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About MSDI & Missouri State U..

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Long term trends show crime rates dropping significantly
Fuchs 15 (Erin Fuchs, 1-27-2015, "It's Incredible How Much Safer America Has
Become Since The 1980s," Business Insider, http://www.businessinsider.com/fbicrime-report-shows-america-is-still-getting-safer-2015-1) LO
Violent crime and property crime in America both decreased in the first half of 2014, the FBI
said in a new preliminary report released Tuesday. The FBI's latest crime statistics reflects a longterm trend. Even though America's local police are more militarized than ever, the
crime rate has been steadily falling in the past two decades. In the 1980s property crime and violence
were both much more common, spurring politicians to bill themselves as "tough on crime" in order to get elected in
America. (Presidential candidate Michael Dukakis famously lost against George H.W. Bush, who ran a tough-on-
These days that tough-on-crime rhetoric isn't as common, and there's a

excellent reason why. Crime stats consistently show that the country is getting
safer. In 2013, the number of murders in America dropped 4.4% to 14,196 down
signifcantly from its peak of 24,703 in 1991. The drop in homicides is even more obvious when you look at
crime campaign.)
individual cities that once had bad reputations. New York recorded 2,245 homicides at its peak in 1990 but only 328
by 2014. Los Angeles had 2,589 homicides in 1992 but only 254 last year. Washington, D.C., a much smaller city,
saw its murder number decline from a peak of 443 homicides in 1992 to only 105 last year. Overall, violent crimes
The
dramatic plunge in violent crime shocked many experts, who predicted America
would just get more violent. "Recent declines in rates of violent crime in the United
States caught many researchers and policymakers off guard," criminology professor Gary
including homicide, rape, aggravated assault, and robbery dropped 38% between 1992 and 2011.
LaFree wrote back in 1999. "These declines were perhaps more surprising in that they came on the heels of dire
predictions about the rise of a generation of 'superpredators' who would soon unleash the full force of their
destructive capacities on an already crime-weary nation." Crime experts have yet to come up with a unified theory
one of the more plausible reasons for the falling

violent crime rate is that many cities in America have more police per capita than
they used to and those police officers have gotten better at doing their job. An
for why America has gotten so much safer. However,
omnibus crime bill passed in 1994 provided funding for 100,000 new police officers in the US as and set aside $6.1
billion for crime prevention programs. In reality, the number of cops on the street only increased by
50,000 to 60,000 in the 1990s, but that was still a bigger increase than in previous decades, according to Levitt's
analysis of FBI data. In New York City, which had a particularly sharp drop in violent crime, the police force
The mere presence of more police officers can obviously be

a big crime deterrent. During the 1990s, these police officers has also became more strategic in part
expanded by 35% in the 1990s.
because they began to use computerized systems to track crimes and find out where they should deploy their
officers. So-called "hot spot policing" is one of the most effective new strategies, political scientist James Q. Wilson
has written in The Wall Street Journal. "The great majority of crimes tend to occur in the same places," Wilson
writes. "Put active police resources in those areas instead of telling officers to drive around waiting for 911 calls,
and you can bring down crime." One Minneapolis-based study that Wilson cited found that for every minute a police
officer spent at a "hot spot" more time passed before another crime was committed in that spot after he left. There
are other theories about why violent crime decreased, including that it was because America got its crack epidemic
under control and because the US economy grew stronger. Steven Levitt, the economist who wrote the best-seller
"Freakonomics," proposed one of the more controversial theories about the crime drop, which was that the
legalization of abortion in 1973 was partly responsible. If it weren't for abortion, the theory goes, many unwanted
children would have been been grown up to be criminals by the 1990s. An even more bizarre theory ties the rise of
lead in the atmosphere to increases in violent crime. Lead emissions rose from the 1940s to the 1960s, while crime
rose from the 1960s through the 1980s when children exposed to lead were becoming adults. In an extensive
look at the lead/violence theory, Kevin Drum of Mother Jones cited research that found "even moderately high levels
of lead exposure are associated with aggressivity, impulsivity, ADHD, and lower IQ. And right there, you've
practically defined the profile of a violent young offender."
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Surveillance directly reduces fear of crime

