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Author(s): R. F. Stalley
Source: Phronesis, Vol. 40, No. 1 (1995), pp. 1-19
Published by: Brill
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4182485
Accessed: 03-11-2016 22:07 UTC
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R.F. STALLEY
this can be taught, he asks, how is it that there are no recognised experts on
political matters? And why do great men not succeed in passing their excellence on to their sons? Protagoras replies to this challenge with a long and
tvrxXC, 6TL 6lXTIOEV, bOTL t' &MCEQ OlQiOV AkOy LiOTg TlKQELTLL- 6 & tiEct&
k6yoii 7rXELQOV XOXdELV Ob TO 7TaQEXkV1IOTOgEVEXa &6lXiarTOq UtILOQELTaL - olb ya'Q &v T6 yE nQaX06Ev AtvqTov OEiii - dkk6 toi [itovowo
XdQLV, YvQ Rti a'tO dLbx1O, [LitE aclho OntOg tLTTE dtXog 6 TOiTOV t&6V
xoWaOO&vta. xaL TOLCEflTV b6LCVOLCtV XWV 6LQVOCLTCEL TEM10lTTV EIVaL
&QETTV' dE1TQOZTQn youv EveXaE xokcat. (324a6-b7)
like a beast. No, punishment is not inflicted by a rational man for the sake of the
crime that has been committed (after all one cannot undo what is past), but for the
sake of the future, to prevent either the same man or, by the spectacle of his
punishment, someone else from doing wrong again. But to hold such a view
amounts to holding that virtue can be instilled by education; at all events the
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position as a major figure in the history of penal theory.2 Among the claims
which have been made about it are the following:
2. It rejects outright any kind of backward-looking justification of punishment. In this respect it is conspicuously more enlightened than the
views of most Greeks in the fourth and fifth centuries.
3. It commits Protagoras to a deterrent theory of punishment.
4. Plato agrees with Protagoras in rejecting a purely backward-looking vindictive view of punishment.
I shall argue that these claims need to be treated with considerable caution.
some respects while differing from him in others rests on very slender
2 See in particular:
T.J. Saunders, Plato's Penal Code, (Oxford: 1991), especially 133-6 and 162-4; 'Protagoras and Plato on punishment', in G. B. Kerferd (ed), The Sophists and their Legacy,
(Wiesbaden: 1981), 129-41;
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Many scholars have assumed that the great speech, as a whole, may be
regarded as an accurate account of the views of the historical Protagoras.
For example Guthrie, Kerferd and de Romilly in their books on the sophists
use the speech as the basis for extended accounts of what they take to be
Protagoras' own teaching about morality and about the nature and origin of
society.4 These authors do surprisingly little to defend their claim that the
would appear to be consistent both with the relativism implicit in Protagoras' most famous doctrine, that 'man is the measure of all things', and
with what we know of Protagoras' close association with Periclean democracy.
punishment. There is, it is true, a story that he once spent a whole day discussing with
Pericles a question about responsibility for an accidental death in athletic practice. Gomperz (The Greek Thinkers, London: 1901-12, vol. I, 445-8) saw this as evidence of a
deep interest on Protagoras' part in questions of penology, but the fact that Protagoras
could devote time to a discussion of responsibility does nothing to indicate that he
expounded any view of the nature and purpose of punishment, still less that he is the
author of the views set out in the great speech.
4Guthrie, The Sophists, 63-8; G. B. Kerferd, The Sophistic Movement, 125-6; de Romilly, The Great Sophists, 196-203. Guthrie and Kerferd both criticise those who have
argued that the speech is internally inconsistent or incompatible with our general knowledge of the historical Protagoras, but offer little by way of positive argument for supposing that the details of the speech are authentic.
5 Some commentators have assumed that Plato must be fundamentally hostile to Protagoras and have therefore argued that the speech, while superficially coherent, is in fact
radically confused. Thus Gomperz (The Greek Thinkers, vol. II, 310) writes 'The truth is
that we have here a framework of confused and contradictory thought wrapped up in a
covering of brilliant rhetoric, full of spirit and life. Both framework and covering, it is
true are Plato's work, and the exact amount of resemblance between the original and the
caricature is impossible to determine.' A. E. Taylor (Plato, The Man and his Work,
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the mouth of the sophist if it was not at least a tolerably accurate account
of the kind of thing he might have been expected to say.
