Powerful Persuasion

Combating traditional practices that violate human rights

by Emile Sh ort
edited by Liam M ah o ny

A Tactical No teb o ok p u blished by

the Ne w Tactics Project
o f the Center f or Victims o f Torture
Published by
The Center f or Victims o f Torture
Ne w Tactics in Human Rig h ts Project
717 East River Road
M inneapolis, M N 55455 USA
w w w.cvt.org, w w w.ne w tactics.org

Notebook Series Editor

Liam M ah o ny

Design and Copyediting

Susan Everson

Th e Le a d ership Aca d e my o f t h e D esm o n d Tu t u Pe ace Ce n tre, a n d Th e Ce n t er f or Victims o f Tort ure w ish

t o ack n o w le d g e t h e f ollo w in g instit u tio ns t h a t provid e d su p p ort f or t h e A frica n re gio n al w orksh o p o f t h e
N e w Tactics in H u m a n Rig h ts Project:
· Th e Rock e f eller Fo u n d a tio n
· Th e In t ern a tio n al Ce n t er o n N o nviole n t Co n flict,
· N or w e gia n Ch urch A id
· Th e Euro p e a n U nio n Co n f ere nce, W orksh o p a n d Cult ural Initia tives Fu n d in co nju nctio n w it h t h e
So u t h A frica n N a tio n al Trust
· Th e U nit e d St a t es D e p art m e n t o f St a t e,
· Th e U nit e d St a t es Instit u t e o f Pe ace,
· D o n ors w h o w ish t o re m ain a n o nym o us.
W e are also gre a tly in d e b t e d t o t h e w ork o f n u m ero us in t erns a n d volu n t e ers w h o h ave co n trib u t e d t h eir
tim e a n d exp ertise t o t h e a dva nce m e n t o f t h e project a n d o f h u m a n rig h ts.

Th e N e w Tactics project h as also b e n e fit e d fro m m ore t h a n 2000 h o urs o f w ork fro m in divid u al volu n t e ers
a n d in t erns as w ell as d o n a tio ns o f in-kin d su p p ort. So m e o f t h e instit u tio n al sp o nsors o f t his w ork inclu d e
M acalest er Colle g e, t h e M in n e a p olis Colle g e o f A rt & D esig n (M C A D), t h e U niversity o f M in n eso t a, t h e
Hig h er Ed uca tio n Co nsortiu m f or Urb a n A f f airs (HECU A), t h e M in n eso t a Justice Fo u n d a tio n a n d t h e p u blic
rela tio ns firm o f Pa dilla Sp e er Be ardsley.

Th e o pinio ns, fin din gs a n d co nclusio ns or reco m m e n d a tio ns expresse d o n t his sit e are t h ose o f t h e N e w
Tactics project a n d d o n o t n ecessarily re flect t h e vie ws o f o ur f u n d ers For a f ull list o f project sp o nsors se e
w w w.ne w tactics.org.

The vie ws expressed in this report do not necessarily re flect those o f the Ne w Tactics in Human Rights
Project. The project does not advocate specific tactics or policies.

© 2004 Center for Victims of Torture

This p u blicatio n may be freely repro d uced in prin t an d in electro nic f orm as lo n g
as t his co pyrig h t n o tice ap pears o n all co pies.
 4 A u t h or bio gra p hy

5Letter from the Ne w Tactics project manager

6 In tro d uctio n

6 Th e pro ble m

8 Dif ficulties o f addressing abusive customary practices

8 Birth o f the tactic

10 Breaking the tactic into steps

12 Example: The neg o tiatio n process

13 O u tco m es

14 Lessons f or other contexts

17 Co nclusio n

The Center f or Victims o f Torture

Ne w Tactics in Human Rig h ts Project
717 East River Road
M inneapolis, M N 55455 USA
w w w.cvt.org, w w w.ne w tactics.org

Acknowledgements
The liberation of thousands of Trokosi girls from shrines
was possible only through the hard work of many people
beside me and the Commission on Human Rights and
Administrative Justice. Crucial among these people were
the leaders of the NGO International Needs Ghana
(ING), and Mama Adokua Asigle IV, Queen Mother from
the Tefle traditional area and member of the National
Commission on Civic Education. I am also particularly
grateful to Mr. Wisdom Mensah of ING for his support
in providing detailed information and analysis for this
tactical notebook.
Emile Short
Emile Short is a lawyer by profession, called to the En-
glish Bar in London as a barrister in 1966. He holds a
master’s degree in law from the London School of Eco-
nomics and Political Science, University of London, and
has practiced law in both London and Ghana, including
private legal practice in Ghana from 1974 to 1993. In
1993 he was appointed the first Commissioner for Ghana’s
newly created Commission on Human Rights and Ad-
ministrative Justice, a constitutional and statutory body
that is mandated to promote and protect human rights
and administrative justice, and also has an anti-corrup-
tion mandate. He has published a number of articles on
human rights and administrative justice, and was an As-
sistant Editor for two years with the Lawyer’s Coopera-
tive Society (Rochester, New York), publisher of the second
edition of the annotated series American Law Reports.
Contact Information
Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Jus-
tice
Old Parliament House, High Street, Accra, Ghana
phone: 233 21 664785 / 233 21 668841
fax: 233 21 660020mail: chraj@ighmail.com
September 2004

Dear Friend,

Welcome to the New Tactics in Human Rights Tactical Notebook Series! In each notebook a human
rights practitioner describes an innovative tactic used successfully in advancing human rights. The
authors are part of the broad and diverse human rights movement, including non-government and
government perspectives, educators, law enforcement personnel, truth and reconciliation processes,
and women’s rights and mental health advocates. They have both adapted and pioneered tactics that
have contributed to human rights in their home countries. In addition, they have utilized tactics
that, when adapted, can be applied in other countries and situations to address a variety of issues.

Each notebook contains detailed information on how the author and his or her organization achieved
what they did. We want to inspire other human rights practitioners to think tactically—and to
broaden the realm of tactics considered to effectively advance human rights.

In this notebook, we learn about some of the most difficult human rights violations to eradicate—
customary or traditional practices based on deep-seated beliefs, particularly those with a spiritual
dimension. One such practice is the Trokosi, in Ghana, a system of servitude that meets the
community need for justice and the material and sexual needs of fetish priests. Women and young
girls are brought and kept in fetish shrines to atone for sins or crimes allegedly committed by one of
their relatives. The Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) recognized
that legislation outlawing such practices may not be effective and may, in some cases, result in
driving a customary practice further underground. Respected leaders—at local and national levels—
engaged in direct dialogue with perpetrators, victims, other community leaders, and the community
at large to facilitate understanding of the practice, while providing alternatives and avenues for
abandoning the practice without losing status. There are many ways in which respected leaders can
be enlisted to help community members understand the dynamics of customary or traditional
practices, and to address the underlying complexities of such practices in order to transform or
change those that violate basic human rights.

The entire series of Tactical Notebooks is available online at www.newtactics.org. Additional

notebooks are already available and others will continue to be added over time. On our web site you
will also find other tools, including a searchable database of tactics, a discussion forum for human
rights practitioners, and information about our workshops and symposia. To subscribe to the New
Tactics newsletter, please send an e-mail to newtactics@cvt.org.