Theo Lorenc (et al), 2014, London School of Hygiene
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK262852/ Crime, fear of crime and mental health: synthesis of theory and
systematic reviews of interventions and qualitative evidence. Public Health Research, No. 2.2 (Chapt 7) Theo Lorenc
(et al),1,* Mark Petticrew,1 Margaret Whitehead,2 David Neary,2 Stephen Clayton,2 Kath Wright,3 Hilary Thomson,4
Steven Cummins,5 Amanda Sowden,3 and Adrian Renton6. March 2014 1 Department of Social and Environmental
Health Research, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, London, UK 2 Department of Public Health and
Policy, University of Liverpool, Liverpool, UK 3 Centre for Reviews and Dissemination, University of York, York, UK 4
MRC Social and Public Health Sciences Unit (SPHSU), University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK 5 School of Geography,
Queen Mary University of London, London, UK 6 Institute for Health and Human Development, University of East
London, London, UK * Corresponding author
Surveillance Crime Prevention through Environmental Design theory predicts that natural
surveillance the
sense that a location is visible to others will tend to reduce fear . This prediction is fairly
strongly borne out by the qualitative evidence . Locations that are not visible to others, because of
poor lighting or layout, or the nature of land use (e.g. non-residential areas), are generally felt to be fear inducing.
More tentatively, it may be supported by the effectiveness evidence, with
with a focus on visibility
environmental interventions
appearing to be more promising; in addition, to the extent that lighting is
effective in reducing fear of crime, increasing natural surveillance appears to be a plausible mechanism. A
related point, which is consistent with CPTED theory but has been less elaborated, is that the mere presence of
other people often tends to protect against fear. (This said, surveillance is a rather misleading term in this context
as it misses the links from visibility to a sense of freedom and openness, and from the presence of others to a
broader faith in social norms.) However, some (if not all) CPTED theorists have also extended the concept of
surveillance to include CCTV. Our findings suggest that this is not a valid extension of the concept. Most participants
in the qualitative studies do not see CCTV as reducing fear nor link it to natural surveillance or visibility.
Fear of crime is spirit injury structural violence

the impacts of fear of crime are highly unequally distributed , and

these inequalities tend to closely shadow the existing power relationships within society. The
experience of fear of crime as a pervasive factor in ones day-to-day existence is one that
disproportionately affects women, ethnic minorities and people living in material
disadvantage. For many people, fear of crime may refer as much to the latent violence that
is implicit in discriminatory social structures as to the manifest violence that is measured by crime
Third, as suggested earlier,
statistics; the inescapability of such fear, and its symbolic resonance with the marginalisation and devaluation of
oppressed groups, may amplify its effect on mental health and well-being.
Some scholars have utilised
the concept of spirit injury to encapsulate this link between individual victimisation and
structural inequality.74,75
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Domestic surveillance deters crime Cleveland proves

Marie Avilez Catherine Ciriello Christophe Combemale Latif Elam Michelle Kung
Emily LaRosa Cameron Low Madison Nagle Rachel Ratzlaff Shriver Colin Shaffer
December 10, 2014 CMU Ethics, History, and Public Policy Senior Capstone Project
http://www.cmu.edu/hss/ehpp/documents/2014-City-Surveillance-Policy.pdf Security
and Social Dimensions of City Surveillance Policy
Analysis and Recommendations for Pittsburgh
There were many significant, interesting trends identified in the Satisfaction Survey. 56% of business owners were
dissatisfied with the CPD according to the survey. In response to this, CPD began working with City Council to
implement a Wireless Video Surveillance Camera System to install a pilot system of five wireless relays connected
with nine cameras surrounding critical infrastructure in downtown Cleveland.85 The goal of this system is to
support and develop effective preventative and protective measures to deter crime. While this project began in
2008, it significantly expanded in 2011 to reach a total of 19 total cameras and five wireless relays which are
Office of Emergency Management where the data is recorded and stored for up to 30
has a larger function of protecting
Clevelanders and visitors from natural disasters or terror attacks, thus making it part of the
Department of Homeland Security. It is interesting that a major surveillance/public safety initiative like
directed to the
days. This office is not directly related to CPD, but rather
this is taken out of the hands of CPD, but it makes sense that Homeland Security is controlling the feed. However,
This ability stems from a partnership

between Homeland Security and the various law enforcement offices throughout the country,
not only Cleveland, to promote a safer country from terror. It would follow that Pittsburgh would have a
relationship with Homeland Security should its efforts with domestic surveillance come to fruition .
CPD Downtown Services Unit has the ability to also monitor the feeds.
A second interesting trend dealt with the methodology of asking questions regarding crime and the responses. The
survey structured questions on crime as whether or not it was a CPD issue or a total community issue. Between 6169% of respondents stated it was a community issue, not one for which the CPD is solely responsible86. There is
some ambiguity here because nothing is mentioned about what exactly the community could/should do. The only
Crimestoppers, which is an anonymous tip line that offers cash

is a form of human
surveillance that the city uses to help deter crime . There is no information reported about the
mentioned societal tool to help police is called
rewards for information about crimes. This is not exactly camera surveillance, but it
correlation between the amount of crime reported/taking place before or after the implementation of
Crimestoppers. To put this system in a different light, there could be a motive of investigating crime, but that did
not come through in the reports compiled. When dealing with neighborhood safety, 84% totally agreed that they
feel safe in their own neighborhood during the day and 63% feel safe in their own neighborhood at night. In both
instances, the strongest dissenting group was the age group 18-24. When dealing with other neighborhoods, 73%
totally agreed that they feel safe in other neighborhoods during the day while only 40% stated they felt safe in
other neighborhoods at night. The strongest dissenting groups were from a particular district and from the number
of respondents who were from the economic background earning less than $50k/year87. Again, there is incomplete
information on the respondents from this district, (same with the other districts) as well as those earning less than
$50k/year. There may be some overlap in this group and there may be non-statistically significant numbers
associated with these groups meaning the pool of respondents that fit these particular groups could be
Clevelands survey had its defects in terms of clarity, we argue that it lays a
solid foundation for Pittsburgh to build on with the hope of better understanding the
relationship between city residents and law enforcement so that it can create sound
guidelines for surveillance technologies and practice .
underrepresented. While
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Growth solves every impact

