10.

1177/1532708603262783
Cultural
Giroux
Studies
Edward Said
Critical
and theMethodologies
Politics of Worldliness
August 2004

ARTICLE

Edward Said and

the Politics of Worldliness:
Toward a Rendezvous of Victory
Henry A. Giroux

Pennsylvania State University

This essay addresses both the nature of what it means to be a public intellectual and the politics such an understanding would entail by examining the
work of the late Edward Said. Said embodied both a particular kind of politics and a specific notion of how intellectuals should engage public life. The
author takes up these issues by providing a critical commentary on the relevance of Saids notion of wakefulness and how it both shapes his important
consideration of academics as oppositional public intellectuals and his
related emphasis on cultural pedagogy and cultural politics. The author
concludes by arguing that Saids work and legacy are crucial to rethinking
the nature of academic work and the work of academia within the larger
context of a democracy under siege.

Keywords:

Edward Said; public intellectual; worldliness; wakefulness

Crisis and criticism are two concepts that are pivotal to defining both the
nature of domination and the forms of opposition that often emerge in
response to it. Within the past decade, the urgency associated with the notion
of crisis and its implied call to connect matters of knowledge and scholarship to
the worldly space of politics has largely given way to a concept of criticism
among many academics, which implies a narrowing of the definition of politics
and an inattentiveness to the public spaces of struggle, politics, and power. As
Sheldon Wolin (2000) points out, crisis invokes a particular notion of worldliness in which politics embodies a connection between theory and public life. In
contrast, criticism signifies a more disembodied, less tactical version of politics.
Such a politics downplays or disregards worldliness and is generally more contemplative, spectorial, and in search of distance rather than intervention
driven by urgency (p. 15).
Those in the academy who support the professional act of criticism often
argue that the close reading of texts has important educational value, especially
for students learning how to read critically (Fish, 1999; Graff, 1992). But
Wolins notion of criticism as unworldly does not deny the pedagogical value
of a critical attentiveness to texts but argues, instead, against the insularity of
such a pedagogical task, one which has a tendency to ignore questions of interCultural Studies Critical Methodologies, Volume 4 Number 3, 2004 339-349
DOI: 10.1177/1532708603262783
2004 Sage Publications
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vention and degenerate into either scholasticism, formalism, or career opportunism. Alternately, a politics of crisis often links knowledge and learning to
the performative and worldly space of action and engagement, energizing people to not only think critically about the world around them but also to use
their capacities as social agents to intervene in public life and confront the myriad forms of symbolic, institutional, and material relations of power that shape
their lives. It is this connection between pedagogy and agency, knowledge and
power, thought and action that must be mobilized in order to confront the current crisis of authoritarianism looming so large in the United States today.
Few intellectuals have done more within the past four decades to offer a politics of worldliness designed to confront the crisis of democracy and the emerging authoritarianism in the United States, Israel, and other nations throughout
the world than Edward Said, one of the most widely known, influential, and
controversial public intellectuals of the latter part of the 20th century.
Although known primarily as a critic of western imperialism and a fierce advocate of the liberation of the Palestinian people, he is also widely recognized for
his important contributions as a scholar whose work has had an enormous
impact on a variety of individuals, groups, and social movements. His
importance as a cultural theorist and engaged intellectual is evident in his
path-breaking work on culture, power, history, literary theory, and imperialism. Not only is Said responsible for the founding of such academic genres as
postcolonial studies and colonial discourse analysis, his work has also had an
enormous influence on a wide range of disciplines as well as on an array of academics and cultural workers, including visual artists, museum curators, filmmakers, anthropologists, and historians. He is one of the few academics whose
voice and work addressed with equal ease a variety of specialized and general
audiences within a global public sphere. Although he was always clear he was
never simplistic, and he managed throughout the course of his 40-year career to
provide theoretical discourses and critical vocabularies that enabled a range of
academics and activists within a variety of disciplines and public spaces to not
only speak truth to power and write against the historical narratives fashioned
by ruling classes and groups but also to reclaim a politics in which matters of
power, agency, resistance, and collective struggle became paramount.
A controversial and courageous public intellectual, Said provided a model
for what it meant to combine scholarship and commitment. And in doing so,
he did not shy away from the difficult theoretical and political task of trying to
understand how the current elements of authoritarianism in changing historical contexts could be addressed and resisted. Said recognized that the newer
models of authoritarianism, with their drive toward absolute power and relentless repression of dissent, were taking different forms from those 20th-century
regimes of terror that marked the former Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and fascist Italy. Fascism in the new millennium was now emerging under the banner
of democracy, a reckless unilateralism in foreign affairs, an embrace of religious
fundamentalism, and the corporate control of a mass media reduced largely to a

