Chapter-V

BUDDHISM AND ECONOMY OF EARLY ANDHRA

An economy is defined as the state of a country or area in terms of the production
and consumption of goods and services and the supply of money.1
The system or range of economic activity in a country, region, or community.2
The system of trade and industry by which the wealth of a country is made and
used.3
A given economy is the end result of a process that involves its technological
evolution, history and social organisation, as well as its geography, natural resource
endowment, and ecology, as main factors. These factors give context, content, and set
the conditions and parameters in which an economy functions.4
Thus it is clear from the above definitions

that

economy consists of the

economic system of a country or other area; the labour, capital and land resources; and
the manufacturing, trade, distribution and consumption of goods and services of that area.
An economy may also be described as a spatially limited and social network where goods
and services are exchanged according to demand and supply between participants by
barter or a medium of exchange with a credit or debit value accepted within the network.
The religious belief affects a wide range of behavioral outcomes and religious
activity can affect economic performance at the level of the individual, group, or nation.5
In Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith argued that participation in religious sects could
potentially convey two economic advantages to adherents.6 The first could be as a
reputational signal while the poor might look alike to potential employers, lenders and
146

customers, membership in a good sect could convey a reduction in risk associated with
the particular individual and ultimately improve the efficient allocation of resources.7
Second, sects could also provide for extra-legal means of establishing trust and
sanctioning miscreants in intra group transactions, again reducing uncertainty and
improving efficiency, especially where civil remedies for failure to uphold contracts
were weak.8 This interpretation is essentially content less with respect to the actual
nature of religious belief.
The Marxian idea that economic factors determine forms of society9 has been
modified by the notion associated with Max Weber that certain social and cultural forms
may be necessary before economic growth can take place.10

However, Marshall

describes it the distinction between society and economy may at times be tenuous,
economics is the study of mankind in the ordinary business of life.11 As such economy
would encompass life as a whole. Economic growth is usually based upon institutional
changes of which the growing complexity and sophistication of the exchange system is
the major index.12 Thus, the social development means an increased social differentiation
and an alteration in the quality of social institutions. Thus, it is clear that the three
essential ingredients, production, distribution and consumption constitute economy of a
region. As long as someone has been making, supplying and distributing goods or
services, there has been some sort of economy, economies grew larger as societies grew
and became more complex. In an agrarian economy, the peasant societies retain a high
degree of subsistence production and in this they differ from urban centres which
combine market activity with subsistence production.

It is applicable to the Indian

society in general and Andhra Desa in particular during the period under review.

147

The changes in India during 6th century B.C. were not restricted only to the sphere
of religion and philosophy, changes were also marked in the realm of politics, society and
economy as well. Kings and kingdoms with known histories developed. The period
witnessed new economic forces invigorated through the rapidly expanding commerce and
increase in the number of artisans and their influence on society and the economy.
The use of iron during 6th century B.C. around the Krishna and Godavari valley
ushered in a momentous change in the material life of the people. Many iron implements
such as spearheads, daggers, lances, axes, nails and blades have been found from this
region. The advance in metallurgy led to large-scale clearance of jungles and
development of human settlements.13
The later vedic society was clearly divided into four Varna: Brahmana, Kshatriya,
Vaishya and Shudra. Each Varna was assigned well-defined functions.14 The varnaridden society was bound to generate tension.
Brahmanical attitude towards trade was not encouraging. The trading community,
the Vaishyas was given the third position after Brahmanas and Kshatriyas in the society.
The wealth of the society was concentrated in their hands but they did not have social
recognition or status. Hence, it is significant that the first lay converts of Buddhism came
from the trading community. The Vaishyas looked for a religion that would improve
their position. They extended generous support to both Jainism and Buddhism.15
The economic aspect of Buddha's teachings, particularly the economic impact of
Buddhas teachings in the society of his time and a bit later are significant. Buddha was
the first among the ancient thinkers, who believed in the advantage of collective
ownership of property. He even believed that origin of private ownership was
148

