. I
ask you to do me a service ; what service do you ask
hut I do
for
me
know
a year
it
in return
J. First, then,
for, it Avill
in a year, the plane will he done
be good for nothing.
It is only just, that
you should let me have another exactly like it or that

you should give me money enough to get it repaired
or that you should supply me tlie ten days which I
must devote to replacing it.
;
W.
This
conditions.
perfectly
is
engage
have one like

you must he
it,
submit to these
just.
to
return
it,
or
to
satisfied
with
this,
and
j'ou
let
I think
or the value of the same.
can
require
nothing further.
J. I
think
otherwise.
made
plane
the
for
and not for you. I expected to gain some

advantage from it, by my work being better finished
and better paid, by an improvement in my condimyself,
tion.
What
reason
is
there
that
should
the plane, and you should gain the profit

as well ask
you
to give
me
make
I might
your saw and hatchet
What
confusion
Is
not
it
27
natural
that
own
should keep Avhat he has made with his

as well
his
as
hands themselves
To use
each
hands,
Avithout
recompense the hands of another, I call slavery ; to

use without recompense the plane of another, can
this he called fraternity
"?
W.
But, then, I have agreed to return
at the
as
it is
end of a
now.
year, as Avell
it
to
you
polished and as sharp
We
have nothing to do with next year ; we

I have made the plane
for the sake of improving my work and condition ;
if you merely return it to me in a year, it is jon
J.
are speaking of this year.
who
gain the profit of
Avill
that time.
Avithout
therefore,
am
receiving
if
you
during the whole of
it
not bound to do you such a service
from
anything
Avish
for
my
you
in
return
plane, independently
abeady bargained for, you

must do me a service Avhich Ave Avill now discuss
you must grant me remuneration.
And this Avas done tlnis
William granted a
of the entire restoration
remuneration calculated in such a Avay that, at the
end of the year, James received his plane cûite new,

and in addition, a compensation, consisting of a neAv
plank, for the advantages of which he had deprived
himself, and Avhich lie had yielded to his friend.
It Avas impossible for any one acquainted Avith
the transaction to discover the slightest trace in
it
of
oppression or injustice.
The
year,
singular part of
the jilane
came
it
is,
into
that, at the
James's
end of the
and
possession,
28
he lent
again
it
and fourth
his son,
who
times has
recovered
time.
lends
still
it
and
it,
lent
it
third
has passed into the hands of
It
changed,
it.
Poor plane
sometimes
how many
some-
blade,
its
no longer the same plane,

but it has always the same value, at least for James's
posterity.
Woi'kmen let us examine into these little
times
handle.
its
It is
stories.
I maintain, first of all, that the .sac/,; of corn, and

the plane are here the type, the model, a faithfid
symbol of all capital ; as the

and the plank are the type, the
model, the rejDresentation, the symbol of all interest.
representation,
live litres
This granted,
a
the
of corn
the following are,
seems
it
of consequences, the justice of
series
to
which
me,
it
is
impossible to dispute.
1st.
to
If the yielding of a plank
the lender
is
a natural,
the just price
neration,
to
produce
lawful
it
is
in the nature
When
interest.
remu-
we may
of a real service,
conclude that, as a general rule,

of capital
by the borrower
equitable,
this
capital,
form of an
enough that it ought
as in the foregoing examples, takes the
instrument of labour, it is clear

to bring an advantage to its possessor, to
has
devoted to
fied
jSTo
why
necessity of life
his
man
saws,
except,
brains,
him who
and
his
he have made
can be immediately satisshould
with instruments of labour
or drinks
If a
time,
his
Otherwise,
strength.
it?
it
indeed,
no one eats planes

he be a conjuror.
determines to spend his time in the pro-
duction of such things, he must have been led to
it

by the
add to his power
they save him
which
advantages,
by the
procure
they
have
whicli
of
sacrifice
and rapidity which

the advan-
in a word, of
him.
for
been
prepared by labour,
which might have been
time
as soon as they are ready to
upon
gratuitously
these
lôw,
used in a more immediate manner, are
them
in-
time Avhich
the
of
of the perfection
they give to his labour

tages
power which these
of the
consideration
struments
29
bound,
Ave
be enjoyed, to confer
another
Would
be,
it
an advance in social order, if the laAv decided thus,

and citizens should pay officials for causing such
a law to be executed by force 1
I venture to saj,
one amongst you who would
would be to legalize, to organize,
to systematize injustice itself, for it would be proclaiming that there are men born to render, and
that
there
support
it.
is
not
It
Granted,
others born to receive, gratuitous services.
then, that interest is just, natural,
2nd.
sive, to
not
lawful.
second consequence, not
than the former, and,

is
and
which I
call
injtmons
to
if
possible,
your attention,
the
Iwrrower.
remarkable
less
still
is
more conclu-
this
Interest
mean
to say,
the obligation in Avhich the borrower finds himself,
pay a remuneration for the nse of capital, cannot

do any harm to his condition.
Observe, in fact,
to
that
James
regards
and
William
the transaction to
are
Avhich
perfectly
the
free,
plane
as
gave
occasion.
The transaction cannot be accomplished
without the consent of the one as well as of the
other.
The worst which can happen
is,
that
James
30
may
loe
too
exacting
refusing
the
loan,
and in
this
"William,
case,
By
remains as he was before.
the fact of his agreeing to borrow, he proves that
he considers
that
it
an advantage
Avhatever
ration,
to himself
every calculation, including
after
it
may
be,
required
he proves,
the remuneof
him,
he
borrow than not to

borrow.
He only determines to do so because he
has compared the inconveniences with the advantages.
He has calculated that the day on which
he returns the plane, accompanied by the remunestill
finds
it
more
profitable
to
ration agreed upon, he will have effected
with the same labour, thanks to

will remain
are
governs
services of
exchanged
all
profit
him, otherwise he would not have
The two
borrowed.
ing
to
more work,
this tool.
according
which we are speakto
the law of
exchanges,
the
law
Avhich
supply and de-
James have a natural and

is the point in which the
remuneration demanded by him Avould absorb all
the advantage Avhich William might find in making
In this case, the borrowing would
use of a plane.
William Avould be bound either to
not take place.
mand.
The claims
impassable limit.
make
of
This
a plane for himself,
or
to
do without
one,
which Avould leave him in his original condition.

He borrows, because he gains by borrowing. I
You will
know very Avell what will be told me.
say, William may be deceived, or, perhaps, he may
be governed by necessity, and be obliged to submit
to a
It
harsh law.
may be
so.
As
to
errors
in
calculation,
they

our nature, and to
loelong to the infirmity of
from
the
objecting
the
against
this
transactions, in every
dental
human
in
loss
argue
question,
hard
that
these
is
an
acci-
remedied by expe-
burdensome borrowings,
previously
exist
it.
concerned,
are
necessities
necessities
is
imaginable
all
Error
act.
incessantly
persons to
force
clear
is
is
those
as
far
Avhich
of
in
In short, everybody must guard against
rience.
As
which
fact,
transaction
possibility
31
it
to
borrowing.
If William is in a situation in
which he cannot possibly do Avithout a plane, and
must borrow one at any price, does this situation
result from James having taken the trouble to
make the tool ?
Does it not exist independently
of this circumstance'?
However harsh, hoAvever
severe James may be, he will never render the
supposed condition of William worse than it is.
Morally, it is true, the lender will be to blame
the
but, in an economical point of view, the
can
never
necessities,
be
considered responsible
which
it
has
loan itself
for
previous
not created, and Avhich
it
relieves to a certain extent.
But
return.
this
The
proves
evident
something
to
interests
of
which
senting here the borrowers, there are
and
It
planes,
is
James,
very
in
other
evident,
" Your
words,
that
demands
if
are
William,
shall
repre-
many Jameses
lenders
William
and
capitals.
can say
to
there
is
exorbitant
no lack of planes in the Avoiid " he will be in a

better situation than if James's plane was the only
one to be borrowed. Assuredly, there is no maxim
,
32
more
true
tlian
this
service
for
service.
Eut
let
us not forget that no service has a fixed and absolute value,

parties
are
compared Avith others.

The contracting
Each carries his requisitions to
free.
the farthest possible point, and the most favourable

circumstance for these requisitions
is
the
absence
Hence it follows, that if there is a

of men more interested than any other in
and abundance of
formation,
multiplication,
of rivalship.
class
the
capitals, it is
mainly
tliat
since capitals can only be
of the borrowers.
the stimulus and the prospect of

this class
Xow,
formed and increased by

remuneration,
let
understand the injury they are inflicting
when they deny the lawfulness of

when they proclaim that credit should be
they declaim against the pregratuitous, when
tended tyranny of capital, when they discourage
on themselves
interest,
saving, thus forcing capitals to
consequently interests to
become
scarce,
and
rise.
.3rd.
The anecdote I have just related enables
you to explain this apparently singular phenomenon, Avhich is termed the duration or perpetuity
of interest.
Since, in lending his plane, James
has been able, very lawfully, to make it a condition
that it should be returned to him, at the end of a
year, in the same state in Avhich it Avas Avheu he
lent it, is it not evident that he may, at the expiration of the term, lend it again on tlie same conditions 1
If he resolves upon the latter plan, the
plane Avill return to him at the end of every year,
and that Avithout end.
James Avill then be in a

condition to lend
derive from
without end
it
that
a perpetual interest.
it
33
is,
may
he
It will be said,
worn out. That is true but

by the hand and for the profit
of the borrower.
The latter has taken into account
this gradual wear, and taken upon himself, as he
that the jDlane will be
will be Avorn out
it
ought,
he
the
shall
will allow
him
to restore
having realised a
after
He
consequences.
has
reckoned
derive from this tool an advantage,
James does not use
oww advantage
it
in its original condition,
profit
from
As long
it.
this capital himself,
as long as
that
which
as
or for his
he renounces the advantages
which allow it to be restored to its original condition

he will have an incontestable right to have it restored,
and that independently of interest.
Observe, besides, that if, as I believe I have
shown, James, far from doing any harm to William,
has done him a service in lending him his plane for
a year;
to
for the
second,
subsequent
that
the
same
third,
of
interest
the
he will do no harm
fourth
Hence
periods.
lawful, as useful, in
reason,
borrower,
cajiital
in
the
may understand
you
is
as
natural,
as
thousandth year, as in the
We may go still further. Tt may happen

James lends more than a single plane. It is
possible, that by means of working, of saving, of
privations, of order, of activity, he may come to
lend a multitude of planes and saws ; that is to buj,
to do a multitude of services.
I insist upon this
first.
that
lôint,
it
that
will
if
the
first
loan has been a social good,
be the same with
all
the
others
for they
34
and based upon the same
are all similar,

It
may
remunerations
exchange
services
for
In
who
in the world
I
nobody's
will
be a
this case, there will
man
do not say that he would be doing right

up to idleness but I say, that he
has a right to do so
society
the
has a right to live Avithout work-
to give himself
at
all
by our honest operative, in

rendered by him, may suffice
received
to maintain him.
ing.
principle.
happen, then, that the amount of
at
expense,
all
and
if
he does
but quite the
so,
it
will be
contrary.
understands the nature of things,
acknowledge that this
man
subsists
on
If
it
services
which he receives certainly (as we all do), but which

he lawfully receives in exchange for other services,
Avhich he himself has rendered, that he continues
to render, and which are quite real, inasmuch as
they are freely and voluntarily accepted.
And
here
we have
a glimpse of one of the finest
liarmonies of the social Avorld.
I allude to leisure
and tyrannical
by the plunder of
the workers, but that leisure which is the lawful
and innocent fruit of past activity and economy.
In expressing myself thus, I know that I shall
But see
Is not
shock many received ideas.
leisure an essential spring in the social machine?
Without it, the Avorld would never have had a
Newton, a Pascal, a Fenelon; mankind would have
been ignorant of all arts, sciences, and of those
wonderful inventions prepared originally by investhought would have
tigations of mere curiosity
not that leisure
classes
arrange
that
for
the
warlike
themselves
35
been inert
the
man
hand,
otlicr
"would liave
if
leisure
made no
could
On
progress.
only he explained
hy plunder and oppression if it were a benefit

which coukl only he enjoyed uujustlj', and at the
expense of others, there would he no middle path
between these two evils; either mankind would be
reduced to the necessity of stagnating
table
and
stationary
life,
a vege-
in
in eternal ignorance, from
machine
or
absence
of
wheels to
would have
to
acquire these wheels at the price of
the
inevitable
sad
the
injustice,
spectacle,
with
tlie
it
and would necessarily present

one form or other, of the
human
I defy any one to
We
alternative.
contemplate
else
in
antique classification of
and slaves.
any other
its
beings
into
show me,
masters
in this case,
should be compelled to
the Divine plan which governs society,
regret of thinking that
it
presents a deplor-
The stimulus of progress would be

forgotten, or, which is worse, this stimulus would
God
But no
be no other than injustice itself.
We
has not left such a chasm in His work of love.
must take care not to disregard His wisdom and
power j for those whose imperfect meditations cannot
able
chasm.
explain the lawfulness of leisure, are very
the astronomer
who
said,
much
like
at a certain point in the
heavens there ought to exist a planet which Avill be at

world is not
last discovered, for Avithout it the celestial
harmony, but discord.

Well, I
of
say that,
my humble
if
well understood, the history
plane, although very modest,
is
suffi-
cient to raise us to the comtcraplation of one of the
D 2
36
most consoling, but
understood of
least
social
tlie
harmonies.
It
or
and
rent
we must
not true that
is
denial
tlio
unlawfulness
its
natural
choose between the
of
leisure
duration,
thanks
may
leisure
to
arise
from labour and saving. It is a pleasing prospect,

which every one may have in view ; a noble recompense, to which each may aspire.
It makes its
appearance in the Avorld
portionably
opens
to .the
distributes
it
exercise
the avenues to intelligence
all
morals;
raises the
it
it
itself
it
ennobles,
it
spiritualizes the soul of
whose
of our brethren
labour,
severe
but
lot
in
relieving
enough that
capitals
huma-
on those
them to
them gradually from
life
the heaviest and most repugnant

is
pro-
virtues;
not only without laying any weight
nity,
It
certain
of
devotes
jiart
of this labour.
should be formed, accu-
should be lent on conditions

burdensome; that they should descend,
penetrate into every social circle, and that by an
admirable progression, after having liberated the
multiplied;
mulated,
less
and
lenders,
less
they
should
borrowers themselves.
customs ought
source
first
all
all
attack, to
As long
It
is
deny that which

as
its
we
liberation
end,
enough
conditions
these
and the reason of
the
Foa' that
the
of the
laAvs
and
to be favourable to economy, the
of capital.
of
hasten
to
say,
that
not
to
alarm,
the
to
the stimulus of saving
is
existence
is,
interest.
see nothing passing
from hand to
hand, in the character of loan, but j^rovisions, mateials,
instruments,
things
indispensable to the pro-

ductiveness
exhibited
knows,
of
labour
not
will
that
even,
man}^
may
having made a great
effort
open
door.
said
an
be
to
makes
the
itself,
find
37
be
not
But
far
Who
reproached
burst
to
thus
ideas
opponents.
as
for
what may be
soon as cash
appearance as the subject of the transac-
its
it is this which
appears almost ahvays),
immediately a crowd of objections are raised. Money,
tion (and
be
it will
not reproduce
said, will
itself,
like
your sack
of corn ; it does not assist labour, like' your jylane ;

it does not afford an immediate satisfaction, like your
house.
It is incapable,
by
interest,
of multiplying
itself,
demands
is
Who
does
see
the
see
that
which men give

objects
cash
sophistry
is
the
tating their arrangements?
man who
the
has the
scarcely ever
borrower wants.
but, perhaps,
negotiate;
of
this
Who
James,
it
real
of
facili-
In the midst of
social
object
sole
is
exact
is
in
condition
thing
wliicli
to
the
has a plane
true,
William wants a saw.
They cannot
the transaction favourable to both cannot
take place,
that
it
only a transient form,
at the time to other values, to
of usefulness, for
complications,
lend,
and the remuneration
a positive extortion.
cannot
not
nature, of producing
its
James
and then what happens

first
exchanges
It
plane for
his
happens
money
he lends the money to William, and William

exchanges the money for a saw.
The transaction
is no longer a simple one ;
it
is decomposed into
two parts, as I explained above in speaking of
exchange.
Dut,
for
>f
all
that,
it
has not changed
38
nature
its
still
it
contains
elements
the
all
of a
James has still got rid of a tool Avhicli

Avas useful to Mm ; William has still received an
instrument "which perfects his work and increases
his profits ; there is still a service rendered by
the lender, which entitles him to receive an equivadirect loan.
lent service from the horrower
this just balance is
not the less established by free mutual bargaining.
The very natural

of the
obligation
to
term the entire value,
the
end
constitutes
the
restore at
still
principle of the duration of interest.
At the end of a year, says M. Thore, will you find

an additional croAvn in a bag of a hundred pounds ?
certainly, if the borrower puts the bag of
jSTo,
one hundred pounds on the shelf.
In such a
case, neither the plane nor the sack of corn would
reproduce themselves.
Eut it is not for the sake
(.)f
leaving the money in the bag, nor the plane on
the hook, that they are borrowed.
The plane is
borrowed to be used, or the money to procure a
plane.
And
enables
if
it
is
bon-ower
the
clearly
proved that this tool
obtain
to
woidd not have made Avithout
it,
Avhich
profits
he
proved that
if it is
renounced creating for himself this
the lender has

excess of profits,
we may understand how
the stipula-
tion of a part of this excess of profits in favour of the

lender,
is
equitable
and lawful.
Ignorance of the true
human
errors.
this
jârt
intend
subject.
devoting
cash plays
Avhich
transactions, is the source
in
of the most fatal
an entire
From what we may
pamphlet to
from the
infer

of ]M.
writings
to think
39
Proudlion, that which has led
that gratuitous
was a
credit
him
logical
and
definite consequence of social progress, is the obser-
vation of the
phenomenon which shows
a decreasing
almost in direct proportion to the rate
interest,
of
In barbarous times it is, in fjict, cent,

Then it descends to eighty,
per cent., and more.
sixty, fiity, forty, twenty, ten, eight, five, four, and
three per cent.
In HoUand, it has even been as
low as two per cent. Hence it is conchided, that
" in proportion as society comes to 23erfection, it
Avill descend, to zero by the time civilisation is complete.
In other words, that which characterises
civilisation.
perfection
social
When,
we
shall
gratuitousness
the
shall
is
may
contribute
to
such
as
in
false
arguing
render popular the unjust, dan-
and destructive dogma, that
examine
credit.
interest,
of progress."
step
last
be gratuitous, by representing
social perfection,
of
have abolished
have reached the

mere soj)histry, and.
This
gerous,
is
we
therefore,
it
credit
shoidd
as coincident with
with the reader's permission I will

words this new view of the
few
([uestion.
What
is
It
interest ?
after a free bargain,
is
tlie
in remuneration for the service he
the loan.
nerative
service
by the borrower
By what law
is
services established
rendered,
to the lender,
has received by
the rate of these remu1
By
the
general la^'
which regulates the e(|uivalent of all services ; that

is, by the law of supply and demand.
The more easily a thing is procured, tlu; smaller
is the service rendered by yielding it or lending it.
CAPITAL AND INTEEEST.
40
The man
avIio
me
gives
Pyrenees, does not render
who allows me one in

many planes, sacks
are
the use of them
is
a glass
me
of water
the
in
so great a service as he
the desert of Sahara.
If there
of corn, or houses, in a country,
obtained, otlier things being equal,
on more favourable conditions than
they were few
if
for the simple reason, that the lender renders in this
case a smaller relative service.

It is not surprising, therefore, that the
more abundant
capitals are, the lower is the interest.
saying that
Is this
because, I repeat
it Avill
ever reach zero
is
that interest will be annihilated,
to say that there will never be
for
Xo
the principle of a remuneration
To say
in the loan.
is
it,
any motive
for saving,
denying ourselves, in order to form ncAv
nor even to preserve the old ones.
In
capitals,
this case, the
waste would immediately bring a void, and interest
would directly reappear.

In that, the nature of the
worth six
that
this
it
value
JSTo
will descend
never reach
will
any
zero,
one can say to what
but we can affirm

unless the
finished
by
Why?
Because the principle of
in labour;
ders
producing
because he
service,
themselves
who works
and ought
no one paid
for stockings
made
with the
and,
fail to reap2)ear.
other.
has successively been worth
francs,
only four, three, and two.

point
we
Avhich
Thanks
stockings which used
to industrial progress, a pair of

to be
of
services
are speaking does not differ from
remuneration
is
for another ren-
to receive
they would
scarcity,
stockings
spontaneously.
a service.
cease
to
the price Avould
If
be
not
CAPITAL AND IXTEREST.
41
The sophism whicli I am now combating, has its

which belongs to value,
root in the infinite divisibility

as
it
does to matter.
It appears at first paradoxical,

to
mathematicians,
all
may be taken from
fractions
but
it is
through
that,
a weight
weight ever being anniliilated.
well
It is
known
eternit}-,
all
Avithout the
sufficient
that
each successive fraction be less tlian the preceding one,

in a determined
There
selves to
ing
ill
and regular proportion.

where people apply them-
countries
are
increasing the size
sheep the
of horses,
of the head.
size
say precisely to what point
to
this.
iSTo
horse
or
or diminish-
impossible
It is
they will arrive in
one can say that he has seen the largest

the
smallest
appear in the world.
sheep's
head that will
But he may
ever
safely say that
the size of horses will never attain to infinity, nor the
heads of sheep to nothing.
In the same way, no one can say

the price
will
of stockings
come down
know
but
to
nor the interest
we may
what point
of
safely affirm,
capitals
when we
the nature of things, that neither the one nor
the other
wiU ever
arrive at zero, for labour
and
capi-
can no more live without recompense than a sheep
tal
without a head.
The arguments
then, to this
of
M. Proudhon reduce themselves,
Since
the most skilful agriculturists
cultural
who have reduced the heads of sheep to the

size, we shall have arrived at the highest agriperfection when sheep have no longer any
heads.
Therefore, in order to realise the perfection,
are those
smallest
let
us behead them.
CAPITAL AND IXTEREST
42
now done
I liave
Wliy
made
is
needful
it
with, tliis
that the
it
to
wearisome
of
false
examine
into
"breath
cliscnssion.
has
doctrine
the
intimate
must not leave off without

moral which may be
drawn from this law
" The depression of interest
is proportioned to the abundance of capitals."
This-
nature
of interest
upon
remarking
beautiful
law being granted,
"whom
if
there
is
be formed,
accumulate,
of
class
more important than
is
it
capitals
to
men
to
any other that

abound,
multiply,
and superabound, it is certainly the class Avhich borrows them directly or indirectly ; it is those men who
operate upon material.^, who gain assistance b}^ instramenfs, who live upon provisioîs, produced and economised by other men.
Imagine, in a vast and fertile country, a populaof
tion
capital
thousand
thus
the pangs of hunger.

less cruel.
inhabitants,
will
It
defined.
of
all
perish
by
destitute
assuredly
Let us suppose a case hardly
Let us suppose that ten of these savages

instruments and provisions suffi-
are provided -with

cient
to
work and
to
live
themselves until harvest
time, as well as to remunerate the services of eighty

labourers.
The
inevitable
of nine hundred
human
that siuce 990 men, urged
result
beiugs.
wiU be the death

It
by want,
is
Avill
clear,
then,
croAvd
upon
the supports which would only maintain a hundred,

the
ten capitalists will be masters
They
Avill
put
up
they
Avill
And
observe this,
pious
of
the market.
obtain labour on the hardest conditions, for

it
sentiments
to auction, or the highest bidder.
if
as
these capitalists entertain such
would induce them
to
impose
43
personal privations on themselves, in order to dimi-
nish the
of some of their bretliren, this

which attaches to morality, will be as
sufferings
generosity,
noble in
principle as iiseful in
its
duped by that
if,
wish
effects.
its
philosophy which
false
But
persons
to mingle with economic

no remunerating labour largely, far
from doing good, they will do harm. They Avill
inconsiderately
so
laws, they take
give double wages,
men
others
who
are
the
come
will
position,
sinking into
scarcity
cause,
but the
tliey
are
to
in
this
burden of suffering
as
much
many
limited
It
acts
as
lives
Upon
grave.
tlie
the
is
it
add, that
remedy.
whilst
for,
forty -five
forty-five
this
sup-
not the lowering of wages which
is
it
mischief,
may
But then,
be.
augment the number of those
to
wages are not the

I
may
it
be better provided
will
Avay
of
capital.
is
Low
of the evil.
effect
a certain extent the

it
quantit\'
the
distributes
and saves
as it can,
of
as
sustenance
permits.
now,
Suppose
there
hundred,
that
be
should
it
is
instead
Imndred,
not
evident
ten
of
two
that
capitalists,
hundred,
five
the condition of
the whole population! and, above all, that of the

" proletaires," * will be more and more improved?
,
Is
it
tion
and
not evident that, apart from every considera-
they would
of generosity,
better
pay
for
it ?
that they
obtain
more work
themselves will be
in a better condition to form capitals, Avithout being

able to fix the limits to this ever-increasing facility
of
realising
eipiality
*
and
Common
well-being?
people.
AVould
it
44
not be madness in them to admit sucli doctrines,
and
way
to act in a
would drain the source
Avliicli
of wages, and paralyse the activity and stimulus of
Let them learn this lesson, then; doubt-
saving?
are good for tliose who possess them

who denies it 1 But they are also useful to those
who have not yet been able to form them and it
caj)itals
less,
is
have
them
knew
their
true
inte-
they would seek, Avith the greatest
care,
what
important to those
Avho
not,
that
others should have them.
Yes,
rests,
circumstances
saving,
" proletaires
the
if
courage the
and Avhat
are,
order
in
"
every measure which
and
former
They would
latter.
to
dis-
mth
sympathise
tends to the rapid formation
They would be
of capitals.
not favourable to
are
favour the
to
enthusiastic
i^romoters
of peace, liberty, order, security, the union of classes
and
economy,
peoples,
ment
for it is
stances
that
within
the
does
reach
of
under
spirit,
Avhich
human
way
by
realise
it
the multitude
attack
our purses
those
plenty
those
invites
who
Avere
upon
borrowing
of
labour
deranges the
the
short,
masses,
necessity
in
in
these circum-
all
formers of capital
riches,
public
govern-
work, brings
its
the
in
of
They would repel with energy

which diverts from its true course
so large a part of
spirit,
tlie
the
bard conditions.
the warlike
machinery
under the sway of
saving
persons to become
formerly
moderation
the
in
simplicity
expenses,
Avhich
of
onh^ to
the monopolising
e([uitable
distribution of
liberty
public
alone
check our liberty
subversive,
hateful,
can
Avhich
services,
;
and,
thoughtless

doctrines,
tion,
the
to
wliicli
oblige
it
alarm
to flee,
especial
capital,
and
45
prevent
finally to
disadvantage
forma-
its
raise its price,
of the
workers,
who
Well, and in this respect

not the revolution of February a hard lesson?
bring
is
it
into
operation.
it has thrown
on the one hand; and,
on the other, the advancement of the fatal theories
to which I have alluded, and which, from the clubs,
have almost penetrated into the regions of the
legislature,
have everywhere raised the rate of
interest 1
Is it not evident that from that time
the " proletaires " have found greater difficulty in
procuring those materials, instruments, and provisions, without which labour is impossible?
Is it
not that which has caused stoppages ; and do not
Is
it
not evident that the insecurity
into the world of business
stoppages, in
lower wages
their turn,
Thus there
" proletaires,"
from
same cause which loads the objects they consume Avith an increase of jî'ice, in consequence of
the rise of interest.
High interest, low Avages,
means in other words that the same article preserves its price, but that the part of the capitalist
is
a deficiency of labour to the
the
has invaded, without
jirofiting
himself,
that of the
workmen.
A
into
friend of mine, commissioned to
make
Parisian
me
industry,
has
assured
manufacturers have revealed to

fact,
Avhich
how much
proves, better
insecurity
formation of capital.
than
and
It Avas
him
incpiiry
^^that
the
a very striking
any reasoning
uncertainty
in.jure
can,
the
remarked, that during
the most distressing period, the popular expenses of
46
The small
mere fancy had not diminished.

the
fighting
the
lists,
depots,
were as much frequented
times.
In
the inquiry,
the
theatres,
and tobacco
public-houses,
in
prosperous
operatives
tliemselves
as
phenomenon thus
" What is the
use of pinching? "Who knows what will happen to
us? AVho knows that interest -will not be aboWho knows but that the State will
lished?
become a universal and gratuitous lender, and that
it will wish to annihilate all the fruits which we
Well I say,
might expect from our savings ? "
explained this
that
such ideas could prevail during two smgle
if
years,
would be enough
it
France into a Turkey
to
turn
our
beautiful
misery would become
general
and endemic, and, most assuredly, the poor would

be the first upon whom it would fall.
Workmen they talk to you a great deal upon
the artificial organisation of labour; do you know
!
why
they do
laws
the
of
wonderful
the
liberty.
You
what
called
that
is
that
" proletaires."
this
the
natural organisation
organisation
told,
the
that
radical
and makes
of
the
that
which
results
liberty'-
gives rise
antagonism of
to
is,
of
of
from
to
classes
two opposite
and that of the
clash,
capitalists
But we ought
to begin by proving
by a law of nature;
woxild remain to be shown how
antagonism
and afterwards
far
Because they are ignorant
are
creates,
it
interests
that
so
its
it
exists
arrangements of
restraint
are
superior
to
between liberty and restraint

I see no middle path.
Again, it would remain to
be proved that restraint would ahvays operate to
those of
liberty,
for
your advantage, and

But, no
sition
evil
the
to
prejudice
of the
rich.
this radical antagonism, this natural oppo-
of
does
interests,
not
]N"o
only an
is
imagina-
intoxicated
plan so defective
It
exist.
and
dream of perverted
tions.
47
lias
not proceeded
from the Divine Mind. To affirm it, Ave must begin

iDy denjdng the existence of God.
And see hoAV, by
means of social laws, and because men exchange
amongst themselves their labours and their productions, see what a harmonious tie attaches the classes
one to the other
There are the landoAvners ; what
!
That the soil be fertile, and the

and what is the result ? That corn
abounds, that it falls in price, and the advantage
turns to the profit of those who have had no patrimony.
There are the manufacturers what is their
constant thought?
To perfect their labour, to increase the power of their machines, to procure for
themselves, upon the best terms, the raw material.
And to what does all this tend ? To the abundance
and the low price of produce ; that is, that all the
efforts of the manufacturers, and without their susis
their interest
sun beneficient
lêcting
it,
every
the
same
witli
are
not
capitalists
They are very busy making

economising, and turning them to their
exempt from
schemes,
It is the
is one.
Well,
profession.
advantage.
the public consumer,
result in a profit to
of which each of you
this law.
This
is
all
very well;
but
the
more
they succeed, the more do they promote the abun-
dance of
the
capital,
reduction
profits
of
and,
as
interest.
by the reduction of
consequence,
necessary
Xow, who
interest?
Is
is
it
it
that
not the
48
"borrower
first,
and
finally,
consumers
the
It
is
therefore certain that the final result of the
each class
efforts of
You
the
of
things Avhich the capitals contribute to j)roduce
is
common good
the
of
are told that capital tyrannises
all.
over labour.
I do not deny that each one endeavours to draw the

greatest iDossible advantage
from his situation
which
in this sense, he realises only that
Zôw,
it
is
never more possible for capitals to
when they
who make the laAv
over labour,- than
nise
then
it
is
regulate
they
dant
for,
the rate
more impossible
are
of
sale.
iNêver
they
for
who
tyranny
this
is
tj'ran-
scarce
is
it
hut,
is possible.
than when they are abunit is labour which has the
to them,
in that case,
command.
Away, then, with the jealousies of classes, illwill, unfounded hatreds, unjust suspicions.
These
depraved passions injure those who nourish them
This
in their hearts.
it
is
being
of
It
is
a chain of causes and
no declamatory morality
effects, which is capable
mathematically
rigorously,
not the less sublime, in that
is
demonstrated.
it
satisfies
the
intellect as well as the feelings.
sum np
"Workmen,
I shall
words
tute
this
and suffering
You
condition?
tion,
hatred,
which cannot
whole dissertation with these
labourers,
classes,
" proletaires,"
Avill
will not succeed
and
error.
i:)erfect
you
by
But there
peace,
liberty,
strife,
desti-
your
insurrec-
are three tilings
the entire community, without
extending these benefits to yourselves

are
improve
and
security.
these things
THAT WHICH
SEEN,
IS
AND
THAT WHICH
NOT
IS
Ix the department of economy, an
SEEN.
a Iiabit, an
act,
an
institution, a law, gives birth not only to
but to a
only
series of effects.
immediate
is
neously
with
its
it
cause
unfold in succession
Of these
effects,
manifests
itself
it
is
first
simulta-
The
seen.
arc nut seen
tltey
effect
the
others
is
it
well
Between a good and a

constitutes the whole difference
for us if ^they are foreseen.
bad economist
the
this
one takes account of the visible
effect
the
other takes account both of the effects which are seen
and -also of those which

this
difference
is
it is
for
it
happens that when the immediate
Hence
it
almost
consequence
economist
pursues
is
follows that the bad econo-
-,^
are fatal,
mist pursues a small present good, which

foUoAved by a great
always
and
favourable, the ultimate consequences

the converse.
Xo^v
necessary io foresee.
enormous,
evil
to
great
risk of a small present evil.
come,
good to
Avill
be
while the true

come, at
the
\
'.
THAT WHICH
50
In
fact,
and in
that
the
that
example,
debauchery,
a man,
by
This
actions
can
and
brutally.
and
Ave
burns, if
teacher,
more
its
makes
us
masters
fail
to
we have burned
I
should
gentle
one.
like,
experience
feel
For
possible,
mean
all
but
the
them
by knowing that
ourselves.
if
it
learns
it
with
acquainted
finish
stage,
effectually,
an action, by causing us to
cannot
conse-
first
first
of
then
It has to learn this
different
Experience teaches
It
of
gffects
their
only in the long run that
from two very
foresight.
condition
cradle
its
by
to take account of the others.
lesson
is
Avhich
those
grievous
surrounds
only ones which, in
It is
see.
When,
which
habits, not only
fatal
determined
are
for
effect
discern
fatally
Ignorance
quences, the
is,
Take,
calculation.
the
explains
hapj)ens,
habit
prodigality.
idleness,
absorbed in the
inclination, but
mankind.
of
consequences.
he gives way to
are not seen,
often
It
fruit
first
has not yet learned to
seen,
its
morals.
the
are
bitter
therefore,
by
of
the
sweeter
more
the
the same in the science of health,
is
it
arts,
AND
SEEX,
IS
this
rough
substitute
to
Foresight.
For
fire
this
purpose I shall examine the consequences of certain

economical j3henomena, by placing in opposition to
each other those which are
seen,
and those which
are not seen.
I. THE
Have you
shopkeeper,
EROKEN WINDOW.
ever witnessed
James
B.,
the anger
when
his
of the
careless
good
son hap-
THAT WHICH
pened
bear
break a pane of glass
to
present
consent
owner
wind
the
to
If you have been
you
most assuredly
will
that
fact,
51
every one
of
the
were there even thirty of them, by com-
spectators,
live,
such a scene,
at
witness
mon
NOT SEEN.
IS
apparently,
invariable
this
the
offered
consolation
"
unfortunate
It
is
an
ill
nobody good.
Everybody must
would become of the glaziers if panes
blows
that
and Avhat
of glass were never broken 1"
ô^v, this form of condolence contains an entire

theory,
which
will
it
be well to show up in this

it is precisely the same as
simple case, seeing that

that which,
unhappily, regulates the greater part of
our economical institutions.
Suppose it cost six francs to repair the damage,

and you say that the accident brings six francs to
the glazier's
the
to
not a
The
trade
that
it
encourages
amount of six francs

word to say against it
performs his
comes,
glazier
trade
that
grant
it
you reason
task,
I have
justly.
his
receives
six francs, rubs his hands, and, in his heart, blesses
All this
the careless child.
But
if,
clusion,
is
that tchich
is seen.
on the other hand, you come
as is
too
often the case,
thing to break Avindows,
that
it
that
to the con-
it
causes
is
good
money
to
and that the encouragement of industry in

general will be the result of it, you will oblige mo to
circulate,
call
out,
" Stop there
that which
is
is
seen
it
your theory
is
confined to
takes no account of that which
not seen."
It
is
not seen that as our shopkeeper has spent six
E 2
THAT WHICH
52
AND
SEEX,
IS
them npon
had not had a
window to replace, he would, perhaps, have replaced
his old shoes, or added another book to his library.
In short, he would have employed his six francs in
some way which this accident has prevented.
Let us take a view of industry in general, as
The window being
affected by this circumstance.
francs i;pon one thing, he cannot spend
It is not seen that if he
another.
the
broken,
amount
trade
encouraged to
which
the
to
is seen.
some other) would

the amount of six francs
the shoe-
have
(or
if
that which
sideration, because
that Avhich
Avill
which
been
this is that
not seen.
is
And
encouraged
is
this is that
window had not been broken,
the
If
maker's
trade
glazier's
of six francs
is
it
seen,
is
is
not seen
is
a negative
because
it
is
taken into confact,
as well as
a positive
fact,
it
be understood that neither industry in general,
nor the sum total of