The New Tactics in Human Rights Project is an international initiative led by a diverse group of
organizations and practitioners from around the world. The project is coordinated by the Center for
Victims of Torture, and grew out of our experiences as a creator of new tactics and as a treatment
center that also advocates for the protection of human rights from a unique position—one of healing
and of reclaiming civic leadership.

We hope that you will find these notebooks informational and thought-provoking.

Sincerely,

Kate Kelsch
New Tactics Project Manager
Introduction
Some of the most difficult human rights violations to
address are customary or traditional practices based
on deep-seated beliefs of a community or people, par-
ticularly practices that have a spiritual dimension. In
the Trokosi system in Ghana, w omen and virgin girls
are taken without their consent to f etish 1 shrines t o
atone for sins or alleged crimes committed by family
members. They are forced to serve the shrine priests
through manual labor, including farming and cooking,
and are sexually exploited as w ell. The practice occurs
mainly in remote areas of the Volta Region of Ghana,
which is dominated by an ethnic group called the Ewes.
Through a coalition effort involving the Commission
on Human Rights and A dministrative Justice (CHRAJ,
a co nstit u tio nal an d stat u t ory b o dy), In ternatio nal
Needs Ghana (ING, an NG O), the Natio nal Commis-
sion on Civic Education (another constitutional body),
an d the traditio nal leaders from the Ew e communi-
ties, w e have succeeded in liberatin g t h o usan ds o f
young w omen and girls held in this bondage.
O ur tactic is to mobilize the support of respected com-
mu nity leaders, such as chie fs, q ueen mo t hers, an d
local governmental officials, using them as resources
in seminars and durbars2 on the human rights implica-
tions of the practice and recommending voluntary lib-
eration of the victims. A fter these meetings, w e enter
direct negotiations with the shrine priests and elders,
persuading them to voluntarily end the Trokosi prac-
tice.
Because they speak the same language and hail from
the same communities as the practitioners, the com-
munity leaders have played a crucial role in changing
the mind-set, beliefs, and behavior of those involved
in t he h uman rig h ts ab use. This ap proach is use f ul
w hen dealin g w it h cult ural or traditio nal practices
based on deeply entrenched beliefs, especially w hen
t he practice has a spirit ual dimensio n an d practitio-
ners are reluctan t t o ab olish it f or f ear o f incurrin g
the wrath of the gods.
Exp erie nce co m b a tin g f e m ale g e nit al m u tila tio n
taught us that legislation prohibiting traditional and
customary practices is ine f f ective if not preceded by
in t e nse p u blic e d uca tio n pro grams. In a d ditio n, h u-
man rights groups must engage in dialogue with prac-
titio n ers, w orkin g t o ch a n g e t h eir min dse t a n d
persuade them to voluntarily give up the abusive prac-
tice. It ca n b e difficult, h o w ever, f or h u m a n rig h ts
gro u ps t o achieve such e n g a g eme n t if t h ey are p er-
ceive d as “ o u tsid ers” by t h e tra ditio n al co m m u ni-
ties. W ell-intentioned human rights efforts can easily
6
b e co nstru e d as a n a t t ack o n p e o ple’s f u n d a m e n t al
cultural and religious beliefs. Experience suggests that
you cannot change deep-seated beliefs and practices
by a t t ackin g t h e m, n or ca n t h e la w b e e n f orce d if
there is no public cooperation. A different path must
be found.
W e set out to convince practitioners and other stake-
holders of the necessity of changing the Trokosi prac-
tice. W e w anted the communities to see the practice
f or w hat it w as: an ab use o f h uman rig h ts an d an
attack on the dignity and humanity of w omen in their
o w n communities. W e also w anted them to recognize
that traditions are flexible and can be transf ormed
over time, an d t hat t his practice co uld be chan ged
without offending the gods. Unless w e could achieve
such an at tit u dinal chan ge, legislatio n an d en f orce-
ment could result in the practice being driven under-
ground, and women and girls continuing to be trapped
in this system of bondage.
IN G provid e d su p p ort a n d oversig h t o f t h e e f f ort,
se t tin g u p initial m e e tin gs w it h t h e Tro k osi priests,
shrin e eld ers, a n d co mm u nity chie fs, a n d arra n gin g
t h e semin ars a n d d urb ars. I re prese n t e d t h e CHRAJ,
w hile t h e t hird k ey p articip a n t w as M a m a A d o k u a
Asigble IV, Q ueen M other from the Tefle traditional
are a a n d m e m b er o f t h e N a tio n al Co m missio n o n
Civic Education.
This process has taken more than a decade, and has
involved a complex series of integrated steps: human
rights advocacy and education in the various commu-
nities; negotiations with shrine priests and elders; and,
f or the freed Trokosi w omen, vocatio nal skills train-
in g pro grams, emancipatio n ceremo nies, an d co u n-
seling and rehabilitation support. In this notebook w e
focus on the crucial method of engaging with respected
community leaders to gain access, conduct educational
pro grams, neg o tiate w it h t he shrines, an d carry o u t
the emancipation process.3
According to the estimates of our NG O partner, 3,000
Trokosi w omen an d children have so f ar been liber-
ated through these e f f orts. In 1998 w e also secured
the passage o f the “Pro hibitio n o f customary servi-
t u de ” la w; t his has helped give momen t um t o t he
process, despite t he f act t hat n o prosecu tio ns have
yet taken place under this la w.
1
A fetish is a witch doctor or native spiritualist, directly linked to
the gods of the shrine.
2
A community gathering called by community leaders.3 The
subsequent rehabilitation and monitoring process is an ongoing
task of International Needs Ghana, but will not be the focus of this
notebook.
3
The subsequent rehabilitation and monitoring process is an
ongoing task of International Needs Ghana, but will not be the
focus of this notebook.