degradation and dishonest. He explained in clear words, At first human beings owned
property collectively and worked collectively in farm land to produce rice. Later they
divided farmland and tilled them separately giving rise to individual ownership. Then
some greedy persons stole or encroached on other people's share of land. To stop such
evil practice, people chose a king and entrusted to him the task of preserving peace and
order, specially the task of protecting individual's property from infringement by
others.16 This teaching of the development of early human society by Buddha reflects
his belief that private ownership has its origin in dishonesty, vice and a decadence of
social morality. Buddha not only spoke of the advantage of collective ownership, but
also applied it in his Sangha. He allowed the monks to own privately only certain
personal belongings, limited to 8 items of 6 kinds, namely 3 chivar (monk's robes), 1
thread and needle, 1 astava, 1 waist bond, and 8 water-filter. When his step mother, nun
Prajapati wished to present the Buddha Chivar women by herself, Buddha asked her not
to offer it to an individual, but to the Sangha.17
Buddhas experiment of collective ownership failed, because he applied it only in
his Sangha, i.e., among the monks only, and not in the whole society, because he did not
try to restructure or transform the society to apply his concept of collective ownership
and also because he advocated common ownership only in mens personal belongings
and not in the means of production. Further, Buddha's failure to transform the society
along with his views was attributable to the faith that the Buddha (624-544 B.C.) lived at
the age of transition from rural agrarian society to urban vibrant society, in which the
seeds of his advanced ideas could not germinate. Buddha's highly enlightened views

149

influenced many, individual thinkers, but could not change the economic relationship of
society of his time.
Inspite of all these shortcomings, Buddhas teachings had a great impact on the
thinking of the society of his time and also in some sections of society even after his
death. The Sangha in Buddhism of all schools advocate common ownership of property
in the Sangha, according to which the members of the Sangha, or monks, work to earn,
not for themselves, but for the Sangha. For laymen, Buddhism stressed on earning
money, for maintaining life, not for amassing wealth. To people of propertied class,
Buddhism appealed to use wealth for the benefit and welfare of the community.18
Buddha preached and even personally urged the rich to help the poor, and, thus,
contributed to some extent to narrow the gap between the haves and have-nots. In his
lifetime, Buddha's ideas had an impact on the economic attitude of the society in the area
he and his disciples worked where many wealthy people, merchants and traders were
inclined to offer liberally for charity.19 The Economic and social conditions are reflected
in the Amaravati sculptures (Plate VII, VIII & IX).
Traders and merchants who were trading in liquids, perfumes, cloth, leather and
food-grains was prohibited by vedic religion. The people of Magadha and Anga (Bihar
region) were displeased because they carried on trade in some restricted items. Hence, as
a mark of protest they were enthusiastic in embracing Buddhism. The newly developed
features of the social and economic life of the people did not fit into the vedic culture.20
The conflict between the vedic religious practices and the aspiration of the rising social
groups led to the search for new religious philosophical ideas with basic changes in the

150

material life of the people. Buddhism and Buddhist sanghas provided answer to the
burning question.
The Jatakas provide considerable data on the economic conditions of the period
under review which witnessed an all-round development of agriculture, industry and
trade. This was due partly to private enterprise, and partly to state-control. The latter
aspect is delineated in Kautilyass Arthasastra and forms a special feature of the
economic system of the period.Agriculture was the mainstay of both the people and the
government. Gifts of cows, lands and villages recorded in the epigraphs of those days
demonstrate their importance in the daily life of the country. Thus utilisation of land and
resources reached its zenith resulted in increasing in production, during the period under
consideration. Land defines the economics of utilisation of natural resources and thus is
much more than the mere terra-firma. It includes all the materials and forces, which
nature gives freely for mans use in land and water, in air and light and heat.21
The surplus of food, turned into a surplus of wealth through trade, is what helped
to fund the patronage of skilled craftsmen and specialised labour which paved the way for
urbanization in Andhra region. Not only were these developments conducive to the
growth of brisk trade relations, but also to the formation of a complex form of
government, a government that needed to protect the interests of various professions
while providing safety and security from outside invasions by maintaining a standing
army. All of this occurred simultaneously with the introduction of Buddhist religious
monastery and culture. While these forces of the urbanisation process gathered more
momentum starting from the fourth century B.C. Small villages situated along rivers and
trade routes, headed by chiefs grew into fortified urban centres. These fortified cities and