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Giroux Edward Said and the Politics of Worldliness

benign, if not sometime cranky, adjunct of corporate and government interests. The war on terrorism, Said rightly recognized, had become a rationale for a
war on democracy, unleashing both material and symbolic violence at home
and abroad on any movement fighting for the right to justice, liberty, and
equality, but especially on the rights of the Palestinians.
Attentive to how the university and other dominant sites of power constructed historical narratives, Said urged generations of students to take seriously the narrativizing of political culture as a central feature of modern politics. His now legendary works Orientalism (1978) and Culture and Imperialism
(1993) probed deeply into questions concerning who controls the conditions
for telling historical narratives, which agents produce such stories, how such
stories become part of the fabric of common sense, and what it might mean for
scholars and activists to seriously engage the fact that struggles over culture are
also struggles over meaning, identity, power, inclusion, and the future. Of
course, such interventions reap no rewards from established powers, and his
own work was constantly policed and dismissed as either anti-American or
anti-Semitic. Of course, Saids work should be taken up critically, but I want to
challenge the frequent denigration of his public interventions in terms which
often implied that the real object of such attacks was the existence of any form
of influential criticism emerging from the academy that called American power
into question. One recent example of such a hostile dismissal can be found in
how one of the most powerful newspapers in the world, The New York Times,
framed his obituary. Richard Bernstein (2003), the author and a noted conservative, constantly invoked Saids critics who claimed that his work was
drenched in jargon and ignored vast bodies of scholarship and that his critiques of Israel were tantamount to supporting terrorism. Bernstein even
went so far as to bring up a story that appeared in 2000 about a photograph that
pictured Said at the Lebanese border about to throw a rock allegedly at an
Israeli guardhouse. What makes Bernsteins commentary all the more shocking
is its juxtaposition to The New York Timess obituary of the filmmaker for the
Third Reich, Leni Reifenstahl, who had died a few weeks before Said (Riding,
2003). Considered one of Hitlers most brilliant propagandists, Reifenstahl
was treated to a memorial in The New York Times that is far more generous and
forgiving than the one accorded later to Said. This display of crassly distorted
reporting may say less about Bernsteins own ideological prejudices than about
the mainstream medias general propensity to be more supportive and comfortable with authoritarian ideologies than with those intellectuals who critique
and resist what they perceive as both the escalation of human suffering and the
increasing slide of the United States into a new and dangerous form of authoritarianism.1
Although it is a daunting task to try to assess the contributions of Edward
Saids overall work in these dire times in order to resist the increasing move
toward what Sheldon Wolin (2003) calls an inverted totalitarianism, I think
it might be useful to commence such a project by providing a critical commen-