Avhether
Now
former
let
national
labour,
is
affected,
us consider James B. himself
In the
windows
are
supposition,
broken or not.
that
of
the
window
being
broken, he spends six francs, and has neither more
Hor
less
than he had before, the enjoyment of
windoAv.
In the second, where we suppose the Avindow not

have been broken, he would have spent six
francs in shoes, and Avould have had at the same
time the enjoyment of a pair of shoes and of a
to
Avindow.
XoAV,
as
James B. forms
part
of
society,
avc
THAT WHICH
IS
Oo
NOT SEEX.
come to the conclusion, that taking it altoand making an estimate of its enjoyments
jiiust
gether,
and its labours, it has lost the value of the broken

window.
AVhence we arrive at this unexpected conchision
" Society loses the value of things which are uselessly destroyed " and we must assent to a maxim
wliich will make the hair of protectionists stand on
:
end
To
break,
to
is
waste,
to
spoil,
courage national labour;
or,
more
is
briefly,
not profit."
What
you
wall
you
say,
say, disciples of
calculated with so
not to
en-
"destruction
Monifeur Inda&iriel what T\'ill

good M. F. Chamans, who has
much
precision
how much
trade
would gain by the burning of Paris, from the

number of houses it would be necessary to rebuild
I
am
sorry
to
disturb
those
as their spirit has
tions, as far
ingenious
calcula-
been introduced into
but I beg him to begin them again,

by taking into the account that ichlcli is not aeen,
and placing it alongside of that wliich is seen.
The reader must take care to remember that
our legislation
there are not two persons only, but three concerned
in the
little
attention.
scene which I
One
of them,
have submitted to his
James
P..,
represents
the
consumer, reduced, by an act of destruction, to one

enjoyment instead of two. Another, under the title
of the glazier, shows ns the producer, whoso trade
is
encouraged by the accident.
The
third
is
the
shoemaker (or some other tradesman), whose laboiu"

THAT WHICH
54
by
proportionably
suffers
IS
AXD
SEBX,
same
tlie
cause.
It
is
this third, person Avho is always kept in the shade,
and who, personating
that wiiicli
shows us how absurd it

an act of destruction.
us that
it
not
is
which
restriction,
partial
its
after
It is the
If
it
naturally
advantages.
sary
to
give
will
be the' para-
find will
What would become
of
loindoios ?
in
an
it is
some
itself
with a man.
gratification,
it
is
worth Avhat
security
is
the
whether
nation,
If,
have
only go
arguments which are adduced
Avith a people as
to
considers
To
costs.
than a
else
DISBANDING OF TEOOPS.
same
Avishes
see a profit in
nothing
all,
nobody ever broke
II.THE
he who will soon teach

absurd to see a profit in a
phrase of this vulgar saying

the glazier, if
we
is
he who
is
It is
you
all
to think
It
Therefore, if you will
destruction.
favour,
is
less
is,
to the root of all the
in
not seen,
is
element of the problem.
necessary
order
to
army of
obtain
a
it,
greatest
it
hundred
is
it
it
of
neces-
thousand
It is an
men, I have no tiling to say against it.
Let me not be
enjoyment bought by a sacrifice.
misunderstood upon the extent of my position.
A
member of the assembly proposes to disband a
hundred thousand men, for the sake of relieving the
tax-payers of a hundred millions.
If
we
confine
ourselves
to
this
ansAver
" The
hundred millions of men, and these hundred millions of money, are indispensable to the national
THAT WHICH
security
"France
would be torn
a sacrifice
it is
some foreign
poAver,"
this
argument, Avhich
but
which
militates
factions
sacrifice,
invaded by
or
have nothing to object to
may be
true or false in feet,
The
which
nothing
contains
economy.
against
55
but without this
by
theoretically
the sacrifice itself
when
error begins
said to be an advantage because
is
somebody.
it profits
iN^'ow
XOT SEEN,
IS
am
much mistaken
very
moment
the
if,
the author of the j)roposal has taken his seat, some

orator will not rise and say
" Disband a hundred
thousand
What
men
Do you know what you are saying 1

become of them? Where Avill they get
Don't you know that work is scarce
will
living?
everywhere?
Would you
That
every
them
turn
out
over-stocked?
field
is
of
doors
increase
to
competition and to weigh upon the rate of Avages
Just now,
it
when
would be
it
a hard matter
is
sider,
besides,
that
live
pretty thing if the State
bread for a hundred

clothing
to
the
that
it
thousand
the
is,
This discourse,
it
maintenance of
for reasons draAvn
is
from
evident,
hundred
tlie
find
Conarms,
of
manu-
in short, the
Why. any om;
must tremble at the bare idea of doing away

immense industrial movement."
the
all,
wine,
activity
towns that it
godsend of innumerable purveyors.
facturers in garrison
must
individuals?
army consumes
promotes
at
v,-ith
this
concludes by voting
thousand
soldiers,
necessity of the service,
and from economical considerations.

siderations only that I have to refute.
It is these con-
THAT WHICH
56
IS
SEEN,
AND
hundred tlioasand men, costing
tax-payers
tlie
a hundred millions of money, live and bring to the
purveyors as
This
is
that
much
hundred millions can supply.
as a
icltich is seen.
But, a hundred millions
taken from the pockets
mamtain these tax-payers

and the purveyors, as far as a hundred millions
reach.
This is that which is not seen.
Now make
your calculations. Cast up, and tell me what profit
of the tax-payers,
there
is for
I will
it,
cease to
the masses
you where the
tell
loss lies
and
to simplify
men
man and
instead of speaking of a hundred thousand
and a million of money,
it
shall be of one
a thousand francs.
"We will suppose that we are in the village of A.

The recruiting sergeants go their round, and take
off a man.
The tax-gatherers go their round, and
take off a thousand francs.
The man and the sum
of money are taken to Metz, and the latter is destined
to
support
former
the
for
year without
you consider ]\Ietz only, you

are quite right ; the measure is a very advantageous
one
but if you look towards the village of A.,
you will judge very differently; for, unless you are
very blind indeed, you will see that that village has
lost a Avorker, and the thousand francs Avhich would
doing anything.
If
I'emunerate his labour, as well as the activit}^ which,
by the expenditure of those thousand

spread around
At
first
pensation.
francs, it Avould
it.
sight,
tliere
What
would* seem to be some com-
took
place
at
the
village,
now
:;
THAT WHICH
takes
place
at
IMetz,
that
to be estimated in this
dug and worked

turns
the
to
NOT
IS
is
way
But the
all.
At
about
and
loss
the village, a
At
he was a worker.
right
57
??.
the
to
is
man
he
]Metz,
about
left
soldier.
The money and the circulation
same in both cases ; but in the one there
were three hundred days of productive labour,
in the other there are three hundred dsxjs of un-
he
is
the
are
productive
part of
supposing,
labour,
the
army
of
that
course,
not indispensable to the public
is
safety.
suppose the disbanding to take place.
jSTow,
me
tell
sand Avorkers, that
competition
will
and it will reduce the rate of wages.

you see.
But what you do not see is this.
see
You
there will be a surplus of a hundred thou-
that
be stimulated,
This
is
what
You do
not
dismiss a hundred thousand soldiers
to
away with a million of money, but
not to do
is
to
it to the tax-payers.
You do not see that to
throw a hundred thousand workers on the market,
is to throw into it, at the same moment, the hundred millions of money needed to pay for their
labour
that consequently, the same act which in-
return
creases
the
demand
supply of hands, increases also the

from which it folbAvs, that your fear of
a reduction of wages is unfounded.
You do not
see
that,
there
are
before
in
the
the
disbanding as well as after
country
money corresponding with

men.
That
the
whole
it,
hundred millions of
the hundred thousand
difference
consists in this
THAT WHICH
Ob
SEEX.
IS
AXD
before the disbanding, the country gave the hundred
hundred thousand men for doing

and that after it, it pars them the same
millions to the
nothing;
sum for
when a
Ton do
working.
tax-payer gives his
not
see,
money
in short, that
either to a soldier
in exchange for nothing, or to a worker in exchange

for something, all the idtimate consequences of the
of this
circulation
cases
money
are the
same in the two
only, in the second case the tax-payer receives
something, in the former he receives nothing.

result is
The sophism which I am here combating

not
stand the
of
test
progression,
touchstone of principles.
tion
If,
its
countrv
is
there
satisfied,
national projit in increasing the army,
under
which
will
the
when every compensa-
made, and aU interests
is
The
a dead loss to the nation.
why
is
not enrol
banners the entire male population of the
in.TAXES.
Have you never chanced to hear it said " There is
no better investment than taxes. Only see wliat a
number of famiMes it maintains, and consider how it
reacts upon industry
it is an inexhaustible stream, it
:
is life itself."
In order
my
to
well enough that

that
must refer to
economy knew
arguments were not so amusing
combat
this doctrine, I
preceding refutation.
it
its
could be said of
Political
them,
rejietition-s
piease.
THAT WHICH
It
turned
thorcfore,
has,
1136,
convinced
well
LS
NOT SEEN.
proverb
the
in
tliat,
59
its
to
month,
its
own
repeJ!.f.i.on>i
teach.
The advantages which officials advocate are tlbone

The benetit which accruen to the
^Ghich are. seen.
providers
1.8
that which in neim.
still
This blinds
all
eyes.
Eat the disadvantages which the

to get
rill
injury
still
of are thone
which
tch.ich
from
results
that which
tax-payers liave
And
are not neen.

it
to
the
provid(;rs
the
Ls
not neen^ although this ought to
i.i
be self-evident.
"When an official spends for his own profit an

hundred sous, it implies tliat a tax-payer
extra
spends for his profit a hunrlred sous
expense of the
official
performed, while
because,
alas
aeen,
prevented
is
But the
less.
becaase the act
of the tax-payer
tliat
he
is
in
is
not neen,
from performing
it.
You compare
of land,
the nation, perhaps to a parched tract
and the tax
But you ought
also
to a fertilising rain.
to
a.sk
iJe it so.
yourself where are the
and whether it is not the tax itself

which di3w3 away the moisture from, the ground and
Iries it up %
i^Lgain, you ought to ask yourself whether it hi
sources of this rain,
port.-fible
that
the
by
.-ioE
can receive
a.s
much
of this
by evaporation
Theie i one thing very certain, that whfm James
P. counts out a hundred sous for the tax-gatherer,
he receives nothing in return.
Afterward-!, when
precious water
rainâs
it
loses
THAT AVHICH
60
an
SEEN,
AND
spends these hundred sous,
official
them
IS
James
The
or labour.
B., it is for
to
final result
and returns
an equal value in corn
is a loss to James B, of
five francs.
It
the
very true that often,
is
official
In
service.
side
there
performs
case
this
perhaps
James
for
there
is
merely an exchange.
is
arguments do not at
All I say is,
aries.
all
to
you wish
if
Show
apj^ly
very
often,
an equivalent
no loss on either
B.
Therefore,
m}""
useful function-
to create an office,
James B.,
by the services which it performs for him is equal to
what it costs him.
But, apart from this intrinsic
prove
its utility.
do
utility,
benefit
and
that its value to
not bring forward as an argument the
which
it
confers
his providers
upon
tlxe
official,
do not assert that
it
his family,
encoiu-ages
labour.
When
ment
same
James B.
gives a
hundred sous
to a
officer for a really useful service, it is
as
when he
gives a
hundred sous
to a
Govern-
exactly the
shoemaker
for a pair of shoes.
But when James B. gives a hundred sous to a

Government officer, and receives nothing for them
unless it be annoyances, he might as well give them to
a thief.
It is nonsense to say that the Government
officer will spend these hundred sous to the gTeat profit
of natlnnaJ lahour ; the thief would do the same;
and so woidd James B., if he h;^d not been stopped on
the road by the extra-legal parasite, nor by the lawful
sponger.
Let us accustom ourselves, then, to avoid judging
THAT WHICH
of things
by
by
toliat is
IS
NOT SEEN.
61
seen only, but to judge of
them
that which is not seen.
Last year I was on the Committee of Finance, for

under the constituency the members of tlie Opposition were not systematically excluded from all the
Commissions in that the constituency acted wisely.

have heard JNI. Thiers say " T have passed my
life in opposing the legitimist party and the priest
Since the common danger has brought us
party.
together, now that I associate Avith them and know
them, and now that Ave speak face to face, I have
foinid out that they are not the monsters I used to
:
'
We
imagine them."
Yes,
among
distrust
parties
is
hatred
exaggerated,
who never mix; and
would allow the minority
is
to be present at
Avould perhaps
fostered
the majority
if
the
Com-
be discovered that the
missions,
it
ideas of
the different sides are not so far remoAêd
from each other; and, above all, that their intentions

However, last
are not so perverse as is supposed.
Every
year I was on the Committee of Finance.
time that one of our colleagues spoke of fixing at a
moderate figure the maintenance
of
of
the President
the Eepublic, that of the ministers, and of the
ambassadors, it Avas ansAvered

" For the 'good of the serA'ice,
:
surround certain
as a
vast
offices Avith
is
necessary to
means of attracting men of merit to them. A

number of mifortunate persons apply to the
President of the Eepublic, and
him
it
splendour and dignity,
it
Avould be placing
in a very painful position to oblige hini to be

THAT WHICH
62
constantly refusing
saloons
ministerial
tlieni.
part
is
AND
SEEN,
IS
ce]tain
in
style
the
machinery of
the
of
constitutional Governments."
Although such arguments may
he
controverted,
They
upon the public interest, whether rightly
estimated or not
and as far as I am concerned, I
have much more respect for them than manj' of our
Catos have, who are actuated by a narrow spirit of
they certainly deserve a serious examination.
are based
jârsimony or of jealousy.
But what
and
science,
lesoui'ces
and
it is
makes me
my
of
of feudalism
is,
revolts the economical part of
blush
country,
when
is
the
for
favourably received too
con-
this absurd relic
brought forward, which
is
my
intellectual
it
constantly
"Besides, the luxury of great Government officers
encourages
head of
the
the
arts,
State
industry,
and
and
banquets and soirees without causing

late
through
all
The
labour.
ministers
his
cannot
life
to
give
circu-
To
the veins of the social body.
reduce their means, would starve Parisian industry,
and consequently that of the whole nation."

I must beg you, gentlemen, to pay some little
regard to arithmetic, at least
and not to say before
the ]âtional Assembly in France, lest to its shame
;
it
should agree with you, that an addition gives a
different
sum, according to whether
from the bottom to the

bottom of the column.
For instance, I Avant
make
trench in
my
top,
to
it
is
added
tip
or from the top to the
agree with a drainer to
field
for
hundred
sous.
THAT WHICH
Just as
have concluded
Ave
tax-gatherer
comes,
sends them
to
bargain
Minister of
there
labour
it
industry
national
this
you
it
his
tavern-keeper
Do you
comes to
keeper being
my
Avorse
field
has
this,
that
see,
covered,
better
that an agricul-
true
drained.
me
from gaining
satisfied,
the
is
official
that
in
and
satisfaction
Parisian
gained a hundred sous,
that
will
expense helps
not
table
his
just as
is
has been prevented

all
Interior
official
but then you must grant
tlie
and
sous,
Upon what ground

this
minister has
but
has
turist
the
only a reversing of
is
true
is
liimdred
but the [minister will have another
dish added to his table.

you dare to affirm tliat
the
G3
our aiTangement,
my
takes
the
at end,
is
NOT SEEN.
IS
that
grant
drainer
francs.
five
It
and the tavern-
which
is
seen
the
and the drainer deprived of his

job, is that whicJi is not seen.
Dear me how much
trouble there is in proving that two and two make
four
and if you succeed in proving it, it is said
"the thing is so plain it is quite tiresome," and
they vote as if you had proved nothing at all,
undrained,
field
IV.THEATEES, FINE ARTS.

Ought the
There
of
is
State to support the arts
this question.
system of voting
arts
sup])lies ^for this purpose,
that the
and harmonize the soul of a

that they divert it from too great an absorp-
enlarge,
nation
much to be said on both sides

It may be said in favour of the
certainly
elevate,
THAT AVniCH
64
tion in material occupations
AXD
SEEK,
IS
encourage in
a love
it
and thus act favourably on its

manners, customs, morals, and even on its industry.
It may be asked, what would become of music in
Prance without her Italian theatre and her Con-
for
beautiful
tlie
servatoire
dramatic
the
of
TheiUre-rranâis
of
art,
"without
painting and sculpture,
her
with-
out our collections, galleries, and museums 1

It
might even be ashed, whether, without centralisation,
and consequently the support of the line arts, that
exquisite taste would be developed which is the
noble appendage of French labour, and which
In
introduces its productions to the whole Avorld 1
the face of such results, would it not be the height
of imprudence to renounce this moderate contribution from all her citizens, which, in fact, in the
eyes of Europe, realises their su])erionty and their
glory
To these and many other
reasons,
do not dispute, arguments no

opposed.
a
It
question
right
of
wages of
profits
of
might
first
legislator
the"" artisan,
the
artist
extend
for the
?
force I
may be
of all be said, that there is
of distributive justice
the
whose
forcible
less
jM.
in
to
it.
Does the
abridging
the
sake of adding to the

Lamartine said, " If
you cease to support the theatre, where Avill you

stop?
Will you not necessariUy be led to withdraw your support from your colleges, your muIt
seums, your institutes,
and your libraries?
might be answered, if you desire to support everything which is good and usefid, where will you stojD ?
THAT WHICH
65
XOT SEEN.
IS
Will you not necessarily be led to form a

education
Then,
aid
favours
far
from being
the
commerce,
industry,
agriculture,
for
is
certain
it
and we
the theatres which prosper
upon
to
their
own
wants and desires

in
originate
Government
This
question
Moreover,
regions
may
we
arise the
is
see very well that
are those
resources.
considerations,
higlaer
that
progress of art?
settled,
civil list
benevolence,
which depend
if we come
that
observe
one from the other, and
more
are
wliicli
more
and
refined in proportion as the public wealth allows of

their
to
being satisfied
take
i>avt
in
that
this
Government ought
correspondence,
certain condition of present fortune
taxation
stimulate
the
arts
of
it
because
not
in
coidd not by
necessity
Avithout
checking those of luxury, and thus interrupting the

natural course of civilisation.
these
labour,
carious
artificial
transpositions
may
of
observe,
wants,
that
tastes,
and popidation, place the people in a

and dangerous position, Avithout any
presolid
basis.
These are
some of the reasons alleged by the

State interxêntion in what concerns
the order in which citizens think tb.eir wants and
desires should be satisfied, and to which, conseadversaries
of
quently, their activity should be directed.

confess,
one of
those
who think
that
I am, I
choice
and
impulse ought to come from below and not from

above, from the citizen and not from the lecrislator
and the opposite doctrine appears to me to tend

the destruction of liberty and of human dignity.
F
to
THAT WHICH
66
AND
SEEN,
IS
But, by a deduction as false as it is unjust, do

you know what economists are accused of?
It is,
tliat
when we disapiDrove of government support,
we
supposed to disapprove of the thing
are
whose support
other
seeking
Thus,
if
we think
by taxation
fere
we think
we
desire to
that the State should not
we
in religious affairs,
the
see
we
inter-
are atheists.
ought not to
State
taxation in education,
we
itself
to be the enemies
on the one hand free, and on the

their own reward
in themselves.
those activities,
If
and
every kind of activity, because
of
If
discussed
is
by
interfere
are hostile to
knoAvledge.
by taxation
say that the State ought not
to
give a fictitious value to land, or to âny particular
branch of industry, we are enemies to j)roperty and

If wê think that the State ought not to
labour.
support
we
artists,
barbarians,
are
wlio
look
upon
the arts as useless.
Against such conclusions as these I protest with

all
my
idea
strength.
of
perty,
State
labour,
and the
them
contrary,
would
education,
religion,
arts,
when we
soy that
ought to protect the free development of
these kinds of
of
Tar from entertaining the absurd
doing away Avith
at the
that
develop")
human
activity,
these
the
all
without helping some
expense of others
all
pro-
living
we
think, on the
powers
of
society
themselves more harmoniously under
the influence of liberty;

influence jio one of
and
that,
them woidd,
under such an
as is
now
the case,
be a source of trouble, of abuses, of tyranny, and

disorder.
THAT WHICH
Our
adversaries
verument,
Their faith
mankind
ours
in
is
is
G7
an activity wliich
nor regulated by go-
We
an activity destroyed.
is
the contrary.
in
consider that
aided by supplies,
neither
is
NOT SEEX.
IS
in the
think just
not
legislator,
mankind, not in the
legis-
lator.
Thus M. Laniartine said, " Upon this principle

must abolish the public exhibitions, which are
tlie honour and the Avealth of
this country."
But
\ve
v.'ould
way
say to ]M.
Laniartine,
According
of thinking, not to support
upon
out
is
to
to abolish;
maxim
your
be-
nothing
cause,
setting
exists
independently of the will of the State, you
the
that
lives but what the State

Eut I oppose to this assertion the
very example which you have chosen, and beg you
to remark, that the grandest and noblest of exhibitions, one which has been conceived in the most
liberal and universal spirit
and I might even make
use of the term humanitary, for it is no exaggeration
is the exhibition now j)reparing in London; the only one in which no government is
taking any part, and which is being jDaid for by
conclude
nothing
that
causes to live.
no
tax.
To return
many
strong
the
must
leads
fine
reasons to
system of
against
reader
work
to the
see
me
that
arts.
There
government
the
ISL
repeat,
assistance.
object
esjêcial
of
The
this
neither to explain these reasons, nor
to decide in their favour, nor against
But
are, I
be brought, both for and
Lamartine
them.
has advanced
argument
one
F
2'
G8
THAT WHICH
which I cannot pass Ly
SEEN, AND
IS
in silence, for it is closely
"The
connected with this economic study.

mical question, as regards theatres,
one word
labour.
matters
It
nature of this labour
is
it
econo-
comprised in
is
what
little
the
is
as fertile, as productive
a labour as any other kind of labour in the nation.
The
no
than 80,000 workmen of
painters,
&c.,
masons,
decorators,
of several parts
pathies
further on he says
labour
the
and the
consumption of
and the luxuries of the
vinces,
architects,
and movement
of this capital, and on this account
have your sympathies." Your symlife
say rather your money.

" The pleasures of Paris
And
salary
kinds
different
costumers,
which constitute the very
they ought to
are
you know, feed and
theatres in France,
less
the
pro-
rich are the wages
and bread of 200,000 workmen of every description,

who live by the manifold industry of the theatres
on the surface of the republic, and who receive from
these noble pleasures, which render France illustrious, the sustenance of their lives and the necesIt [is to them
saries of their families and children.
(Very well; very
that you will give 60,000 francs."
well.
Great applause.)
strained to say, " Very
this
opinion,
of
For
bad
course,
my
part
!
very bad "
am
con-
confining
within the bounds of the
we are discussing.
workmen of the theatres
economical question Avhich

Yes,
it
is
to
the
part, at least, of these
bribes,
Perhaps,
perhaps,
if
60,000 francs wiU go
may be
we were
to
abstracted
look a
little
on
the
more
that a
a few
way.
closely
TUAT WHICH
IS
the matter, Ave might find
into
69
NOT SEEN.
tliat
tlie
cake
had
way, and that those workmen were

But
fortunate who had come in for a few crumhs.
the
that
argument,
of
sake
for
the
will
allow,
I
entire sum does go to the painters, decorators, &c.
gone another
Tills
is
But whence docs
that xcMch is seen.
it
the other side of the question, and

Where do these
as the former.
[important
quite as
come?
This
is
60,000 francs spring from?
and where would they
go, if a vote of the legislature did not direct
towards
first
Rue
the
Rue Grenellc?
the
them
and thence towards

what is not seen. Cer-
Eivoli
This
is
think of maintaining that the

legislative vote has caused this sum to be hatched
in a ballot urn ; that it is a pure addition made to
the national wealth; that but for this miraculous
tainly,
nobody
will
vote these 60,000 francs would have been for ever

It must be admitted that
invisible and inpalpable.
that the majority can do
all
is
to decide that they
be taken from one place to be sent to another

they take one direction, it is only because
if
and
they have been diverted from another.
shall
This being the
case, it is clear that
the tax-payer,
has contributed one franc, will no longer have

It is clear that he
franc
at his own disposal.
this
wiU be deprived of some gratification to the amount
who
of one franc;
may
be,
and that the workman, whoever he

received it from him, will
who would have
be deprived of a benefit to that amount.

not
therefore,
believing
that
be led
by a
the vote of
childish
the
Let us
illusion
60,000 francs
into
may
THAT WHICH
70
AND
SEEN,
IS
add anything whatever to the well-being of the

country, and to national lahour.
It displaces enjoyments, it transposes wages that is all.
Will it be said that for one kind of gratification,
and one kind of labour, it substitutes more urgent,
more moral, more reasonable
gratifications
and
labour 1
I might dispute this
I might say, by
taking 60,000 francs from the tax-payers,
you
diminish the wages of labourers, drainers carpenters, blacksmiths,
and increase in proportion
those
the
of
There
more
for
calls
singers.
notliing
is
prove that this latter class
to
sympathy
than
Lamartine does not say that
the
so.
is
it
says that the labour of the theatres
is
M.
former.
He
as
himself
fertile,
as
and this
any other (not more so)
may be doubted ; for the best proof that the latter
productive as
is
not so
other
But
be called upon to
merit
no part of
to
is
persons
of
my
lies
assist
in
this,
that the
it.
between the value and the
this .comparison
intrinsic
here
the former
fertile as
to
is
different
present
show, that
if
who commend
kinds of labour
subject.
forms
All I have to do
M. Lamartine and those
his
line
of argument
have
seen on one side the salaries gained by the providers

of the comedians, they ought on the other to have
by the providers of the taxwant of this, they have exposed themridicule by mistaking a misplacement for a
seen the salaries lost
payers
for
selves to
gain.
If they
would be no
were
limits
true to
to
their
their
doctrine,
demands
for
there
sjovern-

THAT WHICH
ment
aid
60,000
NOT SEEN.
IS
71
which is true of one franc and of

under parallel circumstances, of a hundred
for tliat
is true,
millions of francs.
When
taxes are the subject of discussion, you ought
by reasons from the
to prove their utility
root of the
but not by this
unlucky assertion " The

public expenses support the working classes."
This
matter,
disguises
assertion
important
the
public
that
fact,
expenses always supersede private expenses, and that

tlierefore
we bring
a livelihood to one
workman
instead
add nothing to the share of the working

class as a whole.
Your arguments are fashionable
enough, but they are too absurd to be justified by anyof another, but
thing like reason.
WOEKS.
A'. PUBLIC
iôthing
is
more
having assured
than
natural
that
nation,
an enterprise will
benefit the community, should have it executed by
after
means
I
itself
that
But I
of a general assessment.
when
confess,
hear
this
advanced in support of such a

it
will
lose patience,
economic
blunder
project
Besides,
be a means of creating labour
"
for the
work-
men."
The
a
State opens a road, builds a palace, straightens
street,
cuts a canal,
workmen
this
certain other
is
is
and
what
workmen
is
so gives
seen
of Avork
work
but
and
it
this
to certain
deprives
is
what
not seen.
The road
is
begun.
thousand workmen come
THAT WHICH
72
AND
SEEN,
IS
every morning, leave every evening, and take their
wages
this
decreed,
If the road had not heen
certain.
is
the suppKes had not heen
if
these
voted,
good people "would have had neither work nor salary

there
But
whole,
this also is certain.

is
this
all
contain
Does not the
something
else
operation,
At
the
as
moment
when M. Dupin pronounces the emphatic words,

"The Assembly has adopted," do the millions
descend miraculously on a moonbeam into the
coffers
the
of
MM.
evolution
Fould and Bineau?
may
be complete, as
In order that
is
it
must
said,
not the State organise the receipts as well as the

expenditure?
must
tax-payers
work, the former to
to
not set
it
its
and
and the
tax-gatherers
gather
latter to pay.
Study the question, now, in both
While you
to
its
destination given
state the
elements.
by the State
the millions voted, do not neglect to state also
the destination which the tax-payer would have given,
but cannot
now
give,
to the same.
understand that a public enterprise
two
with
sides.
Upon one
this device, that
is
Then you
is
coin
will
with
engraved a laboiu'er at work,
which
is
seen
on the other
labourer out of Avork, with the device, that 'which
is
is
not
seen.
The sophism which this work is intended to refute

the more dangerous when applied to public works,
inasmuch as it serves to justify the most wanton enteris
prises
and extravagance.
are of real utility,
it is
When
sufficient to
a railway or a bridge
mention
this utility.
THAT WHICH
IS
NOT SEEX.
73
But if it does not exist, what do they do ? Eecoiirse

" "We must find work for
is had to this mystification
the workmen."
:
Accordingly, orders are given that the drains in the
Champ-de-Mars be made and unmade.

The great
]S"apoleon, it is said, thought he was doing a very
phihmthropic work by causing ditches to be made
and then filled up. He said, therefore, " What signifies
the result
All we want is to see wealth spread among
?
the labouring classes."
But
let
us go to the root of the matter.
To demand the
deceived by money.
all
in.
the form of
demand a concurrence in kind

every one procures, by his own labour, the sum to
money,
for
common work,
the citizens in a
"We are
co-operation of
is
which he
in reality to
is
work
their
Isovf, if all the citizens
taxed.
called together,
and made
were to be
to execute, in conjunction, a
useful to all, this would be easily understood

reward would be found in the results of the work
itself.
But after having called them together, if you force

them to make roads which no one will pass through,
palaces which no one "will inhabit, and this under the
pretext of finding them work, it would be absurd, and
they wôuld have a right to argue, "
we have nothing
to
do
we
With
prefer working
this labour
on our own
account."
proceeding which consists in making the citizens
co-operate in giving
any way,
money but not
alter the general results.
that the loss
would
react
upon
labour, does not, in
The only thing

all
parties.
By
is,
the

THAT WHICH
74
AND
SEEN,
IS
those Avlioni the State employs, escape their
former,
part of the loss, by adding
have already
fellow-citizens
There
article in
by
encourages
State, the departments,
employing
of
their
persons
works,
of public
and the
development
the
establishment
the
which
that
to
our constitution which says
and
favours
of labour
by the
means
an
is
" Society
it
suffered.
parishes, as a
who
are
on
any
want of
in
work."
As
temporary
during
may have
tax-payers
way
or
measure,
hard winter,
as securities.
to
ordinary
it
times to
acts
the
Avith
the
in
same
adds nothing either to labour
It
but
wages,
It
use.
its
emergency,
interference
tliis
takes
labour
and wages from
them, at a loss
give
it
is
true,
to times of difficulty.
As
is
permanent, general,
nothing
is
seen,
labour tchich
is
systematic
ruinous
measure,
mystification,
it
an
shows a little excited labour

and hides a great deal of prevented
is
not seen.
YLTHE
Society
Avhich
impossibility,
ôhicli
than
else
the
total
INTEEMEDIATES.
of
the
forced
or
voluntary
which men perform for each other

that
is to say, of ^ûhlic services and private services.
The former, imposed and regulated by the law,
which it is not always easy to change, even when it
services
is
desirable,
may
survive with
it
their
own
useful-
THAT WHICH
ness,
and
even
when they
still
The
sphere of the
"vvill,
75
of imhlic services,
no longer services
puhHc annoyances.
rather
name
preserve the
are
NOT SEEN.
IS
but
at all,
belong to the
latter
Every
of individual responsibility.
one gives and receives what he wishes, and what he

can, after a debate.
They have always the presumption
of real utility, in exact proportion to their comparative

value.
This
is
the reason Avhy the former description
services so often
become
stationary, while the
of
latter
obey the law of progress.
While
the
exaggerated
development
of
public
by the waste of strength which it involves,

fastens upon society a fatal sycophancy, it is a singular thing that several modern sects, attributing
this character to free and private services, are enservices,
deavouring to transform professions into functions.
These
oppose what they call interThey would gladly suppress the capitalist,
sects violently
mediates.
the banker, the speculator, the projector, the merchant,
and the
trader, accusing
them
of interposing between
production and consumption, to extort from both without giving
either
anything in return.
Or
rather,
they would transfer to the State the work which

they
accomplish,
this
for
work cannot
be
sup-
pressed.
The sophism of the Socialists on this point is,

showing to the public what it pays to the intermediates in exchange for their services, and concealing from
State.
Here
it
what
is
the
is
necessary to be paid to the
usual
conflict
between what
THAT WHICH
76
our eyes and what
is "before
only
It
IS
between
was
u-liat is
at the
seen
AND
SEEN,
is
perceptible to the
and what
is
time of the scarcity, in
Socialist schools
mind
not seen.
1
847, that the
attempted and succeeded in populariz-
ing their fatal theory.
They knew very well
that the
most absurd notions have always a chance with people

who are sufiering ; malisunda fames.
Therefore,
in
by the help
men by men,
of the fine words, "trafficking
speculation on hunger, monopoly,"
they began to blacken commerce, and to cast a veil
over its benefits.

" "What can be the use," they say, " of leaving to
the merchants the care of importing food from the
Why do not the

United States and the Crimea ?
State, the departments, and the towns, organize a
service for provisions and a magazme for stores?
They Avould sell at a return inice, and the people,
poor tilings, would be exemj^ted from the tribute
which they pay to free, that is, to egotistical, individual, and anarchical commerce."
The tribute paid by the people to commerce is iliat
The tribute Avhich the people would
icliich is seen.
pay
to the State,
system,
is wliat is
In what does
people pay to
or to its agents, in
the
Socialist
not seen.
this
pretended tribute,
commerce, consist
In
which the
this
that
two men render each other a mutual service, in all

freedom, and under the pressure of competition and
reduced
prices.
When
the hungry stomach
which can
satisfy
it
is
at
is
at
Paris,
and com
the
suifering
Odessa,
THAT WHICH
caimot cease
the
Avith
which
the
till
com
effected.
1st.
men may go themselves and fetch

may leave this task to those
belongs.
3rd.
They may club
famished
2nd.
Tliey
trade
it
and give the
office in
by
The
means
three
are
may be
contact
77
SEEN".
brought into contact
is
There
stomach.
this
XOT
IS
the corn,
to
whose
together,
charge to public functionaries.
"Which of these three methods possesses the greatest

advantages I
In every time, in all countries, and
the
more
are,
men have
confess
free,
that
voluntarily
this
touches
it
is
they
experienced
chosen the
second.
my
opinion,
to
in
sufficient,
is
justify this choice.
as a whole,
and
enlightened,
I cannot believe that mankind,
deceiving itself upon a point which
so nearly.
But
let
now
us
consider the
subject.
For thirty-six millions of

the corn
they
impossibility.
nothing.
want
The
citizens
from
lirst
Odessa,
means,
The consumers cannot
They must,
of
necessity,
have
to go
is
then,
and fetch
manifest
goes
for
act for themselves.
recourse
to
inter-
mediates, officials or agents,
Eut observe, that the first of these three means

would be the most natural. In realitji^ the hungry
man has to fetch his corn. It is a task which concerns himself, a service due to himself.
If another
person, on whatever ground, performs this service
for him, takes the task upon himself, this latter has
a claim upon him for a compensation.
I mean by
this to
say that intermediates contain in themselves
the principle of remuneration.
;:
THAT WHICH
78
However
tliat
the
wliat
may
Socialists
we must
since
be,
call
AND
SEEN,
IS
which of the two is the most exacting

merchant or the official 1
Commerce
ask,
parasite, the
of course, otherwise I could not
(free,
reason upon
it),
interests
study the seasons,
to
to
refer
would
parasite,
commerce, I
say,
is
to
by
led
its
own
give daily state-
ments of the state of the crops, to receive information from every part of the globe, to foresee wants,
to
take
beforehand.
precautions
has
It
always ready, correspondents everywhere

its
immediate
economize in
to
price,
and
tions,
smallest
to
It
are
buy
all
the
attain
efforts.
who
only
interest to
is
not
occupied in
vessels
and
it
is
at the lowest possible
the details of
greatest
the
its
French
opera-
by
results
the
merchants
procuring provisions for
France in time of need, and if their interest leads

them irresistibly to accomplish their task at the
possible cost, the competition which they
amongst each other leads them no less irresistibly to cause the consumers to partake of the
smallest
create
profits
it is
of those realised savings.
to the interest of
possible,
so
as
to
commerce
The corn
avoid risks, to realise
and begin again the first opportunity.