151

towns were ruled over by chieftains, with titles such as Maharathi, Mahatalvara and
rajaya, either independently or possibly through power delegated from a political centre.
In either case, we know that the rulers controlled local resources and then attempted to
regulate the value of trade by minting coins on their own.22 Many of these rulers might
have been Buddhist laity or possibly even monks as two Brahmi inscriptions found at the
Satavahana level of digging at Pedda Vegi, mention the name of one Maharaja Kakichi
who is said to have been an inmate i.e., antevasaka of a Buddhist monastery.23 However,
this is not to suggest that economic activity was limited to trade only, or that agriculture
had decreased. Agriculture continued to yield revenue. But the boom in mercantile
activity during this period had brought those associated with commerce to the fore.
Industry and commerce flourished through out this age. Various classes of
workers figure prominently in the Inscriptions found at Amaravati, Nagarjunakonda and
others.24 Inscriptions at Nasik and Junnar mentions Kularikas (weavers), Odayantrikas
(makers of hydraulic engines), Tilapisakas (oil-millers), Dhannikas (corndealers),
Kulikas (weavers) Vasakaras (bamboo workers), Kasakaras (braziers), Kamaras (ironworkers), Charmakaras (leather-workers), Gadhikas (perfumers),

Avasani (artisans),

Vadhikas (carpenters), Manikaras (jewelers) and Selavadhakins (stone masons). Each of

them had a guild of its own and these were technically called srenis.25
The artistic talent of some of these craftsmen is unsurpassed, as attested by
innumerable jewels, precious stones and other articles found among the remains of
Buddhist monasteries, as well as the tools and weapons, earthenware and ivory work
found in the Buddhist remains at Kondapur in Medak district and certain other places.

152

The technology involved in the working of iron made considerable progress. According
to Milindapanha, black iron, even when beaten, maintained its weight, it did not vomit
out the water in which it was soaked. It is because of this that Indian iron and steel are
mentioned in the Periplus of the Erythraen Sea imports in the Abyssinian ports.26 These
guilds were corporate bodies, wielding great influence in the state. Sreni-dharmma or the
usage of the guilds had the force of law. They served trade or craft interests in various
ways.27 The varieties of gold ornaments found at Kondapur, the numerous gold flowers
and jewels found in the relic caskets at Bhattiprolu, Salihundam, Ghantasla,
Gummadidurru, Amaravati, Nagarjunakonda and a very beautiful casket of pure gold in
the form of a stupa,28 found at Amaravati attest to the artistic skill of Andhra goldsmiths,
whose raw material must have been supplied by the mines situated in the Deccan. In the
sculptures of Amaravati, one can see the beautiful ornaments worn by men and the cites
structures and bolconeys (Plate VII & X).
A special feature of these guilds was the banking facilities provided by them.
They received cash deposits and endowments of property, and undertook to spend the
income from them in a specified manner. These investments were proclaimed and
registered at the assembly hall of the town i.e. nigamasabha.29 The guilds had also the
power to make gifts in the name of the corporation. At Junnar there is an epigraph which
notices the gift of a seven-celled cave and a cistern by the guild of corn-dealers.30 The
guilds must have been long standing, and their operations characterised by honesty and
fair dealings, for otherwise men would scarcely have made perpetual endowments with
them.31 The deposits served as capital for the traders and encouraged them to engage in
commercial enterprises.

153

Thus, the craftsmen, merchants and traders of the region organized in guilds,
functioned independently. They could purchase raw materials and implements with the
money deposited with them and could pay the rate of interest out of the proceeds of sale.
These guilds were stable enough to induce members of the royal family to prefer the
guild to the treasury.

This indicates the growth and prosperity of guilds.

In this

connection, it is not out place to draw a comparison between the urban middle class of
the 16th century Europe who contributed to the triumph of the Lutheran Revolt and
flourishing mercantile community during the early centuries of the Christian era, that
patronized Buddhism and Buddhist sanghas in Andhra Desa. Longhurst rightly observed
that The Buddhists were largely recruited from the commercial classes, and it was their
wealth which helped not only the merchants themselves, but also their royal masters to
raise monuments of such magnificence as those at Nagajunakonda and Amaravarti.32
Ample epigraphical evidence in support of Longhursts view. Most of the
inscriptions of Amaravati record the gifts by merchants,33 artisans,34 town folk headed by
the merchants,35 Upasakas and Upasikas.36 The Ramireddipalli inscription of
Virapurisadattas time registers the consecration of a pillar by a merchant.37 At
Jaggayyapeta an artisan named Siddhartha made a gift of five ayaka pillars,38 the Rentala
inscription of Ehuvalas time speaks of a gift by a merchant to a Buddhist settlement,39
the Chinnaganjam or Uppugundur inscription of Virapurisas reign registers a gift by a
merchant of Dhanyakataka to a Buddhist tirtha of the place.40 In the Telangana region, at
Kondapur extensive ruins of Buddhist institutions were brought to light. Kondapur was a
great centre of flourishing mercantile and artisan community.41 Of all such donations, the
most remarkable is the one made by cobbler Vidhika to the Amaravati stupa.42 Vidhika

