Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
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Azul y Oro
The Many Social Lives of a Football Jersey
Claudio E. Benzecry
Theory, Culture & Society 2008 (SAGE, Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, and Singapore),
Vol. 25(1): 4976
DOI: 10.1177/0263276407085158
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2004; King, 2000). While these studies mainly focus upon Europe, Argentinean football serves as a complex and pertinent case that can illustrate
how a cultural object is circulated and used. To wit: a strong team from an
economically peripheral yet footballistically central country, evinces a
unique cultural flow due to the transnationalization of the sports economy,
which, in turn, affects the way in which its main representation, the football
jersey, is used. Boca Juniors the most popular team in the country, and a
team historically associated with the working class and poor internal
migrants, and which has enjoyed a recent wave of success including winning
the Club World Championship Cup twice over the last five years is
emblematic in just this regard. Through this case, we can observe all these
processes at play as they inscribe a particular object with meaning.
This article presents and discusses the many circuits in which a
football jersey achieves value. First, it shows the transformations of the
jersey design process that occur because of technological innovation as well
as the influence of a group of transnational corporations (TNCs) that have
attempted to control the local sports apparel market. This has resulted in a
tension between design convergences and the advertisement on the jersey,
and hence its perceived authenticity. Second, it shows the uses of jerseys
prescribed by a football team, in association with the regulations of national
and international federations and the firm that designs them. Third, it
explores the uses both players and fans make of the object. The article
concludes by showing how many of the tensions at play are solved by the
production of vintage replica jerseys made by the TNCs themselves, and
how advertisements have come to guarantee the authenticity of the jersey.
This work is based on a thorough archival research of Argentinean
sports newspapers, magazines and websites, as well as financial information
gathered from diverse economic sources and sports apparel trade magazines.
Further, the article offers an analysis of the local equivalent of Ebay. It also
builds up part of its arguments from participant observation of Boca Juniors
fans through years of attending both home and away games.
La Camiseta de Boca se Tiene que Transpirar
In 1998, two years after taking over the production of jerseys both for the
professional team and for the avid football fan market, Nike launched its
biggest gamble in Argentina: a Boca jersey that changed its traditional
design by making the yellow horizontal stripe wider (from its original 15 cm
to 33 cm) and incorporating dry-fit technology in its production process.
Until then, most jerseys were made of a mixture of polyamide and cotton.
New technology, based on polyester micro-fibers designed to control
humidity, has given players better ventilation and has eliminated perspiration through the use of two layers: the first one touches the skin and absorbs
perspiration, which is transported to the second layer, where it then
evaporates. The fabric also included a SPF 30 Sunscreen against UV rays.
Obviously these are innovations that helped the professional player and
made the shirt more appealing to the eye, tighter to the body, and available
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for going out since the jersey does not get imbued with the sweet smell of
sporting efforts. With such improvements, why then was the jersey so
resisted by teams fans?
The change of the traditional design is not enough to account for the
strong opposition and the passions the jersey awakened. In 1996, while
preparing its first jersey for the Argentinean market, Nike had scared the
fans by adding two small white lines (1 inch wide each) to separate the
yellow stripe from the blue background. Diego Maradona, the most important player in Argentinean history and a symbol of Boca, complained and
campaigned against the jersey saying: It looks like Michigan Universitys1
shirt not Boquitas jersey (Aldoa, 2001). Yet, in 1998, the opposition
became even stronger as people seemed to challenge the new jersey with
regard to two basic features represented by it: nationhood and effort, as
signified in the first case by the fluctuations in design since the transnational
company took over and, in the second case, by the technologically enhanced
fabric. About the first new jersey Maradona complained:
This is unbelievable. How can they make a different jersey! Today they
include the white stripe, then they widen it, tomorrow they put red and black
and it becomes Chacaritas [another Argentinean football team] jersey! If
Americans come and give us US $200 million we are not going to change the
national flag. In todays world everything is money, but there are some things
we should defend. And Bocas jersey colors is one of those things. (Clarn,
2000c)
I will return later to the conflation of nation with football, and to the idea
that the jersey works in one of its circulation phases as a totem (see
Douglas, 1966; Durkheim, 1965; Durkheim and Mauss, 1963; Mauss, 1990).