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tary on the relevance of Saids notion of wakefulness and how it both shapes his
important consideration of academics as oppositional public intellectuals and
his related emphasis on cultural pedagogy and cultural politics. I want to begin
with a passage that I think offers a key to the ethical and political force of much
of his writing. This selection is taken from his 1999 memoir, Out of Place,
which describes the last few months of his mothers life in a New York hospital
and the difficult time she had falling to sleep because of the cancer that was ravaging her body. Recalling this traumatic and pivotal life experience, Saids meditation moves between the existential and the insurgent, between private suffering and worldly commitment, between the seductions of a solid self and the
reality of a contradictory, questioning, restless, and at times, uneasy sense of
self. He writes,
Help me to sleep, Edward, she once said to me with a piteous trembling in her
voice that I can still hear as I write. But then the disease spread into her brain, and
for the last six weeks she slept all the time. . . . my own inability to sleep may be
her last legacy to me, a counter to her struggle for sleep. For me sleep is something
to be gotten over as quickly as possible. I can only go to bed very late, but I am literally up at dawn. Like her I dont possess the secret of long sleep, though unlike
her I have reached the point where I do not want it. For me, sleep is death, as is
any diminishment in awareness. . . . Sleeplessness for me is a cherished state to be
desired at almost any cost; there is nothing for me as invigorating as immediately
shedding the shadowy half-consciousness of a nights loss, than the early morning, reacquainting myself with or resuming what I might have lost completely a
few hours earlier. I occasionally experience myself as a cluster of flowing currents.
I prefer this to the idea of a solid self, the identity to which so many attach so
much significance. These currents like the themes of ones life, flow along during
the waking hours, and at their best, they require no reconciling, no harmonizing.
They are off and may be out of place, but at least they are always in motion, in
time, in place, in the form of all kinds of strange combinations moving about,
not necessarily forward, sometimes against each other, contrapuntally yet without one central theme. A form of freedom, I like to think, even if I am far from
being totally convinced that it is. That skepticism too is one of the themes I particularly want to hold on to. With so many dissonances in my life I have learned
actually to prefer being not quite right and out of place. (pp. 294-295)

It is this sense of being awake, displaced, caught in a combination of diverse circumstances that suggest a particular notion of worldlinessa critical and engaged interaction with the world we live in mediated by a responsibility for challenging structures of domination and for alleviating human suffering. As an ethical and political
stance, worldliness rejects modes of education removed from political or social concerns, divorced from history and matters of injury and injustice. In commenting on
his own investment in worldliness, Said (quoted in Howe, 2003) writes, I guess
what moves me mostly is anger at injustice, an intolerance of oppression, and some
fairly unoriginal ideas about freedom and knowledge. For Said, being awake
becomes a central metaphor for defining the role of academics as oppositional public intellectuals, defending the university as a crucial public sphere, engaging how

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culture deploys power, and taking seriously the idea of human interdependence
while at the same time always living on the borderone foot in and one foot out, an
exile and an insider for whom home was always a form of homelessness. As a relentless border crosser, Said embraced the idea of the traveler as an important metaphor for engaged intellectuals. As Stephen Howe (2003), partly quoting Said,
points out,
It was an image which depended not on power, but on motion, on daring to go
into different worlds, use different languages, and understand a multiplicity of
disguises, masks, and rhetorics. Travelers must suspend the claim of customary
routine in order to live in new rhythms and rituals . . . the traveler crosses over,
traverses territory, and abandons fixed positions all the time.

And as a border intellectual and traveler, Said embodied the notion of always
being quite not right, evident by his principled critique of all forms of certainties and dogmas and his refusal to be silent in the face of human suffering at
home and abroad.
Being awake meant accepting the demands of worldliness, which implied
giving voice to complex and controversial ideas in the public sphere, recognizing human injury beyond the privileged space of the academy, and using theory
as a form of criticism to redress injustice (Scarry, 2000). Worldliness required
not being afraid of controversy, making connections that are otherwise hidden,
deflating the claims of triumphalism, bridging intellectual work and the operation of politics. Worldliness meant refusing the now popular sport of academic
bashing or embracing a crude call for action at the expense of rigorous intellectual and theoretical work. On the contrary, it meant combining rigor and clarity, on one hand, and civic courage and political commitment, on the other.
From the time of his own political awakening after the 1967 Arab-Israeli war,
Said increasingly became a border crosser, moving between his Arab past and
his New York present, mediating his fierce defense of Palestinian rights and the
demands of a university position that gave him the freedom to write and teach
but at the same time using its institutional power to depoliticize the politics of
knowledge or, to use Saids (2001b) terms, impose silence and the normalized
quiet of unseen power (p. 31).
A number of us writing in the fields of critical pedagogy and cultural studies
in the early 1980s were particularly taken with Saids (1994) view of the
engaged public intellectual, particularly his admonition to intellectuals to
function within institutions, in part, as exiles, whose place it is publicly to
raise embarrassing questions, to confront orthodoxy and dogma (rather than to
produce them), to refuse to be easily co-opted by governments or corporations
(pp. 8-9). This politically charged notion of the oppositional intellectual as
homeless, in exile, and living on the border, occupying an unsutured, shifting,
and fractured social space in which critique, difference, and a utopian potentiality can endure, provided the conceptual framework for developing my own