The problem
THE TROKOSI PRACTICE
In 1993 the government of Ghana transitioned from
military rule to democracy and constitutional rule, and
a free press w as established. Until this time many hu-
man rights violations—including the Trokosi system,
as w ell as the practice of harassing and often lynching
w omen suspected of witchcraft—had been unkno w n
t o t he general p u blic. Revelatio ns o f t hese practices
came as a shock to many, and provoked intense public
debate and condemnation.
The Trokosi practice has spiritual underpinnings. The
process begins w hen a f amily experiences an u nex-
plained tragedy, such as sickness, an accident, or death.
Family members co nsult the shrine f or an explana-
tion, and the priest explains that the tragedy is pun-
ishment f or a crime committed by a f amily member.
He tells them that to avert further tragedy someone
from the family, preferably a virgin girl, must be sent
to the shrine to atone for the crime. Families willingly
comply, believing the tragedy will continue if they do
not, and see the practice as ef fective reparation, de-
spite abundant evidence that those sent a w ay are
deeply u n hap py. Such belie f is, in deed, deeply en-
trenched even among many of the female victims.
A st u dy co n d ucted by Pro f essor Elom D ovlo, o f t he
Departmen t o f the Stu dy o f Religio ns at the Univer-
sity o f Ghana, Leg o n, f o u n d t he Trokosi practices t o
constitute gender discrimination, spiritual bondage,
and physical, sexual, child, and legal abuse. His report
Negotiation / Priests & elders
I am the first born of my parents’ ten children. I was only eight years
old when I was taken to the shrine.
When I first asked why I was brought to the shrine, I was told that
it was to prevent my parents, siblings, and myself from dying. I grew
up to know about the reason—my aunt divorced her husband who
did not appeal to her any more. The husband was not pleased with
this so he demanded payment of his bride price [alimony]. My aunt
sought refuge at the shrine and collected money (10 shillings and 3
pence) from the priest to pay her ex-husband. She later cohabited
with the priest in the shrine where she lived till she died. Her sib-
lings went to the shrine to demand her corpse for burial under protest
and this offended the gods who demanded a replacement of her. I was
sent for this “offense.” I was given a new name; that is Mama. --Yawa
Meworlase
states that “ the crux of the Trokosi institution, w hich
is supposed to be marriage, w oef ully violates all the
norms of marriage kno w n even within the Tongu soci-
ety. First, the priest does not perform any of the cus-
tomary rites o f engagement and marriage. Second,
t he priest is n o t o bliged t o provide f or t he needs o f
the Trokosi; these are the responsibility of the family.
Third, the priest does not provide for the burial of the
Trokosi; neither does he perform the rites of wido w-
hood as required by custom w hen a spouse dies.”
If a Trokosi w oman is f o u n d t o have a relatio nship
with a man other than the priest, this “crime ” results
in a ne w line of reparation by the victim’s family. The
priest performs no customary role as husband to the
Trokosi, and neglects responsibility to w ards any chil-
dren f athered, most o f
whom go without educa-
tion of any kind. The fam-
ily of the Trokosi w oman,
especially her father and
brothers, assume pater-
nal responsibilities, both
e c o n o m ic a n d s o ci a l .
U p o n release fro m t h e
shrines, t he girls f ace an
u ncert ain f u t ure, w it h
many men u n w illin g t o
marry them because they
are seen as wives o f the
gods.
In some cases the precipi-
tating event leading the
f amily to a shrine priest
may in deed be a crime
co m mit t e d by a f a mily
member. The Trokosi sys-
t e m , h o w e v e r, l a c k s
mercy. There is no equity
in p u nishme n t. Pu nish-
ment is not proportional
to the crime, nor is it even
aime d a t t h e o ff e n d er.
Powerful Persuasion 7
 Timeline of the Trokosi modernization campaign
1990 First North Tongu durbar, with chiefs and queen mothers deliberating
and opposing the practice.
1991 Committee of chiefs and priests create report condemning the practice.
1992 ING begins vocational training for Trokosi girls.
1992–4 General education efforts to awaken Ghanaian society to the problem;
independent investigations by CHRAJ and others.
1993 Transition in Ghana from military rule to democracy and constitutional
rule, and the establishment of a free press, which exposed many human
rights violations not known to the general public.
1995 First national workshop on Trokosi.
1994–5 Core group of educators travel to all six traditional areas of the North
Tongu District. Seminars held for targeted audiences such as assembly
members, village elders, queen mothers, fetish priests, and shrine elders;
durbars held for community members.
1995 First national workshop on the Trokosi system in Ghana.
1996 First group of women liberated from the Dada Piem Shrine of Big Ada.
1998 One thousand Trokosi liberated to date.
Second National Workshop on the Trokosi system.
Lobbying for and passage of the "Prohibition of Customary Servitude"
law.
1998–01 Legal education of communities regarding the new law.
Fifteen hundred women liberated after the law’s passage.
2001 West African sub-regional workshop on female ritual servitude held in
Accra.
2002–03 Progress continues, The Daily Graphic reported on May 13, 2003 that
negotiations were underway to “liberate about 2000 trokosi slaves in 19
shrines in the Volta Region.”
Mama Adokua Asigble IV, Queen Mother from Tefle, and priests
O ne person stealing a fo wl can result in life servitude
for another.
In other cases, the precipitating event is a crime com-
mitted against the family. M any people in these com-
munities have no faith in the police, the criminal justice
system, or other government supports to overcome
their tragedies or address such crimes, and see the
shrines as a source o f instant justice that the state
cannot provide.
8
The difficulties of addressing
abusive customary practices
Many influential people in the communities,
including some intellectuals and traditional-
ists, su p p ort t he Trokosi practice an d co n-
tend that it is part of their culture. They see
any move to change it as cultural imperial-
ism, and an attempt to impose Christianity
o n t h eir co m m u nities. M a ny g o t o t h e
shrines to seek success, fortification, and pro-
tectio n from evil, an d d o n o t w elcome at-
tempts to interf ere with the activities o f
the f etish priests. In addition, many state
elected officials are hesitant to actively op-
pose the practice.4 M ost politicians in A frica
tread cautiously w hen dealing with highly
controversial issues that may have an e f-
fect on their political fortunes.
Birth of the tactic
In early 1990 the North Tongu District As-
sembly (a local government body) organized
a d urbar o f chie fs, q ueen mo t hers, shrine
priests, a n d eld ers t o d elib era t e o n t h e
Trokosi problem. All seven paramount chiefs
o f Nort h To n g u agreed u nanimo usly t hat
the Trokosi practice dehumanized the girls
in the fetish shrines, and must be stopped.
The priests, on the other hand, believed the
practice to be an integral part of the tradi-
tion and heritage of the Tongu people, one
that could not be abolished.
M eetings w ere then held with traditional
rulers, government bodies, and Trokosi prac-
titioners in Tongu. In A ugust 1991, a com-
mittee of chiefs and fetish priests submitted
to the North Tongu District Assembly a land-
mark report. Its resolutions called for the
banning of any use of human beings to pacify
the gods of the land, and recommended in-
stead offerings of heifers and rams. It also
demanded the unconditional release—with
appropriate rituals—of all slaves w ho had
serve d a t hre e-ye ar t e n ure, a n d reco m-
mended the substitution of one heifer and
one ram for others. Compliance w as demanded of all
priests in the region, with a call for fines and imprison-
ment of those w ho resisted. (Priests w ere part of the
committee, but refused to endorse the report.) Al-
though these resolutions did not end the practice, they
proved that there w ere traditional leaders w ho could
be allies in eradicating the practice.
4
Interestingly, the ex-President of the Republic is a Ewe and hails
from the Volta Region, where the practice is prevalent. During his
administration, which lasted from 1981 to 2000, there was a
perception that his government was reluctant to abolish the practice
for fear of losing votes from that area. It was during his tenure,
however, that the law criminalizing the practice was passed.