154

was the son of naga, who was a teacher (upajjaya). He visited the stupa and a made a
gift of a slab with purnaghata. He was accompanied to the place by his mother, wife,
brothers, sons, daughters, cousins, relations and friends. No other instance than this is
needed to explain the popular nature of Andhra Buddhism, and the cosmopolitan spirit of
the Buddhist institutions. Even the poorest and the lowest contributed their little mite to
promote the cause of Buddha Dhamma.
The well known Buddhist sites namely Dhulikatta, Kontilingala, Buidigapalle,
Salihundam, Goli, Ghantasala, Dharnaikota, Chebrolu and Nagarjunakonda were located
along ancient trade routes and hence connected to the network of land routes and
navigational channels leading to different parts of the subcontinent. The port towns and
cities not only were well connected to the land routes but also carried on coastal and
inland trade using the sea and river systems. There is abundant evidence to show that
contacts with the north and the rest of the subcontinent increased during this time. That
these trade routes linked the north and Andhra is also inferred from the presence of and
spread of northern black polished ware (NBPW).43
Closer than before contacts were established between the Indo-Gangetic plain and
the Deccan during the Maruryan period. Such contacts indicated in a direct form by the
locations of the edicts of Emperor Asoka. The three main trade routes, 1. Along the
western seaboard, 2. The inland overland route, and 3. Along the eastern seaboard were
used for making trade and contacts between northern plain and the Deccan.44 Through
the western seaboard the major movements of the people would have tended to be either
sea borne or close to the coast,coming down from the passes in the Westren Ghats.
Although the coastal site of Sopara was already established during Mauryan times, the

155

post-Mauryan period sees a larger number of settlements. These were linked to trade
routes traversing the Deccan and seeking western coastal outlets. The inland route
connecting north and south would seemingly have been the most direct but for the fact
that it had to cross a number of river valley running east to west, Narmada and Tapati or
tending to be west to east, Mahanadi, Godavari, and Krishana. The famous
dakshinapatha gives the impression of going due south but probably required extensive
detours. Some routes would have gone through Vidarbha and the Wainganga valleys,
The third route along the eastern seaboard was possibly in many ways the easiest. Ships
traveled from the ports in or near the Ganges delta, the best being Tamralipti, and kept
close to the coast, touching at ports in the deltas of the Mahanadi, Godavari and Krishna.
Travel inland from these would be along river valleys.
The overland coastal route was feasible since the Eastern Ghats were less
continuous and less steep than those of the Western Deccan. That the eastern trade route
going south was possibly more important than the western at this time is suggested by the
desire of the Mauryas to control Kalinga. The Hathigumpha inscription mentions that the
Nandas had built a canal in the area but they seem to have lost control over the territory
as Asoka had to re conquer it through a major campaign.45 Control over the region was
important to the Mauryan economy is evident from the emphasis on good administration
in the two separate Edicts of Asoka at Jaugada and Dhauli.46 The fertility of the region
and flourishing trade and commerce attracted the conqueror. The locations of Jaugada
and Dhauli are pertinent to this policy where the first was a nodal point along the route to
the next fertile tract and the second was in the heartland of the Godavari. Sisupalagarh as
an urban centre highlights the commercial importance of the area.47 The proliferation of

156

Buddhist sites and monastic settlements in coastal Andhra and along the Krishna valley,
especially in the post Mauryan period, points to an early existence of the route.48 The
river valleys and their vicinities that host the maximum, collection of Asokan inscriptions
in the Deccan are those of the Krishna and its tributary the Tungabhadra.49 The
uniformity of punch-marked coins from the 4th century B.C., found in many regions of
the north as well as many places in Andhra suggest the regions connection through
trade.50
Fleet, rightly observed that there was an early trade route, of which well known
traces still remain, which started from the east coast and reached Broach via Golconda,
Ter and Paithan. There were two starting points, namely Masulipatnam and Vinukonda.
the road from this, Masulipatanam took not only the local traffic from the coastal
districts of the north of the Krishna, but also the sea borne traffic from the far east. The
other starting point was probably Vinukonda, inland, in the southern part of the same
district, which would serve admirably as a collecting centre for the local products of the
sea side country on the south of the Krishna. The roads from these two places joined
each other at a point about 26 miles towards the east by south from Hyderabad, or
perhaps at a point about 23 miles further in the same direction; and from that point the
single road ran in the most natural manner, through easy country, via, Hyderabad,
Kalyan, Ter, Paithan and Daulatabad to Chandore and Markinda in the west of Nasik
district.51
Besides land routes, there were excellent water ways which facilitated internal
and external trade. The Narmada, Godavari and Krishna connected most of the market