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concept of border pedagogya mode of pedagogy that was not only oppositional, questioning, political, and cut across disciplines but also moved
between different zones of theoretical and cultural differences (Giroux, 1992).
His notion of the academic as an engaged intellectual traveling within and
between different disciplines, locations, sites of pedagogy, and social formations provided the conceptual framework for generations of educators fighting
against the deadly instrumentalism that shaped dominant educational models
at the time.
Said also provided many of us in the academy with a critical vocabulary for
extending the meaning of politics and critical awareness. In part, he did this by
illuminating the seductions of what he called the cult of professionalism with
its specialized languages, its neutralizing of ideology and politics through a
bogus claim to objectivism, and its sham elitism and expertise rooted in all the
obvious gendered, racial, and class-specific hierarchies. He was almost ruthless
in his critique of a narrow ethic of professionalism with its quasi religious
quietism and its self-inflicted amnesia about serious socio-political issues
(Hussein, p. 302). For Said, professionalism separated culture, language, and
knowledge from power and in doing so avoided the vocabulary for understanding and questioning how dominant authority worked through and on institutions, social relations, and individuals. Rooted in narrow specialisms and thoroughly secure in their professed status as experts, many full-time academics
retreated into narrow modes of scholarship that displayed little interest in how
power was used in institutions and social life to include and exclude, provide
the narratives of the past and present, and secure the authority to define the
future (Aronowitz, 2003, p. 53). Abdirahman A. Hussein (2002) captures
lucidly the crux of Saids critique of the seductions of professionalism and its
underlying propensity to depoliticize academics and render them either irrelevant politically or complicitous with dominant power. He writes,
What could be called a narrow ethic of professionalism covers up the absence of
any really engaged ethics of worldliness. With the exception of a tiny minority,
[too many academics] have undoubtedly succumbed to the same fastidious
dodginess that hamstrings the typical academic humanistthe self-inflicted
amnesia about serious socio-political issues; the studied, carefully nursed, quasireligious quietism; the stuffy self-importance and pettifoggery; the spurious
myth that weightless theoria effortlessly wafts over the quotidian realm of
praxis. In short what transpires under the grandiloquent rubrics of philosophy, literary studies, and critical theory in the United States and Britain
constitutes a substantial part of the cloy, immunizing minutiae of hegemonic
culturethat vast, multi-dimensional process of elaboration, saturation, and
fine-tuning which cocoons individuals and collectivities in civil society while at
the same time camouflaging projections of political, industrial, and military
power. (p. 302)

Said was especially critical of those intellectuals who slipped into a kind of professional somnambulism in which matters of theory have less to do with a con-

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scious challenge to politics, power, and injustice than with either a deadening
scholasticism or a kind of arcane clevernessa sort of narcotic performance in
fashionable ironythat neither threatens anyone or opposes anything. But he
did more than supply a language of critique; he also illustrated what it meant to
link text to context, knowledge to social change, culture to power, and commitment to courage. He gave us a language for politicizing culture, theorizing politics, and recognizing what it meant to make the pedagogical more political. Not
only did his pioneering work give us a deeper understanding of how power is
deployed through culture, but he laid the foundation for making culture a central notion of politics and politics a crucial feature of pedagogy, thus providing
an invaluable connection between pedagogy and cultural politics. More specifically, Said made it clear that pedagogy resided not merely in schools but in the
force of the wider culture, and in doing so, he not only expanded the sites of
pedagogy but the possible terrains of struggle within a vast number of public
spheres.
Refusing to separate learning from social change, he constantly insisted that
we fail theory when we do not firmly grasp what we mean by the political, and
that theorizing a politics of and for the 21st century was one of the most challenging issues facing the academy. He urged us to enter in a dialogue with ourselves, colleagues, and students about politics and the knowledge we seek to
produce together and to connect such knowledge to broader public spheres and
issues. He argued that the role of engaged intellectuals was not to consolidate
authority but to understand, interpret, and question it (Said, 1994, pp. 8-9).
According to Said, social criticism had to be coupled with a vibrant selfcriticism, the rejection of the seductive persuasions of certainty (Hussein,
2003, p. 297), and the willingness to take up critical positions without becoming dogmatic or intractable. What is particularly important about Saids work
is his recognition that intellectuals have a special responsibility to promote a
state of wakefulness by moving beyond the language of pointless denunciations. As such, he refused to view the oppressed as doomed actors or power as
simply a crushing form of oppression. For Said, individuals and collectivities
had to be regarded as potential agents and not simply as victims or ineffectual
dreamers. It is this legacy of critique and possibility, of resistance and agency,
that infuses his work with concrete hope and offers a wealth of resources to people in and out of the academy who struggle on multiple fronts against the rising
forces of authoritarianism both at home and abroad.
At a time when domination comes not only from the new Right and
neoconservatives but also from the religious Right, Saids emphasis on secularismthe observation that human beings make their own history (Said,
2001a, p. 501)not only reminds us of the need to fight against all those forces
that relegate reason to the dustbin of history but also to recognize the multiple
sites in which a mindless appeal to scripture, divine authority, and other
extrasocial forms of dogmatism undermine the possibility of human agency.
For Said, new sites of pedagogy had to be developed and old ones used to edu-