Directed by the comparison of
butes
food over the
beginning
always
at
Avliole
the
arrives
to sell it as soon as
prices,
surface of
highest
its
funds,
it
distri-
the country,
price,
that
is,
where the demand is the greatest. It is impossible

to inâgine an organisation more completely calculated to meet the interest of those who are in want
THAT WHICH
and the
it
that
to
beautj' of this
the
"by
is
organisation,
79
unperceived as
from the very fact

the consumer is obliged
results
Socialists,
It is true,
free.
is
it
NOT SEEN.
IS
reimburse commerce for
expenses of convey-
tlie
but can
;
any system be devised in which he Avho eats corn
is not obliged to defray the expenses, whatever they
ance, freight,
store-room,
may
bringing
of
be,
remuneration for
paid also
commission, ^c.
within
it
but as regards
its
his
The
reach?
performed has to be
the service
amount, this
is
reduced
sum by competition
and
;
would bo very strange if the
artizans of Paris would not work for the artizans of
Marseilles, when the merchants of Marseilles work
to
the
smallest possible
as regards its justice, it
for the artizans of Paris.

If,
according to the Socialist invention, the State
were to stand in the stead of commerce, what would

happen? I should like to be informed where the
saving would be to the
the price
of
purchase
public
AVould
it
be in
Imagine the delegates of
40,000 parishes arriving at Odessa on a given day,

imagine the effect upon
and on the day of need

prices.
Would
Would
fewer
fewer
vessels
transports,
exempt
from
saving
the
be
fcAver
sloops
payment
the
be
of
the
in
required
or
all
expenses
fewer
would you
these
sailors,
be
things
Would it be in the profits of the merchants ?

Would your officials go to Odessa for nothing?
Would they travel and work on the principle of fraternity
Must they not
paid for their time
And
live
Must not they be
do you believe that these
THAT WHICH
80
IS
SEEN,
AND
expenses would not exceed a thousand times the two

three per cent, whicli the merchant gams, at
or
the rate at which he
And
many
is
ready to treat
taxes,
difficulty of levying so
then to consider the
and of dividing
so
much
Tliinlc
food.
of the injustice, of the abuses inseparable from such
Think of the responsibility which

enterprise.
would weigh upon the Government.
The Socialists who have invented these follies,
and who, in the days of distress, have introduced
them into the minds of the masses, take to themselves literally the title of advanced men ; and it is
not without some danger that custom, that tyrant
of tongues, authorizes the term, and the sentiment
which it involves.
Advanced! This supposes that
an
people
gentlemen can see further than the common

that their only fault is that they are too
;
much
in advance of their age
these
and
the time
if
yet come for suppressing certain free
tended
parasites, the
public
which
my
from
soul
fault is to
in
is
and
the
my
modern
sectarians
actual society.
under a
free
fertile
Let
the
what barbarous age we

if we would find the level
on this subject.
These
incessantly
regulation,
say,
is
to
oj^pose
They overlook the
superior to any of
pre-
be attributed to the
of Socialism.
conscience, the reverse
and I know not

should have to go back,
of Socialist
knowledge
truth
rear
not
is
services,
is
association
fact that
a true
to
society,
association,
far
those which proceed from their
imaginations.
me
illustrate
this
by an example.
Before a
THAT
AVniCII IS
NOT SEEN.
81
man, when he gets up iu the morning, can put on

a coat, ground must have been enclosed, broken up,
drained, tilled, and sown with a particular kind of
plant ; flocks must have been fed, and have given
their wool
this wool must have been spun, woven,
;
liave
and converted into cloth; this cloth must

been cut, sewed, and made into a garment.
And
this
dyed,
others
series
of operations implies a
number
of
supposes the employment of instruments
it
for ploughing, &c., sheepfolds, sheds, coal, machines,

carriages, &c.
If society were not a perfectly real association, a
person wjio wanted a coat would be reduced to the

of working
necessity
solitude
in
that
of
is,
per-
forming for himself the innumerable parts of this
from the
series,
last
to
first
stroke of the pickaxe
to
the
which concludes the work. But, thanks

the sociability which is the distinguishing chastitch
of our race, these
racter
amongst
subdivided,
further
extent
active,
multitude
that,
as
for
the
operations
of
Avorkers
the
is
distributed
and
common
consumption
one single operation
are
they
good,
are
an
more
to
becomes
able to support a
new
trade.
Then comes the
operates according to the contingent value
which
which each
has brought to the entire work.
is
ciation, I
division
should like to
of
the
know what
profits,
If this
not asso-
is.
Observe, that as no one of these workers has obtained the smallest particle of matter from nothingness,
the}^ are confined to
performing for each other
THAT WHICH
82
mutual
services,
common
object,
respect
"vvith
stance, in
why
important
first
other
too
the
must
made,
devote to
intermediates.
for
If,
in-
enough
to
occupy
one
spinning another, the weaving another,
the
should the
than
AND
course of the operation, the convey-
the
becomes
ance
person,
SEEN,
and to helping each otlier in a

and that all may be considered,
others,
to
IS
not
it
be considered a jârasite more

The conveyance must be
Does not lie wdio performs it

and trouble? and by so doing
his time
it
does he not spare that of his colleagues ? Do these

do more or other than this for him? Are they not
equally
dependent
remuneration,
for
tliat
is,
for
the division of the produce, upon the law of reduced

price
Is
it
not in
all
liberty,
good, that this separation of

these
that
arrangements are
for
the
work takes
entered
common
place,
and
What
into?
do we want with a Socialist then, Avho under preof organising for us, comes despotically to
tence
break up our voluntary arrangements, to check the

division
substitute isolated efibrts
of labour, to
combined
ones,
and
to
send civilisation back?
for
Is
association, as I describe it here, in itself less association, because every
choscs his place in

self
one enters and leaves
it,
it
freely,
judges and bargains for him-
on his own responsibility, and brings with him

That
interest?
the spring and warrant of personal
may deserve this name, is it necessary that a pretended reformer should come and impose upon us
it
his plan
and
mankind
in himself?
his will, and, as
it
were, to concentrate
THAT WHICH
NOT SEEX.
IS
83
The more Tve examine these advanced schools, the

more do we become convinced that there is hut one
ignorance proclaiming
thing at the root of them
itself infallible, and claiming despotism in the name
:
of this infallibility.
I hope the
It
may
reader
excuse
will
this
and
lansterian,
from
springing
declamations,
St.
books,
Icarian
when
Simonian,
Pha-
invoking
are
and the tribune, and which

the libertv of labour and commercial
press
digression.
time
not be altogether useless, at
the
seriously threaten
transactions.
Yii. resteictio:n's.
M.
Prohibant
land into
towards
with
means,
obtain
converting
Belgians,
that
a given
by buying
guided by
do so
multitude
it
the
of
found
French,
oAvn
honest
or
iron
Avhich
could
France,
with
they
his
lavish
French
the
less
Flemings.
interest,
on
more
tliis
time
his
Prohibant
j\I.
quantity of
their
ore
they furnished
than
the
all
the
devoted
nature had been
cheaper
iron
to
As
iron.
the
was not I who gave him
(it
Charles Dupin)
name, but if.

and capital to
labour
Therefore,
did
not
fail
and every day there might be seen a
of
machinists,
nail-smiths,
farriers,
selves,
or
sending
selves
in
Belgium.
and
blacksmiths,
labourers,
intermediates,
to
cartwrights,
going
them-
supply them-
This displeased M.
Prohibant
exceedingly,
G 2
THAT WHICH
84
At
occurred to
first, it
abuse by
do, for
own
liis
belt
There, the
blacksmith,
first
or locksmith,
chinist,
he could
will take,
" I will put four pistols into
fill my cartridge box

and go thus equipped
sword,
least
"I
sufferer.
I will
my
put an end to this
was the
it
AND
SEEX,
liini to
efforts
he was the only
carbine," said he
IS
w'ho
own business and not

him how to live." At
on
I will gird
to
the
nail-smith,
presents
frontier.
farrier,
himself
mine, I wall
his
my
my
kill,
mado
to
to teach
the moment of starting,

M. Prohibant made a few reflections which calmed
down his warlike ardour a little. He said to himself,
" In
the
that
the
enemies,
letting
place,
first
it
purchasers
not absolutely impossible
is
of
iron,
my
should take the thing
me
them, should
kill
countrymen and
and, instead of
ill,
me
kill
instead
and
even were I to call out all my servants, we

In short,
should not be able to defend the passages.
then,
this proceeding
so
would
cost
me
very dear,
much more
than the result would be worth."

M. Prohibant was on the point of resigning him-
self to his sad fate, that of being only as free as the

rest of the world,
his brain.
He
when
a ray of light darted across
great j manufactory of laws.
he
to
" It is a
to himself.
it is
decreed, be
public force
public
it
For
conform.
is
force,
whole nation.
Paris there
recollected that at
"What
measure to which, when once
the
execution
aud
men and money

then,
is
a law?" said
good or bad, everybody
organised,
If,
is
to
of
the
is
bound
same
constitute the said
are
drawn from the
I could only get the great
THAT WHICH
NOT SEEK.
IS
Parisian iiianufactory to pass a

iron
results
valets
The
that
should
prohibited,'
is
and
humour,
would
it
smiths, artizans,
the
I
frontier
from these
and labourers.
better
have
them
sweet
the
people
these
good
and
blacksmiths,
proclaim
themselves
nothing
of
the
price,
and
our
great
would
teach
seeing
That
mystified.
me
brutality
my own
of
satisfaction
nail,
Avould cost
shamefully
to
keep
to
They Avould guard
the iron at
sell
black-
among them 25,000,000
distribute
much
should
Belgian
following
locksmiths,
health
in
should not be exposed to the
brokers
'
refractory
Then
officers
taken
francs
of
the
machinists,
labourers.
custom-house
20,000
those
of
artizans,
farriers,
nail-smiths,
obtain
law,
Government would replace the few

was going to send to the frontier
by 20,000 of the sons

smiths,
little
85
perpetually
the
har-
Oh
bingers and promoters of progress in Europe.

it
would
be
and
joke,
capital
deserves
to
be
tried."
So M. Prohibant went to the law manufactory.

Another time, perhaps, I shall relate the story of
his underhand dealings, but now I shall merely
mention his visible proceedings.
He brought the
following
consideration
before
the view of the
legislating
gentlemen.
" Belgian
which
iron
obliges
me
is
sold
to sell
in
France at ten francs,
mine
at
the same
jn-ice.
I should like to sell at fifteen, but cannot do so
account of this Belgian

the bottom of the
Eed
ii'on,
Sea.
which I
I
Avish
was
on
a-t
beg you will make a
"
THAT WHICH
86
law
no more Belgian iron
tliat
Immediately I
raise
the consequences
my
shall
price live francs,
France.
enter
and these
are
"For every hundredweight

deliver
AND
SEEN,
IS
of iron
that
shall
the public, I shall receive fifteen francs
to
shall grow rich more rapidly,

and employ more workmen.
My
workmen and I shall spend much more freely, to
instead
of
extend
my
the
advantage
great
These
around.
furnish
ten
traffic,
on both
having
employment
more
to
increase
sides will
tradesmen
our
of
latter,
in
for
more
custom,
trade,
and
miles
will
activity
the country.
This
fortunate piece of money, Avhich you will drop into
my
lake,
strong-box,
will,
like
give birth to an infinite
stone
thrown into a
number
of concentric
circles."
Charmed with
that
it
is
prosperity
easy
of
a
"
restriction.
said,
"what
increasing
his
so
is
the
discourse,
delighted
promote,
by
to
people,
Talk of
the
labour and
of these
national
wealth,
learn
the
voted
the
laAV-makers
the use
to
legislating,
economy," they
painful
when
all
means of
that
is
wanted for this object is a decree ?

And, in fact, the law produced all the consequences announced by M. Prohibant
the only
thing was, it produced others which he had not
foreseen.
To do him justice, his reasoning was not
but only incomplete.
In endeavouring to
false,
obtain a privilege, he had taken cognizance of the
effects which are seen, leaving in the background
He had pointed out only
those tvhich are not seen.
:
THAT WHICH
NOT SKKN.
IS
87
two personages, whereas there are three concerned
in
It is for us to supply this involuntary or
tlie aifair.
IDremeditated omission.
It is true, the
thus directed by law
crown-piece,
into IM. Prohihant's
strong-box,
advantageous to
is
whose labour it would encourage

and if the Act had caused the crown-piece to
descend from the moon, these good effects Avould
not have been counterbalanced by any correspond-
him and
ing
to those
the mysterious
Unfortunately,
evils.
money
does not come from
pocket
moon, but from the
nail-smith, or a cart-
blacksmith, or
of a
of
piece
tlie
wright, or a farrier, or a labourer, or a shipwright

in a word,
from James
receivdng
paying ten francs.

that
for
very
much
is
very
evident
it
M. Prohibaut
the
who
Thus,
this
compensated by
is
B.,
gives
we
that
James
can see at a glance
the
alters
B.'s
do
with
encouragement
of
national
done
have
Prohibant's
and
loss,
the
profit
that
all
crown-piece,
for
James
labour,
The
himself.
of the case;
state
jM.
can
might
now without
it
more of iron than when he was
grain
has
stone
B.
only
been thrown upon one part of the lake, because the

law
has
prevented
it
from
being
is n.ot
seen
upon
throw^n
another.
Therefore,
which
is
and
the residue of
and sad
to
ichick
iltat
seen,
the
at
this
supersedes
point there
operation,
piece
as
of injustice,
a piece of injustice perpetrated
say,
that
remains,
by
the law
This
is
not
all.
I have said that there
is
always
THAT WHICH
88
AND
SEEX,
IS
a third person left in the background.
him
bring
of five francs.
loss
now
I innst
may reveal to us a
Then we shall have the
forward, that he
second
entire
results of the transaction
James B.
the possessor of fifteen francs, the fruit
is
He
of his labour.
with his
now
is
fifteen francs
He
free.
What
2:)urchases
fashion for ten francs, and Avith
does he do
some
article of
he pays (or the
it
intermediate pay for him) for the hundred-Aveight of
Belgian iron.
After this he has five francs
He
left.
does not throw them into the river, but (and this
exchange for
in
for
instance,
is
he gives them to some tradesman

some enjoyment ; to a bookseller,
Bossuet's " Discourse on Universal
ichat is not seen)
for
History."
-Thus, as far as national labour
encouraged to the amount of

ten francs for the Paris
is
concerned,
fifteen francs,
article,
five
francs
it
viz.
is
to the
bookselling trade.
As
to
James
B.,
gratifications, viz.
he obtains for his
2nd.
A hundredweight
A book.
The
decree
1st.
condition
of
is
fifteen francs
two
put in
of iron.
force.
James B.
Hoav does
How
does
it
it
effect
effect
the
the
national labour?
James B, pays every centime of his five francs to

Prohibant, and therefore is deprived of the
pleasure of a book, or of some other thing of equal
value.
He loses five francs.
This must be adj\r.
mitted
it
cannot
fail to
be admitted, that when the
THAT WHICH
restriction raises the
NOT SEEX.
IS
price
of things,
89
the
consumer
loses the difference.
But, then,
it is said,
national labour
not the gainer
I^To, it is
more encouraged than
it
is
the gainer.
it is no
amount of
for since the Act,
was
before, to the
fifteen francs.
The only thing is that, since the Act, the fifteen

James B. go to the metal trade, while before
it was put in force, they were divided between the
milliner and the bookseller.
The violence used by ]\[. Prohibant on the frontier,
or that which he causes to be used by the law, may be
francs of
judged very differently in a moral point of view.

Some persons consider that plunder is perfectly justifiable,
if
only sanctioned by law.
But, for myself, I
cannot imagine anything more aggravating.

it
may
be, the economical results are the
However
same in both
cases.
Look
you will ; but if you are

no good can come of
legal or illegal plunder.
We do not deny that it
affords M. Prohibant, or his trade, or, if you will,
at
impartial,
national
industry,
affirm that
Avho
have
thing as
the
you will
it
that
of five francs.
But we
two losses, one to James B.,
francs where he otherwise would
a
profit
causes
pays fifteen
paid
see
ten
the
other
to
national
industry,
which does not receive the difference. Take your

choice of these two losses, and compensate with it
the profit which we allow.
The other will prove
not the less a dead loss.
Here is the moral
To
take by violence is not to produce, but to destroy.
:
THAT WHICH
90
Truly,
by violence
would be a
taking
if
of ours
country
AND
SEEN,
IS
producing,
Avas
richer
little
tliis
than she
is.
VIII.
-MACHIXEET.
"A curse on machines! Every year, their increasing

power devotes millions of workmen to pauperism, by
depriving them of work, and therefore of wages and
bread.
A curse on machines "
This is the cry which is raised by vulgar prejudice,
and echoed in the journals.
But to curse machines is to curse the spirit of
humanity
It puzzles me to conceive how any man can feel any
!
satisfaction in such a doctrine.
what
For, if true,
That
there
no
is
its
is
inevitable consequence?
happiness possible for any people,

w-ho
and
stupid
are
wealth,
prosperity,
activity,
except
and
inert,
or
those
for
whom God
to
has not granted the fatal gift of knowing

think, to observe, to combine, to invent,
how
to
and to
obtain the greatest results Avith the smallest means.
On
the
contrary,
inanition,
are
the
mean
rags,
inevitable
huts,
which seeks and
finds in iron,
magnetism, the
laws
poverty,
of every
lot
fire,
wind,
and
nation
electricity,
chemistry and mechanics,
of
in a word, in the powers of nature, an assistance to

its
natural powers.
"Every
Eousseau
We
man
might
that
as
well
thinks
is
doctrine
is
say
with
a depraved
animal."
This
is
not
all.
If this
true,
since
THAT WHICH
IS
XOT SEEN.
91
men think and invent, since all, from first to last,

at every moment of theii' existence, seek the
co-operation of the powers of nature, and try to make
all
and
the most of a
their
little,
hands or
by reducing
theii'
either the
work of
expenses, so as to obtain the
amount of gratification with the

amount of labour, it must foUow, as
a matter of course, that the Avhole of mankind is
rushing towards its decline, by the same mental aspirapossible
greatest
smallest possible
tion
towards progress,
torments each of
Avhich
its
members.
Hence,
ought to be made known, by
it
statistics,
that the inhabitants of Lancashii'e, abandoning that
land of machines, seek for work in Ireland, where they

are
imknown ;
and,
by
history, that barbarism darkens
the epochs of civilisation, and that civilisation shines

in times of ignorance and barbarism.
There
is
evidently in this mass of contradictions
something which revolts

suspect
that
the
and which leads us
us,
problem
contains
within
it
to
an
element of solution which has not been sufficiently

disengaged.
Here
-seen lies
the whole mystery behind that which is

something which is not seen. I will endeavour
to bring
it
is
to light.
The demonstration I
shall give
will only be a repetition of the preceding one, for the
problems are one and the same.

Men have a natural propensity to make the best
bargain they can, when not prevented by an opposing force;
they
that
possibly
is,
can
they like to obtain as

for
their
labour,
much
wliether
as
the
THAT WHICH
92
advantage
AND
SEEN,
from a foreUjn 'producer or a
olatained
is
IS
mechanical ijrodacer.
skilful
The
objection
theoretical
Avliich
made
is
to this
In each case
reproached with the apparent inactivity which
propensity
it
is
it
causes
able,
to
not
termines
same
is
the same in hoth cases.
]ôw,
labour.
inactive,
And,
it.
the
is
thing
force,
de-
cases,
the
opposed
is
avail-
which
both
in
therefore,
obstacle
practical
rendered
labour
very
to
it
also.
The
mechanical
means can
is
exist
natural
to
all
of their liberty
In
jirohibits
legislator
forbids
many
what
other
it
true,
is
the
legislator
and
one of these competitions,
fines himself to
one
and
competition,
For
for arresting a propensity which

men, but that of depriving them
countries,
strikes at only
proves
foreign
competition.
grumbling
thing,
that
that
is,
the
con-
This only
at the other.
legislator
is
inconsistent.
We
need not be surprised
mankind
would
be
if it
sacrificed.
never has been, and never
On
at this.
road, inconsistency is inevitable
Avill
be,
a wrong
were not
false
so,
principle
carried out to
the end.
Xow
for our demonstration,
which
shall not
be a
long one.
James B. had two francs which he had gained by

two workmen ; but it occui's to him that an arrangement of ropes and weights might be made which
Therefore he
Avould diminish the labour by half.
THAT WHICH
olDtains the
93
XOT SEEN.
IS
same advantage, saves a
and
franc,
dis-
charges a "workman.
He
discharges
a Avorkman
thif^
is
lohicli
iliat
is
seen.
" See how misery

way that liberty is
Tlie human mind has made a
fatal to equality.
conquest, and immediately a workman is cast into
James B. may possibly
the gulf of pauperism.
And
seeing this only,
is
it
attends civilisation; this
is
said,
the
employ the two workmen, but then he will give

half their wages, for they will compete
them only
Avith
each other, and offer themselves at the lowest
Thus the
price.
and the
rich
A very fine
ahvays
are
groAving
richer,
Society Avants remodelling."
poor, poorer.
conclusion,
and Avorthy of the preamble.
Happily, preamble and conclusion are both
phenomenon
because, behind the half of the
false,
lohich
is
seen, lies the other half ichich is not seen.
The
franc saved
by James B.
is
not seen, no more
are the necessary effects of this saving.

Since, in consequence of his invention,
James B.
spends only one franc on hand labour in the pursuit

of
determined
advantage,
another franc
remains
to him.'
If,
then, there
unemployed
arms,
is
in the Avorld a Avorkman Avith
there
is
also
in
the
Avorld
an unemployed franc.
These two
elements meet and combine, and it is as clear as
capitalist
Avith
that betAveen the supply and demand of

and betAveen the supply and demand of Avages,
the relation is in no Avay changed.
daylight,
labour,

94
THAT
Tlie invention
and the workman paid
now perform
franc,
AND
-^-HICH IS SEEX,
"with tlie first
the work Avliich was formerly
accompHshed by two 'v^ôrkmen.

The second workman, paid with the second franc, realises a neAv kind
of work.
What
An
is
the change, then, Avhicli has taken place?
additional national advantage has been gained
other words, the invention
is
in
a gratuitous triumph
a gratuitous profit for mankind.
From
my demonmight be drawn
the form which I have given to
stration, the following inference
" It
the
is
capitalist
from machinery.
who
reaps
all
the
advantage
The working class, if it suffers only

by it, since, by your own
temporarily, never profits
showing,
they displace
labour, without
portion
diminishing
without increasing
it
it,
of
is
the
national
true,
but also
it."
I do not pretend, in this slight treatise, to answer
every objection; the only end I have in view, is to

combat a vulgar, widely spread, and dangerous prejudice.
I want to prove that a new machine only
number of hands,
which pa3^s them is abstracted by force.
These haiids and this remuneration
would combine to produce what it was impossible
to produce before the invention
whence it follows,
that the final result is an increase of advantages for
causes the discharge of a certain
when
the
remuneration
equal labour.
Who
tages
is
the
gainer
by these additional advan-
First, it is true, the
capitalist,
the inventor; the
;;
THAT WHICH
first
is
who
NOT SEEN.
IS
95
succeeds in using the machine
and
In
the reward of his genius and courage.
case,
we have
as
this
this
upon
just seen, he effects a saving
the expense of production, which, in whatever

it
may he
spent (and
many hands
exactly as
always
it
as the
spent),
is
way
employs
machine caused
he
to
dismissed.
But soon competition
him
ohliges
lower
to
prices in proportion to the saving itself;
his
and then
it
no longer the inventor who reaps the henefit of the

invention it is the purchaser of what is produced,
is
the consumer, the

in a word,
And
that xcliich is not seen
procured for
may be
workman
including the
public,
mankind.
all
is,
that the saving thus
consumers creates a fund whence wages
supplied,
and which
which the
replaces that
machine has exhausted.

Thus,
recur
to
James B. obtains a
wages.
Thanks to
costs him onty one
to
the
forementioned
example,
by spending two francs in

invention, the hand labour
profit
his
So long as he
franc.
sells
the
thing produced at the same price, he employs one
workman
less in producing this particular thing, and

what is seen ; but there is an additional workman employed h\ the franc which James B. has saved.
that
is
This
is
that ichich is not seen
When, by
is
the natural progress of things, James B.
obliged to lower the price of the thing produced
by one
then
franc,
he
procure
has
for
then he no longer
no longer a franc
the
national
labour a
realises a
to
dispose
new
saving
of
to
production..
THAT WHICH
96
But
another gainer takes his place, and this
tlieu
gainer
is
less, and
necessarily adds
fund of wages ; and this, again, is
pays a franc
this saving to the

is
Whoever buys the thing he has
mankind.
produced,
^vhat
SEEN, A^'D
IS
not seen.
Another
founded upon
solution,
facts,
has been
given of this problem of machinery.

It
was
said,
machinery reduces the expense of pro-
duction, and lowers the price of the thing produced.
The reduction
of
the
profit
causes
an increase of
consumption, which necessitates an increase of production
and,
finally,
the
introduction of as
many
Avorkmen, or more, after the invention as were necessary before
it.
As
a proof of this, printing, weaving,
&c., are instanced.
This demonstration
is
not a
lead ns to conclude, that
scientific one.
particular production of
which we
stationary, or nearly so,
machinery must
This
is
It
would
the consumption of the
if
are speaking remains

injui-e labour.
not the case.
Suppose that in a certain country
all the people wore

by machinery, the price could be reduced
half, it would not necessarili/ follow that the consumption would be doubled.
Would you say that in this case a portion of the
national labour had been paralyzed 1
Yes, according
hats.
If,
to the vulgar demonstration
No
but, according to mine.
more should be
fund of wages
would not be the less secure. That which failed to
"0 to the hat-makins: trade would be found to have
;
for
even
if
not
a single hat
bought in the country, the
entire
THAT WHICH
NOT SEEN,
IS
97
gone to the economy realised b}' all the consumers,

and would thence serve to pay for all the labour
which the machine had rendered useless, and to
And
excite a new development of all the trades.
thus it is that things go on.
I have known newspapers to cost eighty-francs, now we pay forty-eight
:
here
saving of
is
scribers.
It
not certain,
is
to the
francs
thii'ty-two
or
at
least
sub-
necessary,
that the thirty-two francs should take the direction
of the journalist trade
but
certain,
is
it
and neces-
sary too, that if they do not take this direction they

will
take
living
One makes use
another.
taking in more
newspapers
another better clothes
niture.
It is
another,
of
them
to
get better
another,
better
fur-
thus that the trades are bound together.
They form a vast whole, whose different parts

by secret canals
what is saved by
znunicato
profits
for
coni-
one,
all.
It is ver}- important for us
to
under-
stand that savings never take place at the expense
of labour and wages.
IX. CEEDIT.
In
all
but more especially of
times,
attempts have been
made
to
late
years,
extend wealth by the
extension of credit.
.
I believe
the
it is
revolution
no exaggeration
of
February,
the
to
sa}*,
that since
Parisian
have issued more than 10,000 pamj^hlets,
presses
cryiiig
up
this solution of the social problem.
The only
basis, alas
of this solution,
is
an optical
98
THAT VTHICH
delusion
if,
The
an
indeed,
called a basis at
two confusions
SEEX,
AND
delusion
optical
can he
all.
done
first tiling
duce, then paper
IS
to confuse cash,
is
money with cash

is
it
with pro-
and from these
pretended that a reality can be
drawn.
It is absolutely necessary in this question to forget
money
coin,
bills, and
the other instruments by
means of which productions pass from hand to
hand.
Our business is with the productions themselves, which are the real objects of the loan
for
when a farmer borrows fifty francs to buy a plough,
it is not, in reality, the fifty francs which are lent
and when a merchant
to him, but the plough ;
;
borrows 20,000 francs to purchase a house,
it is not
20,000 francs which he owes, but tlie house.
Money only appears for the sake of facilitating the
the
arrangements between the
parties,
may not be disposed to lend his

but James may be willing to lend his money.
Peter
does William do in this case

of James, and with this
He
plough,
What
borrows money
money he buys the plough
of Peter.
But, in point of
the sake of the
fact,
money
no one borrows money

itself;
money
is
for
only the
medium by which to obtain possession of producKow, it is impossible in any country to
tions.
transmit from one
person to another more produc-
tions than that country contains.
Whatever may be the amount of cash and of

which is in circulation, the whole of the
papers
THAT WHICH
NOT SEEX,
IS
99
borrowers cannot receive more ploughs, houses,
and
raw
su^^plies of
gether can furnish

forget
that
that Avhat
material, than the
we must take
for
It
with
au
there in institu-
means of
the
each other
cause
is
that they facilitate,
is
borrowers "and lenders,

to
to
and
once borrowed implies a loan.
is
tions of credit?
power
care not
borrower supposes a lender,
every
This granted, Avhat advantage
treating
tools,
lenders alto-
but
it
instantaneous
is
and
not in their
increase
And
things to be borrowed and lent.
between
finding
of
the
yet they ought
be able to do so, if the aim of the reformers is to

be attained, since they aspire to nothing less than
to
to
ploughs,
jDlace
the hands of
all
houses,
those
and
tools,
who
provisions
in
desire them.
And how do they intend to effect this 1

By making the State security for the loan.
Let us try and fathom the subject, for
something which
and
seen,
also
"We must endeavour
not seen.
We
is
is
but one plough in
the Avorld, and that two farmers apply for
is
to
is
the
it.
possessor of the only plough Avhich
John and James wish to

;
John, by his lionesty, his property, and
be had in France
borrow
it.
good reputation,
fidence
contains
to look at both.
will suppose that there
Peter
it
somethinr/ ivhich is
he has
confidence.
It
offers
security.
credit.
James
naturally
He
insjnres
con-
inspires little or
no
happens that Peter lends
his plough to John.
But now, according

State
interferes,
snd
to
the
says
to
Socialist
Peter,
"
plan,
Lend
u 2
the
your
'
THAT WHICH
100
plough, to James,
this security
for
he has no one
self
to be responsible for
is
it
him but him-
true that I have nothing,
and
of the fortune of the tax-payers,
dispose
with their money
you
be better than that of John,
"will
although
I,
AND
SEEN,
I will be security for its return,
and
and
IS
the
and
principle
Peter lends
is
paj"-
Consequently,
interest."
plough to James
his
it
in case of need, I shall
.that,
this
luhat is
is
seen.
And the Socialists

how wêll our plan
rub their hands, and say, " See
Thanks
has answered.
the
to
intervention of the State, poor James has a plough.
He
is
will no longer be obliged to dig the
on the road to make a fortune.
It
ground
is
he
a good
thing for him, and an advantage to the nation as a

whole.
Indeed,
to
is
it
no such thing it is no advantage

is something behind which
is
the nation, for there

not seen.
It
not
is
that the plough
see7i,
James, only because

It
ging,
it is
not seen, that
is
John
in the
hands of
James farms instead of
if
be
will
is
not in those of John.
reduced to
the
dig-
necessity
of
what was considered an
in-
digging instead of farming.

That,
consequently,
crease
of
loan.
Besides,
loan,
is
it
is
nothing but a
displacement
of
not seen that this displacement
implies two acts of deep injustice.

It
is
an
deserved and
injustice
obtained
to
John,
credit
activity sees himself robbed of
it.
who, after having

by his honesty and
THAT WHICH
It is
an injustice
pay a debt which
IS
NOT SEEX.
101
to the tax-payers, "wlio are
made
to
no concern of theirs.
Will any one say, that Government offers the
But
same facilities to John as it does to James ]
as there is only one plough to be had, two cannot
The argument always maintains that,
be lent.
thanks to the intervention of the State, more will
is
be borrowed than there are things to be

the
plough represents here
the
bulk
lent
of
for
available
capitals.
It is true, I
to the most
you submit the most
have reduced the operation
simple expression of
it,
but
if
complicated Government institutions of credit to the

same test, you will be convinced that they can have
but one result ; viz., to displace credit, not to augment
it.
In one country, and in a given time, there is only
a certain amount of capital available, and all are employed.
In guaranteeing the non-payers, the State
may, indeed, increase the number of borrowers, and
thus raise the rate of interest (always to the prejudice
of the tax-payer), but
number
of lenders,
it has no power to increase the

and the importance of the total of
the loans.
There is one conclusion, hoAvever, which I would

not for the world be suspected of drawing.
I say,
that
the law
ought not
to
favour,
not to restrain them

of mortgage, or in
the diffusion
artificially.
any
other, there
the
artificially,
power of borrowing, but I do not say that

If,
it
ought
in our system
be
obstacles
of the application of credit, let
be got rid of; nothing can be better
or
more
to
them
iust
THAT WHICH
102
tlian this.
and
liberty,
name
But
tliis
it is
all
is
which
all
AND
SEEN,
IS
is
who
that any
consistent with
are
worthy of the
of reformers will ask.
X. ALGEEIA.
Here
First,
one
are four orators disputing
all
after
the four speak at once
What have
the other.
for
;
the
platform.
then they speak

they said?
Some
very line things, certainly, about the povêr and the
grandeur of France
if
we wouLl
reap
about the brilliant future of our

about the advantage of diverting
colony;
gigantic
about the necessity of sowing,
to a distance the surplus of our population, &c., &c.
Magnificent pieces of eloquence, and always adorned

less, for
" Vote
making ports and roads
with this conclusion
fifty millions,
more
or
in Algeria; for sending
for building houses and breaking

up land. By so doing, you will relieve the French
workman, encourage African labour, and give a stimulus
It would be profitable
to the commerce of INIarseilles.
emigrants thither
every way."
Yes,
the
it
fifty
is
all
very true,
millions
if
until the
begins to spend them
you take no account of
moment when
the State
you only see where they

go, and not whence they come ; if j'ou look only at
the good they are to do Avhen they come out of the
tax-gather's bag, and not at the harm which has
been done, and the good which has been prevented,
by putting them into it. Yes, at this limited point
The house which is built in
of view, all is profit.
;
if
THAT WHICH
XOT SEEN.
IS
103
Barbary
is
tliat
which
is
seen; the harbour
Earbary
is
that ichich
is
seen;
Barbary
is
still
a few less hands in France
is
is
that which
seen
is
is seen.
But, besides
there
all this,
The
not seen.
in
a great stir with goods at jSIarseilles
what
lohat is seen
made
the work caused in
fifty
is
something v-hich
millions expended
by the
is
State
cannot be spent, as they otherwise would have been,
by the
all
It is necessary to deduct,
tax-payers.
good attributed to the
the
which has been
the
eft'ected, all
of private
jDrevention
expense,
public
from
expenditure
harm caused by the

unless wc say that
James B. would have done nothing with the crown

that he had gained, and of which the tax had
deprived him
an absurd assertion, for if lie took
the trouble to earn it, it was because he expected
;
the satisfaction
paired
now
the
do,
of
using
palings in
and
this is that tvhich
have manured his
He
it.
have
Avould
re-
which he cannot
not seen.
He would
his garden,
is
which
he cannot do,
have added
another story to his cottage, which he cannot do
now, and this is what is not seen. He might have
and
this is
what
increased the
is
not seen.
number
do now, and this
been better
field,
is
novv'
He would
of his tools, which
what
is
not seen.
He
lie
cannot
Avould have
better clothed, have given a better
fed,
education to his children, and increased his daughter's
marriage portion
this is ichcd is not seen.
He would
have become a member of the Mutual Assistance

Society, but novr lie cannot
On
this is
what
is
one hand, are the enjoyments of which
not seen.
lie
has
THAT WHICH
104
deprived, and
loeen
IS
SEEN,
means
tlie
teen destroyed in his hands
AND
of action wliieli liave
on the other, are the
labour of the drainer, the carpenter, the smith, the

tailor,
village schoolmaster, "which
tlie
encouraged, and which are
he would have
iioav
prevented
the
future
all this is
tchat is not seen.
Much
Algeria
is
hoped
is
be
it
out to
The
me
means of
commerce
prosperity
of
to Avhich France
ported
if this
pointed
about by
show than an equal
destroyed thereby in other parts of the
is
" There
It is said,
Barbary
into
this
an emigrant trans-
is
the popu-
a relief to
is
remains in the country."
can that be,
you
Algiers,
is
to be brought
is
taxation, I shall always
lation Avdiich
How
commerce of Marseilles
but
country.
to
But the drain
being subjected ought not to be kept entirely out
of sight.
"
from
so.
if,
also
answer,
in transporting this emigrant
two or three times
transport
the capital which would have served to maintain him'

in France 1 " *
The only
object I have in view
is
to
make
to the reader, that in every public expense,
apparent benefit, there

easy to discern.
him form
As
an
is
far as in
it
evil wdrich it is
me
a habit of seeing both,
lies,
evident
behind the
not so
would make
and taking account of
both.
* The Minister of War lias lately asserted that every individual
transported to Algeria has cost the State 8,000 francs. Now it is
certain that these poor creatures could have lived very vêll in
France on a capital
XJopulation
means
is
of
relieved,
of subsistence of
I ask, how the French

deprived of a man, and of the
4,000 francs.
when
it
is
two men
''.
IS
NOT SEEN.
a public expense
is
proposed,
When
THAT WIIIOH
examined in
105
ouglit to be
it
separately from the pretended en-
itself,
couragement of labour which results from
encouragement
this
way
at
have done
labour
is
all
the same
collective expenses
:
degree.
the
criticise
but I cannot witlihold a general observation.
that the presumption
reason
of
interest
merit of the public expenditure as applied
to Algeria,
is,
the
therefore,
is
always out of the question.
intrinsic
It
for this
done in
the public expense, private expense would
not the object of this treatise to
It is
it,
Whatever
a delusion.
is
by way
First, justice
is
always unfavourable to
Why
of tax.
For
always suffers from
it
in
this
some
Since James B. had laboured to gain his
crown, in the hope of receiving a gratification from

it
is
pose,
it,
to be regretted that the exchequer should inter-
and take from James B. this

Certainly
it upon another.
gratification,
bestow
exchequer,
or
who
those
regulate
it
it,
to
behoves the
to
give good
has been shown that the State

gives a very provoking one, when it says, " With this
reasons for this.
crown I
shall
It
employ workmen
soon as he sees
very
fine,
it)
"
for
James B.
will be sure to answer,
"It
(as
is all
but with this crown I might employ them
myself."
Apart from this reason, others present themselves

without disguise, by which the debate between the
exchequer and poor James becomes
If the State says to him,
the
gendarme,
viding for your
who
own
"I
saves
much
simplified.
take your crown to pay
you the trouble of pro-
personal safety
for
paving the
THAT WHICH
lOG
you
Avhich
street
passing
are
and your
unless
to be
liberty
am much
But
may
that I
if
this croAvn
prize in case
little
our
you
maintain the
to
frontiers,"
mistaken,
without hesitation.
to him, " I take
causes your property
respected
maintains
Avho
soldier
every day
througli
who
for paying the magistrate
AND
SEEX,
IS
will
the
James
pay
for
State
that I
Avere
may
B.,
all this
say
to
you a
give
cultivate your field well
or
teach your son something that you have
no wish that he should learn

or that the Minister
may add another to his score of dishes at dinner;
I take it to build a cottage in Algeria, in which
case I must take another crown every year to keep
an emigrant in it, and another hundred to maintain
a soldier to guard this emigrant, and another crown
;
to maintain a general to guard this soldier," &c., &c.,

I think I hear poor James exclaim, " This system
of law
very
is
much
like a
system of cheat
The
"
the objection, and what does
do?
and brings forward
just that provoking reason Avhich ought to have
nothing whatever to do with the question. It talks
of the effect of this crown upon labour ; it points to
the cook and purveyor of the Minister it shows an
emigrant, a soldier, and a general, living upon the
crown it shows, in fact, icliat is seen, and if James
State
It
foresees
jumbles
all
things
it
together,
B. has not learned to take into the account lohat

not seen, James B. will be duped.
want
to
do
repeating
As
it
the
all
I can to impress
it
And
upon
this is
is
why
his mind,
by
over and over again.

public
expenses
displace
labour
Avithout
THAT WHICH
increasing
To
them.
against
place
labourers,
107
second serious presumption presents
it,
itself
NOT SEEN.
IS
and
which regulate
the
displace labour is to dis-
disturb
to
distribution
tbe
natural
laws
the population
of
If 50,000,000 francs are allowed to

remain in the possession of the tax- payers since the
tax-payers are everywhere, they encourage labour in
over the country.
They act like a

40,000 parishes in France.
tie, which keeps every one upon his native
the
natural
soil
they distribute themselves amongst
able labourers and trades.
it
attracts
of
to
displaced
off
francs
which
population,
jS'ow here
is
I have said
:)
proportional
other
out of
when
parts
its
place,
the
fund
quantity
number
corresponding
a
to
is
dangerous
say
point
this
labour,
belonging
labourers,
to
imagin-
all
by drawing
from the citizens, accumuthem, and expends them on some given point,
these 50,000,000
lates
If the State
and I venture
is
exhausted.
the consequence (and this confirms

this feverish
forced into a narrow space
activity
it
of
fluctuating
as
is,
it
all
were,
attracts the attention
The people applaud

they are astonished at the beauty and facility of the
plan, and expect to have it continued and extended.
That widch they do not see is, that an equal quantity
of labour, which would probably be more valuable,
of
all
it
is
tchat
is
seen.
has been paralyzed over the rest of France.
XLFEUGALITY AXD LUXURY.