157

towns in the Deccan. Many important urban centres and monasteries grew up in the
valleys of the Godavari and Krishna, and quickly rose into prominence.
The eastern coastline of the Indian Peninsula is well known for its several
seaports located at river mouths or outlets to the sea. These include the Gangetic delta
which has openings into the sea through the many outlets along the large fertile plain
arching towards the Bay of Bengal, the Krishna and Godavari deltas of Andhra Pradesh,
the Coromandel Coast with its prosperous lands around Thanjavur52. The region between
the rivers Godavari and Mahanadi is marked by several spits.
The inlets under the influence of the southwest monsoon encourage a long shore
drift from southwest to northeast directions. The river deltas of India are favourable for
navigation and the distributaries associated with estuarine mouths naturally led to the
development of many ports. The large lagoons and lakes, provided sheltered water
bodies in which a large number of ports developed.53 For instance, the ports of Palur, and
Kalingapatnam, on the east coast are protected by spits.54 On the other hand, ports along
the west coast are protected by bars and spits providing the much desired natural break
waters for safe anchorages. The lakes and lagoons along the coastline facilitated the
plying of various types of boats. The discovery of various types of pottery, beads and
coins at ports and trade centres indicated an interrelationship between them. Typical
stupas, monasteries and viharas that existed in close proximity to ports and trade centres
indicated that Buddhism had played a significant role in maritime trade since the
beginning of the Christian era to a later period.55

158

The Jataka stories as well as Buddhist accounts and paintings show that Buddhists
were involved in maritime trade. The representation on the medallion of Bharhut shows
a sea monster threatening to swallow a boat is clear evidence of the involvement of
Buddhism in maritime trade.56 The caves of Ajanta, Aurangabad and Ellora depict
Boddhisattva Avalokitesvara as a saviour of mariners in distressful conditions. Eight
perils are depicted in two vertical rows, among them a ship wreck scene is carved in
relief along with Avalokitesvara in these caves. The role of Avalokitesvara as the saviour
from the eight perils is delegated to goddess Tara. Numerous images of Tara have been
noticed in Ratnagiri, Orissa. Even in one of the ashtamahabhayas Tara image, eight
perils are depicted and the ship wreck (jalarnava-bhaya) scene is also carved in relief.
The Buddhist goddess Tara is the protectors from such distress.57 Besides sculptural
evidence, the distribution of Buddhist settlements such as stupas, monasteries and
chaityas along ports and trade routes show the involvement of Buddhism in maritime
trade. For instance, Dharanikota and Amaravati show the strong hold of Buddhism
between the 4th and 3rd century B.C. Machilipatnam was connected by roads with
Dhanyakataka or Amaravati, as well as Paithan, the capital of the Satavahanas. A stupa
pillar fragment with an inscription of the period of Sri Yajna Satakarni was found at
Chinna Ganjam.58 in Guntur District. Motupalli was referred to as a port in one of the
inscriptions.59 Ghantasala i.e., Kantakasela was another port, referred to in one of the
inscriptions found at Nagajunakonda, dated the 14th year of Virapurusadatta, the
Ikshavaku king. The river was navigable enough to carry goods to great distances inland,
the wide sea could also be used for trade expansion. Koddur, i.e., Gudur was a trade
centre, not far away from Ghantasala.Buddhist monks, traders and local residents gifted

159

money for construction of monasteries at trade centres which is evident from the
inscriptions at Kanheri and Junnar.60
Buddhism might have disseminated in the eastern and peninsular India during the
Mauryan and the Satavahana periods spreading to western India and then Karnataka.
Since ancient days, varieties of pottery were carried in ships for transporting both solid
and liquid. This is evident from pottery found both underwater and during inland
explorations and excavations.61 However, the shapes and sizes of pots changed over a
period of time. Different pottery, viz., a Northern Black Polished (NBP) Ware, Roulette
Ware, Knobbed Ware, Russet Coated Painted (RCP) Ware and Red Polished Ware
(RPW) found at ports, trade centres and hinterland sites suggest their widespread use in
regional and overseas trade. The distribution of NBP ware (700100 B.C.) from 415
sites of India along coastal and hinterland Buddhist establishments suggest the
involvement of Buddhism in maritime trade network.62 RCP are known as Andhra ware
(400 B.C. and 400 A.D.) has been reported from Satanikota, Mattapalli, Nilugondla in
Andhra Pradesh 63
The finding of NBP Ware, Roman coins in Nellore, silver PMC, Terracotta in
several places indicates the existence of a trade route from northern India to eastern India
then to southern India reaching Kanchi.64 Further, NBP ware and PMC have been
recovered from the citadel of Anuradhapura.65 Considerable progress has been observed
during the NBP period in terms of development of cities, technology, trade and
commerce. During this period, trade contact of the South India reached up to Southeast
Asia and the Mediterranean regions.66 Introduction of PMC and cast copper and silver
coins, seals and sealing clearly indicate the existence of an established trade and money-