3. We know from Diogenes Laertius that Protagoras was the author of a
work 'On the original state of things' (TFQ' T1P tV 4QeXY XaTCTaCEcWg).6 It has often been suggested that the mythical account of the
origins of man and of human society with which the Protagoras speech
begins is derived from this work.7 This would establish the authenticity
of the mythical part of the speech, though it would bear only indirectly
on those parts of the speech, including our passage on punishment,
which fall outside the myth proper and which do not deal with 'the
to establish that the speech, in its broad outline, reflects the kind of position
that was adopted by the historical Protagoras. They do not even purport to
show that it can be treated as an authentic work of the sophist. That would,
indeed be very unlikely. The speech, as we have it, is so admirably crafted
London: 1926, 243-6), sees the speech as coherent and even plausible in itself, but
argues that it does nothing whatever to support to support the claims of Protagoras, an
itinerant foreigner, to teach the Athenians how to achieve virtue. The trend among recent
commentators has been to emphasise the coherence of the speech and the skill with
which it is constructed. Thus Guthrie (The Sophists, 63 n.2) writes 'Protagoras has a
difficult position to defend and he does it with astonishing skill'; cf. J. S. Morrison 'The
place of Protagoras in Athenian public life', Classical Quarterly, XXXV (1941), 1-16;
6 9 55
7 Guthrie, The Sophists, 63; Kerferd, The Sophistic Movement, 125-6. M. Untersteiner
(The Sophists, trans K. Freeman, London: 1957) cites authonrties for the authenticity of
'the Myth' but does not seem to distinguish between the myth and the speech as a whole.
C. C. W Taylor (Plato: Protagoras, 78) notes that Protagoras' authorship of 'On the
original state of things' makes it plausible to suppose that the speech is based on an
actual work of his, but he also points out that 'nothing in the dialogue indicates that
Protagoras' story might be familiar to his audience.'
8 As Kerferd points out, the myth proper extends from 320c8 to 322d5. There is then a
but an argument' (TOl6OTV 6& Tt?QL, d Mx6QaTEq, ObXEtTL >0,6v QOL tQJ dkk
Aoyov). It thus appears that the section 323a4-324d1, which includes our passage, is in
fact to be seen as an explication of the myth. But there is nothing to associate this
passage with On the Original State of Things.
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doctrine or phraseology. This, of course, applies to the passage about punishment as much as to any other. We cannot treat it as authentic simply
because it forms part of the great speech.
This point has been recognised by Saunders who noted in his 1981 article
that the genuineness of the Protagoras speech need not be treated as a
'global question' . He there gave the following specific reasons for believing in the authenticity of our passage: 'the omission of necessary qualifications', 'the contradiction of popular sentiment imperfectly concealed by
which it might have been enlarged upon'. He argued, in short, that there is
'an awkward but tactfully judged lack of fit' between our passage and its
surroundings. He saw this as evidence that, whatever might be said about
the rest of the speech, these dozen lines preserve 'the actual penology of the
historical Protagoras'. '
One difficulty with this is that the features cited by Saunders are all to be
found in the five lines 324a6-b3 in which Protagoras is made to attack the
idea of punishment as vengeance. Thus, even if it was accepted that these
features were genuinely Protagorean, that would do nothing to establish the
authenticity of the remaining lines which introduce the positive suggestion
that the purpose of punishment is to prevent crime and associate this with
the idea that virtue can be taught.
A second, and perhaps more serious, difficulty is that all the specific
'1 'Protagoras and Plato on punishment', 134. Saunders also suggests (140), admittedly
on the basis of 'slender probabilities' that the particular formulation of the phrase 'one
cannot undo what is past' (ob y6Q div T6 ye jtQaXONv tyVoTV OECT0), may be a
genuine reminiscence of Protagoras. While this is quite possible there is equally no
reason why Plato himself should not have provided these embellishments. It does not, in
any case, tell us anything about Protagoras' view of punishment, except that he rejected
purely backward-looking justifications. In Plato's Penal Code Saunders restricts himself
to the remark that 'there seems no reason to suppose [the remarks put into Protagoras'
mouth by Plato] were not those of the great sophist himself (132).