It
is
not
ivhcd is seen
only
in
eclipses
the
what
public
is
expenditure
not seen.
that
Setting aside
THAT TTHICH
108
what
and
to
SEEX,
AND
economy, this phenomenon
relates to political
It causes nations to consider
leads to false reasoning.

their moral
IS
their material interests as contradictory
What
each other.
more dismal?
For instance, there
does not think
can be more discouraging or
is
not a father of a family
who
duty to teach his children order,

system, the habits of carefulness, of economy, and of
moderation in spending money.
There
is
pomp and
it is
no religion Avhich does not thunder against

This is as it should be but, on
luxury.
ing remarks
''
To
how
the other hand,
we hear
frequently do
hoard,
is
"The luxury
the follow-
to drain the veins of the people."
of
the great
the comfort of
is
the
little."
" Prodigals
themselves, but
ruin
they enrich the
State."
" It is the superfluity of the rich
which makes bread
for the poor."
Here, certainly,
is
a striking contradiction between
the moral and the social idea.

spirits,
peace.
it
having made the
after
It is a thing I
seems to
me
that
How many
eminent
assertion, repose
in
never could understand, for
nothing can be more
distress-
two opposite tendencies in

mankind. "Why, it comes to degradation at each of
the extremes
economy brings it to misery prodigality plunges it into moral degradation.
Happily,
these vulgar maxims exhibit economy and
ing
tlian
discover
to
luxury
in
false
light,
taking
account,
as
they
THAT WHICH
immediate
those
of
do,
which
consequences
and not of the remote ones,
seen,
109
NOT SEEX.
IS
are
are
icldch
iiof
Let us sec if Ave can rectify this incomplete

view of the case.
Mondor and his brother Aristus, after dividing
the parental inheritance, have each an income of
seen.
Mondor
50,000 francs.
He
philanthropy.
He
money.
year
talk
renews his furniture several times a
of
ingenious
his
end
livers of Balzac
the benefactor
people.
It
splashes the
human
of that
to
singing
is
his
Mondor Mondor
of the workman
!
is
true,
nature
ever
He
his
own
dignity and
is
he
that
tradespeople
that
it
away
may
satisfied.
egotist,
he
is,
at
Is
roll?"
Aristus has adopted a very different
not an
is,
He
lowered a little
but what
good with his fortune, if not
causes money to circulate ; he
money made round

is
a blessing to the
are
does
always sends the
fast
It
praises.
for
he revels in dissipation
passers-by
with himself.
If he
People
bring them
He
contrivances
in short, he surpasses the

and Alexander Dumas.
Thus everybody
" Tell us about
not
called a squanderer of
changes his equipages every month.
sooner to an
of
is
fashionable
the
practises
what
is
any
plan of
life.
an
indl-
rate,
expense, seeks
considers
only
for he
moderate and reasonable enjoyments, thinks of his
children's prospects, and, in fact, he economises.
vidualist,
And what do people say of him 1 " What is the

good of a rich fellow like him ? He is a skinflint.
There
is
something
imposing,
perhaps,
in
the
THAT WHICH
110
simplicity of his
life
IS
SEEN,
and he
is
AND
humane,
too,
and
He
does
benevolent, and generous, but he calculates.
not spend his income
What
nor bustling.
his house is neither brilliant
good does he do to the paper-
hangers, the carriage makers, the horse dealers, and the

confectioners
"
1
which are fatal to morality, are

upon what strikes the eye
the expenditure of the prodigal
and another, which is out
of sight, the equal and even superior expenditure of
These
opinions,
founded
the economist.
But things have been
so admirably arranged
the Divine inventor of social order, that in

in everything
far
do
profitable,
and the Avisdom of Aristus

but still more proof Mondor.
And when I
mean only
not
profitable
Aristus, or even to society in general, but

fitable to the
as
tlignified,
than the folly
fitahle,
say
more
only
by
economy and morality,
political
from clashing, agree

not
is
else,
this,
workmen themselves
to
more pro-
the trade of
to
the time.
To prove
it,
it
is
only
necessary
to
turn
mind's eye to those hidden consequences of

actions,
which the bodily eye does not
Yes, the prodigality of

in
every
point
of
view.
the
human
see.
Mondor has
visible effects
Everybody can
see
his
landaus, his phaetons, his berlins, the delicate paint-
ings on his
ceilings, his
rich
carpets,
the
brilliant
Every one knows that his

horses run upon the turf.
The dinners which he
effects
of
ffives at
his
house.
the Hotel de Paris attract the attention of
THAT WHICH
on the
crowds
the
" Tliat
NOT SEEN.
Ill
and it is said,
;
from saving his in-
Boulevards
man
a generous
he
come,
That
is
IS
far
very likely breaking into his
is
capitaL"
is loltat is seen.
It is not so easy to see,
If Ave were to trace
work
the
to
to the last farthing,
certainly
labourers, as
Mondor.
fortune of
down
it,
Aristus.
however, we should
carefully,
it
whole of
see that the

affords
with regard to the interest
what becomes of the income of
of workers,
Only there
as
the
this difierence
is
wanton extravagance of Mondor is doomed to

be constantly decreasing, and to come to an end
the
without
will go
fail
whilst the wdse expenditure of Aristus
on increasing from year
And
to year.
if
this
the case, then, most assuredly, the public interest
is
be in unison with morality.
Tîll
upon himself and
Aristus spends
20,000
If that
francs a year.
his
household
not sufficient to
is
content him, he does not deserve to be called a wise
He
man.
is
touched by the miseries which oppress
the poorer classes

science
to
he devotes
Amongst
afford
10,000
the
he thinks he is bound in consome relief, and therefore
them
francs
merchants,
the agriculturists, he has
under
temporary
to
who
he
Avith
prudence and
efficiency,
he devotes
10,000 francs more.
forget
he has daughters
for
that
whose prospects
it
is
are
makes
acquainted with their situation, that
them
benevolence.
and
manufacturers,
friends
difficulties
of
acts
the
and
suffering
himself
he may
assist
to this Avork
Then he does not

and sons
to portion,
his dutj^ to provide,
and

112
THAT WHICH
he considers
therefore
it
AND
SEEN,
IS
by and put
a duty to lay
out to interest 10,000 francs every year.
The following
1st,
is
list
of his expenses
Personal expenses
20,000
2nd, Benevolent objects
fr.
10,000
3rd, Offices of friendship
10,000
4th, Saving
10,000
Let us examine each of these items, and we shall

not a single farthing
see that
escapes
the
national
labour.
Personal
1st.
expenses.
people and tradesmen
the same
This
self-evident, therefore
is
about
as
far
concerned, have
an equal
as
effect
These,
are
sum
we
as
work-
precisely
spent by Mondor.
shall say
no more
it.
2nd.
francs
Benevolent objects.
Tlie
10,000
devoted to this purpose benefit trade in an equal
degree
they reach the butcher, the baker, the
and the
The only thing
carpenter.
is,
tailor,
that the bread,
the meat, and the clothing are not used by Aristus,
but by those
Now,
whom
he has made his substitutes.
simple substitution of one consumer for
this
another in no
way
affects trade in general.
It is all
one, whether Aristus spends a crown or desires some
unfortunate person to spend

3rd.
Offices
it
instead.
The
of friendship.
friend to whoni
Aristus lends or gives 10,000 francs does not receive
them
to
bury them
hypothesis.
He
discharge
debts.
couraged.
"Will
that
uses
them
would be against the

pay for goods, or to
to
In the first case, trade is enany one pretend to say that it
THAT WHICH
IS
113
NOT SEEM.
gains more by j\Iondor's purchase of a thorougli-bred
by the purchase of 10,000

by Aristus or his friend ? For
horse for 10,000 francs than
worth of
francs'
sum
if this
stuffs
serves to pay a debt, a third person appears,
who
the creditor,
viz.,
upon something in
He
f;irm.
will
his trade,
forms another
and the Avorkmen.
employ them
certainly
his household,
medium between
The names only
are
or his
Aristus
changed,
the expense remains, and also the encouragement to

trade.
Saving.There remains now the 10,000 francs

and it is here, as regards the encouragement to
the arts, to trade, labour, and the Avorkmen, that
4th.
saved
]Mondor appears far superior to Aristus, although, in a

moral point of Adew, Aristus shows himself, in some
degree, superior to
Mondor.
I can never look at these apparent contradictions
between the great laws of nature without a feeling

of phj'sical uneasiness wdiich amounts to suffering.
Were mankind reduced to the necessity of choosing
between two
parties,
one of
whom
his in-
injures
and the other his conscience, we should have

Happily, this is not
nothing to hope from the future.
he case
and to see Aristus regain his economical
terest,
-uperioritj^,
as
well as his moral superiority,
it
is
-sufficient to
understand this consoling maxim, which
no
from having a paradoxical appearance, " To
less true
save
is to
What
is
spend."
is
Aristus's
object in saving 10,000 francs?
bury them in his garden
1
ô, certainly
he intends to increase his capital and his income;
Is
it
to
THAT WHICH
Ill
SEEN,
IS
AND
consequently, this money, instead of teing employed
upon
own
his
personal
gratification,
used
is
for
huying land, a house, &c., or it is placed in the

hands of a merchant or a banker. Follow the progress of this money in any one of these cases, and
you will be convinced, that through the medium of
vendors or lenders,
it
is
encouraging labour quite as
example of his
and
certainly as if Aristus, following the
had exchanged
brother,
it
for furniture, jewels,
horses.
For Avhen Aristus buys lands or rents for 10,000

he is determined by the consideration that he
This is why you
does not Avant to spend this money.
francs,
complain of him.
Eut, at the same time, the
the rent,
man who
sells
the land or
determined by the consideration that he
is
does want to spend the 10,000 francs in some way

that the
or
money
by others
With
is
spent in any case, either
so
by Aristus
in his stead.
respect
the
to
Avorking
couragement of labour, there
is
class,
to
the en-
only one difference
between the conduct of Aristus and that of Mondor.

Mondor spends the money himself, and around him,
and therefore the effect is seen. Aristus, spending it
partly through intermediate parties, and at a distance, the effect
know how
is
7iot seen.
But, in
fact,
those
who
to attribute effects to their proper causes,
will perceive, that ^cliat is not seen is as certain as
what
is
seen.
This
is
both cases the money
proved by the
fact,
that
in
and does not lie in

the iron chest of the wise man, any more than it
circulates,
THAT WHICH
does in that of
tlie
IS
described above,
But how
It
spendthrift.
economy does
to say that
NOT SEEX.
it is
actual
is,
115,
therefore, false
harm
to trade
far superior is
if,
it,
embrace a longer period

Ten years pass away.
is
his fortune
ruined.
as
instead of confining
we
our thoughts to the present luoinent,
and
equally beneficial with luxury.
let
them
What is become of Mondor

Mondor
and his great popularity'?
Instead of spending 60,000 francs every
year in the social body, he
is,
perhaps, a burden to
In any case, he is no longer the deliglit of shopkeepers ; he is no longer the patron of the arts and
of trade; he is no longer of any use to the workmen,
nor are his successors, wdiom he has brought to
it.
Avant.
At the end
of the same ten years Aristus not only
continues to throw his income
into
circulation,
he adds an increasing sum from year

expenses.
He
enlarges the national capital, that
the fund which supplies wages, and as

extent
pends,
of this fund that
he
assists
in
the
demand
progressively
but
to year to his
is,
upon the
hands de-
it is
for
increasing
the
remuneration of the wôrking class ; and if he dies,

he leaves children whom he has taught to succeed him
in
tliis work of progress and civilization.

In a moral point of view, the superiority of
over luxury
that
it
is
is
indisputable.
so in political
frugality
It is consoling to think
economy, to every one who,
not confining his views to the immediate effects of
phenomena, knows how
to extend his investigations to
their final effects.

1
THAT WHICH
116
IS
AND
SEEN,
XIL HE WHO HAS A EIGHT TO WOEK

HAS A EIGHT TO PEOFIT.
me
"Brethren, you must club together to find

at your
own
This
price."
is
elementary socialism of the
i.e.,
at
my own
refined
must
you
"Brethren,
work
price."
socialism,
or
Avoik
the right to work;
i.e.,
degree.
first
cluh
together to
me
find
Tliis is the right to profit;
socialism
the
of
second
degree.
Both of these
They will
live
seen.
die
upon such of theii'

by means of those
effects as
are
effects loMcli
are not seen
That ivMch
by
excited
seen
is
seen
is
is
the labour and the profit
That which
combination.
social
not
is
the labour and the profit to which this same
combination would give
rise,
if it
were
left to
the
tax-payers.
In 1848, the right

two faces. This was
to labour for a
sufficient
to
moment showed
ruin
it
in public
opinion.
One of these faces was called national icorkshojjs.

The other, fortij-five centimes.
Millions of francs
went daily from the Eue Eivoli to the national workshops.
Tliis was the fair side of the medal.
And
this is the reverse.
of a cash-box, they
This
is
why
must
If millions are taken out

first
have been put into
labour apply to the tax-pajêrs.

ISTow, the peasants said, " I
centimes
it.
the organisers of the right to the public
then
must
must pay
deprive
myself
forty-five
of
some

THAT WHICH
I cannot
clotliing.
my
manure
IS
NOT SEEN.
my
field.
117
I cannot repair
house."
And
the country Avorkmen said, "
As our townsman
deprives himself of some clothing, there will be less
work
for the tailor
there
Avill
repair
his
be
less
as
work
house,
he does not improve his field,

as he does not
;
for the drainer
there
be
wdll
less
work
the
for
carpenter and mason."

It Avas then proved that two kinds of meal cannot
come out of one sack, and that the work furnished by
the Government was done at the expense of labour,
paid for by the tax-payer.
This was the death of the
right to labour, Avhich showed itself as much a chimera
as an injustice.
And yet, the right to profit, which is
only an exaggeration of the right to labour,
still
is
and flourishing.
Ought not tlie protectionist to blush at the part he
would make society play 1
He says to it, " You must give me work, and, more
than that, lucrative worlc.
I liave foolishly fixed
upon a trade by which I lose ten per cent. If you
iin230se a tax of twenty francs ujôn my countrymen,
and give it to me, I shall be a gainer instead of a loser.
alive
JSTow, profit is
society
itself
my
right
which would
you
this
me."
any
burden
oSTow,
sophist,
with taxes to satisfy him, and not perceive that
the loss to which any trade

loss
owê it
listen to
when
others
are
is
forced to
exposed
is
make up
no
for
less a
it,
such a society, I say, would deserve the burden inflicted
upon it.
Thus we learn by the numerous subjects
Avhicli

THAT WHICH
118
IS
SEEN, ETC.
I have treated, that, to be ignorant of political economy

is
to allow ourselves to Le dazzled
to
phenomenon
effect of
to
by the immediate
be acquainted with
it is
embrace in thought and in forethought the w4iole
compass of
effects.
might subject a host of other questions to the

same test but I shrink from the monotony of a
constantly uniform demonstration, and I conclude by
I
applying to political economy Avhat Chateaubriand says

of history
" There
history
recognized,
first
he says, " two conse(|uences in

immediate one, which is instantly
are,"
an
and one
perceived.
dict each other
in the
distance
which
These consequences
the former are the
is
not at
often
contra-
results
of our
own limited wisdom, the latter, those of that wisdom which endures. The providential event appears
God rises up behind men.
after the human event.
Deny,
if
you
will,
the supreme counsel
disown
its
by the
term, force of circumstances, or reason, what the
butt look to the end of an
vulgar call Providence
accomplished fact, and you will see that it has
always produced the contrary of what Avas expected
from it, if it Avas not established at first upon moChateauhricmd'ti Posthumous
rality and justice."
action;
dispute
about
Memoirs.
words;
designate,
GOYEENMENT.
WISH some one would, oflfer a prize not of a

hundred francs, but of a million, with crowns,
medals and ribbons for a good simple and intelligible definition of the word " Government."
"What an immense service it would confer on
I
society
The Government what

does it do 1 what ought it
!
that
is
is
it
is
it
where
to do
a mysterious personage
is
it
what
we know
is,
and, assuredly,
it
All
the most solicited, the most tormented, the most
overwhelmed, the most admired, the most accused,

the most invoked, and the
most provoked, of any
personage in the Avorld.

I have not the pleasure of knowing my reader,
but I would stake ten to one, that for six months
he has been making Utopias, and if so, that he is
looking to Government for the realization of them.
And
have
should the reader happen to be
no
doubt that she
is
sincerel}''
a lady, I
desirous
of
seeing all the evils of suffering humanity remedied,
and that she thinks this might

Government would only undertake
But,
Figaro,
alas
that poor
knows not
to
easily
be done,
if
it.
unfortunate personage, like
whom
to listen,
nor where to

120
GOVERNMENT.
turn.
and
The lumdred thousand mouths
of the platform cry out all at once
of
the
press
" Organize labour and workmen.
Do away with egotism.

" Eepress insolence and the tyranny of capital.
" Make experiments upon manure and eggs.
"
" Cover the country with railway's.

" Irrigate the plains.
" Plant the hills.
" jVIake mode! farms.

" Found social workshops.
" Colonize Algeria,
" Suckle cliildren.
" Instruct the youth.

" Assist the aged.
" Send the inhabitants of towns into the country.
" Equalize the profits of all trades.
"
Lend money without
interest to all
who wish
to
borrow.
" Emancipate Italy, Poland, and Hungary.
" Eear and perfect the saddle-horse.

.
" Encourage the
cians
and
arts,
and provide us with musi-
dancers,
" Eestrict commerce, and at the same time create

a merchant navy.
" Discover truth,
into our heads.
and
put
The mission
a
of
grain
reason
of
Government
enlighten, to develop, to extend, to fortify,
to
is
to
spi-
and to sanctify the soul of the people."

have a little patience, gentlemen," says
Government in a beseechinjr tone. " I will do what I
ritualize,
"
Do
GOVERNMENT,
121
can to satisfy you, but for this I must have resources.

I have been preparing plans for five or six
which
You
are
how
will see
Then comes
and not
new,
quite
at
taxes,
oj)pressive.
all
willingly people will pay them."
" Iô
indeed
where
is
the merit of doing a thing with resources
Why,
it
does not deserve
ment
So
a great
exclamation
the
name
Govern-
of
from loading us with fresh taxes,
far
we would have you withdraw
the
old
You
ones.
ought to suppress
"
The
salt tax,
" The tax on liquors,

"
The tax on
"
Custom-house
letters,
duties,
" Patents."
In the midst of
this
now
tumult, and
country has two or three times changed
that
its
the
Govern-
ment, for not having
satisfied all its demands, I

wanted to show that they Avere contradictory. But
what could I have been thinking about 1 Could I
not keep this unfortunate observation to myself?

I am looked
I have lost my character for ever
upon as a man without 7;ea?-^ and ^^'ithont feel inrj
!
dry philosopher,
in a
an individualist,
a plebeian
word, an economist of the English or American school.

But, pardon me, sublime
thing,
not even at
Avho
writers,
stop at
am
contradictions.
without a doubt, and I Avould willingly

shoidd be glad enough, you
really
being,
discovered
calling;
itself
may be
beneficent
the
retract.
sure, if
and
Government,
no-
wrong,
I
you had
inexhaustible
which
has
GOVERNMENT.
122
bread for
all
moiitlis, Avork
enterprises,
all
wounds, balm for
for
for all
and
our
repair
errors,
from
henceforth
dence,
judgment,
the
all
our
all
advice
for
oil
all
per-
for all
truths
for
all
Avant them, milk for
Avhicli
can provide
our curiosity, correct

faults,
necessity
sagacity,
nomy, temperance and
What
who
Avine for old age
our Avants, satisfy
hands, capital for
projects,
doubts,
all
intellects, diversions for all
infancy,
for all
all
sufferings,
all
solutions
plexities,
for
credit
and
exempt
foresight,
for
experience,
order,
all
us
prueco-
activity.
reason could I have for not desiring to see
such a discovery made
1
Indeed, the more I reflect
upon it, the more do I see that nothing could be
more convenient than that Ave should all of us have
Avithin our reach an inexhaustible source of Avealth
and enlightenment a universal physician, an unlimited treasure, and an infallible counsellor, such
Therefore it is
as you describe Government to be.
that I Avant to have it pointed out and defined, and
that a prize should be offered to the
first
discoverer
For no one Avould think of asserting that this precious discovery has yet been made,
of the phoenix.
since
up
to
this
name
iinder the
time everything
of the
presenting
Government
is
overturned by the people, precisely because

Bot
fulfil
itself
immediately
it
does
the rather contradictory conditions of the
programme.
I
Avill
venture to say that I fear Ave
are,
in this
dupes of one of the strangest illusions

Avhich have ever taken jJOssession of the human mind.
respect, the
GOVERNMENT.
Man
yet
lie
from trouble
recoils
from
condemned by nature
is
privation,
if
123
to
suffering
and
the suffering
of
he does not take the trouble to work.
He has to choose, then, between these two evils.

"What means can he adopt to avoid both 1 There
remains now, and there will remain, only one way,
which
is,
to evjoy the
Such a course
labour of others.
of conduct prevents the trouble and the satisfaction
from preserving their natural proportions, and causes

all tiie trouble to become the lot of one set of persons, and all tlie satisfaction that of another.
This
is the origin of slavery and of
plunder, whatever
form may be
its
violence,
whether
restrictions,
that of wars, impositions,
abuses, but consistent Avith the
given them birth.
and
resisted
Slavery
is
it
One
Oppression should be detested
subsiding,
thank heaven
to
and on the
defend our
and open plunder from being

however,
thing,
monstrous
thought Avhich has
can hardly be called absurd.
other hand, our disposition

]5revents direct
&c.
frauds,
remains
it
is
j^rojjerty
easy.
the
original
which exists in all men to divide the lot

of life into two parts, throwing the trouble upon
others, and keeping the satisfaction for themselves.
It remains to be shown under what new form tliis
inclination
sad tendency
is
manifesting
itself.
The oppressor no longer acts directly and with his

own powers upon his victim, No, our conscience
has become too sensitive for that.
The tyrant and
his victim are
still
present,
but there
mediate person between them, which
is
is
an
inter-
the Govern-
124
inent
GOVERNMENT.
that
calculated
the
is,
to
perhaps better
We
ance?
We
say to
or
am
the
sake of
which
is
resist-
all
under
claim,
apply to Government.
my
at the proportion
should
desired
equili-
enjoyments.
restoring
brium, to take a part of
But
our
in
jiut
dissatisfied
labour and
can be hettev
and,
overcome
to
and
other,
" I
it,
my
for
like,
therefore,
all,
What
itself.
our scruples,
appreciated,
some pretext
between
Law
silence
the
possessions of others.
.the
would be dangerous. Could not you facilifor me?

Could you not find me a
this
tate the thing
good place
petitors
or
or
check the industry
perhaps,
me
lend
of
my
gratuitously
com-
some
Avhich you may take from its possessor ?

Could you not bring up my children at the jDublic
expense ? or grant me some jirizes 1 or secure me
a competence when I have attained my fiftieth
year 1
By this means I shall gain my end with an
easy conscience, for the law will have acted for me,
and I shall have all the advantages of plunder,
capital,
without
As
its
it
is
risk or its disgrace
cannot
similar
satisfy
of
on the one hand, that we are all

request to the Government
other, it is proved that Government
one party without adding to the
certain,
making some
and as, on the
labour
the
definition of the
to give
my
"
!
OAvn.
others,
until I
Here it is
Government is the great fid ion,
prize
hodg endeavours
can
word Government,
AVho knows but
obtain
another
I feel authorised
it
may
obtain the
to live at the
tlirougli tvhich ecerij-
expense of everyhodij
else.
125
GOVBRNME>-T.
For now,
for
formerly, every one
as
by
profiting
the labours
of
more
is,
or less,
No
others,
one
he even
would dare to profess sucli a sentiment
A
hides it from himself; and then what is done?
medium is thought of ; Government is applied to,
and ever}^ class in its turn comes to it, and says,
"You, who can take justifiably and honestly, take
Alas
from the public, and v/e will partake."
Government is only too much disposed to follow
this diabolical advice, for it is composed of ministers
and officials of men, in short, who, like all other
men, desire in their hearts, and always seize every
;
opportunity with eagerness, to increase their wealth
and
Government
influence.
the advantages
entrusted to
it
may
by the
it
not slow to perceive
is
derive from the part which
judge and the master of the destinies of

take much, for then a large
ifself ;
it
wîll
is
It is glad to be the
public.
all
multiply the number of
will enlarge the chcle of its privileges
by appropriating a ruinous proportion.

But the most remarkable part of
Avill
it
is
it
ishing blindness of the public through
agents
its
;
it
will
remain for
share will
it
end
the aston-
When
it all.
successful soldiers used to reduced the vanquished to

slavery,
they
absurd
Their
were
barbarous,
like
object,
but they
ours,
was
other people's expense, and they did not

so.
seem
What
to
are
we
plunder because
criminal
to think
of a people
suspect that reciprocal plunder
because
it
is
it
reciprocal
is
that
it
executed legally
were
to
not
live
at
to
do
fail
who never
no less
no less
and with
is
is

GOVERNMENT.
126
order
it
tliat it
diminishes
to tlie public
it is
good
that
just in proportion to the cost of the
medium which we
expensive
And
adds nothing
it,
call
the Government
we have
this great chimera v/liich
placed,
for the edification of tlie people, as a frontispeice to
the
The following
Constitution.
of the introductory discourse

" France
has
constituted
the purpose of raising

increasing
degree
of
all
the beginning
is
republic
itself
the
for
an everenlightenment, and
citizens
morality,
to
well-being."
Thus
it
is
France,
or an abstraction, Avhicli
is
to
raise the French, or realities, to morality, well-being,
&c.
Is
it
not by yielding to this
delusion
strange
that Ave are led to expect everything from an energy
not
our
own'?
independently
Is
of
it
not giving out that there

French,
the
is,
en-
virtuous,
and rich being, Avho can and Avill bestow

upon them its benefits 1
Is not this supposing,
and certainly very gratuitously, that there are
between France and the French
between the
simple, abridged, and abstract denomination of all
the individualities, and these individualities themlightened,
selves
as of
relations
father
pupil,
professor to his scholar
said,
metaphorically,
mother."
tutional
it
may
son,
I
tutor
know
country
is
it
to
is
his
often
tender
show the inanity of the constiproposition, it is only needed to show that

But
to
be reversed, not only Avithout inconvenience,
but even
to
" the
to
1
say
Avith
advantage.
Would
it
be
less
exact

GOVERNMENT,
"
127
The Frencli have constituted themselves a Ee-
public,
to
raise
France to an ever-increasing degree
of morality, enlightenment, and "vvell-being."
where is the value of an axiom where the

and the attribute may change places without
inconvenience? Everybody understands what is meant
by this " The mother will feed the child." But it
would be ridiculous to say " The cliild will feed the
iSTow,
subject
mother."
The Americans formed another

tions
the
of
the
Avith
citizens
idea of the
rela-
Government when
they placed these simple words at the head of their

Constitution
"
We,
the
people
of
United
the
States,
the
for
purpose of forming a more perfect union, of establishing justice,
providing for
of
securing
our
common
interior
tranquillity,
of
defence,
the general well-being, and of
of
increasing
securing the benefits
of liberty to ourselves and to our posterity, decree,"
&c.
Here there
is
from which the
no chimerical
citizens
creation,
may demand
no ahsiradion,
They
everything
expect nothing except from themselves and their
own
energy.
If I
may be
permitted to
criticise
the
first
words of
our Constitution, I would remark, that what I complain of
is
subtilty, as
something more than a mere metaphysical
might seem
at first sight.
I contend that this j^^^'sonificafion of Government
has been, in past times, and will be hereafter, a

source of calamities and revolutions.
fertile
GOVERNMENT,
128
There
the public on one side, Government on the
is
considered as two distinct heings
other,
bound
having
the
imaginable
sequence
In
so.
right
to
human
from
claim
the
What
benefits.
Government
two hands
will
all
latter,
be the con-
not maimed, and cannot be
is
one
It has
in other words,
the latter
fact,
to give
bestow upon the former, and the former
to
The
smootli one.
subordinate to
and the other
to receive
has a rough hand and a
it
activity of the second is necessarily
the
of
activity
the
Strictly,
first.
Government may take and not restore.

This is
evident, and may be explained by the porous and
absorbing nature of its hands, which always retain
of what they
a part and sometimes the whole,
touch.
But the thing that never Avas seen, and
never will be seen or conceived, is, that Government
can restore more to the public than it has taken
from
It
it.
before
it
radically
benefit
therefore ridiculous for us to appear
is
in the
humble
impossible
for
upon any one
attitude of beggars.
confer
to
it
of the
It is
particular
individualities
which
constitute the community, without inflicting a greater
iujuiy upon the
Our
If
it
community
ill-will,
endeavours to grant them,

people with fresh taxes
to
in a dilemma.
it
refuses to grant the requests
accused of weakness,
and
as a whole.
requisitions, therefore, place
bring
upon
general displeasure.
to
itself
it
and
is
made
to
incapacity.
it,
it is
If
it
obliged to load the
do more harm than good,

from another quarter the

129
GOVERNMENT.
Thus, tlie public lias two liopes, and Government

makes two promses many benefits and no taxes.
Hopes and promises, which, heing contradictory, can
never be realised.
Now,
not
is
the cause of
tliis
all
our revolutions?
between the Government, which lavishes promises -which it is impossible to perform, and the
public, which has conceived hopes which can never be
For,
the ambitwo classes of men interpose

and the Utopians. It is circumstances which
It is enough if these vassals
give these their cue.
realised,
tious
of popularity
wê
cry
out to the people
deceiving you
rities are
would load you with
we were
if
benefits
"The
autho-
in their place,
and exempt you
from taxes."
And
the people believe, and the people hope, and
the people
No
than
make
a revolution
sooner are their friends at the head of

thej- are called
upon
to
affairs,
redeem their pledge.
" Give us work, bread, assistance, credit, instruction,

" and withal deliver us, as
;
colonies," say the people
you promised, from the talons of the exchequer."

The new Government is no less embarrassed than
the former one, for it soon finds that it is much more
easy to
promise than to perform.
for
time,
projects.
this
At
on one hand
tion
on the
;
the
liquor
for
ever
is
first,
it
necessary
it
for
IL tries to gain
maturing
its
vast
makes a few timid attempts
institutes a little elementary instruc-
makes a little reduction in

But the contradiction is
(1850).
would be
if it
starting up before it
otlier,
it
tax
130
GOVERNMENT.
philautliropic,
neglects
must attend to its exchequer if it

it must
abstain from being
it
excliequer,
its
pliilanthroj)ic.
These two promises are for ever

it cannot be otherwise.
;
Avhich
credit,
is
To
is
expense of
made
a
bold step
tain
itself;
arbitrary
short,
it
it
deal
to
smothers
is
of
harm
in
But
future.
the spectre of bankruptcy,
What
is to
new Government
its
be done
takes
forces in ordci' to
opinion,
ridicules
its
has
recourse
former
mainto
maxims,
impossible to conduct the adminis-
except at the risk

it
an
good now, at the
little
credit.
the
unites all
measures,
declares that
tration
then,
it
do a
call forth
which puts an end
Why,
means of reconciling them
to
great
such proceedings
then?
upon
live
the same as exhausting the future,
is
certainly a present
attempt
with
clashing
each other
proclaims
itself
of being unpopular;
governmental
And
it
in
is
here that other candidates for popularity are waiting
They exhibit the same illusion, pass by the

for it.
same w'ay, obtain the same success, and are soon
swallowed up in the same gulf
We had arrived at this point in February.'-' At
this
time, the illusion
Avhich
is
the subject of
had made more way than
this
any former
period in the ideas of the people, in connexion Avith
They expected, more firmly than
Socialist doctrines.
that Government, under a republican form,
ever,
article
at
would open in grand style the source of benefits

and close that of taxation. " We have often been
* This
was written
in 1840.
"
G0VERN3IENT.
deceived,"
the people
said
ourselves this time,
again
could
the
we
will see to
it
care not to be deceived
weight,
is
do ?
done in similar
make
promises, and gain time.