During this period, ING also began a program of voca-
tio nal skills trainin g f or Trokosi girls. The pro gram
w orked, first of all, to persuade the girls to leave the
shrines, and to relinquish the fear of death instilled in
them. Although the fetish shrines lack the high w alls
of traditional prisons, the girls are indoctrinated with
the idea that if they leave, the wrath of the fetish will
strike them dead. The program also provided the girls
with employable skills that would enable them to take
care of themselves and their children.
In this educational setting, the Trokosi girls gradually
began to tell o f their experiences in the shrines. ING
invited both local and international media houses to
share these stories, resulting in an outcry from the
general public and demands that the Trokosi system
be abolished. The regularity, consistency, and inten-
sity o f t he p u blicatio ns in b o t h prin t an d electro nic
media forced institutions focused on w omen and chil-
dren, such as the Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA),
t he Natio nal Commissio n o n W omen an d Develo p-
ment (NCW D), and the Ghana National Commission
on Children (GNCC), to send investigators to the field.
The Parliament of Ghana and CHRAJ also conducted
independent investigations into the Trokosi system,
co nclu din g t hat it flagran tly violated articles o f t he
Co nstit u tio n o f Ghana an d o f in ternatio nal h uman
rights conventions ratified by the country. Armed with
reports of such investigations, these institutions joined
IN G in callin g o n t h e g overn m e n t t o p ass a la w
criminalizing the practice.
M ama A d okua Asig ble IV became involved in t he
Trokosi program in early 1990, addressing a forum in
A didome on the Trokosi subject. Identifying her at this
f orum as a strong advocate against the Trokosi sys-
tem, ING recruited her into the campaign in 1993.
With this ground w ork laid, in 1994 a coalition w as
formed among ING, CHRAJ, and the national Commis-
sion on Civic Education to ensure that all Trokosi com-
munities w ere provided with human rights education
to enable them to voluntarily stop the Trokosi system
and other dehumanizing cultural practices.5 That same
year, the Royal Danish Embassy (DANIDA) funded ING’s
Trokosi M odernization Project, allo wing the NG O to
expand its w ork to fully cover human rights education
and direct negotiation with the priests and shrine el-
ders.
5
According to an unpublished report by ING, “Four key individu-
als contributed immensely in pushing the Trokosi human rights
education program forward. They include Commissioner of Human
Rights and Administrative Justice, Mr. Emile Francis Short, and
Mama Adokua Asigble IV, Queen Mother of the Tefle Traditional
area and Member of the Commission on Civic Education, who to-
gether distinguished themselves as chief educators. Mr. Wisdom
Mensah of International Needs Ghana provided program strategy,
and Rev. Walter Pimpong gave general oversight of the program.”
Five days after arrival at the shrine, all the beads and cloths were
removed from my body and I was given “bissi” to wear, with a “la”
around my neck. I was given a room to sleep in together with all the
other inmates. There were no doors, no windows, no bed or sheets in
the room. We spread a mat without pillow to sleep. The next day, I
was woken up and given my daily schedule—sweep the big com-
pound, fill pots with water, clean and wash and carry all hoes and
cutlasses belonging to my senior Trokosis to the farm and back. We
farmed from morning till evening, sometimes on empty stomach for
days or a week.
As a child, I started to fend for myself by going to the bush to cut trees
for firewood and burn charcoal for sale. I had to ask permission and
go home for food when the situation became difficult. Sometimes, I
could not go because I had no money for transport.
Yawa Meworlase
M embers of the alliance traveled to all six traditional
areas o f t he Nort h To n g u District, organizin g semi-
nars and durbars. Seminars w ere targeted at assem-
bly members, village elders, queen mothers, f etish
priests, and shrine elders, w hile durbars w ere gener-
ally held for community members. In July 1995, these
activities culminated in the first national w orkshop on
the Trokosi system, dra wing participants from the
NG O sector, civil service, UN institutions, the universi-
ties, Parliament, district assemblies, w omen’s organi-
zations, an d the media, as w ell as traditio nal rulers
a n d Tro k osi practitio n ers. This w orksh o p reco m-
men ded a strategy o f vig oro us ed ucatio n in Trokosi
practicing communities, thorough research into the
scale an d nat ure o f t he pro blem, an d rehabilitatio n
and counseling for both priests and slave girls.
THE FIRST LIBERATION
During the first successful direct talks and negotiation
meetings with the priests and shrine elders o f the
Dada Piem of Big A da, a process w as established. The
shrine priest and elders first created a written resolu-
tion denouncing the continued practice o f Trokosi;
pledging to liberate the Trokosi w omen, their fami-
lies, and their descendants spiritually, psychologically,
economically, and physically; vo wing to no longer ac-
cept humans as objects of reparation; and requesting
financial assistance to liberate the Trokosi girls and to
rehabilitate the shrine. The shrine w as then provided
with the promised assistance, at w hich time a list o f
the Trokosi in servitude w as released to ING for verifi-
cation and assessment. Dates w ere set for pre-libera-
tion counseling and f or the liberation ceremony; a
program w as created, and invitations sent. O n the day
o f liberation, invited dignitaries and sponsors gave
speeches. The fetish priest, shrine elders, ING mem-
bers, and the Commissioner for Human Rights and A d-
ministrative Justice then signed a legal document. The
fetish priests said traditional prayers, and emancipa-
tion rites w ere performed to publicly free the Trokosi.
W e k n e w a t t his p oin t t h a t w e w ere o n t h e rig h t
track. A nd although it took a great deal of w ork and
Powerful Persuasion 9
co m mit m e n t, t h e t actic w as n o t t h ere a f t er dif ficult
t o im pleme n t. W it h f u n ds fro m d o n or a g e ncies, w e
h a d su f ficie n t reso urces. W e h a d t h e su p p ort o f h u-
m a n rig h ts N G Os, b o t h in t ern a tio n al a n d d o m estic,
o f t h e m e dia, a n d o f so m e p arlia m e n t aria ns, w h o
h elp e d cre a t e le gisla tio n a g ainst t h e practice. W e
w ere also h elp e d by t h e w ork a n d t estim o nies o f
so m e o f t h e lib era t e d Tro k osi w o m e n. Th o u g h w e
were aware of the difficulty of doing away with deeply
entrenched beliefs, w e w ere committed to the cause,
determined to improve the human rights situation in
the country and to help bring about a change.
Breaking the tactic into steps
O ur goal w as to change the behavior of fetish priests,
liberate the w omen, and end the practice. To do this
w e had t o co nvince t he priests, t he girls t hemselves,
t he o w ners a n d elders o f t he shrines, a n d t he e n tire
community that it w as in their interest to give up the
practice an d t hat, co n trary t o t heir belie fs, t he g o ds
w ould not be angry if they did so. W e also needed to
o f f er alt ern a tives t o t h e practice o f t a kin g w o m e n
and young girls, and w anted to encourage people to
use the criminal justice system, namely the police and
t h e co urts, ra t h er t h a n resortin g t o t h e shrin es f or
instant justice.
RESEARCH
CHRAJ sent a team to the area to do field research,
w hich inclu d e d in t ervie w in g practitio n ers (f e tish
priests) an d victims, an d gat herin g statistics o n t he
practice. The Commissio n t hen develo ped a rep ort,
w hich, t o get her w it h research carried o u t by o t her
gro u ps, became t he basis f or plan nin g a strategy t o
end the practice. 6
ALLIANCE-BUILDING
As described ab ove, t he tactic req uired f ormin g a
complementary coalition that included NG Os close to
the communities, a constitutional body, and traditional
leadership respected by the communities.
OUTREACH:
MEETINGS/SEMINARS, DURBARS, & RADIO
ING, an NG O with influential Ew e members, had w ell-
established communication links in each community
w e en tered, an d w as able to set u p meetings an d
se min ars w it h asse m bly m e m b ers, villa g e eld ers,
queen mothers, f etish priests, and shrine elders, as
well as durbars with community members. These gath-
erin gs served t he f u nctio n o f p u blic ed ucatio n, b u t
w ere also important steps to w ards eventual negotia-
tions with the shrine priests.