5
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difficult task of showing that men in general and the Athenians in particular
believe that virtue can be taught and he wants to use the practice of punishment as evidence for this thesis. He has therefore to assimilate punishment to teaching. Teaching obviously looks to future rather than to the
past - one does not need to wait for an 'offence' before teaching someone.
So in this context Protagoras has every reason for playing down the fact that
punishment is normally seen as referring to the past. This is the point of the
two phrases aQo6g ToUtO t'v vof'v PXwv and TOITOV Ev?xa, which, between them, preclude any kind of backward-looking account of punishment
- a rational man does not punish for the sake of the past nor does he think
about the past at all in such contexts. Similarly Protagoras has good reasons
to talk as though men in general accept his view of punishment; if they did
not in fact agree with him, his remarks on the subject would provide no
evidence for his thesis that the Athenians and others believe that virtue can
be taught. Thus, far from being awkward, the passage fits admirably with
the rhetorical needs of its context.
respect in the Theaetetus. One cannot therefore take it for granted that Plato
would have been reluctant to put into his mouth a doctrine which he himself
saw as containing a substantial element of truth. On the other hand, we may
been incongruous to put this attack into the mouth of Protagoras unless it
was, at very least, the sort of view he might have been expected to hold.
The probabilities are therefore that Protagoras himself had criticised the
retaliatory view of punishment, or, at any rate, that Plato found it historically plausible to attribute such criticism to him. But to say this is not to
suggest that Protagoras can be held responsible for the way in which the
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criticism is stated in the great speech or for the positive theory of punishment that is developed out of it.
The upshot of all this is that, although our passage may contain genuinely
Protagorean elements there is no way in which we can with confidence
disentangle these from their Platonic context. There can therefore be no
justification for taking our passage in isolation and treating it as though it
contained the ipsissima verba of the sophist. All that can be said is that
Plato, in composing the Protagoras speech, has made the account of punishment part of an argument to show that, by implication at least, the Athenians are committed to regarding virtue as teachable. A satisfactory interpretation of our passage must treat it in that context.
barbaric tribalism', while Saunders credits Protagoras with 'a single bril-
tions: (a) 'Was Protagoras really original in his condemnation of retaliation?' and (b) 'Should we regard his view as enlightened?'
(a) Both Vlastos and Saunders argue for Protagoras' originality by pointing
to the contrast with what we know about prevailing attitudes in the Greek
world. Vlastos argues that Greek literature in general and tragedy in partic-
ular usually takes for granted that retaliation in some form is an appropriate
response to injury, while Saunders shows that much the same goes for the
forensic speeches of the orators who generally seem to have no inhibition
about asking the courts to grant them vengeance on their opponents."3 This
suggests that popular attitudes must have been fairly vindictive.'4 But that
does not mean, of course, mean that intellectuals of the late fifth or early
fourth centuries B. C. would have taken the same view.
12 Vlastos, Socrates 187; Saunders, 'Protagoras and Plato on punishment', 140-1. Guthrie (The Sophists 67) refers to Protagoras' 'enlightened rejection of the motive of vengeance or retribution'.
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his account of the Mytilene debate and particularly in the speech of Diodo-
tus."5 Diodotus deserves credit for his efforts to save the Mytileneans but
there is nothing particularly humanitarian about the arguments Thucydides
attributes to him. In fact he strives to be more hard-headed even than Cleon.
The case for reprieving the Mytileneans is argued, not in terms of justice or
of mercy, but in terms of expediency. They should be reprieved simply and
solely because that is in the interests of Athens. In arguing this point Diodotus insists explicitly on the importance of looking to the future. He urges the
Athenians to consider what is in their interests rather than to give way to the
anger they rightly feel against the people of Mytilene.'6 There are thus
similarities between this passage and our passage from the Protagoras but
there are also important differences. In particular Diodotus does not deny
that it would be just to inflict severe punishment for what has happened or
that it would be proper to demand such a penalty if one was conducting a
prosecution in a court of law. He merely insists that it would be unwise for
the Athenians to do so. He thereby emphasises the contrast between expediency and justice. Thus the Diodotus speech does not in itself demonstrate
So, once the conflict between retaliatory justice and the kind of rationality
' This is recognised by both Vlastos (Socrates 184-5) and Saunders (Plato's Penal
Code, 127-131).