It
and to give its promises more
announced them publicly thus: "In-
of course
so,
Government
Provisional
which always
that
just
circumstances
did
" but
and take
What
Alas
131
it
crease of prosperity, diminution of labour, assistance,

credit,
gratuitous
land,
on
of the tax
reduction
all
instruction,
of Avaste
cultivation
this shall
be granted
agricultural
and,
salt,
when
at
colonies,
the same time,
liquor,
letters,
meat
the Xational Assembly
meets."
The Xational Assembly meets, and, as it is imtwo contradictory things, its task,
possible to realise
sad task,
its
to withdraw,
is
one after the other,
Government.
all
as gently as possible,
the decrees of the Provisional
However, in order somewhat to miti-
gate the cruelty of the deception,
others
new
are,
in
it is
found necessary
Certain engagements are
to negotiate a little.
fulfilled,
a measure, begun, and therefore the
administration
is
compelled to contrive some
new
taxes.
!Now, I transport myself, in thought, to a period

a few months hence,
and ask myself, with sorrowful

what Avill come to pass when the agents
of the new Government go into the country to
collect new taxes uiion legacies, revenues, and the
profits of agricultural traffic ?
It is to be hoped
forebodings,
that
my
presentiments
may
not
be verified, but I
K 2
"
GOVERNMENT,
132
foresee a difficult jârt for the candidates for popularity

to play.
Eead tlie last manifesto of the Montagnards that

which they issued on the occasion of the election of
the President.
It
is
hut at length
Government ought
rather
concludes with these words
long,
:
give a great deal to the jjeopU,
them."
It
is
always the same
and take
tactics,
little
it
to
from
or, rather,
the
same mistake.
" Government is bound to give gratuitous instruction
and education to all the citizens."
It is bound to give " A general and appropriate
professional education,
as
to the wants, the callings,
much
as possible
and the
adapted
capacities of each
citizen.
It
to
is
bound
man, and
tendencies,
"
To teach every
to himself;
and his
faculties
own
interests,
duty to God,
to teach him, in short,
the scientific part of his labour
stand his
citizen his
to develop his sentiments, his
and
to
make him underhim a knowledge
to give
of his rights."
It is
bound ''To place within the reach of all,

and the arts, the iâtrimony of thought, the
literature
treasures of the mind, and all those intellectual enjoyments Avhich elevate and strengthen the soul."
It is bound " To give
compensation for every
from fire, inundation, &c., experienced
accident,
(The et ccetcra means more that it
by a citizen."
says.)
It is
bound " To attend to the relations of capital

and to become the regulator of credit."
with labour,

133
GOVERNMENT.
"
bound
It is
and
To
important cnconragement
afford
efficient protection to agriculture."
It
bound " To
is
mines
purcliase
railroads,
canals,
and, doubtless, to transact affairs
and
witli that
which characterises it."

bound " To encourage useful experiments,
promote and assist them by every means likely
make them successful. As a regulator of credit,
industrial cajâcity
It is
to
to
it
will exercise such extensive influence over industrial
and
agricultural
them
ensure
shall
as
associations,
success."
Government
is
bound
farther,
tude
who
it
is
do
to
to the services to Avhich
is
it
all this,
in addition
already pledged
always to maintain a menacing
towards
foreigners
sign tlie programme,
for,
"
according
Bound
to
together
by
and
atti-
those
this
French
Republic, we carry our Avishes and hopes beyond
the boundaries which despotism has placed between
nations.
Tlie rights which we desire for ourselves,
we desire for all those who are oppressed by the
yoke of tyranny ; we desire that our glorious army,
holy union, and by the precedents
should
still, if
You
see
necessary, be the
that
army
the gentle hand
hand which
of
the
of liberty.
of
Governmeait
and distributes, will be

very busy under the government of the Montagnards.
You think, perhaps, that it Avill be the same with
the rough hand that hand which dives into our
that good
Do
gives
The aspirants
would not know their trade, if they
had not the art, when they show the gentle hand,
pockets.
not deceive yourselves.
after popularity
GOVERNMENT.
134
rough one.
to conceal tlie
Their reign
assuredly
Avill
be the jubilee of the tax-payers.

" It
is
Truly,
it
not
superfluities,
"which ought
to
will
they
necessaries,"
say,
be taxed."
be a good time when the exchequer,
with benefits, will content
for the sake of loading us

itself
with curtailing our
This
is
not
superiluities
"taxation shall lose
that
oppressive character, and be
its
Good heavens
only an act of fraternity."

it
The Montagnards intend
all.
know
the fashion to thrust fraternity in everywhere,
is
but I did not imagine
it
hands of the tax-gatherer.

To come to the details
gramme
sa}',
"We
would ever be put

:
Those
sign the pro-
immediate aboHtion of
desire the
those taxes which affect
who
into the
the absolute
necessaries
of
as salt, liquors, &c., &c.
life,
"
The reform
of
the tax on landed property, cus-
toms, and patents.
"Gratuitous justice
its
forms,
that
and reduction
is,
of
the simplification of
expenses."
its
(This,
no doubt, has reference to stamps.)

Thus, the tax on landed property, customs, patents,
These
stamps, salt, liquors, jDostage, all are included.
gentlemen have found out the secret of giving an
hand
excessive activity to the (jentle
while they entirely paralyse
its
Well, I ask the impartial reader,

ness,
and more than
Is
not inevitable
it
after
revolution,
if
that,
of Government,
rough hand.
is it
not childish-
dangerous childishness
that
we
there
is
shall
a
have revolution
determination never
135
GOVERNMENT,
to
stop
this contradiction is realised
till
Government and
nothing to
to receive
" To
give
much from
it?"
If the Montagnards were to
come
into power,
would
they not become the victims of the means which they

emj^lojêd to take possession of
Citizens
In
all
times,
two
it
political
systems have
been in existence, and each may be maintained by
good reasons.
According to one of them, Govern-
ment ought
do much, but then
much.
ought
to
it
ought
to take
According to the other, this twofold activity
We have to choose between

two systems.
But as regards the third
system, which partakes of both the others, and
which consists in exacting everything from Governto be little felt.
these
]nent,
without giving
it
anything,
it
is
chimerical,
absurd, childish, contradictory, and dangerous.
who
all
parade
it
Those
for the sake of the pleasure of accusing
Governments of weakness, and thus exposing them

and deceiving you,
to your attacks, are only flattering
while they are deceiving themselves.
For ourselves, we
and ought
to
consider
that
Government
is
be nothing Avhatever but common force
organized, not to be an instrument of oppression
and
j
mutual plunder among citizens ; but, on the contrary,

to secure to every one his own, and to cause justice
and security to reign.
WHAT
" Hateful monej^
economist,
tlie
Committee
money
hateful
desjDairingiy,
Finance,
of
money had
MONEY
IS
as
Hateful
F.
where a project of
the divinites of this world
all
cried
came from the

paper
just been discussed.
"What's the matter?" said

meaning of this sudden dislike
of
"
!
lie
money
liateful
You alarm me.
I.
"What
is
the
most extolled
to the
"
1
money
liberty, and
down, and Erutus went so far even as to
say, "Virtue!
thou art but a name!" Eut what
can have happened 1
B.
life
I hear
peace,
cried
Hateful money
F.
hateful mone}'
Come, come, exercise a little philosophy.

What has happened to you ? Has Cra?sus been
affecting
you 1
Plas
Mondor been playing you
B.
false
has
or
papers
F.
Zoilus
have
by
character,
nothing
blind
Ah
?
libelling
a'ou
now
You,
with
Cra^sus
in
organization
of
do
is
safe
the
my
from
any
and as to Mondor
have it. How could I be
too,
to
insignificance,
its
slanders of Zoilus
B.
been
are
the
the
inventor
of a social
system, in
fact.
so
re-
Your
"
WHAT
society
and, therefore,
from
to
money
all
And
it.
reorganizers
do wonders,
all
empty
to
This
There
and
if
wax in
be soft wax
are resolved not to
and
go on
Thank
am
laws,
studying
am
This
admirable in
money
free
those
which
am
exclaim,
"
this
Hateful
social
has
it
pleased
delighted
to
fmd
development.
progressive
their
from
inventing
of
money
hateful
You
B.
there
why
is
men
applaud,
listen,
still
Instead
Providence to invent, and I
them
they
Avould
but
as before.
heaven,
mania.
fashionable
overcome
to
mankind
all
his fingers
;
purses.
not one, but would
he coidd only contrive
influences,
how-
is,
their
the rock on Avhich
is
is
consent to become soft
F.
Sparta,
be rigidly banished
to
is
people
split.
if
resisting
or reject,
137
the thing that troubles you
your
persuade
What would you have?

all
MONEY?
be more perfect than that of
to
is
IS
is
are a disciple of
a very simple
Throw your
hundred
way
purse into the
sous, to
take
Proudhon, then?
for
you
Well,
to satisfy yourself.
Seine, only
reserving
an action from the Bank of
Exchange.
F.
If
cry
should tolerate
B.
Then
its
out against
money,
deceitful substitute
I have only one
is
it
likely
more guess
to
make.
You are a new Diogenes, and are going to victimize

me with a discourse a la Seneca, on the contempt
of riches.
F.
don't
Heaven preserve me from that

For riches,
see, are not a little more or a little less
!
you
WHAT
138
money.
MONEY?
IS
Tliey are bread for the hungry, clothes for
warm
the naked, fuel to
you,
oil
lengthen the
to
day, a career open to your son, a certain portion for
your daughter, a day of

the faint,
for
after fatigue, a coi'dial
rest
slipped
assistance
little
the
into
hand of a poor man, a shelter from the storm, a

diversion for a brain worn by thought, the incomparable pleasure of making those happy who are
Eiches are
dear to
us.
dignity,
confidence,
Eiches
civilization.
instruction,
charity
are
independence,
they are progress, and
the
admirable
civilizing
two admirable agents, more civilizing even

than riches themselves labour and exchange.
now you seem to be singing the praises
B. Well
of riches, when, a moment ago, you w'ere loading them
with imprecations
F. "Why, don't j'ou see that it was only the
whim of an economist ? I cry out against money,
just because everybody confounds it, as you did just
now, Avith riches, and that this confusion is the
cause of errors and calamities without number.
result of
out against
I cry
is
because
it
not understood, and very
cry
out
against
the
causes
obstacle
for
because
its
beneficial,
tion,
theory,
it,
means
to
the
cause,
be
it
taken
the
function in society
for
aljiha
ideas,
all
the
for
has,
nevertheless,
which,
in
of
mankind
explain.
jumbles
the
end, the
omega
presence in the world, though in
perversion
poverished
because
its
difficult to
itself
introduced a fatal no-
principles,
multitude
of
and deluged
contradictory
forms,
the
has
earth
im-
with
WHAT
blood.
am
to
which
long
incapable
against
feel
tlie
that
error
has given birth, otherwise than by a
it
and
because
it,
contending
of
139
MONEY'?
out against
cry
IS
wliich
to
dissertation
fastidious
no one
would hsten. Oh if I could only find a patient

and benevolent listener
B. Well, it shall not be said that for want of
a victim you remain in the state of irritation in
which you now are. I am listening S2:)eak, lecture,
do not restrain yourself in any way.
!
to
F.
You
B.
I promise to have patience.
F.
That
B.
It is all that I can give.
me,
at
promise to take an interest?
is
not much.
first,
how
Cegin, and explain
mistake on the subject of
cash, if mistake there be, is to be
found
at the root
of all economical errors ?
F.
Well, now,
scientiously
assure
me, that
pened to confound wealth
B.
I don't
know
you can conyou have never hap-
possible that
it
is
Avith
money?
but, after
all,
the consequence of such a confusion
what would be
Nothing very important. An error in your

would have no influence over your
actions ; for you see that, with respect to labour
and exchange, although there are as many opinions
as there are heads, we all act in the same way.
B. Just as we walk upon the same principle,
althoiigh we are not agreed upon the theory of
equilibrium and gravitation.
F.
brain,
F.
Avhich
Precisely.
person
who
argued
himself
WHAT
140
IS
MONEY?
opinion that during tho
into the
night our
heads
and feet changed places, might Avrite very fine books

npon the subject, but still he would walk about like
everybody
B.
else.
So I think.
]N"evertheless,
the penalty
suifer
he would
much
being too
of
of
soon
logi-
cian.
In the same
F.
who having
Avay, a
decided
man would
money
that
die of hunger,
real
is
reason that this theory
is
false,
for there is
from
and in all
but such as results
theory
as manifested at all times,
B.
facts
personal
interest,
the
is
no true
themselves,
places.
I can understand, that practically,
the influence of
wealth,
That
should carry out the idea to the end.
and under
the fatal
effects
would tend to correct an

error.
Eut if that of which you speak has so little
influence, Avhy does it disturb you so much ?
F.
Because, when a man, instead of acting for
of the
erroneous
himself,
decides
ever
action
for
personal
others,
present to
misplaced."
cry
" Stop
out,
It is Peter
who
the
is
that
interest,
watchful and sensible sentinel,
is
no
longer
responsibility
deceived, and
is
John
the false system of the legislator necesbecomes the rule of action of whole populations.
And observe the difference.
AVhen you
have money, and are very hungry, whatever your
sufters
sarily
theory on cash
may
be,
what do you do
go to a baker's, and buy some bread.
B.
F.
You do
your money 1
not
hesitate
about
getting
rid
of
WHAT
B.
The only use
IS
for
MONEY?
mouey
141
is to
buy what one
wants.
F. And if the baker should happen to be thirsty,

what does he do ?
B. He goes to the wine merchant's and buys
wine with the money I have given him.
F.
What
is
he not afraid he shall ruin him-
self?
B.
The
real ruin
would be
to go without eating
or drinking.
And
everybody in the world, if he is free,

same manner 1
"Would you have them
B. Without a doubt.
die of hunger for the sake of laying by pence 1
F.
So far from it, that I consider they act
^visely, and I only wish that the theory was nothing
bu.t the faithful image of this universal practice.
But, suppose now that you were the legislator, the
absolute king of a vast empire, where there were
no gold mines.
B. 1^0 unpleasant fiction.
F.
Suppose, again, that you were perfectly convinced of this, that wealth consists solely and
exclusively in cash
to what conclusion would you
come?
B. I should conclude that there was no other
means for me to enrich my people, or for them to
enrich themselves, but to draw away the cash from
F.
acts in the
other nations.
F.
first
That
is
conclusion,
to
say,
then,
to
to
them.
The
you would
arriA'C
impoverish
vrhich
WHAT
142
would
be
another
loses.
this,
MONEY?
IS
nation
can
only
when
gain
This axiom has the authority of Bacon and
B.
Montaigne.
F.
not the less sorrowful for
It is
implies
that
progress
impossible.
is
for
that,
Two
it
nations,
no more than two men, cannot prosper side by side.

B. It would seem that such is the result of this
principle.
F.
And
themselves,
as
it
men
all
are
ambitious
follows that all are
to
enrich
desirous,
accord-
ing to a law of Providence, of ruining their fellowcreatures.
B.
This
is
not
f'hristiauity,
but
it
is
political
economy.
Such a doctrine is detestable. But, to conhave made you an absolute king.

You
must not be satisfied with reasoning, you must act.
There is no limit to your power.
How would you
F.
tinue,
treat this doctriiie,
B.
cessantly,
F.
How
wealth
would be
It
my
among my people
But
there
are
no
is
money?
endeavour to increase, inthe quantity of cash.
mines in your kingdom.
it ?
What would you
do?
B. I should do nothing I should merely forbid,
on pain of death, that a single crown should leave
Avould
you
set
about
the couutry.
F.
And if your people should happen to be
hungry as well as rich ?
B. ^N'ever mind. In the system we are discussing,
WHAT
to allow
them
them
IS
MONEY?
143
export crowns Avoukl be to allow
to
to impoverish themselves.
So that, hy your own confession, you would

them to act upon a principle equally opposite
that upon which you would yourself act under
F.
force
to
Why
similar circumstances.
so
B. Just because my own hunger touches me,

and the hunger of a nation does not touch legislators.
you that your plan would

would be sufficiently vigilant, when the jêople were hungry, to
prevent the crowns from going out and the corn
from coming in.
B. If so, this plan, whether erroneous or not,
Avould effect nothing ; it would do neither good nor
harm, and therefore requires no further consideraF.
fail,
Well, I can
and that no
tell
superintendence
tion.
You forget that you are a legislator. A legismust not be disheartened at trifles, Avhen he is
making experiments on others. The first measure
not having succeeded, you ought to take some other
means of attaining your end.
B. AVhat end^?
F.
You must have a bad memorv. Why, that
F.
lator
of
increasing,
quantity
of
in
cash,
the
midst
Avhich
is
of your people, the

presumed to be true
wealth.
Ah to be sure I beg your panlon. Ent

you see, as they say of music, a little is
enough; and this may be said, I think, with still
B.
then
WHAT
144
MOXEY
IS
more reason, of political economy. I must consider.

But really I don't know how to contrive
First, I would have you
F. Ponder it well.
ohserve that your first plan solved the problem
To prevent the crowns from going
only negatively.
out of the country
is
from diminishing, hut
way
the
it
is
to prevent the wealth
way
not the
to
increase
it.
B.
Ah
me
strikes
means
now
corn which
...
F.
Xow,
Why,
beginning to see
I,
the contrivance
infallible
B.
am
allowed to come in
is
am coming
to
it
...
ingenious,
is
the
the
now\
to what 1
means of increasing the quantity
in turn, must ask yon

a
to
a bright idea
of cash.
to
F.
How
would you
B.
Is
not evident that
it
set
about
the
be constantly increasing,
that none must be taken from
F.
Certainly.
B.
And
stantly be
F.
B.
the second,
made
to
it
if
you please ?
heap of money
first
condition
is
is
it 1
that
additions
must con-
To be sure.
Then the problem
tively or positively,
it,
if tlie
Avill
be solved, either nega-
as the Socialists
say,
if
on the
one hand I prevent the foreigner from taking from
and on the other I oblige him to add to it.

Better and better.
B. And for this there }nust be two simple law's
made, in which cash will not even be mentioned.
it,
F.
Bj^ the one,
my
subjects will be
forbidden to buy
WHAT
anything abroad
required to
F.
B.
Is
IS
MONEY?
and by the
145
other,
will
thej'
be
a great deal,
sell
well-advised plan.
new
it
must take out a patent
for the
invention.
F.
You need do no such
thing
But you must take
forestalled.
B.
What
F.
I have
is
that
you have been
care of one thing.
made you an absolute king.

you are going to prevent your
stand that
I undersubjects
from buying foreign productions. It will be enough

if you prevent thorn from entering the country.
Thirty
or forty thousand custom-house officers will do the
business.
B.
It
would be rather expensive. But what does

The money they receive will not go out
?
that signify
of the country.
F.
True
point.
But
proceed
and in
this
system
it
to ensure a sale abroad,
the
is
grand
how would you
B. I should encourage it by prizes, obtained by

means of some good taxes laid upon my people.
F. In this case, the exporters, constrained by
competition among themselves, would lower their
prices in proportion, and it would be like making a
present
the
to
of the
foreigner
or
])rizes
of
the
taxes.
B.
Still,
the
monej^
would not go out of the
country.
F.
system
Of
is
course.
That
beneficial,
is
the
understood.
kings
But if your
you will
around
146
\YHAT
adopt
they
They
it.
will
your
reject
make
Avill
productions
with you, the
heap
similar plans to yours
custom-house
their
liave
MONEY?
IS
may
monej^
of
officers,
with
that
so
and
them,
as
be dimi-
not
nished.
B.
I shall have an
F.
They
B.
colonies,
will
arm
shall
and
army and
force their barriers.
have an army and force yours.

vessels,
make
create consumers for
conquests, acquire
my
who
will
They
will
people,
be obliged to eat our corn and drink our wine.
The other kings
F.
will do the same.
dispute jôur conquests, your colonies, and your con-
sumers
then on
all
sides there will
be war, and
all
will be uproar.
B.
my taxes, and increase my

my army, and my navy.
I shall raise
house
officers,
F.
The
B.
I shall redouble
F.
The
others will do the same.
my
exertions.
In the meanwould succeed in
others will redouble theirs.
we have no proof
time,
custom-
that you
selling to a great extent.
B.
F.
are
but too
It is
commercial
efforts
And
not
true.
would
would be
It
And,
the military efforts also.
these
vrell if
the
neutralize each other.
custom-house
officers,
tell
soldiers,
me,
and
vessels, these oppressive taxes, this perpetual struggle
towards an impossible
result, this
permanent
state of
open or secret war with the whole world, are they

not the logical and
legislators
is
inevitable
having adopted an
acted upon
l)y
no
man who
consequences of the
idea,
is
his
which you admit
own
master, that
"
WHAT
" Avealth
wealth
B.
cash
is
and
MONEY?
IS
147
to increase cash, is to increase
I grant
Either the axiom
it.
is true,
and then
the legislator ought to act as I have described, although

universal
false
be the conseiiuence
"war should
and
in this case
men, in
or
is
it
desti'oying eacli other,
only ruin themselves.
And, remember, that before you became a king,

same axiom had led you by a logical process to
the following maxims
That Avhich one gains, another
F.
this
loses.
Tlie profit
of one,
which maxims imply

amongst all men.
B. It is onl}' too
philosopher
act
upon the
always
or
arrive
universal war.
the loss of the other
one
unavoidable antagonism
"Whether
certain.
whether
legislator,
that
principle
at
is
an
money
conclusion,
It is well that
or
I
is
am
or
wealth,
one result
I
:
you pointed out the
consequences before beginning a discussion upon

otherwise, I should never have
reason
had the courage
it
to
follow you to the end of your economical dissertation,

for, to tell
you the
What
truth,
it is
do you mean?
not
much
to
my
taste.
was just thinking

of it when you heard me grumbling against money
I was lamenting that my countrymen have not the
courage to study what it is so important that they
should know.
B. And yet the consequences are frightful.
F,
The conseqiiences
As yet I have only mentioned one.
I might have told you of others still
more fatal.
F.
L 2
WHAT
148
You make my
B.
evils
MONEY 1
IS
hair stand on end
What
other
can have been caused to mankind by this con-
money and wealth %

would take me a long time
fusion between
F.
It
them.
This
doctriue
The
family.
just made,
eldest,
one
is
to enumerate
very numerous
of a
whose acquaintance we have
called the jrroMhitive systera
is
the colonial system
the next,
the third, hatred of ca/pital ; the
Eenjamin, paper money.
B. "What! does paper money proceed from the

same error ?
jF.
Yes, directly.
When legislators, after having
ruined men by war and taxes, persevere in their idea,
they say to themselves, " If the people
because there
is
And
as
some."
not
it is
suffer,
We
money enough.
it
is
must make
not easy to multiply the precious
when
the pretended resources of

will
prohibition have been exhausted, they add, "
metals,
especially
We
make
fictitious
money, nothing
is
more
easy,
every citizen will have his pocket-book full
they will
B. In
than the
all
be
fact,
other,
and then
of it, and
rich."
this
proceeding
and then
is
more expeditious
does not lead to foreign
it
war.
F.
Xo, but
B.
Your
to the
it
leads to civil war.
are a grumbler.
bottom of the question.
for the fijst time, to
know
if
Make
haste and dive
am
quite impatient,
money
(or its sign) is
wealth.
F.
any of
You wiU
their
grant that men do not satisfy

wants immediately with crown pieces.
WHAT
If they are
hungry, they
clothing
they are
if
MONEY?
IS
iU,
want
149
bread
want shelter and

they would learn, they must have books ;
would travel, they must have conveyances
if
they
are
cold,
naked,
if
they must have remedies
they
fuel
if
they
and
on.
The
if
so
of a country consists in the abund-
riches
ance and proper
distribution
of
these
all
things.
Hence yon may perceive and rejoice at the falseness

of this gloomy maxim of Bacon's, " What one people
"
gains, another necessarily lanes
maxim
expressed
more discouraging manner by Montaigne,

" The prnjit of one is the loss of
in these words
AVhen Sliem, Ham, and Japhet divided
another."
amongst tliemselves the vast solitudes of this earth,
they surely might each of them build, drain, sow,
reap, and obtain improved lodging, food and clothing,
and better instruction, perfect and enrich themselves
in a
still
in short, increase their enjoyments, without causing
a necessary
ments of
diminution in the corresponding enjoy-
their
brothers.
It is
the same with two
nations.
B. There is no doubt that two nations, the

same as two men, unconnected with each other,
may, by working more, and working better, prosper
at the same time, without injuring each other.
It
is not this which is denied by the axioms of Montaigne and Bacon.
They only mean to say, that
in
the
transactions
whicli
two nations or two men,

must lose.
And this is
adds nothing by
itself to
if
take
place
one gains,
self-evident,
as
between
the
other
exchange
the mass of those
useful
WHAT
150
things of wliich
MONEY?
18
were speaking
j'oii
exchange, one of the parties

something, the other
for
after the
if,
found to have gained
is
of course, be found to have
"will,
lost something.
You have formed
F.
plain
which
ailapted
pasturage,
growing
the
Shem
If
the
is
located
Ham
vine,
upon
more.
l^rosper
of
have the
must be
It
of
eifect
increasing
wine, and meat, wdiich
How
be shared.
liberty
in
so,
can
is
it
by
the
exchange,
of
produced, and which
far
three to
all
mass
be otherwise,
transactions
these
rich
in fact, for the dis-,
introduced
labour,
of their occupations,
distinction
from hurting any of them, might cause

tribution
nay a
upon a
Japhet upon a slope
in corn,
fertile
is
for
very incom])lcte,
false idea of exchange.
From
will
corn,
is
to
jou. allow
if
moment
the
that any one of the brothers should perceive that labour

in company, as
it
was a permanent loss compared

he would cease to exchange. Ex-
were,
to solitary labour,
change brings with
it its
claim to our gratitude.
fact of its being accomplished, proves that it is a
The
good
thing.
B.
and
Bat Bacon's axiom

silver.
If
we admit
is
true in the case of gold
there exists in the world a given quantity,

clear that
moment
that at a certain
one purse cannot be
it is
perfectly
filled Avithout
anotlier
being emptied.
F.
And
if
gold
natural conclusion
take place
It
is
just
among
wdiat
considered to be
is
is,
tliat
men,
said
riches,
the
displacements of fortune
but
when
no
general
I began.
progress.
If,
on the

WHAT
you look
contrary,
things,
for
fit
151
upon an abundance of
our "wants and our
see that
"will
possible.
is
MONEY?
useful
satisfjing
as true riches, you

perity
IS
tastes,
simultaneous pros-
Cash serves
only
to
facilitate
the transmission of these useful things from one to
which may be done equally well with an

rare metal like gold, with a pound of
more abundant material as silver, or with a hundredweight of still more abundant metal, as copper.
According to that, if the French had at their dis-
another,
ounce
posal
of
much
as
again
of
France would be twice as

tity of cash
be
all
these
rich,
useful
things,
although the quan-
remained the same; but it would not

if there were double the cash, for
same
the
in that case the amount of useful things would not

increase.
B.
The question
presence
the
effect,
things
to
be decided
is,
whether the
greater
number of crowns has not
precisely, of
augmenting the sum of useful
of
F. "What connexion can there be between these

two terms
Food, clothing, houses, fuel, all come
from nature and from labour, from more or less skilful
labour exerted upon a more or less liberal nature.
?
B.
You
exchange.
are forgetting one great force,
If you acknowledge that this
you have admitted that crowns

must also aUow that they have an
as
which
is
facilitate
indirect
is
a force,
it, you
power of
production.
F.
metal
But I have added, that a small quantity of

facilitates
transactions
as
much
as
rare
lar'ê
WHAT
152
quantity
abundant
of
that
a people
give
up
metal
not
is
MONEY?
IS
whence it follows,
by being forced to
enriched
useful things for
sake
tlie
of
having more
money.
B.
Thus,
it
of the Avorld
opinion that
yoTir
is
discovered in California
the
treasures
not increase the wealth
Avill
not believe that, on the Avhole, they

add much to the enjoyments, to the real satisfactions of mankind.
If the Californian gold merely
replaces in the world that which has been lost and
destroyed, it may have its use.
If it increases the
amount of cash, it will depreciate it.
The gold
diggers will be richer than they would have been
without it.
But those in whose possession the
F.
do
will
gold
moment
the
at
is
obtain
of
depreciation,
its
smaller gratification for the same
cannot
displacement
upon
look
this
true
of
as
will
amount.
an increase,
but as
have
defined
But you
will not
riches,
as
them.
All that
B.
easily convince
very plausible.
is
me
things being equal)
had only
am
that I
if
I have
not richer
two crowns, than
I do not deny
B.
And what
is
it.
true of
me
bour, and of the neighbour of
is
my
true of
my
every Frenchman has
must be more
F.
And
neigh-
neighbour, and so
on, from one to another, all over the country.

if
if I
one.
F.
fore,
other
(all
Tliere-
more crowns, France
rich.
here you
fall
into the
common
mistake
WHAT
confusmg
MONEY
153
-what affects one affects
of concluding that
thus
IS
with
individual
the
all,
the
and
general
interest.
Why, what
B.
is
but a
well
of
collection
me
tell
What
What are all,
You might as
can be more conclusive
must be
true of one,
so of all
individuals
Frenchman could suddenly
that every
grow an inch taller, without the average height of

Erenchmen being increased.
F. Your reasoning is apparently sound, I grant
you, and that is why the illusion it conceals is so
However, let us examine it a little.
common.
For greater ease, they
Ten persons were at play.
had adopted the plan of each taking ten counters,
and against these they had placed a hundred francs
under a
candlestick,
sponded
to ten francs.
were
the
a
as
number of
great
reasoner,
and
the
players
ten
francs as
teaches
counters.
arithmetician
said
me
each
that
Seeing
the end
at
corre-
drew from the

would represent
this,
but
one of them,
an
indiflerent
experience
invariably
perhaps,
" Gentlemen,
that,
counter
After the game the winnings
many
adjusted,
candlestick
so
of
the game, I find
myself a gainer in proportion to the number of

counters.
my
Have you not observed the same with
to yourselves
Thus, what is true of me
must be true of each of you, and wlmt is tnio of
each must be true of all.
We should, therefore, all
of us gain more, at the end of the game, if we all
iSTow, nothing can be easier ;
had more counters.
we have only to distribute twice the number." This
regard
154
WHAT
IS
when
the
MONEY
game was
finished, and
was found that
the thousand francs under the candlestick had not
miraculously multiplied,
according to
the
been
They had to be divided
general expectation.
accordingly, and the only result obtained (chimerical
enough) was this ; every one had, it is true, his
was done
but
they came to adjust the winnings,
it
number
double
of
sented
is
Thus
Jj,ve.
but
counters,
instead of corresponding
it
to
was
ten
clearly
every
francs,
counter,
only repre-
shown, that what
not always true of
true of each,
is
B.
you are supposing a general increase
I see
of
counters,
the
sum
without
corresponding
increase
of
placed under the candlestick.
And you
F.
of
all.
croAvns,
are
without
supposing
a
things, the exchange of
general increase
corresponding
which
is
increase
facilitated
of
by these
crowns.
Do you compare the crowns to counters 1

In any other point of view, certainly not ;
but in the case you place before me, and which I
Eemark one thing.
have to argue against, I do.
In order that there be a general increase of crowns
in a country, this country must have mines, or its
B.
F.
commerce must be such as to give useful things in

Apart from these two circumexchange for cash.
stances, a universal increase is impossible, the crowns
only changing hands ; and in this case, although it
may be
is
very true that each one, taken individually,
richer
that
in
proportion to
the
number of
cro^vns
he has, we camiot draw the inference which
WHAT
155
MONEY'?
IS
you drew just now, because a crown more in one

purse implies necessarily a crown less in some other.
It is the same as with your comparison of the
If each of us grew only at the
middle lieight.
expense of others, it would be very true of each,
taken individually, that he would be a taller man
if he had the chance, but this wôuld never be true
of the whole taken collectively.
but, in the two suppositions that
B. Be it so
you have made, tln^ increase is real, and you must
:
allow that I
am
right.
To a certain point, gold and

value.
To obtain this, men consent
When,
things which have a value also.
F.
have a
silver
to give useful
therefore, there
from
are mines in a country, if that country obtains
them
purchase a useful thing from
sufficient gold to
abroad
locomotive,
itself
with
all
can procure,
made
at
more
exactly
efforts
as
The
home.
instance
for
enriches
it
enjoyments which a locomotive
the
if
the machine had
qiiestion
is,
w^hether
in the former proceeding
it
been
spends
than in the
it would
and something worse would happen
than what you see in California, for there, at least,
the precious metals are used to buy useful things
latter
For
if
it
did not export this gold,
depreciate,
made
elsewhere.
Avould
to
we
it
be
^Nevertheless,
may
ger that they
if
by
is
still
a dan-
the laAV prohibited exportation
the second supposition

obtain
there
starve on heaps of gold.
trade
it
that
is
of
What
1
As
the gold which
an advantage, or the
more or less
reverse, according as the country stands
AVHAT
156
in need of
it,
MONEY?
IS
compared
to
its
wants of the useful
things which must be given up in order to obtain

It is not for the
it.
those
who
start
upon
law
to
are concerned in
it
judge of
;
that gold
this principle,
may be
useful things, whatever
but for
this,
for if the laAV
should
preferable to
is
and
their value,
if
should act effectually in this sense, it would tend

to make France another California, where there
would be a great deal of cash to spend, and nothing
it
to buy.
It is the very
sented by
]\Iidas.
same system which
The gold which
B.
thing
iisefal
is
is
a satisfaction
there not a corresponding benefit
labour and industry,
to
the
leaves
circulating
country in
And
number
from hand
of a
this gold be the source
inciting
implies that a
/?/;.ported
and in this respect there

But
withdrawn from the country.
is
by
repre-
e.rported,
is
factions,
is
portation of some useful thing
at
and
length
it
and causes the im-
turn,
its
satis-
hand,
to
until
will not
new
of
you have come to the heart of the question.

Is it true that a crown is the principle which causes
the production of all the objects whose exchange it
F.
jS"ow
It
very clear that a piece of five
facilitates
francs
only ivorth five francs
is
that
believe
it
it is
it
this
as
this
value has
but we are led to
particular character
not consumed like other things, or that

exhausted very gradually; that it renews itself,
that
as
is
is
were,
in
each transaction
crown has been worth

it
has
accomplished
and
five francs, as
transactions
that,
finally
many
that
it
times
is
of
WHAT
itself
worth
the
all
IS
157
money'?
things
which
for
it
has been
exchanged ; and this is believed, because

it is supposed that Avithout this crown these things
would never liave been produced.
It is said, the
successiA'ely
would
shoemaker
have
sold
fewer
quently he would have bought
conse-
slioes,
of the butcher
less
the butcher would not have gone so often to the

grocer,
the grocer to the doctor,
lawj'-er,
and
the doctor to the
so on.
B.
No
F.
This
one can dispute that.

the
is
time,
then,
You have
portations.
in your hands
It
a crown.
is,
analyse the true
to
function of cash, independently
of
mines and im-
What
does
it
imply
and
as it were, the Avitness
that you have, at some time or other, performed some labour, which, instead of profiting by
upon society in the person
it, you have bestowed
proof
of your client.
performed
This crown
service
for
testifies
society,
that
and,
you have
moreover,
it
shows the value of it.