On the second feature, Senator Cafiero (a former governor of the state
of Buenos Aires, the most important of the country) wrote a fiery opinion
column in Clarn, Argentinas main newspaper, called Lets Sweat the
Jersey! (Cafiero, 1998). In it, the Senator wondered about the paradox of a
team whose fame was built on effort, stamina and dedication (the word
garra in Argentinean Spanish) having an anti-sweat jersey. He said:
We want to see the players soaked in sweat. Can you imagine Tano Pernia or
Little Lion Pescia [two players best remembered for their effort and rough
game] leaving the field with an immaculate jersey after 90 minutes of coming
and going? By these means, all the solidarity and the effort spilled over by
Cagna and Fabbri [two of the players during 1998] will be in vain, or better
said, in an anti-perspiration jersey!. . . How can we demand or implore our
players to give everything on the field and soak their jersey with sweat if the
jersey itself precisely prevents them from doing so? What will be next?
Jerseys with automatic wash and dry or suede shoes for night games?. . . No
Sir, I do not want for my team this kind of light, dispassionate, postmodern
and anti-perspiration costume. I want a shirt that leaves a puddle on the
locker room floor. That shows, with no shame, the result of honest work and
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1983) and Richard Peterson (1997) have called the invention of tradition
and fabrication of authenticity, respectively. Anthony King (2004) has
developed this perspective to discuss the way in which UEFA has linked
the glorious past of European football with new signs of Europeanness to
highlight the continuity in time between the European Cup and the new
Champions League.
The Boca jersey went unchanged from 1926 to 1982, even though
some minor details were added: in 194950 the number on the back of the
players was put in place; in 1955 the team badge of the Argentinean
Football Association was incorporated; in 1981 the club added four stars
(representing the number of South American and Club World Cup Championships won) on the left side of the jersey, or over the players heart. Later,
in 1993, the clubs team badge was placed directly over the heart too.
Tradition was presented as the guarantor of identification (complaints about
the changes are usually presented in the form of a We look like . . . [another
team] comment, for instance the 2003 jersey was received with: We look
like Brazils Cruzeiro, or Italys national team but with yellow numbers. This
is treason to the clubs main symbol. It is like River in the 80s when they
did not have the stripe on the back and looked like Huracan [Clarn, 2003])
and associated with the continuity of the power of the jersey (a common
phrase is Les ganamos con la camiseta, we beat them just with the jersey).
Being misidentified or misrepresented dilutes the powers and prowess of the
jersey in the eyes of all those involved.
Jersey design, then, is not merely the whim of designers, nor club
administrators and fans. It is also regulated by the Argentinean Football
Association (AFA) and its international controlling body, the International
Football Federation Association (FIFA).2 As Molotch (2002: 674) explains,
there is interplay between the desires and knowledges of the designers of
objects, the local regulatory bodies and cross-regional influences. It does
not matter how much you want to do a white and blue striped Boca jersey,
it can only be the third jersey for the team, since the home and away
jerseys have to have the colors of the traditional design according to the
local football association. Only the third jersey can be left to the imagination of the new designer (see Figure 1). Actually, FIFA demands that the
third or alternative jersey be made using colors other than the original ones.
The first Boca jersey always had the blue background and a yellow stripe,
and the second, used in away games or whenever there was any color conflict
with a rival team (like Rosario Central, which has the same colors), some
combination of the original colors (historically a yellow jersey and blue
shorts, now an inversion of the regular model, with a blue stripe over a
yellow background).
The transformation in the field of design in Argentina can be first
explained when we observe the process of the plebeianization of the arts
in Buenos Aires during the 1990s. In this process the minor arts, called
plebeian, became the focus of attention and the more traditional arts
became plebeian.3 Graphic design, fashion and artistic design were
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Figure 1 Alternative jerseys without the official colors: Boca 2002 by Nike, Boca
1994/5 by Oln, Boca South American Cup 1997/99 by Nike, Boca 2003 by Nike
preferred to the fine arts; and journalism, comic and video to film-making
and literature. The center of attention was the production of objects with
industrial appeal that were linked to the mass media (Quevedo et al., 2000).