16 V O>s( bt & ErQ toV [XXovTog 1ftct RaXXov POvXE16EaOML f Toi ;taQovgo;. xai
-touo 6 IakLOTaL KXAwv tUX1QAlEat, tg To XoI2rbv tVu#CpOV 9EcoOaC rQg T;O
0o(0ov cpCoTaCOCtL 0dvcvov aTV tCa`v IJtQOOEoOL, xoCd abtTo; QL tTOV t6 TO szkXov
xac ;g gXovTog dvTXtLQL16FEV0; TavCVTCa yLyVWOXO. xCai obx dt1 & 4ta; f t)
Et(QCTEI TOV ?Xe(VOU koXyOV TO XQlOLPOV Tof t[tOf t6o0au0al. 6LXa6TEQOg YaQ
CV acutoi 6 k6yo; 3EQ6; TIV VVV fJ[1ETtQaV 6QyiJv tg MUtkqvaiov; T%X' dV bLoJ6daCTo. f>?iLg &t 01) 6XactLEOiCta JTQO;g cbtOu;, &JTE T6tV 6LXCECWV 86rv, dAAaXt
means of deterring other cities from revolt; but I, who am just as concerned as he is with
the future, am quite convinced that this is not so. And I ask you not to reject what is
useful in my speech for the sake of what is specious in his. You may find his speech
attractive because it fits better with your present angry feelings against the Mytileneans;
but this is not a law court where we have to consider what is fit and just; it is political
assembly and the question is how Mytilene can be most useful to Athens.' (Translation
from R. Warner, Thucydides: The Peloponnesian War (Harmondsworth: 1954).
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which considers only future good had been clearly posed, it must have
become clear to at least some people that the quest for vengeance was
difficult to justify in rational terms. Protagoras may have been the first
person to draw this inference, but there is no proof that he was.
(b) We naturally feel that the condemnation of vengeance in the Protagoras
while it may have saved the Mytileneans, is terrifyingly brutal in its implications. It suggests that the state may take any action whatever which it
takes to be in its interest. But a closer investigation of the arguments in the
Plato presents him, insists that it is irrational when punishing to give any
thought to the past; one must think solely of the future. This implies that
any punishment which makes people avoid wrongdoing in future could be
justified. Vlastos took this to show that Protagoras' view (assuming that
Plato's account of it is fair) is 'indefensibly lop-sided'. To visit punishment
on a surrogate would be the height of injustice even if it had a deterrent
effect. 'So pace Protagoras we do, and should, punish a wrongdoer "for the
sake of what he did"' . Saunders, on the other hand, writes as though the
failure to recognise that punishment must be for an offence is merely an
oversight on Protagoras' part and argues that Protagoras could have admitted the relevance of past and still insisted on the need for relevance to
future. 'In extreme anxiety to stress the future perhaps Protagoras merely
stumbled into an unnecessary dismissal of the past' .8 But, whatever the
view of the historical Protagoras, there is little doubt that the words of the
speech are consciously intended to preclude any form of reference to the
past. It is difficult to see any other point in the double insistence that in
punishing one must neither attend to the fact that the one punished has done
wrong nor punish him for that reason (n(O'g TOUtq) TOV VOUV gXoV xctt
TOvUTO) EVEXa, 6TL i&xMCoEv).
Saunders doubts the coherence of the view that punishment should have
'punishments' and we may argue that a system which openly permitted the
7 Socrates, 188.
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infliction of penalties on those who have done no wrong could not survive,20
but this does not mean that there is anything incoherent about the idea that
we should reject any reference to the past. On the contrary, the problem for
must be inflicted for past wrongs. The objection to this view is not that it is
incoherent but that it is unacceptable on moral grounds. It is, one might
argue, at least as inhumane as the idea of punishment as vengeance which it
is supposed to replace.22
Is it a deterrent theory?
nal himself nor one who observes his punishment may do wrong in future.