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cate existing and future generations to the value of critical thought and social
engagement. Said believed that criticism was always intertwined with public
life and that rather than lift the activity of the contemporary critic out of the
world, it firmly placed him or her in the material and political concerns of the
global public sphere, one that could never be removed from the considerations
of history, power, politics, and justice. And it is this linking of a healthy skepticism for what authorities say and Saids insistence on the need for human
beings to make their own history that gives his notion of secular criticism such
force. Of course, Said was against all fundamentalisms, religious and political,
and he believed that secular criticism should always come before solidarity.
Priestly acolytes occupy both churches, mosques, synagogues, and the university, and their quasi-religious quietismwith its appeal to either extrasocial
forces (such as the hidden hand of history or the market) or to complex, theoretical discourses that drown out the worldliness of the text, language, and public lifemust be rejected at all costs. Both Saids view of the public intellectual
and secular criticism informed each other and is clear in his claim that
even in the very midst of a battle in which one is unmistakably on one side against
another, there should be criticism, because there must be critical consciousness if
there are to be issues, problems, values, even lives to be fought for. (Said, 1983, p. 28)

Near the end of his life, Said argued that the United States government was
in the hands of a cabal, a junta dominated by a group of military-minded
neoconservatives who are fanatically pro-Israel (Said, 2003). For Said, the battle over democracy was in part a struggle over the very status of politics as a critical engagement, agency as an act of intervention geared at shaping public life,
and resistance as the ability to think critically and act with civic courage. He
believed that any vestige of culture as a site of political struggle and courage was
being effaced from the American landscape. He argued that such acts of symbolic violence could be seen in Laura Bushs attempt to bring together poets in
ways that gave art a decorative rather than engaged status (Said, 2003), in
Attorney General John Ashcrofts ordering that the Spirit of Justice statue be
covered up so as to hide the view of her naked breasts, or the United Nations
willingness to cover up a reproduction of Picassos famous antiwar painting
Guernica during a visit by Secretary of Defense Colin Powell to the Security
Council. Said believed such acts of censorship provided further evidence of the
fact that Americans live in a culture increasingly ruled by fear and repression, a
culture where the gap between the rich and the poor has become obscene, and
where the stranglehold of the far Right on government does not bode well for
the environment, youth, labor, people of color, or the reproductive rights of
women.
To take back this country from the radical Right and the religious extremists, we need to abide by Edward Saids call to speak the truth to power, but we
must do it in a vast majority of sites, including education, and we must do it not

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just individually but collectively. In doing so, intellectuals must be willing to