The relationship between art and design was thereby changed, a new
outcrop of studies emerged (the School of Architecture opened Graphic
Design, Fashion Design and Image Design Departments, the School of
Social Sciences began a Department of Communications), and a huge influx
of students went into them.
Designer Marcelo Rojo, aka Prince, is perhaps the most famous
example of this development with regard to the topic at hand. Playing with
the nicknames of clubs, Prince conceptually redesigned the jersey of several
teams. He changed the blue and red vertical striped jersey of San Lorenzo,
usually known as the Crows, into black and yellow. Taking literally the
name milrayitas (thousand little stripes) of the Los Andes team he made a
jersey with a thousand white and red vertical stripes. Following the international trend into silver jerseys (Arsenal, Boca, Barcelona, all of them Nike
teams), the second alternative design for San Lorenzo was a silver jersey
with a curved vertical blue stripe and a second red one. He believed it
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Figure 2 Top: Boca 1996 jersey by Oln, Boca 2001 jersey by Nike; bottom:
Barcelona 1996 jersey by Kappa, Barcelona 2001 jersey by Nike
forced the former to go with a polyester formula as well). Nike also transformed the way in which products are presented in stores, resulting in
several tags attached to the jersey and written in English in order to demonstrate the originality of the product. This was pivotal, since counterfeited
jerseys with fake Nike logos are sold on the street at a quarter of the price
(Figure 3). Auyero (2000) describes the behind-the-scenes labor conditions
under which these objects are produced: payment by piece, outsourcing and
competition among potential employees, which drives down labor costs, and
14-hour shifts with no holidays.
The Argentinean production of jerseys has a long history, including
early technological innovation. The first ones were made out of wool and the
stripes were attached with safety pins. Yet, as I said before, the domination
of cotton and the maintenance of the original colors was unaltered until
1981, when San Lorenzo, considered one of the Big Five of Argentinean
football, was demoted to the Second Division. In order to avoid a significant
economic crisis, the club sold its stadium to a supermarket chain and
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Figure 3 Tag authenticating the Nike Boca Juniors jersey and card
authenticating Huracans jersey by Signia
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Figure 4
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lost the first time they played with it, if they have lost an important game
in it or if the history of games against the other team they are playing does
not favor them in a specific jersey. By these means, San Lorenzo rejected
the crows design (Clarn, 2000e) and River decided on an old design they
seldom used but which, on special occasions, has provided them with an
unexpected victory (Clarn, 2000f). In the first case, the lack of use
conspired against the luck of the jersey that, in its first week, had sold more
than 3000 (Bossio, 2000); in the second case, both of Rivers alternative
jerseys are among the best-selling ones because of the combination of
cbala (luck attached to the object) and rarity (being alternative jerseys they
were seldom used).
From an official standpoint, the jersey can be also a site of commemoration and, when placed in a different context or in a different meaningproducing series, a site for the production of political meaning outside
football. This happened when Belgrano, a team from Cordoba, Argentinas
third state, which is in permanent competition with Buenos Aires, launched
a jersey in 2001 remembering recently deceased popular singer Rodrigo,
who died in a tragic car accident when he was 29. In an operation that
involved identifying the distinctive classification of being from Cordoba
with taking part in a set of cultural practices language patterns and
accents, music genres, dance steps, modes of wine drinking, that included
the team since Rodrigo sung he was celeste (the colour of the team) up to
his balls9 the jersey was made for a single match against River. The club
officials hoped for a sell-out crowd in order to raise funds for a museum that
would commemorate the singer showing the extent to which the jersey
worked as an extension of the politics of exhibition and display of the future
museum. Because of him, many young people, even from other states,
became fans of the team.
Another example of this type of commemoration was the gift of a jersey
to Havanas Museum of the Revolution by a group of fans associated with
Rosario Central. The jersey was a team jersey with the number 11 and the
name Guevara printed on its back. Ernesto Che Guevara, the Argentinean
hero of the Cuban Revolution, was a big fan of the team. The number 11
signals the position farthest to the left on the football field, an obvious
reference to his political affiliation. In this case, the jersey is both a site of
political affirmation and nationhood, as well as an object to be displayed in
a different context, in a showcase that integrates Argentinean football into
the Cuban Revolution for both Party commemoration and, lately, tourism
consumption.