It is natural therefore to treat the passage as espousing a deterrent view of
punishment, that is, as arguing that the fear of punishment prevents the
repetition of crime. Guthrie writes this into his version by translating &no-
TQOrI;g YOiV tvexa xokaXIEt (324a6-b7) as 'at all events the punishment is
inflicted as a deterrent',23 though a more literal rendering would be 'at any
rate [the rational man] punishes for the sake of prevention.'
more than a simple deterrent theory. The passage which we are discussing
forms part of a longer section (323c-324c) in which Protagoras is made to
20 This was argued, for example, by John Rawls in an influential paper 'Two concepts of
rules', Philosophical Review, 64 (1955), 3-32.
reconciling the principle that punishment should be inflicted only for offences with the
requirement that it serve some useful purpose.
other associations with the idea that fear of the punishment makes people refrain from
cnme.
10
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argue that the Athenians do not regard virtue as something which comes by
nature or of its own accord, but see it rather as something acquired by
teaching and careful attention. To demonstrate this he distinguishes faults,
such as ugliness, smallness of stature and physical weakness, which are the
effects of nature (qrAJL;) or chance (T1U.)xT), from faults, which stem from a
og). Such people are, rather, pitied. It is those who exhibit the other kind of
fault who are subjected to anger and reprimand. The reason for this is that
the virtue of the citizen is something which is acquired by careful attention
(?t7t1EEXLta) and learning ([t6a0otL). It is to reinforce this point that Protagoras introduces his account of punishment which he takes to imply, not just
that punishment prevents crime, but that virtue is instilled by education
Athenians and others inflict punishments shows that they see virtue as
an educational role.
This educational view of punishment is re-emphasised later in the speech
when Protagoras is made to argue that the citizens of Athens and other
cities do, in fact, take great trouble to ensure that the young are taught
virtue. He points out that it would be very odd if they did not do so. After
all, they regard it as so important that they instruct and punish (b6dXetIV
xai xokXdiLv) every man, woman and child who lacks justice, until, as a
result of their punishment, they become better. Those who do not respond to
this punishment and instruction are regarded as incurable (&vLcEToq) and are
either exiled or executed (325a-b). The predominant idea here is that punishment is part of moral education, though that is combined with the idea
that it makes those on whom it is inflicted 'better' and may thus be said to
'cure' them. A few lines later Protagoras goes on to describe how the young
are taught justice. From their earliest childhood they are taught and ad-
'That is unholy', 'Do this' or 'Don't do that'. If a child does not willingly
obey they 'straighten' him out with threats and blows, like a bent and
11
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poetry, music and gymnastics is designed to produce a harmonious, selfcontrolled character. Then the city compels them to learn the laws and to
live by them rather than following their own whims. Just as a writing
teacher draws lines for the children to follow when writing their letters, so
the city lays down the laws and compels the citizens to govern and be
governed by them. Anyone who steps outside these limits is punished and
the name given to punishment in Athens and elsewhere is 'straightening' or
'correction' (000Ouva).
In expounding this view of punishment as a means of education Protagoras combines, without any apparent sense of inconsistency, the views that
that it may be more efficient to affect a criminal's moral beliefs, not merely
his conduct', and criticises him for failing to envisage the use of methods
which work by affecting moral beliefs, such as 'argument, persuasion, ca-
joling, or indeed any other measure that does not consist in the infliction of
suffering' .25 In fact Protagoras, in the speech, makes it very clear that the
punishment of adults is linked to teaching and reprimand. Moreover he sees
punishment as part of an on-going process of education in which all manner
of persuasive methods are to be used. It is clear too that he does not see
virtue simply as matter of conforming to accepted norms of external beha-
viour. Children at school learn poetry which describes and praises good
men of the past. The point is that they then desire to be like these people.
Their training in music is likewise designed to develop self-restraint
(awcpQocnrvfl) and prevent them from doing wrong: not only do they learn
songs with improving sentiments but they also acquire rhythm and harmony
which are essential requirements in every part of human life. In gymnastics
they improve their bodies so that deficiencies of physique do not make them
cowardly in war or other activities (326a-c). Thus the theory of punishment
cation, one which gives a central place to the virtue of awTQoaVcvr, tem24 This is the implication of his description of some criminals as dvMaToq, 'incurable'.