160

based economy. A vast sea-borne trade between the west and the coastal Andhra is
attested by the find of Roman coins at Vinukonda, Nagarjunakonda, Nellore, Cuddapah,
Vijayawada, Ghantasala, Salihundam and Suryapeta in Nalgonda district proves the brisk
trade and growing money economy in the region. The archaeological finds substantiate
the fact that maritime contacts with South-east Asia and western countries started
somewhere between 4th and 3rd century B.C. and were multi dimensional involving
monks, traders, sculptors and envoys travelling together. Thus, the trade guilds played an
important part in the life of the community. Buddhism had a great impact on trade and
society in the whole of Andhra region in particular and south India in general.
The question is why Buddhism attracted the merchant class is interesting to note.
One view is that it is possible that the Buddhas casteless ethic provided a certain
appeal to those formerly dependent on Brahmanical ritual and teaching for their spiritual
practices and hopes. But more likely, it appears from the foregoing discussion that the
cult of the stupa honouring the remains of the Buddha struck a resonant cord among
those with a cultural and religious penchant for honouring the dead, venerating nagas,
and venerating the powers of the goddess, all characteristics of proto-Andhra society.
Moreover, the appeal of Buddhism for the artisans and traders who formed an important
class of urbanising people can be clearly seen in the ideology of merit that serves as
conceptual underpinning for the practice of stupa veneration. The cult of the stupa
provided a means for those who had recently acquired wealth to express their religious
sentiments through material means. Donating to the sangha through the building of
monasteries and by the construction of stupas was highly meritorious act that signaled
positive karmic consequences in at least two ways. The doctrine of karma legitimates

161

ones social and economic status. By ones actions, one benefit or suffers consequences.
Being able to contribute liberally to the interests of the religion can be taken as a sign of
ones success. Second, the well known practice of merit transference provided a means
to continue assisting and honoring ones departed ancestors. It is within this context that
acquiring wealth, the chief preoccupation of the trading class, made possible the making
and sharing of merit, the chief form of Buddhist religious activity for the laity. These
religious actions do not require the intermediary services of Brahmin priests and suggest
much more of an ethic of independence, self-effort and work, an ethic thoroughly
congenial to the attitudes of the trading class.
The success of traders and their religious association with Buddhism was not lost
on the political rulers of Andhra at this time. Inscriptions issued by political chieftains
during this time at Amaravati,67 and Bhattiprolu68 announce their donations and support
to the Buddhist sangha. At the same time, coins issued by these same rulers reflect their
enthusiasm for growing trade relations.69 It is clear that by embracing and supporting
trade they also saw it expedient to embrace and support the religion of the traders. Often
the conversion of whole peoples is said to follow the conversion of their leaders.
Following the conversion of political chieftains, we can also note, however, how
other segments of Andhra society soon followed. We can see through further evidence of
inscriptions that people of various caste belonging to agriculture and industry organised
themselves into larger associations. The names of these associations and their flourishing
states are known from the engraved records of donations they made to various Buddhist
establishments. These include such groups who came to be known as gamas,70 i.e.
village agriculturalists, nigamas,71 i.e., traders and ghostis72 i.e., professionals at
162

Bhattiprolu, Dhanyakataka and Amaravatri.