There are some smaller ways in which the jersey becomes a site for
commemoration. The obvious example is putting stars on the jersey representing the number of international championships won (as Boca and
Independiente do), or championships in the previous, amateur era (as is the
case with Huracn), which has the added benefit of increasing regalia. As
many social theorists (Bourdieu, 1990; Hobsbawm, 1990; Hobsbawm and
Ranger, 1983; Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 1998) have pointed out, the past is
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only when he was about to become a free agent (the word closest in the
sports lexicon to mercenary). He was never perceived as dedicated and was
famous for not engaging the fans in his game. This interpretation is articulated by yet another phrase used by fans and commentators: le pesa la
camiseta (he cannot handle the weight of the jersey), meaning that he is
unable to control or sustain the power of the team transmuted in the form
of the jersey.
Borghis case is not unique, though. Argentinean football since the
1990s has been characterized by its integration to the world market, and as
such by the hyper-mobility of its players. Though historically Argentina has
sold players to the main international (Spain and Italy) and Latin American
(Mexico and Colombia) markets, the crisis of the late 1990s has brought the
conquest of new markets, with many players ready to chase after dollars or
euros in previously untested markets for Argentinean players such as
Russia, Austria, Switzerland, Finland, Norway, Croatia, Japan, England,
Scotland, France, the lower divisions of Spain and Italy, Germany, Portugal,
Greece, Venezuela, Chile, Brazil, Bolivia. This meant that most of the young
players who constitute the core of the national team were sold abroad
before they were 22 years old (Aimar, Figueroa, Riquelme, Coloccinni,
Mascherano, Cambiasso, DAlessandro, Tevez, Milito, Messi, etc.) to big,
mid-level or small markets. Big teams like Boca then proceeded to buy
players from smaller teams, establishing a cadre of ever circulating players,
and a large portion of a clubs budget is oriented around selling or loaning
its own players. Boca, for instance, received almost 100 million (Argentinean) pesos in 20023 (some US $35 million), of which 54 million pesos
were fees received for sold or loaned players. The team that won the Club
World Championship in 2000 sold its players to Turkey, Mexico, Spain,
Greece, Italy and Colombia.
Players are also users of the jerseys in a way that excludes both the
supporters and their colleagues, and that is aimed at more intimate or more
inclusive forms of solidarity. Since the mid 1990s, in order to celebrate
goals, players started to wear the team jersey as a curtain for another shirt:
one that conveys an altogether different message. Nobody was shocked
when, in the 1998 World Cup elimination game against Holland, Claudio
Piojo Lpez displayed an undershirt that said Happy Birthday, Daddy; or
when Gustavo Lpez celebrated the 1994 championship with Independiente
by showing to the cameras a jersey with a picture of his parents. Or when
Diego Cagna revealed a shirt with the face of his 7-month-old daughter and
dedicated a goal to her. Some players went even further and started showing
the shirts even when they did not score the goal but were involved in the
celebration.
But players also engage in inscribing time and place in their clothing
in ways that go beyond family. Some players have legends where they
declare the love for their home-town; some have the jersey of a smaller or
less important regional team, usually from their locality of origin. Others
choose to pay homage to ulterior beliefs by playing with a shirt with a picture
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of the Lujn Church Virgin Mary, or with a picture of Christ, or the legend
Thanks God or Jesus is My Lord. An equally religious but more proselytizing usage was provided by the Athletes of Christ, an evangelical group
made famous in Argentina by Brazilian player Paulo Silas, who helped San
Lorenzo to win the national championship after almost two decades of failure
that tried to attract a large population to the gospel through sports.
La de Sanyo: Sponsorship and the Quest for Authenticity
An article on the uses of a commercial product would not be complete if it
did not ask what consumers do with their goods. What is the social life of
goods after they are acquired? How do users react to attempts by the
producers/designers to dictate cycles of fashion? What is the precise activity
of consumption?
The answer to these questions lies in the explanation for the sudden
increase of sales for Bocas 2002 jerseys, despite the lack of any design
intervention by Nike. To both the purists and the designers eyes, the jersey
looks exactly the same: the colors are the traditional ones, the neck is
exactly the same, the fabric is dry-fit, the stripes are not widened, the
insignia is in the same place and there is no new team inscription (like when
Nike included the word Xeneixe on the back of the jersey, a nickname that
reflects its Genoan past). The sponsor of the team is the only element that
changed (Figure 5).