As Saunders points out (Plato's Penal Code, p. 164, n. 56) it is relatively common for
offences to be spoken of in this way, though rather less common for this description to
be applied to the offender or his character. But the use of &vicaTo does not imply any
serious medical analogy any more than does the use of its English equivalent.
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perance or self restraint, and sees poetry and music as playing a key role in
harmonising the character.
presented as taking for granted the belief, widely shared at least until the
by their parents and of adults by the city are both seen as part of a lifelong
process of instruction and admonition. The claim that people are 'made
better' by punishment thus seems to rely on a cluster of pre-philosophical
popular beliefs. If everyone 'knew' that the punishment of children improved their characters it might seem obvious that the punishment of adults
could have the same effect.
Popular beliefs need have no clear philosophical or scientific basis. But it
is not difficult to think of at least three possible ways in which a Greek of
Plato's day might have justified the belief that punishment can improve the
character. The first is that punishment deters offenders from repeating their
misdemeanours and thus enables them to acquire better habits. In Aristotle's terminology they begin by doing just acts purely out of fear, become
habituated to just action, and end by doing just acts 'as the just man would
do them' .27 The second is that desires which meet with pain and frustration
become weakened. Aristotle also refers to this view and sees it as at least a
partial explanation of how punishment can cure vice.28 It would bear some
resemblance to the modern notion of 'conditioning'. If misbehaviour is
associated with pain, the misbehaviour itself begins to seem repellent.29 A
26 For some Greek views of the punishment of children see Aristophanes, Clouds, 14081446; Aristotle N.E. 1172a 18-23. Xenophon, Anabasis, V vii. 18, in arguing that he has
punished some of his men for their own good, explicitly associates the punishment of
children with that of adults. An important later treatment of the subject, strongly influenced by Plato, is that of Augustine (City of God, xix, 16) who, in arguing that just
29 This is how Grotius seems to have interpreted Plato. See De lure Belli et Pacis,
II. xx. 6. There is some support in the modern psychological literature for the suggestion
that the punishment of children may have this effect. See Derek Wright, 'The puni-
shment of children', in Discipline in Schools, Barry Turner (ed), (London: 1973), 33-44;
H.H. Marshall 'The effects of punishment on children', J. Genetic Psychology, 106
13
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third possibility, for which there is some support in later platonism,30 is that
punishment was thought to improve the wrongdoer's behaviour by forcibly
drawing his attention to the wrongness of what he had done.
Ideas such as these explain how punishment might be thought to play a
role in the training of character. They thus support what one might call an
punished need to know what behaviour they are being punished for and why
that behaviour is deemed to be wrong. But the part punishment plays in the
How does the doctrine of the Protagoras speech relate to Plato's own
view?
The Protagoras is not, of course, the only dialogue which touches on the
relieved of his illness.3' There are also scattered remarks about punishment
in the Republic32 well as a comprehensive and complex account in the
(1965), 23-33, reprinted in R. H. Walters, J. A. Cheyne and R. K Banks (edd), Punishment (Harmondsworth, 1972), 88-99.
30 This view, apparently derived from Taurus, is suggested by Aulus Gellius, Noctes
Atticae, VI, xiv.
31esp. 476a-479c. This passage is heavily tinged with irony, but the passages cited
below make it clear that Plato did take seriously the idea of punishment as a cure.
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The similarities between what appears to be Plato's own view and the
view he puts into the mouth of Protagoras are striking. As de Romilly notes
'the gap between the sophist and the philosopher is not nearly as deep as the
emphatic contrast drawn between certain of their doctrines might suggest' .36
But other writers, while recognising the similarities, have also wanted to
emphasise the differences. Thus Saunders suggests that 'Protagoras and
Plato share a single central insight: that punishment should not look to the
past but to the future.' They agree that the purpose of punishment is not to
inflict suffering on the offender for what he has done but to reform him.
choose to have: a state of injustice in his soul, which (if only he knew it) is
disadvantageous to him.' Thus in Plato's eyes the aim of punishment is not
simply to remedy bad conduct but to cure the state of mind which leads to
it. Saunders sees here 'a psychological emphasis ... which is missing from
Protagoras who seems to have thought in conventional terms only, of brute
that speech does not rely on brute deterrence but rather sees punishment as
an educational device. As Mackenzie puts it, 'punishment is primarily in-
behold his punishment may either utterly loathe his sin or at least renounce to a great
extent such lamentable conduct' (o01X tVEXC TOV XaXOleyfQGCL IbUObg Tqv 6lXTV, Of)
ycaQ Tbo yeYOVOg &YtVTITOV IOTacL 7OTxE, TOV 6' Et TIOV 00Lq tVEXa XQOVOV fl IO
CaQWVa L1i0aL T V 48L)X(av awYt6v te xst IOV5 ' 66vTa; albtv btxcLOvEvov, iE
W4pYJKaL ,'fQ1 aoXkkXa tTig TOLacfltTg t4V[PoQ&g).
