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Counter Definition
three East Asian States: South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan. We use
these case studies to draw conclusions about the underlying factors
that facilitate the use of a strategy of economic engagement, that
determine the particular type of engagement strategy used, and that
help to predict the likelihood of success. Because our conclusions are
primarily derived inductively from a small number of cases, we are
cautious in making claims of generalizability. Nonetheless, it is our
hope that the narratives we provide and the conclusions that we draw
from them will help to spur further research into this interesting yet
under-studied subject.
ECONOMIC ENGAGMENT: STRATEGIES AND EXPECTATIONS Scholars
Non voter because of the fact that the neg limits aff great and hurts
our education.
There is no way to quantify an large increase and so we create the best
interpretation because we are allowing for more education in this
round.
CP secrecy
Perm do the plan and the counterplan because of the fact that we
can do both and prevent the net benefit. And if you look at the net
benefit theres no impact to policiticization so our perm serves as a
good way at looking at policy because we make things transparent for
all countries so there we hold china accountable.
WTO
PERM DO BOTH THE PLAN AND THE COUNTERPLAN, THERE IS NOTHING
HOLDING BACK THE AFF AND THE NEG COUNTERPLAN FROM
FUNCTIONING IN THE SAME WORLD BECAUSE OF THE FACT THAT WE
GO THROUGH THE USFG.
committed at
last week's high-level Strategic and Economic Dialogue to
updating market access this week. Beijing last updated its negative list, which lists
gathering in Washington is not being considered a formal round of talks. The two sides
sectors excluded from investment liberalization, in September. U.S. Treasury Secretary Jack Lew on Thursday said he had
hope thats the case when our experts go through the list, but the jury is out because it still really is happening in real
Lew
said he still hoped the two sides could strike a deal before
President Barack Obama leaves office on Jan. 20 and wanted to see
as much progress as possible before U.S. and Chinese leaders meet in September.
But I dont think we have any interest in an agreement
for the sake of an agreement, so it will either be a good,
ambitious agreement or it will not happen, he said. Up
until this last round, the negative lists that weve seen
have not been sufficiently ambitious to open enough of
the economy for the BIT to have a successful path
forward, Lew said, meaning they would not get the
necessary two-thirds votes in the Senate to win approval.
time, he said at an event hosted by the American Enterprise Institute. LEW HOPING FOR BIT UNDER OBAMA:
Authority (TPA) in early 2014 but was rebuffed, notably by leaders of its own Democratic Party in Congress,
and did not make much of an effort to reverse that outcome. (The somewhat similar failure throughout
2014 of the administrations efforts to win congressional support for the International Monetary Fund [IMF]
reform package that President Barack Obama agreed to at the G-20 summit in Seoul in 2010, while on a
substantively different issue, also falls within the domain of foreign economic policy and hence is another
disquieting sign.) No votes have been taken, and no specific agreements submitted recently for
congressional ratification, so no definitive conclusions can be reached. Moreover, the administration has
indicated in early 2015 that it will be making a major new effort to win political support for its trade
initiatives. However, the administrations inability to win Hill approval for its negotiating program, at least
for now, may have dampened the enthusiasm of some of its negotiating partners in both TPP and TTIP.
There has always been a close linkage between the international and domestic dimensions of US trade
negotiations, dating back to the Kennedy Round in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in
the 1960s when Congress rejected important parts of the package that the administration of the day had
worked out with the European Common Market (as it was then called). But todays uncertainties are
particularly acute in light of the ongoing backlash against globalization in the United States and polls that
reveal substantial public doubt about new trade agreements, the widely perceived (if partially inaccurate)
weaknesses of the economy and the job market, and large (if substantially reduced) trade and current
If
the BIT is concluded as a treaty, as is typically the case, it
would require congressional ratification via a two-thirds
vote of the Senate (as opposed to the simple majority, albeit of both House and Senate,
that must approve an FTA). Such a majority is difficult to achieve in the
Senate on any issue at this point in time. Even if the USChina negotiations are successful, the BIT ultimately faces
an important hurdle within the US political process ; hence there
account deficits. A unique feature of a BIT in US domestic politics could amplify these uncertainties.
has been talk of converting the BIT into a bilateral investment agreement, which would be treated like an
FTA in Congress, on the grounds that the House would have keen interests in some of the deals more farranging components, but such an effort is unlikely to survive the Rules Committees and is thus unlikely to
succeed.
Relations
Pivot argument doesnt make sense because the Asian pivot was to
focus on other coutnries in the Asian pacific so even if the pivot fails it
has nothing to do with Engaging with china because the Obama
adminstation pivoted toward Asia in order to combat a china rise, so
those dont do anything.
america/2013/10/29/the-renewing-america-interview-jon-huntsman-onthe-wisdom-of-boosting-u-s-china-economic-ties/, mm
something thats more aspirational. My big gripe today about the U.S.-China relationship is we dont have
enough in the way of aspirational work; we dont have enough in the way of big picture, visionary
undertakings that keep us out of trouble.