If we think of the fluctuating ways that sense is made, and meaning is
affixed in the world of consumer goods (although really allowing for very
little room for variation, since the colors have to remain unchanged according to both the team and national/international regulations), the importance
of the sponsor as a sign of authenticity does not come as a surprise. I asked
an interviewee which Boca jersey he had; he answered: I have a Parmalat,
circa 1992. The one used by Manteca Martinez and Mrcico. In a way, while
Figure 5
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offset the more spectacular change of sponsor that happened during the
2001 to 2002 seasons.
There is a last realm of sacredness for the football jersey: the national
team jersey. Argentinas national team has many sponsors (Quilmes, MasterCard, Coca Cola), yet they do not grace the jersey, but appear on stadium
advertisements, team caps and at corporate appearances by the players. Just
as in rugby, where the coming of advertisements provoked a major debate
that involved the many meanings of what professionalism is, the tainting
of the national jersey with money, the selling of souls and the loss of
innocence (Clarn, 1998b, 1999b, 1999c; Gallo, 1999; Mamone, 1998),
sponsorship would immediately raise complaints about the fakeness of the
jersey.
There are other moments, other tournaments of value, outside the
realm of everyday economic exchange (see Appadurai, 1987: 21) that assist
the understanding of variation in consumption: the football championships
themselves. Understandably, jersey consumption peaks whenever a team
wins a championship (a process over which the producer has little control,
save for selecting which teams to sponsor), as was the case with Racing in
2001 and Independiente in 2002 (Puyol, 2002). What is less obvious is that
jersey sales increase in periods of impending disgrace as well, as when a
team descends to the Second Division. When the value of the team and
supporters loyalty are questioned (which happened to San Lorenzo in the
early 1980s, Racing in the late 1980s, Huracn in the early 1990s and
Argentinos Juniors in 1997), the meaning, value and status of a team is reaffirmed when jerseys are bought.
Football has been a constant presence in Argentinean literature and
Argentinean writer Roberto Fontanarrosa (1997) speaks eloquently of it:
The love for a jersey is related to your personal history. You cannot exchange
it for anything or with just anybody. It is the memory of having gone to the
stadium with friends; of meeting after dinner to watch the goals; of remembering the absent ones who would love to be there.
As Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood (1979) remind us, goods are used
as a system of classification; they help us make sense of the social world
and allow us to share those meanings. A big part of the enjoyment of the
process of consumption is the sharing of the names. In this process, the
jersey is the centerpiece of a larger set of goods that includes caps, headbands, body painting and flags called trapos or rags (which, in a way,
transforms a stigma into an insignia) that are made and inscribed by the
supporters with their name and place.13 In that sense, the community is
not formed by the identification with the team but rather by the identification with fellow loyal supporters of the club.14 They are also the only
stable presence in an otherwise hyper-commodified market, in which
players cycle between international and local teams. A good way of understanding this is the increasing auto-referentiality of the stadium songs,
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which are more about the specific qualities of the supporters drawn from
a vocabulary of force, strength and hyper-masculinity rather than particular players.15 This is best expressed by the common phrase, El Aguante,
which is jargon that denotes persistence, endurance and physical force
achieved more through natural ability rather than through training and
effort.
Norbert Elias and Eric Dunning (1986) note the connection between
a society with a high degree of functional bonds and the legitimacy of certain
forms of ritualized violence as a specific and reserved space for catharsis,
spaces that are enclaves for socially approved arousal of moderate excited
behavior in public. In a way, disputes among supporters of rival teams, when
they are confined to the limit of ritual or mimicry, are a ritualized substitute for more overt forms of social conflict and violence. In this war flags
and jerseys become special trophies that help to forge bonds and enmity
within groups of supporters. They are also the central goods in political
alliances between the enemies of an immediate rival team or the teams worst
enemy. Argentinean fans have a special way of referring to these political
alliances, they call them hacer la amistad (to do the friendship). The
supporters of big clubs like Boca usually sing that they do not do the friendship, implying there is a relationship between their colors and their totemic
or non-circulatory character. Alliances are signaled by exchanging flags or
jerseys, and non-ritualized forms of violence usually include stealing jerseys
and flags from the rival team, only to then put them on display as a way of
stealing the rival teams own turf and symbolic power.