The steps of the process, then, include: 1) research, 2) A f ter the first national w orkshop on the Trokosi sys-
alliance-building, 3) outreach, 4) negotiation, 5) advo- tem, human rights education w as expanded beyond
cacy, 6) liberation, and 7) rehabilitation. t he Nort h To n g u District t o cover t he remainin g six
Trokosi practicin g districts o f So u t h To n g u, Dan gme
East, Dangme W est, A katsi, Ketu, and Keta. A series
of seminars w as organized at the district capitals, first
for district assembly mem-
bers, then f or traditio nal
rulers. Seminars w ere also
c o n d u c t e d f o r f e t is h
priests and their shrine el-
d e rs; s e v e r a l n o t a b l e
chiefs were recruited as fa-
cilit a t ors o f t h ese se mi-
n a rs. A n d e d u ca t i o n a l
pro grams, in the f orm o f
d urbars, w ere organized
in t he commu nities. The
District O f fices o f the Na-
tional Commission on Civic
Education and the Center
for National Culture w ere
used t o reach commu nity
members at the grassroots
level.

W e w ent from community

t o co m m u nity t o t alk
about the practice and en-
co urage peo ple t o en d it.
In each case, ING prepared
t he gro u n d w ork, get tin g
in touch with practitioners,
Signing legal documents / Togo & Benin

10

victims, and local chiefs, and arranging the schedule
for the dialogues, w orkshops, and seminars. My role
w as t o brin g t he w eig h t o f t he la w an d t he g overn-
men t in t o t he discussio n. The q ueen mo t her repre-
sented the traditions of the community, and demanded
respect as “ one of them.” O urs was an effective blend-
ing of expertise and backgrounds. W e approached lo-
cal chiefs w ho w ere sympathetic to the cause, spoke
with them, and involved them in workshops; they then
took it upon themselves to speak to the fetish priests.
In early 1996 ING extended its human rights advocacy
pro gram t o involve F M statio ns in t he Volta Regio n.
Once a week for a period of six months, the ING project
coordinator and advocacy officer addressed an aspect
of the Trokosi issue in the local dialect. This radio pro-
gram, coupled with the community durbars, created a
high level of a w areness on the dehumanizing aspects
o f the Trokosi system. It also generated a great deal
o f debate amo n g commu nity members, resultin g in
some Trokosi girls demanding their freedom and de-
fying the orders of their shrine priests.
NEGOTIATION
W e next met with f etish shrine priests, elders, and
local leaders to negotiate the release of those in bond-
age. Success o f t hese talks depen ded o n many f ac-
tors, including kno wledge of the background of the
priest an d his elders, an d t he ability t o iden tify an d
lobby those that held real po w er in the shrine, such as
the chiefs and opinion leaders respected by the priests
and elders.
O nce again, the complementary roles of the NG O, the
traditional leaders, an d myself played an imp ortan t
part in the persuasion process. CHRAJ’s role w as to
explain to the fetish priests that the practice violated
several provisio ns o f t he Co nstit u tio n, an d t hat t he
la w w ould descend on them if they did not voluntarily
end the practice. The traditional leaders put forw ard
a variety o f arguments, including, f or example, that
custom was not static, but dynamic and able to change
with the times. They could point to the changing his-
tory of cultural traditions, demonstrating that cultural
practices in the past have changed without incurring
the wrath of the gods. There had been, for instance, a
practice of human sacrifice w henever a chief died, as
it w as believed that a chief could not be buried alone.
The legitimacy o f t he traditio nal leaders in makin g
these arguments was crucial, since only they could claim
t he w isd om t o ju d ge t he resp o nses o f t he g o ds t o
transf ormations in customary practices. O ur success
in co nvincin g some shrines t o chan ge t heir practice
6
The Commission adopts this approach with other customary
practices as well. With the issue of women banished from their
communities or lynched because they are suspected of being
witches, prior to starting public education and consultations we
compiled a report to determine how best to combat the practice.
At about 12 years, after my first menstruation, the priest requested to
sleep with me but I was afraid and ran away. He threatened me
several times. After my second menstruation, he called me one evening
and sent me to his room to get him something. When I entered the
room, he trapped me and raped me. I had pains and sores in my va-
gina. I ran away from the shrine and reported this to my parents.
They consoled me and treated me with herbs. My mother was very
angry but was afraid to complain for fear of the gods.
I soon realized that I was pregnant. There was no medical care till I
was ready to deliver. I went to my parents who could not afford hospi-
tal fees so they sought the assistance of a Traditional Birth Attendant
who delivered me of a baby boy. After three months my parents urged
me to go back to the shrine. They always sent me back quickly to pre-
vent fines of the priest or the wrath of the gods. I returned to the shrine
to take care of the baby alone without any support from the priest.
Yawa Meworlase
also became use f ul in t he neg o tiatio ns, as w e co uld
sho w that these shrines had not su f f ered the anger
of the gods.
Finally, the priests w ere in f ormed that at the libera-
tion ceremony they w ould be given co ws with w hich
to start a ne w lif e. W hen, in July o f 1996, the Dada
Piem shrine o f Big A da agreed to be the first to free
its w omen, a handsome economic package of 10 heif-
ers an d o ne b ull w as given t o t he shrine priest an d
elders. ING made sure that both print and electronic
media covered t he emancipatio n ceremo ny. As ex-
pected, other shrine practitioners w ere motivated to
free their Trokosi w omen.
The neg o tiatio n process w as th us aimed at simulta-
neously responding to the multiple motivations that
supported the Trokosi institution.
INTERNATIONAL ADVOCACY
While efforts were taking place within Ghana to eman-
cipate t he Trokosi girls an d o u tla w t he practice, ING
also began an international advocacy program. Part
o f its strategy w as to invite all major television sta-
tio ns t o hig hlig h t t he plig h t o f t he Trokosi girls. No-
table among the stations airing the story across the
globe w ere CBS, the BBC, CNN, and M NET. In addition,
ING sponsored a number of Trokosi w omen to attend
international conferences to tell their o w n stories.
By sending petitions and action letters, international
h uman rig h ts organizatio ns also placed pressure o n
the government of Ghana to enact a law criminalizing
the Trokosi practice, and to enforce the international
human rights instruments it had ratified.
Powerful Persuasion 11
 LIBERATION CEREMONIES
The importance of emancipation rituals cannot be over-
emphasized. These w ere arranged to be highly visible,
w ell-publicized, and w ell-attended. They gave confi-
dence to both families and victims, who heard the public
pledge, vo w, and prayers of the fetish priest, setting
them free forever. It also allo w ed the general public
to see the shrine priests commit themselves to aban-
doning the practice, w hich in turn sho w ed the priests
themselves that their future activities w ould be moni-
tored, and that they w ould be sanctioned if they re-
turned to the practice.
REHABILITATION
With the emancipation of the first Trokosi w omen in
July 1996, ING initiated a process for addressing the
psychosocial, emotional, and vocational needs of the
emancipated Trokosi women. ING provided psychologi-
cal counseling, as w ell as resettlement and follo w-up
support, to the w omen and their children for up to
t w o years. In addition to a resettlement refugee cen-
ter for those not accepted back by their families, ING
provided seed capital, micro-finance credit, and voca-
tional training for starting a ne w life; sexual and re-
productive health education; and assistance helping
children enter school.
SECOND NATIONAL WORKSHOP
In 1998, a f ter the liberation o f over 1,000 Trokosi
w omen, t he time w as rig h t t o organize t he seco n d
natio nal w orksh o p o n t he Trokosi system in Ghana.
W e sought to create a forum in w hich to report back
t o stakeh olders an d part ners o n o ur pro gress in dis-
mantling the Trokosi system, and share ideas on ho w
to achieve even greater success. It w as also a w ay to
educate the public on the strategies adopted to eman-
cipate and rehabilitate liberated Trokosi victims. This
w orkshop created additional momentum for our ef-
f orts, an d parliamen t w as urged t o expedite t he bill
criminalizing the practice.
Example: The negotiation process
with the Atigo and Ba shrines
The A tig o an d Ba shrines are located in Bat t or, a vil-
lage in the North Tongu district o f the Volta Region.
A tigo and Ba are very po w erf ul deities o f the Battor
people. During the colonial rulership in Ghana, then
the Gold Coast, a village native lobbied the British Gov-
ernor to abolish the Trokosi practice, w hich in his ob-
servation made slaves of the young virgins sent to the
priests. The governor initially showed interest, but had
to withdra w a f ter a f e w investigations because the
local people believed he w as interfering in their reli-
gion.
O ur neg o tiatio ns w it h t he priests an d elders o f t he
shrines w ere not easy. They w ere preceded by com-
munity durbars, follo w ed by seminars and w orkshops.
M ama Asieku, Q ueen M other and paramount “Chief ”
of the traditional area, played a significant role with
her sub-chiefs in convincing the priests and shrine own-
ers to stop the practice of taking virgins into the shrine.
The meetin gs an d neg o tiatio ns t o ok t he f ollo w in g
steps:

Motivation
upholding the practice
A solution for families to their family
tragedy; atonement for a crime
Inertia of long-standing tradition;
community support for practice
Fear of incurring the wrath of the gods
Economic benefit of slaves to shrine
Sexual services to priests
Stubborn resistance by shrine priests
Belief that girls have no future and will
be shunned by the community
Difficulty ensuring shrine adherence to
the agreement to abolish the practice
Solution or argument
• Discussion of alternative rituals.
• Emphasis on legal remedies, rule of law.
• Integrated community and national education campaign to weaken popular acceptance of Trokosi
practice.
• Discussion of historical/cultural precedents—situations in which practices have been changed.
• Liberation rituals to appease the gods.
• Focus on other shrines that have ended the practice without suffering such wrath.
• Economic package (cows, etc.).
• Emphasis on community and national shame over the inhumane practice; possible criminal
prosecution.
• Emphasis on community and national shame over the inhumane practice; possible criminal
prosecution.
• Pressure from other respected community leaders; embarrassment factor; persuasion of shrine
elders and landowners.
• Threat of prosecution.
• Vocational training, rehabilitation, counseling, community education.
• Liberation ceremonies publicly ending slave status, making a break with the past.
• Liberation ceremonies publicly witnessing the fetish priests’ agreement to abolish the practice,
and providing spiritual sanction if they return to the practice.
• Legal documents publicly signed by the fetish priests and shrine elders, the Commissioner from
CHRAJ, and ING.