It bears wdtness, besides,
that you have not yet obtained from society a real
equivalent service, to which you have a right.
To
place you in a condition to exercise this right, at
the time and in the manner you please, society, by
means of your client, has given you an acknowledgment, a title, a privilege from the republic, a
counter, a crown in fact, which only differs from
executive titles by bearing its value in itself ; and
if you are able to read with j'our mind's eye the
inscriptions stamped upon it you will distinctly
decipher these words
" Pay the bearer a service.
:
158
-WHAT
equivalent
value
being
hy that lohieh
represented
is
it
gratuitous,
as a
result
payment
your
factions
or
Either
my
the following
with society for
account
and
halanced,
to
title
you give
If
claim.
for a service,
regulated,
is
is
it
the
soeietij,
and measured
me."
'Now, you
hij
me.
to
to
proved,
shoivn,
up your crown
me
what he has rendered
to
received
give
is
MONEY
IS
real
it
the
is
satis-
You
closed.
had rendered it a service for a crown, you no\v

as far as you are
restore the crown for a service
As for me, I am just in
concerned, you are clear.
It is
the position in which you were just now.
;
am now
I Avho
in advance to society for the service
I
which I have just rendered it in your person.
am become its creditor for the value of the labour
w^hich I have performed for you, and which I might
title
ought
richer
of this credit
am
I have given.
the
You
to pass.
if
my
It is into
devote to myself.
the
cannot say that I
entitled
Still less
to
receive,
much
much
the
the
poorer for
am any
is
because
is
members has
of
its
crown more, and another has one

let me have this crown gratis, it
be so
it
can you say that society
a crown richer, because one
shall
hands, then, that
proof of this social debt
richer,
it
is
you
if
certain that
but you will be so
and the
For
less.
social
fortune,
taken in a mass, will have undergone no change,

because
sists
in
as
I have
real
useful things.
made me
already
services,
in
You were
said,
this
effective
fortune
con-
satisfactions,
a creditor to society,
a substitute to your rights, and
it
in
you
signifies
WHAT
little
society,
to
MONEY?
IS
owes a
"wliicli
pays the deht to you or to me.
soon as the bearer of the claim
159
is
paid.
great
number
should obtain from society
many
services.
we
if
all
that be very desirable
You
F.
described,
only
and which
is
speaks at the same
we
"Would not
which I have
we
a picture of the reality,
from society because we have
services
bestowed some upon
of crowns
forget that in the process
obtain
it
discharged as
is
had a
But
B.
whether
service,
This
Whoever speaks
it.
of a service,
time of a service received and
two terms imply each other, so that

by the other. It is
impossible for society to render more services than it
receives, and yet this is the chimera which is being
pursued by means of the multiplication of coins, of
paper money, &c.
B. All that appears very reasonable in theory, bnt
returned, for these
the one must ahvays be balanced
when
in practice I cannot lielp thinking,
I see
how
by some fortunate circumstances, the

number of crowns could be multiplied in such a way
things go, that
if,
that each of us could see his
we should
make more
all
be more
at
little
property doubled,
our ease
we shoidd
all
purchases, and trade Avould receive a power-
ful stimulus.
F.
]\Iore
Doubtless,
for
us
stuffs,
purchases
useful
substantial
houses,
and wliat should we buy
articles
things
gratification
books,
likely
such
pictures.
as
to
procure
provisions,
You should
begin,
by proving that all these things create themselves; you must suppose the Mint melting ingots
then,
WHAT
ICO
5I0NEY?
IS
moon
of gold which have fallen from the
the
printing
national
think
Assignats be
of
Board,
that
office
the
if
for
quantity
or
that
at
the
put in action
you cannot reasonably

of
corn,
ships,
cloth,
hats and shoes remains the same, the share of each

of us can be greater, because
we
each go to market
with a greater number of real or
fictitious
Eemember
social
the
useful things are
hand
to
what the
the
are
the
the only result will be, that more
each
for
required
more
exchange,
counters
the
under the
circulate from
for
you multiply
If
counters.
the francs Avithout multiplying
required
money.
order,
Avorkers place
and the crow^ns which
candlestick,
hand
In the
players.
just
francs
as
each
things,
useful
will
the
be
players
You
deposit.
what passes for gold,

silver, and copper.
Why does the same exchange
require more copper than silver, more silver than
have the proof of
gold
Is
it
this
not because these metals are
buted in the world in

reason
have
suddenly to
in
diff"erent
proportions?
distri-
Vv'hat
you to suppose that if gold Avere

become as abundant as silver, it Avould
not require as
much
of one as of
the other to
buy
a house?
You may be
right, but I should prefer your

In the midst of the sufferings Avhich
surround us, so distressing in themselves, and so
dangerous in their consequences, I have found some
consolation in thinking that there was an easy
B.
being wrong.
method
happy.
of
making
all
the
members
of the
community
WHAT
IS
MONEY?
161
F. Even if gold and silver were true riches, it

would be no easy matter to increase the amount of
them in a country where there are no mines.
B. ]No, but it is easy to substitute something
I agree with you that gold and silver can do
else.
but little service, except as a mere means of exchange. It is the same with paper money, bankThen, if we had aU of us plenty of
notes, &c.
the latter, which it is so easy to create, we might
buy a great deal, and should want for nothing.

Your cruel theory dissipates hopes, illusions, if you
whose principle is assuredly very philanwill,
all
thropic.
F.
Yes, like all other barren dreams formed to
promote imiversal felicity.
The extreme facility of
the means Avhich you recommend is quite sufficient
to
it
expose its hollowness.

Do you believe that if
were merely needful to print bank-notes in order
to
that
satisfy
all
our wants,
our
tastes,
and
mankind would have been contented
desires,
go on
now, without having recourse to this plan 1
I
agree with you that the discovery is tempthig.
It
to
till
would immediately banish from the world, not only

plunder, in its diversified and deplorable forms, but
even labour itself, except the Eoard of Assignats.
But we have yet to learn how assignats are to purchase houses, which no one would have built ; corn,
which no one would have raised
stuffs, which no one
would have taken the trouble to weave.
B. One thing strikes me in your argument.
;
You
say yourself, that
if
there
is
no
gain,
at
any
WHAT
1G2
is
no
of exchange,
as
rate there
who
players,
Why,
then,
in multiplying the
luss
is
w'ere
and,
the
refuse
philosopher's
secret
of
which,
stone,
changing
flints
into
mean time, into paper money?

wedded to your logic, that you
the
in
instrument
by the instance of the

quits by a very mild deception.
seen
would teach us the

gold,
MONEY 1
IS
Are you so blindly

would refuse to try an experiment where there can
be no risk? If you are mistaken, you are depriving
the nation, as your numerous adversaries believe,
of an immense advantage.
If the error is on their
side,
no harm can result, as you yourself say,
beyond the failure of a hope. The measure, excellent
in their opinion, in yours
then, since the worst
realization
of an evil,
is
negative.
Let
which can happen
it
is
be
tried,
not the
but the non-realization of a
benefit.
F.
In the
first
place, the failure of a
very great misfortune
to
any
people.
hope
It
is
is
also
Government should anseveral taxes on the

Avhich must infallibly fail.
faith
of a resource
^Nêvertheless, your remark Avould deserve some consideration, if, after the issue of paper money and
very undesirable that
nounce
its
the
depreciation,
instantly
the
re-imposition
the
of
equilibrium
and simultaneously take
of
values
should
place, in all things
Tlie measure
and in every part of the country.
would tend, as in my example of the players, to a
universal mystification, upon which the best thing
we could do would be to look at one another and
But this is not in the course of events.
lau'di.
MONEY?
AVIIAT IS
1G3
The experiment has been made, and every time a

despot has altered the money
B. Who says anything about altering the money?
....
Why,
F.
scraps
to
of jjaper
or
francs,
to
two and a
to
them
to
of
silver
piece
half,
people
take
paymênt
in
Avhich have been officially baptized
force
grains,
five
force
receive,
which
weighing
as
Aveighs _only
but which has been othcially named
same thing, if not Avorse and all

which can be made in favour of
assignats has been made in favour of legal false
money.
Certainly, looking at it, as you did just
now, and as you appear to be doing still, if it is
a franc,
the
is
the reasoning
believed that to multiply the instruments .of exchange

is
multiply the exchanges themselves
to
the things exchanged,
as Avell as
might very reasonably be

thought that the most simple means was to double the
croAvns, and to cause the law to give to the half the
name and value of the whole. Well, in both cases,
depreciation
the cause.
is
inevitable.
must
it
also
I think I have told you
inform you, that this deprecia-
which, Avith paper, might go on until
it came to
by continually making dupes and
of these, poor people, simple persons, Avorkmen and
countrymen are the chief
B. I see ; but stop a little. This dose of Economy
is rather two strong for once.
F. Ee it so.
We are agi'eed, then, upon this
tion,
nothing,
point,
is
effected
that
Avealth
is
Avhich
we produce by
result
of
all
the
the
mass
labour
efforts
Avhich
of
or,
useful
still
Ave
things
better, the
make
for
the
WHAT
164
the
are
exchanged
convenience
MONEY?
wants and
satisfaction of our
things
IS
of
tastes.
for
each
those
to
These useful
otlier,
according to
whom
they belong.
one
There are two forms in these transactions;

called
for
barter
the
in
this
case,
service
is
is
rendered
sake of receiving an equivalent service im-
transactions would be
In order that they may be
multiplied, and accomplished independently of time
and space amongst persons unknown to each other,
and by infinite fractions, an intermediate agent has
mediately.
In
exceedingly
limited.
been necessary,
this
exchange, which
this
is
form,
is
cash.
nothing
It gives
occasion for
but a
complicated
else
what has to be remarked and

Exchange decomposes itself into
derstood.
bargains, into two actors, sale and purcliase,
reunion of which is needed to complete it.
then, with
sell a service, and receive a crown
Then only is the
croAvn, you buy a service.
bargain.
This
is
un-
two
the
gain
complete
it
is
not
till
then that your
has been followed by a real satisfaction.
You
this
bar-
effort
Evidently
you only work to satisfy tlie wants of others, that

So long as you
others may work to satisfy yours.
have only the crown which has been given you for
your work, you are only entitled to claim the work
When you have done so, the
of another person.
economical evolution will be accomplished as far as
you are concerned, since you will then only have

obtained, by a real satisfaction, the true reward for
The idea of a bargain implies a seryour trouble.
Why should
vice rendered, and a service received.
WHAT
105
MONEY?
IS
not be the same with exchange, which is merely

And here there are two
in two parts?
First, It is a very unobservations to be made.
it
a bargain
or
little
much
if
for each transaction
servation
is
this
is
that
much,
wanted,
is
little
come
has
it
ob-
cask
that
seen
is
exchange,
every
to be regarded as the sign
much
is
The second
all.
it
be
there
little,
is
: Because
in
reappears
always
there
there
If
world.
cash in the
required
is
whether
circumstance
important
and the measure of the
things exchanged.
Will you
B.
still
deny that cash
the useful things of which you speak 1

louis* is no more the sign
F.
corn, than a sack of corn
What harm
B.
is
we
this,
is
Avhen
go
still
it
leads
to
and we
absolute
Just as in
further.
we
are in
the
danger
the false measures which you
all
made you an
of wealth,
money;
have only to increase the sign, in order
to increase the things signified
of adopting
of
there in looking at cash as the
is
The inconvenience
idea that
sack
of a
the sign of a louis.
sign of wealth?
F.
the sign of
is
We
king.
money we see the sign

money the sign of
in paper
see also
and thence conclude that there
easy and simple
took
should
method
is
a very
of procuring for everybody
the pleasure of fortune.
But you
B.
cash
F.
is
Avill
not go so far as to dispute that
the measure of values
Yes,
certainly,
do go as
* Twenty francs.
far
as
that,
for
WHAT
16G
that
where the iUusion
precisely
is
money!
IS
become customary
to that of cash.
It is said,
or twenty francs,
as
we
this
of everything
worth
is
has
It
lies.
to refer the value
five,
ten,
say this iceighs five, ten, or
twenty grains
this measures five, ten, or twenty

;
ground contains five, ten, or twenty acres ;
and hence it has been concluded, that cash is the
measure of values.
B. "Well, it appears as if it Avas so.
F. Yes, it appears so, and it is this I complain
yards
of,
this
and not of the
changeable.
and
quantity
It
is
not
This
silver.
reality.
is
surface,
size,
and un-
upon,
with the value of gold
so
varies
measure of length,
agreed
much
as
that
as
of corn,
and from the same causes,

has the same source and obeys the same laws.
wine, cloth, or labour,

for
it
Gold
the
and
It
is
brought
the
costs
its
combination
more
little
of
merchants
in request
circumstance
all
is
in a word,
other
is
human
singular,
When
mistakes.
attributed
all
capitalists,
and
the
it
it
and
is
is
is much
much or
undergoes the
gives
of
to
exchanged.
circumstances
price of corn will rise.
the
Thus,
relative
It will be
many
to
varies,
to
remain the same, and that the corn harvest has
The
fluc-
But one
rise
cash
by language
it
seamen.
expense of
productions.
value
the
productions for which
suppose that
of
the
and whether
in the market,
tuations of
variation
advances
according to whether there
production,
or little
the
according to
or less,
by
our reach, just like iron,
Avitliin
labour of miners,
said,
the
other
let
us
gold
failed.
"The
WHAT
MONEY?
IS
167
was worth twenty francs, is

and this Avill be correct, for it is
the value of the corn Avhich has varied, and language
quarter of corn, wliicli
now worth
agrees
thirty
with the
position
let
it
"
fact.
But
the
sub-
circumstances
remain the same, and that half of
the gold in existence
swallowed up
is
gold which will
the price of
is
all
the
reverse
let lis
us suppose that
relative to corn
all
this time
rise.
Avould
It
seem that we ought to say, " This Napoleon, which

jSTow,
ôas worth twenty francs, is noio icorth forty."
do you know how this is expressed ? Just as if it
was the other objects of comparison which had fallen
in price, it is said,
" Corn, which ii-as 'worth twenty
francs, is now onlij worth ten."
B. It all comes to the same tiling in the end.
F. ]Nô doubt but only think what disturbances,
what cheatings are jDroduced in exchanges, wlien
the value of the
medium
ing aware
by a change in
of
it
without our becom-
varies,
the
name.
Old
name of twenty
name through every
pieces are issued, or notes bearing the
francs, and
subsequent
duced a
which will bear that

depreciation.
The
value
a half, but they
(piarter,
jMeces or notes of
went ij francs.
Avill
will
still
be
Clever persons will
take care not to part with their goods unless for

larger
number
of
notes
in
re-
be called
other
words,
they will
ask Ibrty francs for what they would formerly have

sold for twenty
Many
but simple persons will be taken
must pass before all the values will

liud their proper level.
Under the influence of
ignorance and custom, the day's pay of a country
in.
years
WHAT
68
labourer
whUe
MONEY
IS
remain for a long time at a
will
the saleable price of
In
we
I must beg you, before

attention
upon
you
since
short,
point
essential
this
con-
will sink
me
wish
Unish,
to
separate, to fix
money (under whatever form
false
He
rising.
franc,
of
being able to discover the
destitution without
cause.
the articles
all
sumption around him' will be

into
your whole
When
may
it
once
take)
is
put into circulation, depreciation will ensue, and maniitself
fest
by the universal
capable of being
is
this rise in prices
not instantaneous and equal for
men, brokers, and
by
it
for
men
of
all
business,
of prices, to observe "the cause, and
upon
late
But
it.
little
is
Sharp
will not suffer
even to specu-
tradesmen,
countrymen,
whole weight of it. The

not any the richer for it, but the poor
and Avorkmen,
will bear the
man is
man becomes
poorer by
rich
of
things.
their trade to Avatch the fluctuations
is
it
everything which
rise of
But
sold.
kind have the

which separates
this
tance
paralysing
the
santly bringing
social
men
wealth
to the
expedients
of increasing the dis-
tendencies
centuries for the
require
Therefore,
it.
effect
same
from
Avhich
level,
jjoverty,
are
and
suffering classes to
of
incesit
Avill
regain
the ground which they have lost in their advance
towards
B.
eqtialiti/
of condition.
Good morning ; I
shall go
and meditate upon
the lecture you have been giving me.
you finished your own dissertation 1

have scarcely begun mine. I have
not yet spoken of the hatred of capital, of gratuitous
F.
As
for
Have
me,
WHAT
credit
takes
it rise
fatal notion,
169
does this frightful commotion of the
money being
populace against capitalists arise from
confounded with wealth

F.
It is the result
certain
nately,
and
privileges
which are quite

But Avhen the
account for this feeling.
sufficient to
democracy have wished to justify
theorists of
systematize
it,
to
against the very nature
it
they have had
capital,
it,
to give it the appearance of a reason-
able opinion, and to turn
of
Unfortuhave arrogated to them-
of different causes.
capitalists
monopolies
selves
which
deplorable mistake,
from the same source.
What
B.
MONEY?
IS
economy
recourse
to
that
false
whose root the same confusion

is always
to be found.
They have said to the
people
Take a cro-ivn, put it under a glass
forget it for a year
then go and look at it, and you
political
at
will be convinced that it has not
produced ten sous,

nor five sous, nor any fraction of a sou.
Therefore,
money produces no interest."

Then, substituting
for the word money its pretended sign, capital,
they have made it by then- logic undergo this
modification
" Then capital produces no interest."
Then follow this series of consequences--" Tliere-
he
fore
who
lends a capital ought to obtain nothing
he who lends you a capital, if

he gains something by it, is robbing you; therefore
from
all
it
therefore
capitalists
ought
to
robbers
are
serve
belongs in reality to
belong;
therefore
gratuitously
therefore
those
those to
there
is
wealth,
whom
no
wliich
who borrow
it
such
does
thing
it,
not
as
WHAT
170
property
This
much
But, alas
There
please,
F.
so
admirably
such
moneu,
hardly
.services,
know where
on the
my
subject.
attention.
head
capital,
I am.
should
command my
confusion in
from the
so,
formed.
be enlightened
like to
cash,
really, I
very serious; the more
I can no longer
is
words
is
."
being
syllogism
very
MONEY?
tkerefore everything belongs to ererybody
therefore
B.
IS
the
of
that,
interest,
We
you
will, if
resume the conversation another day.
In
entitled
meantime,
the
Cajntal and Rent.
here
It
is
may
work
little
perhaps remove
some of your doubts. Just look at it, when you

want of a little amusement.
B To amuse me ?
F. "Who knows 1 One nail drives in another
one wearisome thing drives away another.
B. I have not yet made up my mind that your
views upon cash and political economj'- in general
are correct.
But, from your conversation, this is
what I have gathered
That these questions are of
are in
.
the highest importance
anarchy, the union

are
at the root
or
for peace or war,
the antagonism
of
order or
citizens,
How
of the answer to them.
is it
which concerns us all

nearly, and the diffusioii of which Avould have
decisive an influence upon the fate of mankind,
that,
so
in France, a science
little
teach
known
Is
it
that
the
State
so
so
is
not
does
it sufficiently 1
F.
applies
Xot
exactly.
itself
to
For,
loading
without
knowing
everybody's
brain
it
it
Avith
WPIAT
and
prejudices,
MONEY?
IS
heart
everybodj^'s
171
with
sentiments
favourable to the spirit of anarchy, war, and hatred
when
that,
so
union
presents
doctrine
itself,
it
and truth on
clearness
of
vain
side,
its
and
peace,
order,
in
is
that
has
it
cannot gain
it
admittance.
B.
you
Decidedly,
What
people's
At
Consider.
lectual
faculties
the age
when
of
mystifying
in
and
revolutions,
There must certainly be a
what you
great deal of exaggeration in
F.
grumbler.
frightful
have
State
favour
in
intellects
and foreign wars
civil
are
can the
interest
the
begin
period
say.
when
develop
to
impressions are
our
intel-
themselves,
at
wdien habits
liveliest,
mind are formed Avith the greatest ease when

we might look at society and understand it in a
of
word, as soon as Ave are seven or eight years old,
what does the State do

our
takes
eyes,
social circle Avhich
our
susceptible
into
the
Avhat
Eoman
here
There
founded
upon
should
on
society
Ave
they hated labour;

labour.
be
the
here
be.
from
There
hate
of
2!ôw
opposed to
they
lived
There
Avar.
live
upon
Avere
plunder
free
us
make
subsistence
ought
Ave
means
slavery and
hearts,
brain.
directly
is
ought to
the
draAvn
the
keeps
It
long enough to
least,
our society ought to

Avar
impressible
society.
impression
ineffaceable
upon
our
Eoman
of
there for ten years at
an
over
midst of
surrounds us, to plunge us, with
faculties,
midst
observe, that
puts a bandage
It
us gently from the
to
here
industry.
they
Eoman
WHAT
172
IS
MONEY?
was organised in consequence of its prinadmired what made it prosper.

There they considered as virtue, what we look upon
as vice.
Its poets and historians had to exalt what
society
It necessarily
ciple.
we ought
to
not have the
The
despise.
same
expect
that
or
all
at
at
Paris.
youths
these
conventual
words,
Avho
schools,
liberft/,
^c, could
infiuence,
signification
have, or ought to have,
university
very
honour,
order, justice, 2)eople,
Rome
have
with
they
as
How
can you
been at
Livy and
Quintus Curtius for their catechism, will not understand liberty
like
the
patriotism like Caesar
Gracchi,
How
virtue
like
Cato,
can you expect them
be factious and warlike 1

How can you
them to take the slightest interest in the
mechanism of our social order 1
Do you think
that their minds have been prepared to understand
it %
Do you not see that, in order to do so, they
must get rid of their present impressions, and
receive others entirely opposed to them ?
not to
expect
What
F.
I will
do you conclude from that 1

tell
you.
The most urgent
necessity
not that the State should teach, but that

alloto
education.
but the
All
Avorst of all is the
monopolies
are
it
is,
should
detestible^
monopoly of education.
THE LAW.
The law
perverted
The law
and, in
the
only
not
made
come
being
check
its
which
The
was
law
this is a serious fact, if it exists,
bound
feel
We
hold from
intellectual,
But
God
and moral
stowed
it,
ing
of developing
it,
others.
all
very
that
Truly,
which I
to
fellow-citizens.
far as
as
Life
we
physical,
life.
He who
itself.
has be-
has entrusted us with the care of support-
He
wonderful
and of perfecting
it,
of
it.
To
has provided us with a collection of
faculties
He
has
midst of a variety of elements.

cation
my
the gift Avhich,
contains
cannot support
life
that end,
and one
to call the attention of
concerned,
are
of
guilty
mission to punish
its
be-
avarice, instead of
every kind of
it
but
The law
all
law, I say,
proper direction,
its
one entirely contrary
the tool of
iniquity
from
diverted
to pursue
wake,
its
the collective forces of the nation
our faculties
to
plunged us into the

It is
by the
these elements,
apjili-
that the
phenomena of assimilation and of appropriation, by

which life pursues the circle which has been assigned
to
it,
are realized.
Existence, faculties, assimilation

personality,
liberty,
property
this
in
is
other
man.
words,
It is of
THE LAW.
174
these three things that
demagogue
all
human
superior to all
It is not because
sonality,
liberty,
trary,
is
it
the
said,
apart from
they are interior and
legislation.
and property
exist.
laws, that
On
joer-
the con-
because personality, liberty, and property
^Vhat, then,
is
may be
that
men have made
exist beforehand, that
it
it
subtletj',
is
men make laws.

As I have
said elsewhere,
of
the individual
law
collective
organization
right to lawful defence.

]S"ature, or rather God, has bestowed upon every
one of us the right to defend his person, his liberty,
and his property,
since these
are
tuent or preserving elements of
which
of
the three
life
rendered complete by the others, and
is
cannot be understood without them.

our faculties, but the
and what
ties
For what are
extension of our personality
property, but an extension of our facul-
is
If every
number
man
has the right of defending, even by
person,
his
force,
of
his
men have
extend,
to
consti-
elements, each
to
liberty,
and his property, a
the right to combine together,
organize a
common
force,
to provide
regularly for this defence.
Collective right, then, has
its
principle, its reason
for existing, its lawfulness, in individual right
the
common
force
and
cannot rationally have any other
end, or any other mission, than that of the isolated

Thus, as the
for Avliich it is substituted.
forces
force
of
person,
an
the
individual
liberty,
or
cannot lawfully touch the

the property of another
THE LAW.
individual
for
175
same reason, the common force
the
cannot lawfully be used to destroy the person, the

property of individuals or of classes.
liberty, or the
For
the
in
as
woidd
this perversion of force

other,
in
For who will dare

to us, not to
And
be true of the
this
The
can
therefore,
law
collective force, Avhich is
more
be
right of lawful defence
it is
evident
the organization of
is
be not
this
if
acting independently,
only the organized union of isolated forces

^STothing,
been given
to sa}' that force has
true of every individual force,

it
one case
our premises.
defend our rights, but to annihilate the
equal rights of our brethren
how can
be, in
contradiction to
than
the natural
the substitution of col-
lective for individual forces, for the purpose of acting
in the sphere in
which they have a right
to act, of
doing what they have a right to do, to secure

sons, liberties,
and
properties,
and
to maintain
in its right, so as to cause justice to reign over
And
to
if
exist,
a people established
it
among them
It
seems to
seems to
me
that
upon
that such a people
the least to be
most
just, and, consequently, the
felt,
the
least
their ideas.
would have the
most simple, the most economical, the

sive,
were
would prevail
in their acts as Avell as in
me
all.
this basis
order
j)er-
each
least oppres-
responsible,
the
most solid Government which could be imagined, whatever its political form might be.
For, under such an administration, every one
would feel that he possessed all the fulness, as well
as
all
the responsibility of his existence.
So long
THE LAW.
176
personal safety was
as
ensured,
labour
long as
so
and the fruits of labour secured against aU

unjust attacks, no one would have any difficulties to
was
free,
When
prosperous,
we
have to thank the State
for
contend with in the State.

should not,
our success
true,
is
it
we should no
but when unfortunate,
more think of taxing
We
or of frost.
than our
witli our disasters,
it
peasants think of attributing to
know
should
the arrival of hail
it
it
only by the inestim-
able blessing of Safety.

It
may
further be
non-intervention
and
wants
our
of
affirmed,
the
their
see
towns peopled
nor rural
districts
affairs,
would
satisfactions
We
develop
should not
seeking for literary instruction be-
were supplied
fore they
private
in
themselves in their natural order.

see poor families
thanks to the
that,
State
at
We
Avith bread.
should not
expense of rural
at the
the
districts,
We
expense of towns.
should not see those great displacements, of
capital,
of labour, and of population, which legislative meadisplacements, which render so unand precarious the very sources of existence,
and thus aggravate to such an extent the responsi-
sures occasion
certain
bility of
Governments.
Unhappily,
own
law
is
Xor
department.
by no means confined to its

is it merely in some indiffer-
ent and debateable views that

sphere.
in
direct
destroyed
It has
opposition
its
annihilating
it
done more than
own
to
object
that justice
its
;
it
has
this.
proper
proper
left its
It has acted
end
it
has
has been employed in
which
it
ought
to
have
THE LAW.
established,
iu
which was
177
amongst Eights, that limit
eflacing
true missio]i to respect
its
has placed
it
the collective force in the service of those

to
without
traffic,
plunder
converted
protect
into
that
right,
it
it
may
and lawful defence into a crime, that
it,
may punish
How
who wish
scruple, in the
and the property of others
persons, the liberty,
has
and without
risk,
it
it.
has this perversion of law been accomplished
And what
has resulted from
it
The law has been perverted through the

of two very different causes
bare
influence
egotism and false
philanthropy.
Let us speak of the former.
and development is the common

men, iu such a way that if every
Self-preservation
aspiration of
all
one
enjoyed the free exercise of his faculties and
the
free
of
disposition
their
social
fruits,
progress
would be incessant, uninterrupted, inevitable.

But there is also another disposition which is
common to them. This is, to live and to develop,
when they
This
can,
no
is
gloomy,
of
tions
versality
the
races,
of
fatal
constitution
versal,
and
it,
another.
from
by the incessant wars, the migrasacerdotal
with
disposition
of
one
of
emanating
History bears -witness
spirit.
slavery,
monopolies
This
imputation,
uncharitable
to the truth of
expense
the
at
rash
man
the
which
has
in
invincible
oppressions,
frauds
its
that
its
in
the
annals
origin
in
primitive,
sentiment
uni-
and
trade,
which
abound.
the
very
and uniurges
it
THE
178
towards
its
LA.W.
and makes
well-being,
seek to escape
it
pain.
Man
can only derive
and enjoyment from a

tliat is, from a
life
perpetual search and appropriation

perpetual
application
from labour.
This
But yet he may
'Now,
labour
his
to
or
objects,
the origin of property.
and enjoy, by
live
This
faculties
productions
appropriating the
his fellow men.
is
of
is
being
and
siezing
the
of
of
faculties
the origin of plunder.

in
itself
and man
pain,
being naturally inclined to avoid pain,
follows,
it
and history proves it, that wherever plunder is less

burdensome than labour, it prevails
and neither
;
religion nor
morality
can,
in
this
case,
prevent
it
from prevailing.
When
comes
is
then
cease,
When
more
burdensome and
this
be
should
fatal
in
tendency
flxvour
of
that all
property,
be-
than
proper aim of
to oppose the powerful obstacle
force to
it
dangerous
It is very evident that the
labour.
law
plunder
does
less
of
collective
its
measures
and
against
plunder.
But the law is made, generally, by one man, or

by one class of men.
And as law cannot exist
without the sanction and the support of a preponderating force, it must finally place this force
in the hands of those
who
legislate.
This inevitable phenomenon,

fatal
heart
tendency which, we have

of
man, explains the
version of law.
combined with the

said,
almost
exists
in
universal
the
per-
It is easy to conceive that, instead
179
THE LAW,
upon
of being a check
its
most
easy to conceive that,
It is
invincible instrument.
becomes
injustice, it
according to the power of the legislator,
it
destroys
and in different degrees, amongst

the rest of the community, personal independence
by slavery, liberty by oppression, and property by
own
for its
profit,
plunder.
It
of
who
of
classes
tend,
means,
to
by
organised
is
perpetrate
against
rise
law, for the profit
plundered
the
all
it,
the
When,
by peaceful or revolutionary
in some way into the manufactur-
either
enter
ing of laws.
to
they are the victims.
Avhich
therefore, plunder
those
men
nature of
the
in
is
injustice
These
according to the degree
classes,
which they have arrived, may

of enlightenment
very different ends,
propose to themselves two
at
when
they thus attempt the

rights
political
end
either
to lawful plunder,
part in
of
their
or
it.
Woe
to the nation
amongst the masses,

turn, seize upon the
Up
attainment
may wish to put an

they may desire to take
they
to that time,
where
at the
this latter
thought prevails
moment when
legislative
power
they, in their
lawful plunder
has been exer-
by the few upon the many, as is the case in

countries where the right of legislating is confined
But now it has become universal,
to a few hands.
sought in universal plunequilibrium
is
the
and
The injustice Avhich society contains, inder.
cised
stead
of
As soon
being
as the
rooted
out
of
it,
is
generalised.
injured classes have recovered their
N 2

180
THE LAW.
their first thought
political riglits,
plunder
(this
would suppose them
is,
not to abolish
to possess enlighten-
ment, which they cannot have), but to organise against

the other classes, and to their
some
of reprisals,
as if
of justice arrives,
retribution,
own
detriment, a system
was necessary, before the reign

that all should undergo a cruel
for their iniquity and some for their
it
ignorance.
would be impossible,
It
into
than this
therefore,
introduce
to
and a greater evil

the conversion of the law into an instru-
society
change
greater
ment of plunder.
What would be the consequences of such a perversion'?
It would require volumes to describe them
all.
We must content ourselves with j)ointing out
the most striking.
In the
first
conscience
place,
the
it
would efface from everybody's

between justice and in-
distinction
justice.
ISô
society can exist unless the laws are respected
to a certain degree, but the safest
respected
is
to
make them
way
respectable.
to
make them
When
law and
morality are in contradiction to each other, the citizen

finds hiniself in the cruel alternative of either losing
his moral sense, or of losing his respect for the law
two
be
evils of equal
magnitude, between which
it
would
difficult to choose.
It
is
justice,
so
much
that
in
in
one and the same.

disposition
to
the nature of law to
the minds
regard
support
of the masses they are
There
is
what
is
in
all
of us a strong
lawful as
legitimate,

THE LAW.
niuch.
SO
many
that
so,
falsely
181
derive
all
justice
from law. It is sufficient, then, for the law to order

and sanction plunder, that it may appear to many
consciences just and sacred.
Slavery, protection,
and monopoly find defenders, not only in those who

profit
by them, but
in those
you suggest a doubt

tutions,
it
innovator,
laws
said
is
as to
directly
Utopian,
who
suffer
by them.
If
the morality of these insti-
" You
are a dangerous
despiser of the
theorist,
you would shake the basis upon which society
rests."
If you lecture upon morality, or political economy,

official
bodies will be found to
Government
" That henceforth
make
this request to the
and
science be taught not only Avith
reference to free exchange (to liberty, j^roperty,
sole
justice), as
has been the case np to the present
and especiallj', Avith reference to the

and legislation (contrary to liberty, property, and
justice) which regulate French industry.
"That, in public pulpits salaried by the treasiuy,
the professor abstain rigorously from endangering in
time, but also,
facts
the slightest degree the respect due to the laws

force."
now
in
So that if a law exists which sanctions slavery

monopoly, oppression or plunder, in any form
whatever, it must not even be mentioned for how
can it be mentioned Avithout damaging the resStill further, morality and
pect Avhich it inspires 1
or
* General Council of Manufacturers, Agricultural, and Commerce,

eth of May, 1850.
THE LAW.
182
economy must be taught
political
law
this
that
only because
just,
Another
law
is
is,
eflPect
that
it
in connection Avith
under the supposition
must be
tliat it
law.
it is
of this deplorable perversion of the
human
gives to
passions and to political
struggles, and, in general, to politics, properly so called,
an exaggerated preponderance.
I could prove this assertion in a thousand ways.
But
to
of
late
by way of illustration,
upon a subject which has
everybody's
mind
universal
confine
shall
bringing
myself,
bear
to
it
occupied
suffrage.
Whatever may be thought of
it
by the adepts of
the school of Eousseau, which professes to be very
far advanced, but which I consider twenty centuries

behind, universal suffrage (taking the word in its
strictest sense) is not one of those sacred dogmas
with respect to which examination and doubt are
crimes.
Serious objections
In the
inhabitants.
To
to
it.
the word nnlversal conceals a
There
sophism.
gross
of
may be made
place,
first
are,
make
in
France,
the
right
36,000,000
of
sulfrage
universal, 36,000,000 of electors should be reckoned.
The most extended system reckons only
9,000,000.
Three persons out of four, then, are excluded ; and

more than this, they are excluded by the fourth.
Upon
Upon
frage,
who
Avhat
the
principle
principle
then,
means
are capable.
is
of
this
universal
In
exclusion
incapacity
point
of
suffrage
fact,
founded
Universal
who
of
suf-
those
are
the
THE LAW.
capable
Are
age, sex,
and
183
judicial condemnations
only conditions to which incapacity
the
attached
On
be
to
is
we may
taking a nearer view of the subject,
soon perceive the motive which causes the right of
depend upon the presumption of incamost extended system differing only in

this respect from the most restricted, by the appreciation of those conditions on which this incapacity
suffrage
to
pacity;
the
depends, and which constitutes, not a difference in

principle, but in degree.
This motive
that the elector does not stipulate for
is,
himself, but for everybody.
and Roman
republicans of the Greek
the
as
If,
tone pretend, the right of suffrage had fallen to the

every one at his birth,
lot of
prevent
tice to adults to
Why
voting.
are
presumed
it
they prevented
are
pacity a motive for exclusion
munity
right
acts
at
to
large
demand
upon Avhich
because
some
his
inca-
is
Because the elector
and
engages
vote
from
Eecause they
does not reap alone the responsibility

because every
injus-
children
And why
be incapable.
to
would be an
women and
the
as
and
com-
the
community
securities,
Avell-being
of his vote;
affects
has
regards
his
the
existence
depend.
I
know what might be
knoAv what might be
the place
What
exhaust
to
wish
eontroversy
(in
to
observe
said
in
objected.
controversy
is
common with
this,
the
answer to
But
of
that
this.
this is not
this
this
greater
kind.
same
part
of
184
THE LAW.
political
questions)
unsettles
the
importance
ought to
In
Avhicli
and
excites,
almost
lose
all
its
had always been what
law
the
if
agitates,
Avould
nations,
it
be.
law were confined to causing all perand all properties to be respected

if it were merely the organisation of individual
right and individual defence
if it were
the obfact,
if
sons, all liberties,
plunder
the check,
stacle,
oppression,
to
the
all
chastisement opposed
is
should dispute much, as

the greater
or
that
likely
the
advantages,
the
excluded
turn
their
Is
it
is
not
it
one and the same,
jealous
that
if
of
of
that
likely
it
the
Is it
greatest
Avait
for
enfranchised
their
pri^dlege
all
being
act without
much
the interest of
some would
inconvenience to the others
But
Is
that
likely
very
clear,
peace
that
would not quietly
classes
of suffrage?
compromise
public
would be
classes
And
would
it
all
we
on the subject of
citizens,
universality
less
to
that
lilcely
it
the fatal principle should come to be intro-
under pretence of organisation, regulaor encouragement, the law may

take from one party in order to give to another,
duced,
tion,
that,
protection,
help
itself to
that
it
of the
may
the Avealth acquired by
all
the classes
increase that of one class, Avhether that
agriculturists,
the
manufacturers,
the
ship-
and comedians ; then certainly, in

this case, there is no class which may not pretend,
and Avith reason, to place its hand upon the laAv,
which would not demand with fury its right of
owners,
or artists
THE LAW.
and
election
185
and which would overturn
eligibilitj'-,
than not obtain it.