The steadily increasing numbers of

donations made collectively by people belonging to such gamas, nigamsa and ghostis
indicates the sudden rise of their economic prosperity. This prosperity is also
corroborated by the finding of many hoards of punch marked coins dating to this time.73
In addition, some of these punch marked coins at like Nasthullapur were found along
with extensive hoards of Roman coins.74 Foreign traders, who were residents at
Amaravarti, too apparently understood the connection between Buddhism and trade.
Records of their donations made in support of Buddhist cave establishments are also now
known.75
Himanshu P. Ray observes that the Buddhist samgha holding a considerable
amount of land and property in the early centuries of Common Era. Her argument was
on the basis of the evidence for storage rooms at Nagarjunakonda, material remains of the
presence and a large number of donations made by people from different walks of life.
Buddhist viharas at places like Bavikonda and Thotlakonda also have remains of storage
houses while local and foreign coins invariably have been included in the cultural
remnants of almost all of the Buddhist sites.76 To act on their own as private bankers to
loan the money to traders. Thus, by the preceding and early centuries of the Christian
era, Buddhism through flourishing economic activity had proliferated into virtually all
sections of Andhra society.
The Buddhism that developed along with trade and urbanisation in Andhra
transformed the agrarian economy into mercantile and money economy which paved way
for economic revolution in the region. When population experienced a transition from a
self-sufficient agrarian society to an urban one that was ambitious in acquiring skills,

163

wealth, and self-respect, Buddhism came to its aid. It provided a matrix of values to meet
these needs. This is seen very clearly in relation to the merchant community. Buddhist
establishments were often setup up in strategic places that would give shelters to
merchant caravans and the sea voyagers. The spread and vitality of trade was directly
linked to the spread and vitality of Buddhism. As a religion appealing to commoners
because of its casteless concerns and its religious ethic of giving, it proved attractive to
a wide variety of people. Traders found that in Buddhism there were fewer barriers
between them and the other classes i.e., cultivators and artisans, with whom they came
into contact with in the business of trade. Business friendship included religious
friendship. Buddhist traders erected stupas not only to honour the Buddha, but also to
demonstrate that their material excess was equated with spiritual success. Thus, it can be
inferred that the artisan and merchant communities were the backbone of state economy
during the period under review and it would be impolitic for any ruler to antagonise them.
The overwhelming popularity which Buddhism enjoyed with them should have therefore
induced the Satavahana and Ikshavaku kings to be tolerant to Buddhism in their
dominions.

164

Chapter-V : References
1. Oxford Dictionary-e-edition under-economy
2. www.the free Dictioary.com-under-economy
3. www.Cambridge Dictionary.com-under-economy
4. www.Encyclopedia.com
5. Iannaccone, Laurence R., Introduction to the Economics of Religion, J.E.L. 36, No.
3, 146596. American Economic Association, 1998.
6. Anderson, Gary, M., Mr. Smith and the Preachers: The Economics of Religion in the
Wealth of Nations, J.P.E. 96, no. 5: 106688, University of Chicago Press, 1988.
7. Weber, Max., The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism and Other Writings,
Penguin Books, New York, 2002.
8. Fafchamps, Marcel, 2002. Spontaneous Market Emergence. Topics in Theoretical
Economics 2, No. 1, Article 2, Department of Economics, University of Oxford, 2003.
9. Marx, Karl, Capitalist Economic Formations, (Reprint) New York, 1964, p.36.
10. Weber, Max, Op.Cit.
11. Marshall, A., The Principles of Economics, New York, 1964, p.20 ff.
12. Belshaw, Cyril S., Traditional Exchange and Modern markets, Printice hall, NJ,
1965, p. 28 ff.
13.

Krishnasastry, V.V., The Pre and Early Historical Cultures of Andhra Pradesh,
Hyderabad, 1983, p.46.

14. The Age of Imperial Unity, Bombay, 1968, p.543.

15. Leonardo Chapela, Buddhist Economics - A social philosophy-Information down
loaded from www.buddhism.20m.com

165

16. Aggannya-Sitta (Dighami Kaya) 27 www.urbandharma.org

17. Dakkhina Wibhange Sitta, Majjhim Nikaya 142, www.buddhistchannel.tv
18. Ibid.
19. Leonardo Chapela, Op.Cit.
20. Ibid.
21. Marshall, A., Op.Cit.
22. Krishnasastry, V.V. Op.Cit., pp.130 ff.
23. Ibid, p. 19.
24. Hanumanth Rao, B.S.L., Buddhist Inscriptions of Andhra Desa, Ananda Buddha
Vihara Trust, Secunderabad, 1998.
25. Luders list Nos.1137, 1133 and 1165.
26. Sharma, R.S., Stages in Ancient Indian Economy, Enquiry No. 4, New Delhi, 2003,
p.34.
27. Sila Tripati, Ancient Maritime Trade of the Eastern Indian Littoral, p.1076, Journal
of Research Communication, Vol.100, No.7, down loaded from www.ias.ac.in
28. Sarma, I.K., Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brhami Inscriptions of
Andhra Desa, p. 9, Nagapur, 1988.
29. Nasik Cave Inscription, No. 12, E.I., Vol. VIII, p. 82.
30. Luders List. No.1180.
31. Majumdar, R.C., Corporate Life in Ancient India, Calcutta University Press, 1969,
pp.37-38.
32. MASI, No. 54, Delhi, 1938, p.6.
33. Luders List No. 1229.