Extreme cases of this are the shootings and ambushes of rival supporters while going to or coming from the stadium. Archetti (1992) argues that
as can be seen in the growing violence and death toll of Argentinean
football in the last 20 years fan culture has mutated and highlights more
the tragic than the carnivalesque character of football as a ritual. For
Archetti, unlike DaMattas (1991) analysis of Brazilian culture more
focused on the suspension of reality and hierarchy through comic performances football is built both in its tragic and comic character by the moral
and metaphorical hierarchization and differentiation of its participants, by
the father/son, adult/child and macho/homosexual categorical dichotomies.
His presentation helps us make sense of football as a ritual in which
communication is achieved among the supporters of the same team, and
different levels of retribution and of inclusion/exclusion are constructed
among its multiple participants. A more symbolized case of this type of
alliance was the huge sale of Boca jerseys in Brazil during the 2000 season
of the South American Cup, best explained by the presence of supporters
of Corinthians, the arch-rival of Palmeiras, who were playing in the Cup
Final against Boca (Clarn, 2000b).
Even though the tension between a logic that uses the vocabulary of
tradition and loyalty and the logic of professionalization seems to organize
most of the relationships and the disputes about the meaning of the jersey,
there are other contexts in which the object is deployed as a carrier of
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Figure 6
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as someone from Rosario rather than someone from Buenos Aires), the claim
of belonging to one of the two halves of the city (the other one being the
fans of Newells Old Boys) and a marker for one of the internal factions of
the fan base. A jersey that at some points stands just as a trace of social
relationships, is in other circuits the centrerpiece that balances both the
exchanges and the representations of power in the community and, when
moved from one circuit to another, its loses its non-circulatory, sacred character. In that sense, I take Molotchs (2003: 10) phrase, objects are social
relationships made durable.
The key point where we can see how the distinction in football between
commercialization and community has been blurred, and how it no longer
makes much sense to maintain it as a basis for analysis, is the fact that the
authenticity of the jersey, its sacred character, is only achieved when the
logo for the latest sponsor of the team is built into the jersey itself, and the
brand becomes a sign for commemoration, as people refer to it when trying
to make sense of a specific era of a team. While this dichotomy is still the
basis for most of the categories of practice, and as such we should take it
seriously, it would be foolish to maintain the divide in its sharp salience
without examining the most nuanced ways in which we can find continuity
between totemic and marketed football, the totemic moments in football
marketing and the economic interests veiled in the totem gift-exchange as
they exist in the practices of football fans themselves.
Notes
I would like to thank the late Eduardo Archetti, Harvey Molotch, Anthony King,
Mike Featherstone and the anonymous reviewers of Theory, Culture & Society for
their suggestions, which have helped the article immeasurably. This article
originated at the Objects seminar co-taught at NYU in 2003 by Harvey Molotch
and Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett. To them and my student colleagues goes my
gratitude for encouraging me to pursue such an arcane sociological study object.
For their editorial assistance, I cant praise Susan Manthorpe, Jon Wynn and Marion
Wrenn enough.
1. Both Michigan Universitys sports team and Boca Juniors are identified by the
combination of gold yellow and blue jerseys.
2. See, for instance, the controversy between the FIFA, the Cameroon Football
Association and Puma about the national teams one-piece suit, which resulted in
the African team losing 6 points in the qualifying round for the 2006 World Cup.
3. This process, called by Burger (1984) post-vanguard and by Baudrillard (1993)
transaesthetic is linked to the decline of aesthetic vanguards and announces the
disappearance of an authorized judgment to define what is necessarily new in the
field of art. It also says that, after the collapse of the vanguards historical cycle, all
forms, techniques and materials become available.
4. It was so obvious that the jersey was produced in Argentina that its card did not
even say that it was Made in Argentina until products made somewhere else started
coming into the market.
5. After the economic crisis of 2001, Nike started producing its jerseys in
Argentina, since the cost of labor went down to a third of what it used to be.
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