36 The Great Sophists, 201.
37 Plato's Penal Code, 163.
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ity with the law but requires some form of inner harmony or adjustment.
emphasis in the Gorgias, the Republic and the Laws, which we do not find
in the Protagoras. There are two aspects to this. The first is that in these
dialogues injustice is regarded as a state of the soul which is in itself bad for
us, so the wicked man is miserable even if his wickedness has no bad
consequences. The Protagoras speech on the other hand, seems to take the
view that justice is valuable purely because it enables us to associate with
the tripartite division of the soul. In the speech Protagoras echoes what was
presumably a popular idea that virtue requires inner harmony. This presum-
ably implies that there are distinct elements in the personality which stand
one voluntarily does wrong (which, of course, underpins the idea that injustice is a like a disease which stands in need of cure), plays no part in
Protagoras' conception of punishment, but here, again, the differences be-
tween the Protagoras speech and what seems to be Plato's own view may
not be so great as they appear. The Protagoras speech depends heavily on
the assimilation of virtues to arts or skills.39 Protagoras claims to teach the
art or skill of politics. It is for want of this skill that the first human beings
fell prey to the animals, but Zeus remedied their situation by sending them
16
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voluntary while the other sees it as involuntary; it is, rather, that while the
Protagoras speech tends predominately to assimilate injustice to a lack of
skill which requires to be remedied by training, the dominant picture in the
Gorgias is of injustice as a disease which requires treatment.
because I have been badly brought up, it could not be said that my injustice
is voluntary. So, while Plato, not surprisingly, does not make Protagoras
openly expound the Socratic paradox that no one willingly does wrong, he
attributes to him a position which is not in practice very different.
passage cited at the beginning of this paper in isolation from the rest of the
speech. This practice in turn seems to result from the belief that that passage
embodies an authentically Protagorean theory of punishment. I have argued
40 In the Laws, 731c-d, the Athenian stranger allows that anger is the appropriate response to those whose wickedness is incurable,
4' 860a-864c.
17
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42 At the end of the dialogue, 36 1a-c, Socrates claims that he and Protagoras have
reversed positions. Socrates at first questioned whether virtue can be taught but now
seems committed to saying that it can be, while Protagoras, who began by saying that
virtue can be taught, now seems committed to denying it. As C. C. W. Taylor (Plato:
Protagoras, 214) rightly points out that neither party has been inconsistent. Protagoras
takes virtue to consist in the kinds of characteristic that lead to conventionally correct
18
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wrong.43 Protagoras quite rightly stresses the need to inculcate correct opinions into the young and to train their passions so that they can conform to
the norms in which they have been brought up. But because he cannot say
what virtue is, his account of moral education lacks any firm rational basis.
the passions and thus produces harmony in the soul. Socrates is right to
emphasise the importance of the intellect and the need for knowledge. An
and III he makes Socrates prescribe for the young guardians a scheme of
training which is, in fact, simply a reformed version of the Athenian paideia
described in the Protagoras speech. But Socrates goes on to argue that the
city must be under the direction of philosopher kings who have not merely
belief but knowledge of what is right and good. The Republic thus combines the two strands of thinking which are opposed to each other in the
Protagoras.
health in the soul by restraining the appetites and desires (505a-b). Similarly
in the Republic punishment is part of the process by which the lower soul is
University of Glasgow
43 Some interpreters would see this as evidence that Plato changed his mind between
writing the Protagoras and writing the Republic. I believe, rather, that Plato in writing
the Protagoras chose to stage a confrontation between two positions each of which he
saw as containing an element of truth. But to argue this in detail would require another
paper.
19
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