166

34. Ibid, No. 1973.

35. Ibid, No. 1247.
36. Ibid, No. 1303.
37. Ibid, No. 1261.
38. Burgess, F., Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapeta, Indological Book
House, 1970, p.110.
39. A.R.S.I.E., No. 349 of 1936, Madras.
40. E.I., Vol. XXXIII, pp. 189 ff.
41 A.B.O.R.I, Vol. XXII, Poona,1941, pp.171-85.
42. Burgess, Op.Cit., p. 106.
43. Sarkar, H. & Sinha, B.P., Ancient Magadha. The Cradle of the Northern Black
Polished Ware in P.C. Pant and Vidula Jayaswal, (ed.), Ancient Ceramics, Delhi,
1997, pp. 85-115.
44. Dubreuil, J.G, Ancient History of the Deccan, Translation from French by V.S.
Swaminathan, Map and Description, Pondicherry, 1920.
45. E.I., Vol. XX, pp. 71-89.
46. Ibid.
47. O.H.R.J, Vol. XLVII, No. 2, Orissa State Museum, Bhuvaneswar, 2004, pp.127-128.
48. Prasad, N.R.V., Bavikonda, Hyderabad, 1994, p.19.
49. Sircar, D.C., Asokan Studies, Calcutta, 1979, pp.118 ff.
50. Gupta, P.L., Punch Marked Coins in the Andhra Pradesh Museums, Hyderabad,
1960, pp.118 ff.
51. Fleet, J.F., Tagara, Ter, J.R.A.S, London, 1901, p.548.

167

52. Deloche, J., Transport and Communications in India Prior to Steam Locomotion,
Oxford University Press, 1993, p.5.
53 Pannikar, K.M., Geographical factors in Indian History, Bombay, 1969, p.31 ff.
54. Ahmad, E., Coastal Geomorphology of India, Oriental Longman, 1972, p.32.
55. Ibid.
56. Chandra, M., Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India, New Delhi, 1977, pp.56-58.
57.

Mitra, D., Rantagiri, 195861, M.A.S.I, No. 80, Vol. II, 1983. & Tripati, S.,
Maritime Archaeology: Historical Descriptions of the Seafaring of the Kalingas,
Kaveri Books, New Delhi, 2000, p.75.

58. E.I., Vol. XXXIII, pp.189 ff.

59. A.R.I.E, No. 606, 1909.
60. Ray, H.P., The Archaeology of Seafaring in Ancient South Asia, Cambridge
University Press, 2003, p.72 ff.
61. Mohanty, P. and Mishra, B., Early Historic Kalahandi, Orissa Revisited, Mumbai,
2001, pp.23-26.
62. Mohanty, P. and Mishra, B., pp.1726 & Roy, T. N., A Study of Northern Black
Polished Ware Culture, Ramananda Vidyabhavan, Delhi, 1987, p.47 ff.
63. Allchin, F.R., The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia The Emergence of
Cities and States, Cambridge University Press, 1995, pp.29-35.
64. Hanumanth Rao, B.S.L., Inscribed sealing from chebrolu procedings of A.P History
Congress, 1987.
65. Sarma, I. K., Indian Seafaring Traditions: Archaeological Perspectives. In An
Integrated Approach to Marine Archaeology (ed. Rao, S. R.) New Delhi, 1999,
pp.95-101.

168

66. Roy, T. N., Op.Cit.

67. Luders List, No. 1266.
68. E.I., Vol. II, p. 328 &329.
69. Krishnasastry, V.V., Op.Cit., pp.11, 130 and 202.
70. E.I., Vol. XV, pp.262 & 265.
71. Ibid, pp.262-263.
72. Ibid, Vol. II, pp.327 and 328.
73. Gupta, P.L., Op.Cit., pp. 2-3.
74. E.I., Vol. XXII, p. 4 ff. and E.A., Vol. II, p.2.
75

I.A.A.R., 1977-78, pp. 60-61.

76. Ray. H.P., Op.Cit. p.150.

*****

169