12
Before talking to others in the village, ING sought per-
missio n f ro m t h e ch ie f , se n d in g t w o b o t t les o f
Schnapps. The purpose of the proposed meeting w as
explained, an d a date and time w ere fixed. This w as
imp ortan t, because t he date had t o coincide w it h a
non-farming day set aside for rest and for veneration
of the gods of the land. The chief in turn sent his lin-
guist to inform the elders and priests.
The chie f oversa w arrangements f or the meeting’s
ven ue, usually at his palace or in t he village sq uare,
and in the shade o f a large tree the chairs w ere ar-
ranged in a horseshoe shape. W hen ING staff arrived
for the meeting, they went around shaking hands with
the hosts from right to left using the right palm. This
w as f ollo w ed by presen tatio n o f w ater by t he h ost,
an d an exchan ge o f greetin gs bet w een h osts an d
guests. ING then presented drinks to the host, w hich
w ere shared among all present.
The host chie f asked ING to state the purpose o f the
visit. ING staff explained, “ W e are here this morning
t o deliberate o n an imp ortan t issue t hat co ncerns
yo u n g girls an d w omen in t his village. A ll over t he
w orld, it has been f o u n d t hat w omen are disadvan-
taged in o ne w ay or an o t her. In A frica in particular,
there are several traditional practices that in fringe
o n t he rig h ts o f o ur children an d w omen. These in-
clu de w id o w h o o d rites, f emale genital cu t tin g, an d
o t hers. Here in t his village, w e also have a peculiar
practice, w hich is Trokosi/Fiashidi/Woryok w e. We are
here to deliberate on ho w best w e can transform this
practice to prevent young girls from being used to pay
for the crimes of their relatives.…”
There w as a prolo n ged murmur from t he cro w d,
sw earing, an d threatening statemen ts. Thro u gh his
interpreter, the chief calmed his people, telling them
to exercise restraint. A t the end o f the addresses by
t he g uests, t he chie f asked f or t he o pinio ns o f t he
audience. There w as a variety of responses:
• “ W e t hank yo u very much f or yo ur talk. Bu t w e
are cau tio nin g yo u t o keep a w ay from o ur cul-
t ural practice t hat has been han ded over t o us
since time immemorial.…”
• “ We don’t go to people’s homes and snatch their
virgin girls to the shrine!”
• “ Go and tell people to stop committing crimes and
the practice will stop.”
• “ Don’t come and destroy our religion as the w hite
man did to us.”
• “If you w ant to meddle in the af fairs of the gods,
you will not live your full life on earth.”
• “ W e are human beings. Go a w ay from us. W e will
consult our gods and convey to you their decision.”
The initial meetin g en ded w it h some co n f usio n an d
anger. But a date w as set f or an additional meeting,
and another a f ter that. Eventually these meetings
began to address concrete issues, such as requests
from the priests for financial assistance to enable them
to consult with the gods (this included ritual items like
animals an d drinks, or su p p ort f or travelin g t o t he
home of the deity in neighboring Togo or Benin).
A fter such consultations, the priests reported that the
gods had refused to agree to liberation, or that they
w ould think about it for a month or a year. The priests
also, h o w ever, ask e d practical q u estio ns, such as
“ W hen w e liberate the w omen, w ho will w ork on our
farms and feed us? W ho will w ake us and sw eep, fill
t he p o ts w it h w ater, w ash o ur clo t hes an d co ok f or
us? Do you w ant us to die o f hunger? The cattle you
give us cannot replace w omen—are w e going to have
sex with cattle? A nd during our rituals and festivals,
w ho will bring f ood and ritual items to the shrine to
sacrifice to the gods?”
Even t ually a co nsensus w as reached, f ollo w ed by a
written resolution agreeing to liberate the w omen.
Outcomes
LIBERATION
The most important outcome of our w ork has clearly
been the successf ul liberatio n o f over 3,500 w omen
and girls from 427 dif f erent shrines, and the f ormal
cessation of the practice in all of these communities.
This success has built ongoing momentum, and we con-
tinue to convince more shrines to change their behav-
ior. A t the initial stages of the modernization project,
negotiations w ere done one shrine at a time. Later, as
more priests decided to give up the practice in vie w of
the steadily increasing a w areness of the problem, w e
began to conduct negotiations in groups.
UNSUCCESSFUL NEGOTIATIONS
Some shrine o w ners do resist the sensitization meet-
ings. According to Wisdom Mensah, they boycott meet-
ings, or leave in heated argument and anger. O thers
at ten d o ne meetin g b u t re f use t o co n tin ue t he pro-
cess. W e w ork on these cases until the o w ners yield or
express an absolute refusal.
A t the Dasuma shrine at A da, the priest and elders
participated in many ING educational programs, but
the priest re f used to perf orm the rituals to liberate
the w omen. In the A fife shrine, priests and elders en-
tered into an agreement and set a liberation date. O n
that day, as the cro w d gathered to a w ait the arrival
o f ING sta f f an d o t her g uests, an o p p ositio n gro u p
arrived and threatened to attack. The liberation w as
canceled, and re-negotiation has thus far yielded no
results. Trokosis remain in these shrines.
So far, not a single shrine has ended the practice of its
o w n volitio n w it h o u t ING persuasio n an d su p p ort.
M any shrines t hat have made n o co n tact w it h ING
continue to engage in the practice.
Powerful Persuasion 13
Prohibition of
customary servitude
LEGISLATION AND w o m e n w ere also sh o w in g sig ns o f o p e nin g n e w
Insertion of section 314A amending the LEGAL EDUCATION shrines in neig h b orin g co u n tries. This w as n o t a sur-
Criminal Code Act 29. The new section O ne o f the bene fits o f prise; at the second national w orkshop on the Trokosi
states: collaborating with sev- syst e m, p articip a n ts h a d b e e n co ncern e d a b o u t t h e
1. Whoever eral civil society organi- Tro k osi g oin g u n d ergro u n d a n d resurf acin g else-
zations in advocating to w h ere. Th a t w orksh o p h a d reco m m e n d e d t h a t civil
a) sends to or receives at any place any
end the Trokosi system society and human rights organizations, including rel-
person; or
has been the multiplier eva n t g overn m e n t a g e ncies o f To g o a n d Be nin, b e
b) participates in or is concerned in any e f f ect o f t h e ir co m- brought together to deal with the issue.
ritual or customary activity in re- bined pressure on the
spect of any person with the pur- government. The w ork In Accra in February o f 2001, ING organized the first
pose of subjecting that person to any of the national and in- W est A frican sub-regional w orkshop on female ritual
form of ritual or customary servi-
ternational civil society servitude. Global Ministries (USA) and A nti-Slavery In-
tude or any form of forced labour
gro u ps resulted in an ternational (UK) provided sponsorship. There w ere 70
related to a customary ritual, com-
amendment to the participants representing government agencies, Par-
mits an offence and shall be liable
Crimin al Co d e Act in liamentarians, civil society organizations, human rights
on conviction to imprisonment for
a term not less than three years. 1998. Direct pressure gro u ps, an d Trokosi shrine priests from Benin, To g o
f r o m i n d i v i d u a l e x- and Ghana, resulting in a regional net w ork of organi-
In this section ‘to be concerned in’ means Trokosi girls w as also zations w orking to end the practice.
a) to send to, take to, consent to the im p ort a n t. Julia n a
taking to or receive at any place any Dorgbadzi presented a Lessons for other contexts
person for the performance of the stro n g case in Parlia- I believe this tactic can be used in any society in w hich
customary ritual; or men t an d o t her local you are struggling to change deeply entrenched be-
b) to enter into any agreement whether a n d in t ern a tio n al f o- liefs and behavior. Your message needs to come from
written or oral to subject any of the rums, and also wrote someone respected by the people. W e applied the tac-
parties to the agreement or any other t o ex-Presid e n t Jerry tic to dif ferent audiences: practitioners and victims,
person to the performance of the Ra wlings to ask him to local government officials, chiefs and queen mothers,
customary ritual; or pass a law criminalizing and the police. I suspect w e w ould have achieved
c) to be present at any activity con- t h e Tr o k o si sys t e m . greater success had w e recruited more community
nected with or related to the perfor- M ercy Senahe, another leaders into the process.
mance of the customary ritual ex-Trokosi, traveled to
the UK to speak at the The tactic’s effectiveness will depend on the political
British Parliament, and enviro nmen t, t he level o f resistance by t he peo ple
also to The Hag ue an d So u th A frica to speak at the and community leaders, the level of freedom to propa-
W orld Court of Justice. gate ideas, the amount of safety for those involved in
seekin g chan ge, an d t he charisma an d commu nica-
The passage of this legislation helped strengthen pub- tio n skills o f t h ose implemen tin g t he tactic. In ad di-
lic education campaigns against the practice, adding tion, there are key lessons from our experience that
to our earlier legal arguments based on international w e believe will help you use the tactic in a variety o f
h uman rig h ts instrumen ts an d t he Co nstit u tio n o f circumstances.
Ghana. W e continued to organize public w orkshops
and seminars. Every Trokosi community w as reached RESEARCH: THE “WHY” BEHIND THE PRACTICE
with education on the la w, as w ere District Assembly In ap proachin g an ab usive cust omary practice, yo u
members, police, and government leaders in the dis- must u n derstan d w hy t he cult ure has develo ped it.
tricts of Ketu, A katsi, North Tongu, South Tongu, and Customary practices do not exist without reason. W hat
Dangme East. needs does the practice serve? W hat problem is it at-
tempting to remedy? Some customary practices w ere
M ost Trokosi shrines in the A katsi district resolved to created for historic reasons that no longer exist, w hile
end the Trokosi practice as a result of the legal advo- others fulfill current needs or respond to real fears or
cacy conducted after the la w w as passed. Over 1,500 concerns. These motivations must be understood, be-
w omen have been liberated after the passage of the cause if a practice is to be changed, there must be an
la w, an in dicatio n t hat t he la w has served a use f ul alternative method of responding to the causes that
purpose, even without prosecutions. lie beneath it. O therwise it is likely to resurface even
after a successful campaign.
REGIONAL IMPACT: FIRST WEST AFRICAN
WORKSHOP ON FEMALE RITUAL SERVITUDE THE IMPORTANCE OF NGOS
A f t er p assa g e o f t h e la w crimin alizin g Tro k osi a n d WITH LOCAL LINKS AND COM MITMENT
other servitude practices in Ghana, field reports indi- From the perspective of a constitutional human rights
cated that some Trokosi priests close to the Togo bor- commission, it w as crucial to w ork with a local NG O.
d er w ere co n t e m pla tin g m ovin g t h eir shrin es in t o Because their members come from the area and speak
To g o. Th ose w h o h a d e m a ncip a t e d t h eir Tro k osi the same language, they receive a better reception