untangle the complexities of global power as it moves across the globe creating
new social divisions, social formations, and potential sites of resistance. One
important social formation that must be addressed is that of youth, whose
voices, experiences, and political power must not only be taken seriously but
also understood as a crucial element in forming possible alliances that bring
together young people, labor unions, intellectuals, educators, and religious
organizations. In addition, we also need a new politics marked by a serious
investment in cultural pedagogy, an appropriation of new and old technologies
for producing knowledge, and a propensity for combining critique with acts of
refusal including, as Joseph Hough, the current president of the faculty at
Union Theological Seminary argues, nonviolent civil disobedience (Moyers,
2003). The most important question facing this country is what changes are
going to have to be made in how we think and act politically to make a claim for
a substantive and inclusive democracy.
So much of what Said wrote, and did with his life, offers both a model and
inspiration for what it means to take back politics, social agency, collective
struggle, and the ability to define the future. Said recognized with great insight
that academics, students, and other cultural workers had important roles to
play in arousing and educating the public to think and act as active citizens in
an inclusive democratic society. Most important, he called upon such groups to
put aside their petty squabbling over identities and differences and to join
together collectively in order to become part of what he called, after C. L. R.
James, a rendezvous of victory (Said, 2003), a fully awakened, worldly coalition against those forces at home and abroad who are pushing us into the age
of totalitarianism lite, without anyone much noticing or, for that matter,
complaining.
Note
1. A classic example of this can be seen in the November 2, 2003, New York Times
Sunday Magazine in which Deborah Solomon interviews Noam Chomsky. Solomon
(2003) ends the interview by suggesting Chomsky is a self-hating Jew because he criticizes Israeli policies, needs to be psychoanalyzed, and is driven by ambition. She ends the
interview by asking Chomsky if he feels guilty about living a bourgeois life and driving
a nice car and if he has considered leaving the United States permanently. Clearly,
these questions reveal much more about Solomon, her editors, and The New York Times
than they might about Chomsky, though he answers all of her questions in ways that
reveal how foolish she is. Two of the questions and answers are worth repeating:
Q: How would you explain your large ambition?
Chomsky: I am driven by many things. I know what some of them are. The misery that people suffer
and the misery for which I share responsibility. That is agonizing. We live in a free society, and
privilege confers responsibility.

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Q: If you feel so guilty, how can you justify living a bourgeois life and driving a nice car?
Chomsky: If I gave away my car, I would feel even more guilty. When I go to visit peasants in Southern Columbia, they dont want me to give up my car. They want me to help them. Suppose I gave
up material thingsmy computer, my car and so onand went to live on a hill in Montana
where I grew my own food. What that help anyone? No. (p. 13)

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Bernstein, R. (2003, September 26). Edward W. Said, literary critic and advocate for Palestinian independence, dies at 67. The New York Times, p. C23.
Fish, S. (1999). Professional correctness: Literary studies and political change. Cambridge, MA:
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Giroux, H. A. (1992). Border crossings. New York: Routledge.
Graff, G. (1992). Beyond the culture wars: How teaching the conflicts can revitalize American
education. New York: Norton.
Howe, S. (2003, October 2). Edward Said: The traveller and the exile. Retrieved from
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Hussein, A. A. (2002). Edward Said: Criticism and society. London: Verso.
Moyers, B. (Executive Producer). (2003, October 24). Enough is enough, Bill Moyers
interviews Union Theological Seminarys Joseph Hough on NOW with Bill Moyers [Transcript]. Retrieved from http://www.commondreams.org/views03/1027-01.htm
Riding, A. (2003, September 10). Riefenstahl, 101, dies: Film innovator tied to Hitler. The
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Said, E. (1978). Orientalism. New York: Vintage Press.
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Said, E. W. (2001b). On defiance and taking positions. In Reflections on exile and other essays
(pp. 500-506). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Said, E. (2003). At the rendezvous of victory. In Edward Said, culture and resistance: Interviews with David Barsamian. Cambridge, MA: South End Press.
Scarry, E. (2000). Beauty and the scholars duty to justice. Profession 2000, pp. 21-31.
Solomon, D. (2003, November 3). The professorial provocateur. The New York Times
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Wolin, S. (2000). Political theory: From vocation to invocation. In J. Frank & J.
Tambornino (Eds.), Vocations of political theory (pp. 3-22). Minneapolis: University of
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Wolin, S. (2003, May 19). Inverted totalitarianism. The Nation, pp. 13-15.

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Giroux Edward Said and the Politics of Worldliness

Henry A. Giroux is the Waterbury Chair of Education and Cultural Studies at

Pennsylvania State University. His most recent books are The Abandoned Generation (2004), Take Back Higher Education (coauthored with Susan Searls
Giroux, 2004), and The Terror of Neoliberalism (2004).

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