Even beggars
and vagabonds Avill prove to you that they have an
rather
society
incontestable
to
title
They
it.
never buy wine, tobacco, or
salt,
say
will
We
"
without paying the
and a part of this tax is given by law in perand gratuities to men who are richer than
we are. Others make use of the law to create an
tax,
quisites
Since everybody
cloth.
Ave
profit,
like
is
of
meat, iron,
bread,
in law for his
traffics
We
should like to do the same.
make
to
which
in the price
rise
artiiicial
produce the
it
the poor man's
we ought to be
may organise, on
electors
right
and
should
assistance,
to
To
plunder.
effect
that
legislators,
alms for our
a large scale,
or
own
this,
we
own
you have organised, on a large scale, proDon't tell us that you will take
our cause upon yourselves, and throw to us GOO, 000
francs to keep us quiet, like giving us a bone to
pick.
We have other claims, and, at any rate, we
wdsh to stipulate for ourselves, as other classes
have stipulated for themselves "
How is this
argument to be answered?
Yes, as long as it is
admitted that the laAV may be diverted from its true
class,
as
tection for yours.
mission,
that
securmg
it,
it
may
violate
everybody AviU be
property
instead
wanting
of
manu-
to
facture laAv, either to defend himself against plunder,
or to
organise
question
.
it
and absorbing
The
for his OAvn profit.
always
Avill
in
around the door of
be
Avord,
the
there
will
Legislative
political
predominant,
prejudicial,
be fighting
Palace.
The
;;
THE LAW.
186
struggle will be no less furious within
vinced of
in the
passes
it is
this, it is
enough
Is there
to
discord,
in France
know how
the question stands.
any need to prove that
Look
even tends to
it
at
the
its
per-
States.
Avliere
the law
proper domain
disorganisa-
social
United
country in the world
within
this odious
a perpetual source of hatred and
is
that
con-
and in England
Chambers
version of law
tion?
To be
it.
hardly necessary to look at what
which
There
no
secure to
to
is,
is
kept more
is
every one his liberty and his property.
Therefore,
no country in the Avorld where social order

Neverrest upon a more solid basis.
theless, even in the United States, there are two
questions, and only two, which from the beginning
And what are
have endangered political order.
these two questions ? That of slavery and that of
there
is
appears to
tariffs
that
precisely the only
is
two questions in
which,
contrary
public,
law has taken the character of a plunderer.
Slavery
is
rights of
petrated
and
to
the general
Protection
by the law upon the
certainly
midst of so
it
is
many
this
sanctioned by law,
violation,
the person.
of
spirit
very
is
of
a violation
rights
remarkable
of
re-
the
jier-
property
that,
in
the
double legal
other debates, this
scourge, the sorrowful inheritance of the
Old World,
should be the only one which can, and perhaps wiU,

cause the rupture of the Union.
tounding
fact, in
ceived than this
Indeed, a more
as-
the heart of society, cannot be con-
That
instrument of injustice.
Imo should have become an
And
if
this
fact
occasions

THE LAW.
187
consequences so formidable to
where there
us in Europe, where
M.
it is
Montalenibert,
against
Carlier,
thought
the
"
said,
And
socialism."
States,
be with
it
a system
a principle
adopting
famous proclamation of M.
make war
United
the
but one exception, what must
is
of
We
by socialism,
M. Charles Dupin, he
according to the definition of
meant plunder.
But what plunder did he mean ? For there
two sorts extra-legal and legal plunder.
As
to
such
plunder,
extra-legal
swindling, which
defined, foreseen,
is
must
as
theft,
are
or
and punished
by the penal code, I do not think it can be adorned

It is not this
which
by the name socialism.
Besides, the Avar against
this
not waited for the signal
M.
the world
pearance
of
magistracy,
of
of
February
M. Montalenibert
it
it
long
Avith
all
gendarmerie,
It is the
scaflblds.
ing this war, and
society.
or
gone on since the beginning of
socialism
police,
of
kind of plunder has
France was carrying
revolution
the
and
It has
Carlier.
foundations
the
threatens
systematically
law
on long before
before
prisons,
which
itself
to be Avished, iu
is
the
the ceremonies
ap-
of
dungeons,
is
conduct-
my
opinion,
should always maintan this attitude
that the laAV
with respect to plunder.
But
takes
with
not the
this is
its
its
own
own
benefited
Sometimes
the
it
part.
hands,
shame,
case.
The
Sometimes
it
in
order to
the
danger,
places all this
law
sometimes
accomplishes
save
it
the parties
and the scruple.

ceremony of magistracy,
THE LAW.
188
and
gendarmerie,
police,
prisons,
the
at
service
he defends himself,
there
is
which
is
it
is,
meant hy M. Montalembert,
may
This plunder
be only an exceptional blemish
in the legislation of a
thing
best
In a word,
no doubt, this
the criminal.
as
phtnder, and
legal
of
when
the plunderer, and treats the plundered party,
done
speeches and lamentations,
soon as possible,
interested
But
this case, the
-without
is,
many
so
how
be
to
it
is
it
as
clamours of
the
See whether the
easily.
do away with
to
notwithstanding
parties.
Very
guished?
and in
2:)eople,
can be
that
distin-
takes
laAv
from some persons that which belongs to them, to

See
give to others what does not belong to them.
whether the law performs, for the profit of one
citizen,
and
cannot perform
an
miquities,
take
not
multiply,
iniquity
for
invites
it
care,
the
it
is
fertile
exceptional
case
and become systematic.
He
his acquired rights.

to
protect
will plead that
be
it
enriched,
that
thus shower
down
men.
for
it is
Take
just
care
is
it
of
Avill
extend,
doubt
the
he will assert
will say that the
State is
and encourage his industry

is
not
you do
]ô
;
it
source
if
and
reprisals;
party benefited will exclaim loudly
bound
an act which
committing a
others,
without
Abolish this law mthout delay;
crime.
merely
the injury of
to
citizen
this
he
good thing for the State to

maj' spend the more, and
salaries
upon
not to listen to
the
poor
this
work-
sophistry,
by the systematising of these arguments
that legal plunder becomes systematised.
189
THE LAW.
And
this is
what has taken
The delusion
place.
of the day is to enrich all classes at the expense of
each other
Xow,
it.
may be
legal plunder
exercised in an infinite multitude of
come an
under pre-
generalise plunder
to
is
it
tence of organising
Hence
ways.
multitude of plans for organisation
infinite
protection,
ments,
progressive
gratuitous
taxation,
encourage-
gratuities,
perquisites,
tariffs,
instruction,
right to labour, right to profit, right to wages, right

to assistance, right to instruments of labour, gratuity
And
of credit, &c., &c.
these plans, taken
all
is
it
with what they have in common,
as a whole,
plunder, which takes the
name
legal,
of socialism.
thus defined, and forming a docwhat other war would you make against
You find this doctrine
than a war of doctrine 1
JSTow
socialism,
trinal body,
it
false,
all
Eefute
absurd, abominable.
the more easy, the more
and the more abominable

wish
to
it
This will be
it.
the more absurd
Above
is.
every
crept
into
of
particle
it,
and
socialism
this
wdl
if
all,
be strong, begin by rooting out
legislation
have
false,
of
you
your
which may
no light
be
work.
M. Montalembert has been reproached with wishing to turn brute force against socialism.
to
be
exonerated
from
this
reproach,
He
for
ought
he has
The war which we must make

must be one which is compatible
with the law, honour, and justice."
But how is it that IM. jNIontalembert does not
plainly
said
"
against socialism
see that he
is
placing himself
in a vicious
circle
THE LAW.
190
You would oppose law to socialism. But it

It aspires to
law which socialism invokes.
It is of the law
not extra-legal plunder.
like monopolists of all kinds, that
and when once

its side, how will you be able
How will you place
against it 1
an instrument
it
wants
is
to
the
legal,
itself,
make
has the law on
it
turn the law

under the power
to
it
gendarmes, and of your

you do then 1
You wish to
prevent it from taking any part in the making of
laws.
You would keep it outside the Legislative
In this you will not succeed, I venture to
Palace.
of
your
prisons
your
tribunals,
What
prophesy,
so
will
long as legal plunder
is
the basis of
the legislation within.

It
legal
is
only three solutions of

1.
2.
3.
that
necessary
absolutely
this
of
question
plunder should be determined, and there are

it
When the few plunder the man3^

When everybody plunders everybody else.
When nobody plunders anybody.
plunder,
choice.
universal
plunder,
Partial
plunder,
of
absence
amongst these we have to make our

The law can only produce one of these
results.
Partial plunder.
This
is
the system which
vailed so long as the elective privilege
a system which
is
was
pre-
2^?'îZ
resorted to to avoid the invasion
of socialism.
Universal plunder.
this system
universal
when
We
have been threatened by
the elective privilege has become
the masses having conceived the idea of

191
THE LAW.
making
on the principal of
law,
legislators
who had
preceded them.
Absence
good
till
my
And,
in
at
This
my
all
the
is
proclaim
shall
principle
of
and
of
conciliation,
stability,
lungs (which
the day of
required
order,
which
sense,
force of
plunder.
of
peace,
justice,
with
all
the
very inadequate, alas
is
!)
death.
sincerity,
can
more be
Can the law,
anything
the hands of the law?
whose necessary sanction is force, be reasonably

employed upon anything beyond securing to every
one his right ? I defy any one to remove it from
this circle without perverting it, and consequently
And
turning force against right.
most
which
fatal,
can
mitted
after,
that
the
of
simple words
the
true
problem,
social
Law
is
is
by
idea of
festation
charity,
law, that
organising
the
must be ad-
much sought
contained in these
that to
organise
by force, excludes the

or by force any mani-
to say
by
agriculture,
it
is
perversion
organised Justice.
is
whatever
this
social
so
solution,
ISTow it is important to remark,
justice
as
most illogical
possibly be imagined,
the
law,
of
human
commerce,
activity
industry,
labour,
instruc-
or religion ; for any one of these

would inevitably destroy the essential
tion, the fine arts,
organisations
organisation.
How,
in
fact,
can
we imagine
force
upon the liberty of citizens without

infringing upon justice, and so acting against its
proper aim 1
Here I am encountering the most popular preencroaching
THE LAW.
192
judice
our time.
of
It
is
that law should he just,

It
not
is
that
sufficient
applied
faculties,
the
should
is
and
morality,
This
the
fascinating
is
of
intellectual,
required
instruction,
nation.
to
exercise
physical,
it
guarantee
inoffensive
his
to
and moral development

well-heing,
not considered, enough

must he philanthropic.
it
and
every citizen the free

his
it
to
extend
over
directly
side
of
so-
cialism.
I repeat
But,
these two missions of the law
it,
We
contradict each other.
them.
have to choose hetween
cannot at the same time he free
citizen
M. de Lamartine wrote to me one

and not free.
" Your doctrine is only the half of my
day thus
you have stopped at liherty, I go on
jDrogramme
The second
fraternity."
I answered him
to
:
of
part
And
programme
your
in fact
impossible for
is
it
will
Avord fratern'dij from the
'
the
destroy
me
to
first."
separate the
word voluntary.
I cannot
possibly conceive fraternity legally enforced, without
being ley ally
liberty
trampled under
foot.
destroyed,
and
justice
ley ally
Legal plunder has two roots
one of them, as we have already seen,
is
in
human
; tho other is in false pliilanthropy.

Before I proceed, I think I ought to explain myself
egotism
upon the word
plunder.'^
I do not take
it,
as
it
often
is
taken, in a vague,
undefined, relative, or metaphorical sense.

in
its
scientific
opposite
idea
acceptation,
to
and
is
I use
it
expressing the
When
property.
The French word
as
spoliation.
portion
of
THE
193
LA.W.
the hands
wealth passes out of
him who has
of
and without comacquu-ed it,

pensation, to him who has not created it, whether
by force or by artifice, I say that property is
without his consent,
plunder
that
violated,
and everywhere.
action
ytill
perpetrated,
under
view,
case,
the law
If
ought to repress,
it
perpetrated.
is
itself
and even, in
performs the
plunder
that
say
In
this
however, he wlio profits from the plunder
not responsible for

society
itself,
and
it
is
it
is
the law, the laAvgiver,
where the
this is
is
of
point
social
circumstances.
aggravated
that
say
to repress ahvays
what the law ought
this is exactly
political
danger
lies.
It
be
to
is
regretted
another,
for
there
that
something
is
I have sought in vain for
offensive in the word.
I would not
wish
any
at
and
time,
now, to add an irritating word to

our dissensions ; therefore, whether I am believed
or not, I declare that I do not mean to accuse the
especially
just
intentions
nor
the
morality
attacking an idea which
system which appears to

is
so
profits
it
independent of
by
it
Avithout
of
anybody.
I believe to
me
to
be unjust
intentions,
wishing
be
it,
that
and
without being aware of the cause.
am
false
and this
each
of
suffers
Any
us
from
person
must write under the influence of party spirit or

of fear, who would call in question the sincerity
of protectionism, of socialism, and even of communism, Avhich are one and the same plant, in tliree
different
periods
of
its
growth.
All
can be
that
THE LAW.
194
said
in
is, tliat
is more visible by its iârtiality

and by its universality in com-
plunder
protectionism,*
munism
tems,
whence
socialism
it
is
follows that, of
still
the
most
the three sys-
vague,
the
most
undefined, and consequently the most sincere.
Be
as
it
has one of
it
its
may, to conclude that

roots
in
false
legal
philanthropy,
plunder
is
evi-
examine
the
dently to put intentions out of the question.
With
understanding,
this
value, the origin,

aspiration,
let
ns
and the tendency of
which
pretends
to
realise
this
popular
the
general
good by general plunder.
The
why
Socialists say, since the
should
religion
Whj
it
Because
instruction,
law organises
justice,
not organise labour, instruction, and
and
it
could
religion,
not
organise
without
labour,
disorganising
justice.
remember, that law
is force, and that condomain of the law cannot lawfully

extend beyond the domain of force.
When law and force keep a man Avithin the
bounds of justice, they impose nothing upon him
but a mere negation.
They only oblige him to
abstain from doing harm.
They violate neither
They
his personality, his liberty, nor his property.
For,
sequently the
* If protection were only granted in France to a single class,

to the engineers, for instance, it would be so absurdly plundering,
Tims we see all the protected
as to be unable to maintain itself.
trades combine, make common cause, and even recruit themselves in such a way as to appear to embrace the mass of the
national labour.
They feel instinctively that plunder is slurred
over by being generalised.
THE LAW.
195
only guard the personality, the liberty, the property
They hold themselves on the defensive ;

all.
They fulfil a
mission Avhose harmlessness is evident, whose utility
of others.
they defend the equal right of
is
palpable,
and whose legitimacy
This
puted.
is
true that, as
so
is
not to be disfriend
of
mine
once remarked to me, to say that the aim of the laio

is to cause justice to reign, is to use an expression
which is not rigorously exact. It ought to be said,

the aim of the law is to prevent injustice from reigning.
In fact, it is not justice which has an existence of
The one results from the
its own, it is injustice.
absence of the other.
But when the

agent
necessary
medium
through the
law,
force,
imposes
a form
of
its
of labour,
a method or a subject of instruction, a creed, or a

Avorship,
it
upon men.
their
to
It
own
for their
own
no longer negative;
is
will,
initiative.
The
acts positively
the initiative of the legislator for
They have no need
compare, or to foresee
them.
it
substitutes the will of the legislator
intellect is
they cease to be
men
the law does
for
them
to consult,
all
that for
a useless lumber
they lose their personality,
their liberty, their property.
Endeavour to imagine a form of labour imposed

force, which is not a violation of liberty; a
transmission of wealth imposed by force, which is
If you cannot succeed
not a violation of property.
in reconciling this, you are bound to cOnclvide that
the law cannot organise labour and industry Avithout
by
organising injustice.
THE LAW.
196
When, from
the seclusion of his cabinet, a poli-
he is struck with the

which presents itself. He
mourns over the sufferings which are the lot of so
many of our brethren, sufferings whose aspect is
rendered yet more sorrowful by the contrast of luxury
and wealth.
He ought, perhaps, to ask himself, whether such a
social state has not been caused by the plunder of
ancient times, exercised in the way of conquests ; and
view of
tician takes a
by plunder
He
ought to ask himself whether,
granting the aspiration of

perfection,
all
men
amount of
and the
equality compatible with that
responsibility
which God has awarded
tion of virtue and vice
He
titious
and
after well-being
the reign of justice would not sufl&ce to
realise the greatest activity of progress,
greatest
individual
as a just retribu-
never gives this a thought.
towards
medium
of later times, effected through the
laws
of the
society,
inequality
of
spectacle
combinations,
He
organisations.
His mind turns
arrangements,
legal
or
fac-
seeks the remedy in per-
petuating and exaggerating what
has produced the
evil.
which we have seen is only a

any one of these legal arrange-
For, justice apart,
negation,
ments
is
there
which
does
not
contain
the
principle
of
plunder 1
You
say,
" There are
and you apply

self-supplied
obtain
fountain,
supplies
men who have no money,"
to the law.
But the law
Avhence
every
is
stream
independently of society.
not a
may
Iôthing
197
THE LAW.
can
enter
the
public
or
one
class,
citizen
other
of
one
but what other citizens
and
in
treasury,
have been forced
classes
every one draws from
it
send to
to
the
only
favour
If
it.
equivalent
of
what he has contributed to it, your law, it is true,

is no plunderer, but it does nothing for men who
want money it does not promote equality. It can
only be an instrument of equahsation as far as it
takes from one party to give to another, and then
it
the protection of
ment, right to
right
ance,
profit,
tariffs,
this
prizes for encourage-
right to labour, right to assist-
progressive
instruction,
to
of credit,
gi-atuitousness
always find at
will
Examine, in
an instrument of plunder.
is
light,
social
taxation,
workshops, and you
the bottom
legal plunder,
or-
ganised injustice.
You say, "There are men who want knowledge,"

and you apply to the law. But the law is not a
torch which sheds light abroad which is peculiar to
It extends over a society where there are
itself
men who have knowledge, and others who have
not
who want
citizens
tilings
of
either
transaction,
itself freely
the matter,
to
pay
fail
to
learn,
and others who

do one of two
allow a free operation to this kind

i.e.,
let
this
kind of want
and take from some of them
sufficient
commissioned to instruct
others
But, in this second case, there cannot
be a violation of liberty and property,
plunder.
satisfy
or else force the will of the people in
professors
gratuitously.
to
It can only
are disposed to teach.
legal
THE LAW.
198
You
" Here
say,
ninrality
or
but law
is
men
are
religion,"
wlio
As
far
is
it
in
and of
its
efforts,
seem that socialism, notwithstanding
Avould
in
law;
the
introduce force
to
result of its systems
tlic
to
and need I say how
force,
violent and absurd enterprise
those matters
wanting
are
and you apply
can
self- complacency,
help
scarcely
all
it
its
perceiving the
But what does it do ? It

disguises it cleverly from others, and even from itself,
under the seductive names of fraternity, solidarity,
monster of
legal jdunder.
organisation,
only ask
for justice,
solidarity,
and they brand us
Wo
we do not
we
that we reject
because
the hands of the law, because
at
it
fraternity,
And
association.
much
ask so
supposes
it
organisation,
Avith the
name
and association
of i/ulividuaJi6ts.
we
can assure thorn that what
repudiate
is,
not
natural organisation, but forced organisation.
not free association, but the forms of association
1 1 is
whicli thoy
It
would impose upon
not spontaneous
is
ns.
fraternity,
but
leg-al
frater-
nity.
It
providential
not
is
solidarity,
which
but
solidarity,
only an unjust
is
artiticial
displacement
of
i-espousibility.
Socialism,
nates,
so,
being
the
done
it
at
old policy from which
Government
wo
every time
Ciovornmont,
bv
like the
confounds
it
ema-
And
society.
object to a thing being done
concludes
all.
and
"We
that
we
object
disapprove
State then wo are
agtiiust
of
to
by
its
education
education alto-
199
THE LAW.
would have no
religion
equality
is
-wliich
at
We
all.
to
an
the
State
about by
brought
we
because
us
accuse
well
of
They might
men
mshing
wo
tlien
object
then we are against equality, &c., &c.

as
"We object to a State religion
getlier.
not
to
eat,
by the
object to the cultivatioji of corn
State.
How
iaAv-
is
it
that
produce what
the strange
idea of
does not
contain
it
making the
prosperity,
in a positive sense, wealth, science, religion
should
ever have gained ground in the political world
modern
school, found their different theories
The
of the Socialist
politicians, particularly those
upon one common
hypothesis; and surely a more strange, a more presumptuous notion, could never have entered a human
brain.
They divide mankind

except
general,
one,
two
into
form the
himself forms the second, which
Men
parts.
first
is
the
by
in
politician
far the
most
important.
In
means
have
inert
they begin by supposing that
fact,
devoid
any
of
discernment
of
no
in
action,
passive
at best
and
themselves;
moving spring in them;
matter,
impulse;
of
principle
particles,
men
are
of
any
that
they
that
atoms
a vegetation indifferent to
they
are
without
its
own
receiving,
from
politicians
does
mode of
an exterior will and hand, an infinite number of
more or less symmetrical, artistic, and
forms,
existence,
susceptible
of
perfected.
Moreover,
every
one
of
these
THE LAW.
200
not scruple to imagine that
names of
lie
himself
under the
is,
organiser, discoverer, legislator, institutor or
founder, this will and hand, this universal spring, this
power, whose sublime mission
creative
together these scattered materials, that
to gather
is
men, mto
is,
society.
from these data, as a gardener, accord-
Starting
ing
his
to
shapes his trees into pyramids,
caprice,
cubes,
parasols,
cones,
espaliers,
vases,
distaffs,
or
fans; so the Socialist, following his chimera, shapes
poor humanity
groups,
into
honeycombs, or
circles,
And
kinds of variations.
his
into
trees
hoohs,
saws,
society into
and
as
with
wants
shears,
so the politician,
pruning-
hatchets,
shape, wants the forces

;
all
the gardener, to bring
shape,
only find in the laws
sub-
circles,
series,
workshoj)s,
social
Avhich
to
bring
he can
the law of customs, the law
the law of assistance, and the law of
of taxation,
instruction.
It is so
true,
that the Socialists look
kind as a subject
upon manif, by
combinations, that
for social
chance, they are not quite certain of the success of

these
combinations,
of mankind,
is
is,
seriously
they
subject
known how
well
systems
as
a parish, with
demand
request
j)opular the idea
and one of
to
will
portion
to experiment upon.
their chiefs has
of the
It
of trying all
been known
Constituent Assembly
all its iidiabitants,
upon Avhich
to
make
his experiments.
It is thus that an inventor Avill make a small
machine before he makes one of the regular size.
201
THE LAW.
Thus
some substances, the

sacrifices
some seed and a corner of his field,
chemist
the
agriculturist
to
make
trial of
But,
then,
an idea.
think
immeasurable
the
of
distance
and his trees, between

inventor and his machine, between the chemist
his substances, between the agriculturist and
The Socialist thinks, in all sincerity,
seed
there is the same distance between himself
between
the
gardener
the
and
his
that
and
mankind.
be wondered
It is not to
artificial
production of the
possession of
all
upon
legislator's
the resrdt of a classical
idea,
that the
at
look
the nineteenth centurj^
of
politicians
society as
education,
an
This
genius.
has taken
the thinkers and great writers of our
country.
To all these persons, the relations between mankind

and the legislator appear to be the same as those which
exist between the clay and the potter.
Moreover,
if
in
the heart
his
intellect
they
have
man
a principle
of
a principle
consented
to
recognise
of action,
of discernment,
and in
they have
gift of God as a fatal one, and

mankind, under these two impulses,
They have taken it
towards ruin,
looked upon this
thought
that
tended fatally
for granted, that if

tions,
to
men would
arrive
ignorance,
at
abandoned
atheism,
and
to
their OAvn inchna-
only occupy themselves with religion
with
with instruction to come to

labour and exchange to be
extinguished in misery.
Happily,
according
to
these
writers,
there
are

THE LAW,
202
some men termed governors and legislators, upon whom

Heaven lias bestowed opposite tendencies, not for
tlieir
own
sake only, but for the sake of the rest of the
world.
Whilst mankind tends to evil, they incline to

;
whilst mankind is advancing towards dark-
good
they
ness,
are
aspiring
to
enlightenment
whilst
mankind is drawn towards vice, they are attracted

And, this granted, they demand the
by virtue.
assistance of force, by means of which they are to
substitute
human
It
is
book
a
see
how
oar
matter,
wealth
own
tendencies
only
needful to
on
philosophy,
strongly
and
studies
in
their
for
those
the
of
race.
receiving
from
idea
-the
of
socialism
mankind
life,
organisation,
or,
rather,
random,
history,
child
that
poAver;
at
or
politics,
mother
the
country
tliis
almost
ojên,
classical
rooted
is
merely
is
inert
morality,
and
to
of
still
and
worse
that mankind itself tends towards degradation,

and is only arrested in its tendency by the mysterious
conventionalism
hand of the legislator.
f/lassical
shows us everywhere, behind passive society, a hidden
poAver, imder tlie names of Law, or Legislator (or, by
a mode of expression which refers to some persons of
undisputed weight and authority, but not named),
which moves, animates, enriches, and regenerates man-
kind.
We
will give a quotation
from Bossuet
"One of the things which was the most strongly impressed

whom ?) upon the mind of the Egyptians, was the love of
{by
THE LAW.
Nohochj ims allowed to be useless
country
tlieir
203
the law assigned to every one his employment,

to the State
which descended from father to son. No one was permitted to
But there
have two professions, nor to adopt another
was one occupation which was obliged to be common to all,
ignorance of
this was the study of the laws and of wisdom
religion and the political regulations of the country was excused in no condition of life. Moreover, every profession had a
Amongst good laws,
district assigned to it (by whom ?)
one of the best things was, that everybody was taught to
observe them (by whom ?)
Egypt abounded with wonderful
inventions, and nothing was neglected which could render life
comfortable and tran(|uil."
;
Thus men, according

from themselves ;
husbandry, science
ration of the laws,
do
is
to
be
to
Bossuet,
patriotism,
all
or
derive
nothing
mventions,
wealth,
come to them by the opeby kings.

All tliey have to
passive.
It
is
on
this
ground
Bossuet takes exception,
when Diodorus
invented by Trismegistus ?
"
that
accuses the
" How
Egyptians of rejecting Avrestling and music.
is that possible,"
says he, " since these arts were
It is the
same with the Persians
" One of the first cares of the i^rince was to encourage agriculture
As there were posts established for the
regulation of the armies, so there were offices for the superintending of rural works
The respect with which the
Persians were inspired for royal authority was excessive."
The Greeks, although fuU of mind,

own responsibilities
strangers to their
Avere
so
that of themselves, like dogs and horses, they
not
have
In a
classical sense,
ventured
everything comes to
upon the most
no
much
less
so,
would
simple games.
an undisputed thing that

the people from without.
it
is
THE LAW.
204
"The
Greeks, naturally full of spirit and courage, hnd been

by kings and colonies who had come from
Egypt.
From them they had learned the exercises of the
body, foot races, and horse and chariot races
The
best thing that the Egyptians had taught them was to become
docile, and to allow themselves to be formed by the laws for
the public good."
early
cultivated
Eeared in tlie study and admiration of

and a witness of the power of Louis XIV.,
Fenelon.
antiquity,
Fenelon naturally adopted
the idea
should be passive, and that

j)rosperities,
virtues
its
and
its
its
hy
by
upon
exercised
is
mankind
are caused
vices,
its
the external influence wliich
that
misfortunes and
the law, or by the makers of the law.
it
Thus, in his
Utopia of Salentum, he brings the men, with their

their
interests,
their
faculties,
and
desires,
their
possessions, under the absolute direction of the legis-
Whatever the
lator.
selves
The nation
them.
the prince
progress
is
the
it
may
the
be,
they them-
prince judges
just a shapeless mass, of
the soul.
is
the foresight,
all
subject
have no voice in
for
which
In him resides the thought,

of aU organisation, of
principle
on him,
therefore,
rests all the respon-
sibility.
In
proof
of
the whole of
this
assertion,
the tenth book of
might transcribe
" Telemachus."
I
it, and shall content myself with

some passages taken at random from this
refer the reader to
quoting
celebrated
am
the
work,
first to
"With the
izes
the
reason
to
which, in every other respect,
render justice.
astonishing
classics,
and of
credulity
Fenelon,
facts,
against
which
character-
the authority of
admits the general felicity of
205
THE LAW.
the Egyptians,
wisdom,
and
attributes
own
not to their
it,
but to that of their kings
"We
could not tiu-n our eyes to the two shores, without perand country seats, agreeably situated fields
which were covered every year, without intermission, with
meadows full of flocks labourers bending under
g-olden crops
the weight of fiiiits which the earth lavished on its cultiand shepherds who made the echoes around repeat the
vators
Happy,' said Mentor,
soft sounds of theii- pipes and flutes.
'
Slentor
is that people which is governed by a wise king.'
aftei-^'ards desired me to remark the happiness and abundance
which was spread over all the country of Egypt, where twentyHe admired the
two thousand cities might be counted.
the justice adminisexcellent pplice regulations of the cities
the good educatered in favour of the poor against the rich
tion of the children, who were accustomed to obedience, labour,
and the love of arts and letters the exactness with which all
the disinterestedthe ceremonies of religion were performed
ness, the desire of honour, the fidelity to men, and the fear of
He
the gods, with which every father inspired his children.
could not suflSciently admire the prosperous state of the coun-
cei\'ing-
rich towns
'
....
tiy.
in
'
sutli.
Happfi,' said
"
a manner.'
he,
is
Fenelon's idjd on
Mentor
is
made
the
Crete
to say
people
is
whom a
still
v;he
more
Hng
rules
fascinating.
" All that you will see in this wonderful island is the result
The education which the children
of the laws of Minos.
They are acreceive renders the body healthy and robust.
customed, from the first, to a frngal and laborious life ; it is
supposed that all the pleasures of sense enervate the body and
the mind no other pleasure is presented to them but that of
being invincible by virtue, that of acquiring much glory ....
there tltey punish three vices which go unpunished amongst
As to
other people ingratitude, dissimulation, and avarice.
pomp and dissipation, there is no need to punish these, for
they are unknown in Crete
No costly fm-nitm-e, no
magnificent clothing, no delicious feasts, no gilded palaces are
;
allowed."
It
is
mould
thus that
and
Mentor prepares his
manipulate,
doubtless
with
scholar
the
to
most
THE LAW,
206
philanthropic
of Ithaca, and
he gives them the
the people
intentions,
him
confirm
to
in these ideas,
example of Salentum.
is
thus
notions.
"VVe
It
we
that
receive
taught
are
our
treat
to
first
men
as Oliver de Serres teaches farmers to
mix
the
political
very
much
manage and to
soil.
"To
Montesquieu
necessary that
all
sustain the spii-it of

the laws should favour it
commerce,
it
is
that these same
laws, by their regulations in dividing the fortunes in proportion as commerce enlarges them, should place every poor citizen in sufficiently easy circumstances to enable hifti to work
like the others, and every rich citizen in such mediocrity that
he must work, in order to retain or to acquire."
Thus the laws
are to dispose of all fortunes.
"Although, in a democracy, real equality be the soul of the

State, yet it is so difficult to establish, that an extreme exactness in this matter would not always be desirable. It is sufficient that a census be established to reduce or fix the differences
After which, it is for particular laws to
to a certain point.
equalise, as it were, the inequality, by burdens imposed upon
the rich, and reliefs granted to the poor."
Here,
hy
again,
law, that
is,
we
by
see
the
equalisation of fortunes
force.
in Greece, two kinds of republics.

One was
Laceda3mon the other commercial, as Athens. In
(by
whom
that
citizens
the one it was wished
the
should be idle :
?)
in the other, the love of labour was encouraged.
"It is worth our while to pay a little attention to the extent
of genius re(iuired by these legislators, that we may see how,
by confounding all the virtues, they show their wisdom to
"There were,
military, as
world.
Lycurgus, blending theft with the spirit of
the hardest slavery with extreme liberty, the most
atrocious sentiments with the greatest moderation, gave stability to his
city.
He seemed to deprive it of all its
resources, arts, commerce, money, and walls
there was ambition without the hope of rising
there was natural sentiments where the individual was neither child, nor husband,
the
justice,
THE LAW.
207
nor father. Chastity even was deprived of modesty. By this

road Sparta vas led 0)i to grandeur and to' glory
"The phenomenon which we observe in the institutions of
Greece has been seen in the midst of the degeneracy and
corrKption of our modern times.
An honest legislator has
formed a people where probity has appeared as natural as
bravery among the Spartans.
Mr. Penn is a ti-ue Lycurgus,
and although the former had peace for his object, and the
latter war, tbey resemble each other in the singular jJath along
which they have led their people, in their influence over free
men, in the jirejudices which they have overcome, the passions
they have subdued.
"Paraguay furnishes us with another example. Society has
been accused of the crime of regarding the pleasure of commanding as the only good of life
but it will always be a
noble thing to govern men by making them happy.
;
" Those v-ho desire to form similar institutions, will establish

community of property, as in the republic of Plato, the same
reverence which he enjoined for the gods, separation from
strangers for the preservation of morality, and make the city
citizens create commerce
they should give our
arts without our luxury, our wants without our desires."
and not the
is
you have the

ful
it
my
face
multiply,
the
tesquieu,
mankind
itself,
cise the sagacity of
Rousseau.
to say
call that fine
to
!
show
persons,
are
and
opinion,
abominable
is
might
afraid to express
Vulgar infatuation may exclaim, if it Mkes

" It
Montesquieu magnificent
sublime " I am not
the
liberties,
Although
this
the
politician,
rest
upon the general
completely admitted
What
property,
exer-
lawgivers."
edifice
"
nothing but materials to
authority of the Democrats,
lawgiver
and these extracts, which

that, accordmg to Mon-
mount
passiveness of
It is fright-
human
the
loill,
the
para-
makes the social

no one has so
hypothesis
of
the
entire
nature in the presence of the

THE LAW.
208
"If it is true that a great prince is a rare thing, how much

more so must a great lawgiver be ? The former has only to
This latter
follow the pattern proposed to him by the latter.
is the
the
the former
mechanician who invents the machine;

sets it in motion."
is
merely
workman who
And what
part have
of the machine, which
men
is set
to act in all this
in
motion
That
or rather, are
they not the brute matter of which the machine is

made ? Thus, between the legislator and the prince,
between the prince and his subjects, there are the

same relations as those which exist between the
agricultural writer and the agriculturist, the agriculAt what a vast height, then, is
turist and the clod.
the politician placed, who rules over legislators themselves,
and teaches them
terms as the followins'
their trade in such imperative
"Would 'j'ou give consistency to the State? Bi-ing the

Suffer neither wealthy
extremes together as much as possible.
persons nor beggars.
" If the soil is poor and barren, or the country too much confined for the inhabitants, turn to industry and the arts, whose
productions you will exchange for the provisions which you
On a good soil, if you are shirt of inhabirequirfe.
tants, give all your attention to agriculture, which multiplies
men, and banish the arts, which only serve to depopulate the
Pay attention to extensive and convenient
country.
coasts.
Cover the sea with vessels, and you will have a brilliant
and short existence. If your seas wash only inaccessible rocks,
they will live more
let the jieople he harharous, and cat fish
qiuetly, perhaps better, and, most certainly, more happily.
In short, besides those maxims which are common to all, every
people has its own particular circumstances, which demand a
...
.
legislation peculiar to itself.
"
was thus that the Hebrews formerly, and the Arabs more
had religion for then- principal object; that of the
Athenians was literature
that of Carthage and Tyre, commerce of Rhodes, naval affairs of Sparta, war and of Rome,
Tlio author of the 'Spirit of Laws' has shown the
virtue.
It
recently,
THE LAW.
209
art by which the legislator should frame his instituiionn tovards

each of these objects
But if the legislator, mistaking
his object, should take up a principle different from that
which arises from the nature of things
if one
should tend
to slavery, and the other to liberty
if one to wealth, and the
other to population
one to peace, and the other to conquests
the laws will insensibly become enfeebled, the Constitution
will be impaired, and the State will be subject to incessant
agitations until it is destroyed, or becomes changed, and invincible Nature regains her empire."
;
But
Xature
it"
sufficieutly
is
why
empire,
its
invincible to
regain
Eousseau admit that
not
does
it
had no need of the legislator to gain its empire

from the beginning? Why does he not allow that,
by obeying their own impulse, men would, of themapply
selves,
commerce
agriculture
to
extensive
to
and
fertile
and
district,
commodious
coasts,
without the interference of a Lycurgus, a Solon, or
who would undertake
a Eousseau,
deceiving tliemseloes
Be
that
as
responsibility
tutors,
He
it
may, we see
Eousseau
conductors,
and
therefore,
very
is,
at the risk of
it
Avith
invests
Avhat a terrible
inventors,
manipulators
exacting
with
of
insti-
societies.
regard
to
them.
"He who
dares to undertake the institutions of a people,

that he can, as it were, transform every indihimself a perfect and solitary whole, receivinghis life and being from a larger whole of which he forms a
part
he must feel that he can change the constitution of man,
to fortify it, and substitute a partial and moral existence for
the physical and independent one which we have all received
from nature.
In a word he must deprive man of his own
powers, to give him othei-s which are foreign to him."
ought to
vidual,
feel
who
is 1iy
Poor human nature
WJiat would become of

p
its
THE
210
dignity
if
it
were
LA"W.
entrusted
the
to
disciples
of
Eonsseau ?
Ruynal. "The climate, that is the air and the soil, is the
element for the legislator. His resources prescribe to him
popuhis duties.
First, he must consult his local positiou.
lation dwelling upon maritime shores must have laws fitted for
navigation
If the colony is located in an inland
region, a legislator must provide for the nature of the soil, and
for its degree of fertility.
" It is more especially in the distribution of property that
the wisdom of legislation will appear. As a general rule, and
in every countiy, when a new colony is founded, land should be
given to each man, sufficient for the support of his family.
.
I .
" In an uncultivated island, which )/nu are colonizing with
children, it_ will only be needful to let the germs of truth
first
But when you

expand in the developments of reason
establish old people in a new country, the skill consists in onli/
allowing it those injurious opinions and customs which it is
impossible to cure and correct.
If you wish to prevent them
from being perpetuated, you will act upon the rising generation
prince
by a general and public education of the children.
or legislator ought never to found a colony without previously
In a new
sending wise men there to instruct the youth.
colonj-, every facility is open to the precautions of the legislator
who desires to purify the tone and the manners of the people.
If he has genius and virtue, the lands and the men which are
at his disposal, will inspire his soul with a plan of society
which a writer can only vaguely trace, and in a way which
would be subject to the instability of all hypotheses, which are
!
...
varied and
diflttcult
One
complicated by an infinity
and to combine."
of
circumstances
too
to foresee
was a professor of agriculture

" The cliinate is the
agriculturist.
His resources
only rule for the
The first thing he has
dictate to him his duties.
If he is on a
to consider is his local position.
If he has to
clayey soil, he must do so and so.
contend Avith sand, this is the way in which he must
Every facility is open to the agriculset about it.
Avould tliink
who was
it
saying to his pupils
211
THE LAW.
turist
who wishes
he only has the
to clear
skill,
and improve
his
soil.
If
the niamire which he has at
Ids disjjogal will suggest to
him a plan
of operation,
which a professor can only vaguely trace, and iai a

way that would be subject to the uncertainty of all
hj^potheses, which vary and are complicated .by an
infinity of circumstances too difficult to foresee and
to combine,"
But,
oh
sublime
sometimes that
waiters,
this
clay,
this
deign
sand,
to
remember
this
manure,
of wliich you are disposing in so arbitrary a manner,

are men, your equals, intelligent and free beings like
yourselves,
who have
received
from
God, as you
have, the faculty of seeing, of foreseeing, of thinking,.
and of judging for themselves

(He is supposing the laws to be worn
Mahly.
out by time and by the neglect of security, and_
!
continues thus)
" Under these circumstances, we must be convinced that

the springs of Government are relaxed. Give them a new tension
(it is the reader who is addressed^, and the e^^l will be remeThink less of punishing the faults than of
died
By this method
encouraging the virtues ^lhich you want.
you will bestow \ipon your repuhUc the vigour of j'outh.
lost its liberty
has
people
free
Through ignorance of this, a
But if the evil has made so much way that the ordinary magistrates are unable to remedy it effectually, ha/cc. recourse to an
extraordinary magistracy, whose time should be short, audits
power considerable. The imagination of the citizens requires
to be impressed."
!
In this style he goes on through twenty volumes.