14

Women’s group / Workshop—Commissioner Emile Short, center
from t he commu nity an d can more easily neg o tiate
an d talk w it h commu nity members. Th us, it w as o ur
most imp ortan t link t o t he local leadership in each
commu nity. Local NG Os’ lo n g-term commitmen t t o
these communities enable them to help the campaign
not only with contacts, research, and negotiation, but
also with the necessary follo w-up and rehabilitation.
THE MESSAGE AND THE MESSENGER
The essence of the communication strategy is to rec-
ognize that people are very sensitive not only to w hat
your message is, but to ho w it is communicated, and,
perhaps most importantly, to w ho is transmitting it.
It w as crucial, f or instance, t hat t he q ueen mo t hers
and other traditionally respected leaders be the ones
voicing the need to change the practice, and making
the argument that this w ould be acceptable to their
culture. They could point out that traditions w ere dy-
namic, and that the wrath o f the gods w ould not be
incurred. The same arguments from someone consid-
ered an o u tsider co uld have been co nstrued by t he
peo ple as an at tack o n t heir en tire cult ure, sh u t tin g
the door to all negotiations.
Local people could also respect that I, as a high public
official, had both the authority and the obligation to
convey the message about the importance of Ghana
fulfilling its international human rights obligations, and
to point out the legal implications of the practice and
the potential for prosecution.
W hen it came t o promisin g eco n omic packages f or
givin g u p t he practice, t he involvemen t o f t he NG O
was again important, because its relationship with the
commu nity created trust that its promises w o uld be
f ulfilled. Despite the fact that w e w ere all firmly op-
posed to the Trokosi practice, it w as essential to avoid
taking a moral high ground. W e could not be too criti-
cal, because in the end w e kne w any change of mind
had to be voluntary. Each of us, in voicing our part of
these messages, needed the necessary communica-
tion skills to make an impact on the target group. This
tactic used our complementary skills to great effect.
OPPOSITION FROM TRADITIONALISTS
O ne o bstacle t o en din g such practices is t hat many
influential people in the communities, including some
intellectuals and traditionalists, contend that the prac-
tices are an integral part o f their culture. They see
any move to w ard change as cultural imperialism and
an at temp t t o imp ose Christianity u p o n t heir tradi-
tio nal religio n. W e f o u n d t hat passage o f t he la w
against ritual servitude heightened sharply the tradi-
tio nalists’ o p p ositio n t o t he aban d o nmen t o f t he
Trokosi system.
Chie f amo n g t he o p p o nen ts w as a gro u p called t he
A frikania mission, led by Mr. Kofi A meve. Its mode of
o peratio n has been t o co u n ter every p u blicatio n o n
the Trokosi issue, be it through the ne wspapers, ra-
dio, or television. As a result of the government’s in-
a bility t o e n f orce t h e la w pro hibitin g cust o m ary
servitude, A frikania w as able to persuade some o f
the shrines to legitimize the Trokosi practice. It might
have been pru den t at t he begin nin g t o iden tify p o-
tential groups that w ould oppose the movement, and
solicit t heir su p p ort, b u t w e did n o t an ticipate such
opposition. It is possible that if we had contacted them
be f ore t he campaig n started, t hey w o uld have o p-
posed it and w e might not have achieved the success
we did.
THE WRATH OF THE GODS
Fear o f the “ wrath o f the g ods” is a po w erf ul f orce
keepin g many ab usive practices alive. In t he case o f
Trokosi, it explains w hy f amilies t urn t o t he priests
w hen they have problems, and give up their daugh-
ters to the shrines. The priests’ a w areness of this fear
may underlie their unwillingness to abandon the prac-
tice. Fear of the gods also inhibits the police from en-
forcing the la w.
O ur approach w as to try to overcome these fears in a
variety o f w ays. First, by in tensive p u blic ed ucatio n
campaig ns, w e so u g h t t o co nvince t he practitio ners
t hat cust oms chan ge an d t hat t he g o ds can be paci-
fied by the perf ormance o f the ap pro priate rituals.
The fact that queen mothers and chiefs publicly ques-
tioned the practice w as a critical first step.
In meetin gs, d urbars, an d neg o tiatio ns, traditio nal
leaders made historical arguments, proving that past
Powerful Persuasion 15
traditio ns had chan ged w it h o u t calamit o us co nse-
quences. By pointing to history in this w ay, they f ur-
ther established themselves as custodians o f custom
an d traditio nal w isd om, stren g t henin g t he respect
needed t o provoke t he commu nity’s q uestio nin g o f
the practice. A nd once w e had a fe w successes under
our belts, they had an additional argument: they could
point to other shrines w hich had given up the practice
as pro o f t hat such a chan ge bro u g h t n o calamity t o
the shrine or the practitioners.
The liberation ceremony w as also crucial to overcom-
ing the fear of the gods: the priests, the families, and
the Trokosi slaves all needed a ritual to break clean of
the past in a w ay that w ould not anger their gods. The
ceremo nies n o t o nly legitimized t he liberatio n, b u t
created a situation in w hich practitioners might fear
the wrath of the gods if they returned to the practice.
CARROT AND STICK: THREAT OF ENFORCEMENT
To a certain extent, the combination of persuasion by
traditional leaders, economic packages, and my role
in articulating the la w represents a carrot-and-stick
approach. The “stick” dynamic, though, would be more
e f f ective if there w ere a f e w symbolic prosecutions
under the ne w la w. Unfortunately, there has yet to be
a single prosecution, for several reasons.
First, w e thought it w as necessary to educate people
ab o u t t he existence an d co n ten t o f t he la w be f ore
advocating for criminal prosecution. The fetish priests
and shrine o w ners live in remo te areas an d most o f
them w ould not be a w are of the la w. A n educational
program has no w taken place.
Second, because of fear of alienating people and los-
in g vo tes, t here is n o p olitical w ill o n t he part o f t he
government to enforce the la w.
Third, those liable under the la w include not only fe-
tish priests and shrine o w ners but anyone—even fam-
ily members—w ho takes someone to the shrine or
takes part in any ritual associated with customary ser-
vitude. This aspect of the law makes prosecution more
complicated.
16
Finally, most victims are u n w illin g t o make a f ormal
complaint. The level of indoctrination, brain w ashing,
and fear among the victims is very high.
O ur tactic of education, community engagement, and
persuasio n is n o t alw ays e f f ective. I believe it w o uld
be an important step if w e could achieve even a single
symbolic prosecution, to send a message to the shrines
w hich have stubbornly refused to change their prac-
tices.
DEMOCRACY AND CONFRONTING
ABUSIVE TRADITIONAL PRACTICE
It may be prudent to consider the democratic climate
in your country before embarking on this tactic. In our
case, the transitio n to democracy w as an imp ortan t
factor, allo wing free and public discussion of human
rights. The rights of freedom of speech and assembly
are essential, and w hether NG Os are tolerated and
allo w ed to operate freely will make a difference.
If t he p olitical sit uatio n is repressive, o ne must also
co nsider the relatio nship bet w een f orces o f repres-
sion and traditional leaders w ho support abusive prac-
tices. For instance, if an undemocratic state has a close
political or spiritual relationship with traditional priests
(for example, in Haiti under “Papa Doc” Duvalier), it
could be quite dangerous to embark on a campaign
questioning traditional practices, and it w ould be dif-
ficult t o fin d respected leaders t o participate. In o ur
case, w e found that although the state w as beholden
to the votes o f the target community, and un willing
t o enable prosecu tio ns, t he existin g levels o f demo-
cratic functioning in the country allo w ed us to achieve
significant success.
Conclusion
Freedom and justice are never handed out on a silver
platter, but come about by persistence and persever-
ance. W e kne w from the beginning that it w ould take
time to achieve results, but w e believe that the use of
role mo dels an d respected leaders can be a crucial
step forw ard in addressing many human rights viola-
tions.
N O TES

Powerful Persuasion 17
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18
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Powerful Persuasion 19
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