There was a time Avhen, under the influence of
teaching
like
this,
w^hich
is
the
root
of
classical
education, every one was for placing himself beyond
r 2
THE
212
and
above
mankind,
for
organizing and instituting
LAAY.
the
sake
in his
it
of
arranging,
OAvn way.
my lord, the character of

finish reading this essay,
giving laws to some wild people in
Africa.
Establish these ro\'ing men in fixed
Endeavour to
dwellings
teach them to keep flocks
develop the social qualities which nature has implanted in
Make them begin to practise the duties of
them
humanity
Cause the pleasures of the passions to
become distasteful to them by punishments, and you will see
these barbarians, mth every plan of your legislation, lose a
vice and gain a virtue.
" All these people have had laws.
But few among them
have been happy. Why is this ? Beoause legislators have almost
always been ignorant of the object of society, which is, to unite
'families by a common interest.
" Impai'tiality in law consists in two things
in establishing equality in the fortunes and in the dignity of the citizens.
In proportion to the degree of equahty established
by the laws, the dearer will they become to every citizen
How can avarice, ambition, dissipation, idleness, sloth, envy,
hatred, or jealousy, agitate men who are equal in fortune and
dignity, and to whom the laws leave no hope of distm-bing their
equality ?
"What has been told you of the republic of Sparta ought to
enlighten you on this question.
No other State has had laws
more in accordance with the order of nature or of equality."
Condillac.
" Take upon yourself,
Lycurgus or of Solon.
Before you
amuse yourself
America or in
with
It
is
not to be Avondered
at
that
the 17th and
18th centuries should have looked upon the

race
form,
as
inert
figure,
matter,
impulse,
ready to
receive
movement, and
human
everything
life,
from a
great prince, or a great legislator, or a great genius.
These ages were reared in the study of antiquity,

and antiquity presents everywhere, in Egypt, Persia,
Greece, and Rome, the spectacle of a few men moulding mankind according to their fancy, and mankind
to this end enslaved by force or by imposture
213
THE LAW.
And what
does this prove
men and
That because
despotism
improvahle, error, ignorance,
are
society
;,
and superstition must be more prevalent

The mistake of the writers quoted
in early times.
above, is not that they have asserted this fact, but
that they have proposed it, as a rule, for the
generations.
admiration and imitation of future
Their mistake has been, with an inconceivable
absence of discernment, and upon the faith of a
puerile conventionalism, that they have adriiitted
what is inadmissible, viz., the grandeur, dignity,
morality, and well-being of the artificial societies of
slavery,
the ancient world
they have
not
understood
time produces and spreads enlightenment
that
and that
in proportion to the increase of enhghtenment, right

ceases
to
be
by
upheld
force,
and
regains
society
possession of herself.
And,
are
in fact,
what
is
the political
endeavouring to jDromote
It is
work which weno other than-
the instinctive effort of every people towards liberty.
And what
heart
is
beat,
whose name can make every
liberty,
and which
the union of
all
can agitate
liberties,
the
world, but
the liberty of conscience^
of instruction, of association, of the press, of locomoof labour,
tion,
the
faculties
of aU
and of exchange
exercise
free
;
and
for
again, in
despotisms, even
reduction of law to
its
all,
of
all
in
the
other
words^,
inoffensive
other words, the destruction

of legal despotism,
and the
only rational sphere, which
is
to regulate the individual right of legitimate defence,

or to repress injustice
THE LAW.
214
This tendency of
admitted,
is
country,
hy
classical
For
the
the
teaching,
of placing
organise,
greatly
thwarted,
race,
common
and
must be
it
particularly
disposition,
fatal
to
our
in
from
resulting
all
politicians,
themselves beyond mankind, to arrange,
and regulate
it,
according to then' fancy.

struggling to reaKse liberty,
Avhilst society is
great
human
the
men who
imbued with the
place
themselves at
eighteenth centuries, think only of subjecting

philanthropic
and making
despotism of
it
head,
its
principles of the seventeenth
their
social
it
and
to the
inventions,
bear with docility according to the
expression of Eousseau, the yoke of public

as pictured in their
own
felicity,
imaginations.
This was particularly the case in 1789.

'No sooner
was the old system destroyed, than society was to be
submitted to other
the
same
artificial
starting-point
arrangements, always witli
the
omnipotence
of
the
law.
Saint Just.
It is for
" The legislator commands the future.
It is for him to make men
him to loill for the good of mankind.
what he wishes them to be."
Robespierre.
" The fimction of Government is to direct the
physical and moral powers of the nation towards the object of its
institution."
BiUavd Varennes. " A people who are to be restored to

must be formed anew.
Ancient prejudices must be
liberty
destroyed, antiquated customs changed, depraved

affections
corrected, inveterate vices eradicated.
For this, a strong force
and a vehement impulse will be necessary
Citizens,
the inflexible austerity of Lycurgus created the firm basis of the
Spartan repulilic. The feeble and trusting disposition of Solon
plunged Athens into slavery. This parallel contains the whole
science of Government."
Lepelletier.
" Considering the extent of human
tion, I
convinced of the necessity of effecting
am
degradaan entire

THE LAW.
regeneration of the race, and,
creating a new j)eople."
Men,
is
it
only the legislator
who
loills
legislator
to
is
begin
forces towards
this
to
end.
remain
as
by the
to say that the
the
nor
Govern-
and moral
All this time the nation

passive
perfectly
prejudices, aifections,
the
physical
its
Varennes would teach us that

authorised
is
be
According to
literally,
After this
to direct all
is
it
by assigning the aim of the
of the nation.
institutions
It
They
are merely to
Eousseau
copies
ment has only

itself
Men
is.
they should be.
that
who
express myself, of
according to Saint Just,
are not capable of
what he
so
own improvement.
their
iuill
Eobespierre,
may
nothing but raw material.
therefore, are
not for them to
if
215
it
Avants,
He
legislator.
inflexible
and Billaud
to have no
ought
such
but
as
are
even goes so far
austerit}''
of a
man
is
the basis of a republic.
We have seen
that, in cases
where the
evil is so great
remedy
Mably recommends a dictatorship, to promote
" Have recourse" says he, " to an extraordivirtue.
nary magistracy, whose time shall be short, and his
power considerable. The imagination of the people
that the
ordinary magistrates
are unable to
it.
requires to be impressed."
neglected.
This doctrine has not been
Listen to Eobespierre
" The principle of the Republican GoTerument is virtue, and

the means to be adopted, during its establishment, is terror. We
want to substitute, in our country, morality for egotism, probity
for honour, principles for customs, duties for dccoi-um, the emjHre
of reason for the tjTanny of fashion, contempt of vice for contempt
of misfortune, pride for insolence, greatness of soul for vanity, love
THE LAW.
216
of glory for love of money, good people for good company, merit
for intrigue, genius for wit, truth for glitter, the charm of happiness for the weariness of pleasure, the greatness of man for the
littleness of the great, a magnanimous, powerful, hapjjy people,
for one that is easy, frivolous, degraded ; that is to say, we would
substitute all the virtues and miracles of a republic for all the
vices and absurdities of monarchy."
At
-what a vast height above the rest of

;
does Robespierre place himself here

the arrogance with
which
he
speaks.
mankind
And
He
observe
is
not
content with expressing a deshe for a great renova-tion of
the
human
heart,
he does not
even expect
jSTo ; he
and by means of terror.
The object of the discourse from Avhich this puerile
and laborious mass of antithesis is extracted, was
such a result from a regular Government.
intends to effect
it
himself,
jj?7HC?'2.'/e.s of monditij ickkli ouglit to

Moreover, when
a revohdionanj Government.
liobespierre asks for a dictatorship, it is not merely
for the purpose of repelling a foreign enemy, or
to exhibit the
direct
of putting
down
factions
it
of
may
that he
is
by means of terror, and

the game of the Constitution,
estab-
as a preliminary
lish,
his
own
to
principles
He pretends to nothing short of

from the country, by means of terror,
moralit}^
extirpating
egotism,
honour,
customs,
the love of money, good
decorum, fashion, vanity,
company,
intrigue,
icit,
luxury,
and
misery.
shall
have accomplished these miracles, as he rightly

them, that he will allow the law to regain her
calls
empire.
who
It is not until after he, Eobesj)ierre,
Truly,
thinlc so
it
would be well
much
of
if
these visionaries,
themselves and
so
little
of
217
THE LAW.
to renew everything, would

with trying to reform themselves,
In
the task Avould he arduous enough for them.
mankind, who
want
only be content
however,
general,
reformers,
the
gentlemen,
these
and politicians, do not desire to exercise

No, they
an immediate despotism over mankind.
are too moderate and too philanthropic for that.
legislators,
They only contend
for the despotism, the absolutism,
They
the omnipotence of the law.
make the law.

To show how
universal
strange
this
only to
aspire
disposition
has been in France, I had need not only to have

copied the wdiole of the works of Mably, Raynal,
Fenelon, and to have made long extracts
from Eossuet and Montesquieu, but to have given
the entu'e transactions of the sittings of the ConI shall do no such thing, however, but
vention.
liousseau,
merely refer the reader to them.

It is not to be
wondered
at
that this idea should
He emhave suited Buonaparte exceedingly well.

braced it with ardour, and put it in practice with
Playing the part of a chemist, Europe
energy.
him
to
tills
material iâcted against him.
undeceived,
Buonaparte,
admit
and he became
that
not prevent
in
his
will
But
More than half
the material for his experiments.
was
there
is
less
an
"To
St.
seemed to
Helena,
initiative
in
hostile to liberty.
him from
:
at
every people,
Yet
this did
giving this lesson to his son
govern,
is
diffuse
morality,
show, by
I'astidious
to
education, and well-being."
After
all
this,
I hardly need
THE LAW.
218
Saint Simon,
Owen,
opinions of Morelly, Babeuf,
quotations, the
and
myself
confine
shall
Fourier.
few extracts from Louis Blanc's book on the
to a
organization of labour.
"In our
power."
impulse of
society receives the
project,
(Paf;e 126.)
In what does the impulse Avhick power gives to

In imposing upon it the project
society consist?
M. Louis
of
On
Blanc.
the other hand,
The human
society
then,
race,
is
is
human
the
receive
to
race.
impulse
its
from M. Louis Blanc.

It is at
Of
liberty to
course
from
advice
do so or not,
human
will
it
be
said.
is
at
Kberty to take
anybody, whoever
it
may
the
race
be.
But
which M. Louis Blanc underHe means tha.t Ms project should

stands the thing.
be converted into law, and consequently, forcibly
this is not the
way
in
imposed by power.
project, the State has only to give a legislation to
of which the industrial movement may and
ought to be accomplished iii aU lihcfUj. It (the State) merely
places society on an incline {that is all) that it may descend, when
once it is placed there, by the mere force of things, and by the
natural course of the cufuUished mechanism."
"In our
labour,
by means
One
But what is this incline?
Does it not lead
M. Louis Blaiac.
jSTo,
it
society
leads
to
go there of
know what
What is to
it
wants,
give
Why,
happiness.
it
this
then,
Because
itself?
and
indicated
to
it
it
does not
does not
an impulse.
Power.
And
requires
impulse?
by
an abyss
THE LAW.
who
power
to give the impulse to
is
of the machine,
We
shall
passive,
M. Louis
219
The inventor
Blanc.
never get out of this circle
and a great man moving
it
mankind
by the intervention
of the law.
Once
on
this
incline,
thing like liberty?

is
liberty
will
society
enjoy some-
Without a doubt.
And what
" Once for all liberty consists, not only in the right granted,
but in the power given to man, to exercise, to develop his
faculties under the empire of justice, and under the protection
:
of the law.
" And this
there is a deep meaning

is no vain distinction
consequences are not to be estimated.
For when
once it is admitted that man, to be truly free, must have the
power to exercise and develop his faculties, it follows that
every member of society has a claim upon it for such insti-uction
as shall enable it to disjilay itself, and for the instruments of
labour, without which human activity can find no scope.
Now,
by whose intervention is society to give to each of its members
the requisite instruction and the necessaiy instruments of labour,
unless by that of the State ?"
in
it,
and
its
is power.
In w^hat does this power
In possessing instruction and instruments
Who is to give instruction and instruof labour.
ments of labour 1 Society, who owes them. Ey whose
Thus, liberty
consist
intervention
to those
By
is
who do
society to give instruments of labour
not possess them
the intervention of the State,
the State to obtain them
i^'rom
whom
is
It is for the reader to
answer this question, and
to notice whither all this tends.
One of the strangest phenomena of our time, and

one which will probably be a matter of astonishment
to our descendants, is the doctrine
which
is
founded
THE LAW.
220
the radical passiveness

upon this triple hypothesis
the omnipotence of the law,
the
of mankind,
:
the legislator
of
infallibility
this is
symbol of the party which proclaims
the
sacred
itself exclusively
democratic.
It is true that it professes also to be social.
So
far
faith in
So
as
democratic,
is
it
far as it is social, it places it
Are
by
science
possess
chosen
be
to
an admirable tact
general
The
society.
will
not
"What
of
cost
given
and
effort
proof
sufficient
Are they not arrived
own
interest
would dare
with
gifted
always right
the
cannot be too
of
an age of enlightenment ?
be always kept in leading
acquired their rights
at
Have they not

intelligence and wisdom ?
sacrifice
at maturity
a state to judge for themselves

their
people
Can the people be mistaken

in
living
Have they not
Is
the
is under
any responsibility to
and the capacity to 'choose well
are the people to
strings
they are
Suffrage
err.
are taken for granted.

Ave
beneath the mud.
then
their will is
^Nobody
universal.
Are
has an unlimited
discussion
Oh
instinct
cannot
will
under
rights
political
legislator
the
it
mankind.
Is there a
Are they not in
Do
man
they not
or a class
know
who
to claim the right of putting himself in
the place of the j)eople, of deciding and of acting for
them
Xo, no
the people would be free, and they
be so. They wish to conduct their own

and they shall do so.
shall
Uut Avhen
once
the
legislator
is
duly
affairs,
elected.
221
THE LAW.
then indeed the style of
nation
back
sent
is
and the
nothingness,
omnipotence.
to
kind has nothing

decisive
for the
all,
or,
towards
ought to have a
degradation.
little
observe
that
en-
have no inclinations
they have any, they
if
downwards
the hour of
people, just before so
lightened, so moral, so perfect,

at
of
him to
Man-
for
to organise.
And we must
despotism has struck.

this is
invent,
do but to submit
to
inertness,
possession
takes
legislator
for
is
The
alters.
passiveness,
him to
impel, for him
It
him
direct, for
speech
his
into
liberty
But
them
lead
all
And
yet
are
Ave
they
not
by M. Considerant, that liberty leads fatalli/

to monopoly ?
Are we not told that liberty is competition ?
and that competition, according to M.
Louis Blanc, is a system of extermination for the
For that reason
people, and of ruination for trade ?
people are exterminated and ruined in proportion
assured,
as
they are
Holland,
not M.
leads to
free
England,
take,
for
example,
Switzerland,
and the United States
Louis Blanc
tell
us again, that
Does
comijetition
monopoly, and that, for the same
reason,
That competition
tends to drain the sources of consumption, and urges
production to a destructive activity? That competition
forces production to increase, and consumption to
decrease ;
whence it follows that free people produce for the sake of not consuming
that there
is nothing but oppression and madness among them
and that it is absolutely necessary for M. Lous
cheapness leads to exorhitant prices
Blanc to see to
it ]
THE LAW.
222
Wliat
conscience
of
Liberty
men
be alloAved to
liberty should
sort of
? But we
should see them
by the permission to become atheists.

But parents would be paying
1
professors to teach their sons immorality and error ;
profiting
all
Liberty of education
besides,
if
if
to
left
we
are to
M.
believe
Thiers,
would
the national liberty,
and we
national,
education,
cease
to
be
be educating our children
sliould
the ideas of the Turks or Hindoos, instead of

which, thanks to the legal despotism of the universities, they have the good fortune to be educated in
in
Liberty of Labour
the noble ideas of the Eomans.
But
leave
this is
all
whose
unconsumed, to
only competition,
productions
effect
is
to
exterminate
The liberty
the people, and to ruin the tradesmen.
But it is well known that the
of exchange ?
protectionists
that
freely,
have
and that
to
exchange without
But,
and
of
according
ruined
men is attacked
You must see,
socialist
each
their
own
them
men any
nature, they
to all kinds of degradation
We
over
again,
is
necessary to
association?
doctrine,
for
liberty
the liberty
to associate.
that the socialist democrats
cannot in conscience allow
by
other,
just to force
then,
it
Liberty of
the
association exclude
and
when he exchanges
become rich
liberty.
to
over
sho^vn,
man must be
liberty, because,
tend in every instance
and demoralisation.
are therefore left to
conjecture, in this
case,
upon what foundation universal suffrage is claimed

for them with so much importunity.
The pretensions of organisers suggest another
THE LAW.
223
question,
which I have often asked them, and
Avhich
am
answer
not aware
Since
organisers
and
tors
race
agents
their
Do
Do
of
not
the
legisla-
form a part of
the
human
they consider that they are composed of
different materials
say that society,

able
to
an
mankind
of
tendencies
the
that
pass
to
always good
are
received
not safe to allow them liberty,
is
it
ever
tendencies
the natural
bad that
comes it
are so
how
that
destruction,
They pretend
from the
when
because
to stoj)
rest of
mankind?
left to itself,
it
instincts
its
in
its
to give it a better direction.
They
rushes to inevitare
perverse.
downward course, and

They have therefore,
received from heaven, intelligence and virtues -which
them beyond and above mankind

let them
They Avould be
our shepherds, and we are to be tlieir flock.
This
arrangement presupposes in them a natural superiority, the right to which we are fully justified in
calling upon them to prove.
place
show
their title to this superiority.
You
must
observe
against
their
right
to propagate them, to
them upon
risk
that
invent
to
am
not
social
contending
combinations,
recommend them, and
themselves,
at
their
to try
own expense and
but I do dispute their right to impose tliem
upon us through the medium of the law, that is, by

force and by public taxes.
I would not insist upon the Cabetists, the FouProudhonians, the Universitaries, and
rierists, the
the
ideas
Protectionists
;
renouncing
their
own
particular
would only have them renounce that idea

THE LAW.
224
which
common
is
by
jecting us
them
to
force to their
to their social workshops,
all,
and to theu- comthem to allow us

plans, and not to
I would ask
the faculty of judging
of their
oblige us to adopt them,
series,
theu- gratuitous bank,
to
to their Gra^co-Eomano morality,
mercial restrictions.
of sub-
that
viz.,
own groups and
find that they hurt
if Ave
our interests or are repugnant to our consciences.
To presume
to
have recourse
power and
to
oppressive and unjust,
ation, besides being
tax-
implies,
the injurious supposition that the organiser
further,
and mankind incompetent.

mankind is not competent
is infallible,
And
if
why
itself,
suffrage
also in facts
has preceded
rather
judge for
universal
This contradiction
found
to
much about
do they talk so
its
all
in
ideas
unhappily
obtaining
others in
political
is
to
be
and whilst the French nation

claims,
this
or
rights,
its
has by no means
being more governed, and diit from

and imposed upon, and fettered, and cheated,
It is also the one, of all
than any other nation.
be
constantly
to
are
revolutions
others, where
should
it
that
natural
is
perfectly
it
and
dreaded,
prevented
rected,
be
so.
So long
mitted by
expressed
as
all
by
this
idea
is
retained,
our politicians, and
M.
Louis
Blanc
" Society receives its impulse
as
yet
men
consider
passive
themselves
incapable
of
in
Avhich
so
capable
raising
ad-
words
these
from power
as
is
energetically
"
so long
of
feeling,
themselves
by
THE
225
LA.W.
own discernment and by their own energy to

any morality, or well-being, and while they expect
in a wôrd, while they
everything from the law
admit that their relations with the State are the
same as those of the flock with the Shepherd, it is
clear that the responsibility of power is immense.
their
Fortune
and
charged with
it
does everything
claim
alone
If
our
all
everything,
everything.
gratitude
but
It
it.
is
undertakes everything,
it
it
has
happy,
are
destitution,
proceed from
therefore
we
and
wealth
misfortune,
equality and inequality,
we
if
must bear the blame.
it
to
answer for
has a right to
are
miserable,
it
Are not our persons
Is not the
and property, in fact, at its disposal ?
In creating the universitary
law omnipotent?
monopoly, it has engaged to answer the expectations of fathers of families who have been deprived
of
liberty
and
it
has
engaged to
expectations
these
if
pointed, Avhose fault
is
make
are
disap-
In regulating industry,
it?
it
prosper,
otherwise
it
would have been absurd to deprive it of its liberty

In pretending
and if it suffers, whose fault is it?
to adjust the balance of commerce by the game of
tarifis, it engages to make it prosper; and if, so far
from prospering, it is destroyed, whose f;xult is it?
In granting its protection to maritime armaments
;
in
exchange
for
their
render them lucrative
whose
fault is
Thus, there
which
tb'i
liberty,
if
it
has
engaged
to
they become burdensome,
it ?
is
not a grievance in the nation for
Government does not
voluntaril}'
make

THE LAW.
226
Is
itself responsible.
to
it
be wondered at that every
failure threatens to cause a revolution
And
remedy proposed? To extend

indefinitely the dominion of the law, i.e., the reBut if the Governsponsibility of Government.
ment engages to raise and to regulate wages, and is
Avhat
able to do
not
who
are
in
engages to
and
the
is
it
and
is
it
if it
assist
it
have escaped
the
devdop,
is it
is
strengthen,
the
" the
Lamartine,
de
to
enlighten, to
spiritualize,
to
people,"
if
is
it
more than probable, there
now resume
the
subject
fails
will
by remarking,
immediately after the economical part*
and
question,
at the entrance
question
a leading
lowing
is
less inevitable revolution.'?
shall
that
all
and
credit,
not evident that after every disappoint-
ment, which, alas
be a no
mission
to
to sanctify the soul of
in this,
presents
of
of the
the political
itself?
It
the
is
part,
fol-
What
its
pen of M.
enlarge,
to
labourer,
words which we regret should
in
if,
considers, that its
State
and
if it
engages to offer to
such as are eager to borrow, gratuitous

not able to do
it
every
for
those
all
not able to do
an asylum
provide
not able to do
is
engages to
if it
Avant,
is
domain?
law?
What
What
ought
it
are its limits?
to
be?
What
Where, in
is
fact,
does the prerogative of the legislator stop?

\
I have no hesitation in answering, Lav;

* Political
is
common
economy precedes politics the former has to discover

whether human interests are harmonious or antagonistic, a fact
which must have been decided upon before the latter can determine
the prerogatives of G-overnment.
THE LAW.
227
force organised to prevent injustice;
in
Law
short,
is Justice.
It
not
true
over
our
is
power
and
pre-exist,
that
the
work
his
is
has
legislator
and property,
persons
absolute
they
since
only to secure them from
injury.
It is not
true that
our
regulate
the mission of the law
our
consciences,
education, our sentiments,
our
oiu'
our enjoyments.
gifts,
our
ideas,
is
to
our
will,
works, our exchanges,
Its mission is
to prevent
the rights of one from interfering with those of another,

in any one of these things.
Law, because
which
its
necessary sanction,
its
lawful domain the domain of force,
is justice.
And
as
recourse
every
has
individual
only
force
to
collective
so
has force for
it
can only ha,ve as
force,
in
a
of
cases
which
only
is
right
to
lawful
the
have
defence,
union
of
cannot be rationally used for any
individual forces,
other end.
The
law,
individual
then,
is
the
solely
Avhich
rights,
existed
organisation
before
of
legitimate
defence.
Law
So
is justice.
from being able
far
the people, or
philanthropic end,
former,
the
It
and
to
to oppress the
persons
of
plunder their property, even for a
to
its
mission
secure
is
to
protect
them the possession
to
the
of
latter.
must not be
philanthropic,
so
said,
long
either,
as
it
that
it
abstains
may
from
be
all
228'
THE LAW,
oppression
for
this
is
The law
contradiction.
cannot avoid acting upon our persons and property

if
it
secure them,
does not
it
violates
them
if
it
touches them.
The law
is
justice.
more clear and simple, more

and bounded, or more visible to
every eye; for justice is a given quantity, immutable
and unchangeable, and which admits of neither increase
Nothing
can
be
perfectly defined
or diminutinn.
Depart from this

fraternal, equalising,
]3oint,
make
industrial,
law
the
religious,
or
literary,
artistic,
and you will be lost in vagueness and uncertainty

you will be upon unknown ground, in a forced
Utopia, or, which is worse, in the midst of a
multitude
of
Utopias,
striving
to
gain
possession
upon you for fraternity and philanthrophy have no fixed limits, like
justice.
Where will you stop? Where is the law
One person, as M. de Saint Cricq, will
to stop 1
only extend his philanthropy to some of the industrial classes, and will require the law to dispose of
of the
law,
and
the consumers in
to
impose
it
favour of the producers.
Another,
M. Considerant, will take up the cause of the

working classes, and claim for them by means of
the law, at a fixed rate, clothing, lodging, food, and
like
everything necessary for the support of
life.
third,
as M. Louis Blanc, will say, and with reason, that

this would be an incomplete fraternity, and that
the law ought to provide them with instruments of
A fourth
labour and the means of instruction.
229
THE LAW.
will
inequality,
for
an arrangement still leaves

and that the law ought to
most remote hamlets luxury,
that such
observe
room
the
introduce
into
literature,
and the
communism
what it now
;
This
arts.
is
the
is
the high
road to
legislation will be
in other words,
everybody's
for
battle-field
dreams and everybody's covetousness.
Law
In
is justice.
proposition
this
we
represent
ourselves
to
And I defy any

immovable Government.
tell me whence the thought of a revolution,
simple,
one to
an insurrection, or a simple disturbance could
arise
against a public force confined to the repression
Under such
well-being, and
injustice.
system,
there
of
would be
would be
this
Avell-being
more
and as to the sufferings
more equally distributed
inseparable from humanity, no one would think of
accusing the Government of them, for it would be
as innocent of them as it is of the variations of
Have the people ever been known
the temperature.
;
to
against
rise
rate
wages,
of
labour,
the
appeals,
court of
of the peace, for the sake of
justices
workshop
gratuitous
advantages of
the
credit,
the
or
the
assail
claiming the
instruments
tariff,
or
the
of
social
They know perfectly well that these

are beyond the jurisdiction of the
the peace, and they would soon learn
combinations
justices
that
of
they are not within
the
jurisdiction
of
the
law.
But
if
the law were to be
ciple of fraternity,
if it
made upon the
prin-
were to be proclaimed that
230
THE LAW.
from
proceed
it
responsible
every social inequality
an
endless
Law
And
then
succession
and
troubles,
evils
all
that
it is
and
grievance
for
you open the door

complaints,
of
to
irritations,
revolutions.
is justice.
would be very strange
it
perly be anything else
not rights
With
equal?
MM.
if
could pro-
it
Is not justice right
show of
Avhat
the law interfere to subject

of
and
benefits
all
every individual
for
me
to the
Are
'1
right
can
plans
social
Mimerel, de Melun, Thiers, or Louis Blanc,
rather than to subject these gentlemen to mi/ plans?

Is
be supposed that
to
it
upon ME
too?
sufficient
Is
amongst
so
many
public force in
Law
And
the
for
it
has not bestowed
I*fature
imagination to invent a
law to make
and
fancies,
to
choice
make
Utopia
one
of
use of
the
service?
its
is justice.
let
it
not be said, as
it
continually
is,
that
the law, in this sense, would be atheistic, individual,
would make mankind

an absurd conclusion,
quite worthy of the governmental infatuation which
sees mankind in the law.
What then? Does it follow that, if we are free,
we shall cease to act ? Does it follow, that if we
do not receive an impulse from the law, we shall
receive no impulse at all ?
Does it follow, that if
and
wear
heartless,
its
own
and that
image.
it
This
is
the law
confines
exercise
of our Acuities, our faculties will be
lyzed?
Does
it
itself
follow,
to
securing
that
if
the
to
us
the
free
para-
law does not
THE LAW.
impose upon us forms of
methods
ciation,
of
for
we
plunge
shall
ignorance,
that
we
our unfortunate
and
Law
And
reign
we
that
help
to
existence
plans
charity,
for
atheism,
into
asso-
labour,
for
isolation,
and egotism 1
Does it follow,
no longer recognise the power and
God
goodness of
nature,
and
eagerly
rules
misery,
shall
together,
modes of
religion,
instruction,
exchange,
directions
231
cease
shall
each
other,
to
brethren,
to
study
aspire
to
to
associate
and
love
the
perfection
after
assist
secrets
of
our
in
is justice.
under the law of justice, imder the

under the influence of liberty, se-
is
it
of
right,
and responsibility, that every man

measure of his worth, to all the
dignity of his being, and that mankind will accomwith order and with calmness
plish,
slowly, it
curity,
stability,
will attain to the
is
to
but Avith certainty
true,
decreed
progress
it.
my
I believe that
theory
is
be the question upon which I

jt
the
be
mical
whether
equality,
right,
population,
point
of
variably
come
scientific
to
the social problem
And
or
credit,
the
the
is
whatever
for
wages,
Government
same
econo-
morality,
pro-
responsibility,
capital,
horizon
whether
or
political,
progress,
exchange,
arguing,
well-being,
effects
it
justice,
labour,
perty,
am
philosophical,
religious,
;
correct
thing
start
the
at
taxes,
Avhatever
from, I
in-
solution
of
in liberty.
have I not experience on
my
side
Cas
THE LAW.
232
Which
your eye over the globe.
are the happiest,
and the most peaceable nations 1

Those where the law interferes the least with private
activity
where the Government is the least felt
where individuality has the most scope, and public
where the machinery
opinion the most influence
of the administration is the least important and
where taxation is lightest
the least complicated
the most
moral,
and
popular
unequal,
least
discontent
excited and the least justifiable'?
and where,
perfect
any
at
themselves
associations
bour,
most
morals
if
they
rate
where
the
are
displacements
completely
this
the
law or
meetings,
by
man
force,
course
who
short,
That
should flow from the
all
a
to
follows
where
the most over the in-
idea
voluntary action of
in
where lathe least from
fettered
natural
God prevails
men; those, in
most nearly
right,
not
own
its
the thought of
ventions of
are
transactions,
least
least
tend incessantly
and production suffer

where mankind
capital,
artificial
classes
consequently,
state,
correct
and
and
of individuals
sibility
the
where the responis the most active
the
realise
within the limits of

perfectible,
free,
and
nothing be attempted by
except the
administration
of
universal justice.
cannot
avoid
there are too

are
too
society,
many
many
coming
great
legislators,
to
this
men
in
conclusion
the Avorld
organisers,
that
there
institutors
of
conductors of the people, fathers of nations,
&c., &c.
mankind,
Too many persons place themselves above

many
too
and patronize it
to
rule
;
THE LAW.
persons
make
answered
time."
that
it
yourself
Very
But
true.
It will be
it.
occupied iipon
are
if I join
the reformers
all
it
must be admitted
it
in another sense entirel}^ that I
is
ing; and
a trade of attending to
" You
this
233
am
speak-
solely for the
is
it
purpose of inducing them to relax their hold.
am
not doing as Vaucauson did with his auto-
maton, but as a physiologist does with the organisation of the human frame; I would study and
admire
it.
am
acting with regard to
animated a celebrated
in the midst of
it
in the spirit
He
traveller.
a savage tribe.
which
found himself
had just
child
been born, and a crowd of soothsayers, magicians,
and
quacks
hooks, and
Avere
around
never smell the perfume

stretch
his
armed
it,
One
bandages.
said
of
rings,
child
calumet,
Another said
nostrils."
with
" This
" He
will
unless
be
Avill
without the sense of hearing, unless I draw his ears
down
to
shoulders."
his
third
never see the light of the sun, unless I
an oblique direction."
fourth
" He
give
"He
said
said
never be upright, unless I bend his legs."

said
" He
his
ever
brain."
God
" Stop
does,
is
"
!
to
use, experience,
said
well
to this frail creature,
God
will
fifth
will not be able to think, unless I press
know more than He

themselves,
will
his eyes
and
as
do not
He
What-
pretend to
has given organs
allow those organs to develop
strengthen
and
"
the traveller.
done
themselves
by
exercise,
liberty."
has implanted in mankind,
also,
all
that
is
THE LAW.
234
necessary
enable
to
accomplish
to
it
destinies.
its
a providential social physiology, as well as

The social organs
a providential human physiology.
to develop
them
to
enable
as
are constituted so
There
is
harmoniously in the grand

their rings,
and
their pincers
Away
their
their
Away
with their
mental
whims,
or
chains,
Avith
their
of
air
and
their
monopolising
and
methods
artificial
their
their
religions,
banks,
with
their hooks,
centralization,
State
Away
workshops,
their
Away,
liberty.
organisers
social
universities,
tuitous
and
quacks
with
then,
their
governtariffs,
their
gra-
limitations,
and their
moralisations,
their
And now, after having
by taxation
vainly inflicted upon the social body so many systems, let theni end where they ought to have begun
of
reject all systems, and make trial of liberty
liberty, Avhich is an act of faith in God and in His
their
restrictions,
equalisation
work.
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IFOURTH (PEOPLE'S) EDITION.^

PF.INTED FOE PROVOST

CAPITAL AND INTEREST.

CAPITAL AND INTEREST

THE SACK Of CORN

THAT WHICH IS SEEK AND THAT WHICH

THE BROKEN WINDOW

THE DISBANDING OF TROOPS

THEATRES, PINE ARTS

FRUGALITY AND LUXURY

CAPITAL AND INTEREST.

^Iy object in this treatise

pose of proving that

plain than too

and explaining why

examine into the

the Interest of Capital, for the pur-

afraid of being too

easy matter to avoid this danger,

have to deal are

But, then, you

and daily experience.

the use of this

AMiy explain what everybody knows?"

But, although this problem appears at

than you might

be entirely destroyed in a week,

yet the capital will not produce the less interest to

or his heirs, through all

CAPITAL AXD INTEREST.

can you honestly say

you understand the

would be a waste of time

factory explanation from the writings of economists.

They have not thrown much

upon the reasons

this they are not

of the existence of interest.

Proudhon, and has,

of this periodical contains

productiveness of capital, which

cause of misery, the

destitution, the eternal obstacle to the establishment

Another journal, La Ruche Po[jidaire, after having

to be organised in such a manner,

patrons, or mcisters, should not he paid for this

raised to so high a price

CAPITAL AXD INTEREST.

The only thought that

of the right to interest.

The remainder of the

Avhich imply a denial

will always have to he recommenced, so long as we occupy ourselves with con-

capital possesses the power of

the workers have been at the mercy

" At the end of a year, wUl you find an additional

another, at the end of foui'teen years

I have quoted the above, merely for the sake of

the productiveness of capital a false, a

(quotations are superfluous

Avhat they call