Silk 93 Leonard Silk, Distinguished Professor of Economics at Pace University,
Senior Research Fellow at the Ralph Bunche Institute on the United Nations at the
Graduate Center of the City University of New York, and former Economics
Columnist with the New York Times, 1993 (Dangers of Slow Growth, Foreign
Affairs)
Like the Great Depression, the current economic slump has fanned the firs of nationalist, ethnic and religious hatred around the
Economic hardship is not the only cause of these social and political pathologies, but it aggravates all of them, and
undermine efforts to deal with such global
problems as environmental pollution, the production and trafficking of drugs, crime, sickness, famine,
AIDS and other plagues. Growth will not solve all those problems by itself. But economic growth and
growth alone creates the additional resources that make it possible to achieve
such fundamental goals as higher living standards, national and collective security, a
healthier environment, and more liberal and open economies and societies
world.
in turn they feed back on economic development. They also
Global economic crisis causes nuclear war

Cesare Merlini 11, nonresident senior fellow at the Center on the United States
and Europe and chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Italian Institute for
International Affairs, May 2011, A Post-Secular World?, Survival, Vol. 53, No. 2
Two neatly opposed scenarios for the future of the world order illustrate the range of possibilities, albeit at the risk of oversimplification. The first
One or more of the acute tensions

apparent today evolves into an open and traditional conflict between states, perhaps even
scenario entails the premature crumbling of the post-Westphalian system.
The crisis might be triggered by a collapse of the

global economic and financial system, the vulnerability of which we have just experienced, and the
prospect of a second Great Depression, with consequences for peace and
democracy similar to those of the first. Whatever the trigger, the unlimited exercise of
national sovereignty, exclusive self-interest and rejection of outside interference
would self-interest and rejection of outside interference would likely be amplified, emptying, perhaps entirely, the half-full
glass of multilateralism, including the UN and the European Union. Many of the more likely conflicts, such as between Israel and Iran or
involving the use of nuclear weapons.
India and Pakistan, have potential religious dimensions. Short of war, tensions such as those related to immigration might become unbearable.
amiliar issues of creed and identity could be exacerbated . One way or another, the secular
rational approach would be sidestepped by a return to theocratic absolutes , competing
or converging with secular absolutes such as unbridled nationalism .
F
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Uniqueness
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Crime Rates Low / Falling

Crime rate at its lowest multiple warrants solve
Feeney 14 (Nolan Feeney, 11-10-2014, "Violent Crime Drops to Lowest Level
Since 1978," TIME, http://time.com/3577026/crime-rates-drop-1970s/) LO
There were 1.16 million violent crimes in 2013 Violent crime in the U.S. fell 4.4 percent last year to
the lowest level in decades, the FBI announced Monday. In 2013, there were 1.16 million violent
crimes, the lowest amount since the 1978s 1.09 million violent crimes, Reuters reports. All types of violent crimes
experienced decline last year, with rape dropping 6.3 percent, murder and nonnegligent manslaughter dropping 4.4 percent and robbery dropping 2.8 percent.
The rate of violent crime is 367.9 crimes for every 100,000 people, which marked a
5.1 percent decline since 2012. The rate has fallen each year since at least 1994.
Possible reasons for the decline include the countrys high incarceration rate, an
aging population and an increased use of security cameras and cell phone videos
capturing incidents.
Crime rates dropping significantly

Chettiar 2/11 (Inimai M. Chettiar Is The Director Of The Justice Program At New
York University Law SchoolS Brennan Center., 02-11-15, "Locking More People Up is
Counterproductive," Atlantic,
http://www.theatlantic.com/features/archive/2015/02/the-many-causes-of-americasdecline-in-crime/385364/) LO
The Crime Decline The drop in crime stands as one of the more fascinating and remarkable
social phenomena of our time. For decades, crime soared. Cities were viewed as unlivable.
Politicians competed to run the most lurid campaign ads and sponsor the most punitive laws.
Racially tinged wedge issues marked American politics from Richard Nixons law and order
campaign of 1968 to the Willie Horton ads credited with helping George H.W. Bush win the 1988 election. But over the
past 25 years, the tide of crime and violence seemed to simply recede. Crime is
about half of what it was at its peak in 1991. Violent crime plummeted 51 percent.
Property crime fell 43 percent. Homicides are down 54 percent. In 1985, there were
1,384 murders in New York City. Last year there were 333. The country is an
undeniably safer place. Growing urban populations are one positive consequence. During that same period, we saw the
birth of mass incarceration in the United States. Since 1990, incarceration nearly doubled, adding 1.1 million people behind bars.
Today, our nation has 5 percent of the worlds population and 25 percent of the worlds prison population. The United States is the
worlds most prodigious incarcerator.
Not enough data to confirm crime rates rising

Castillo 6/4 (Mariano Castillo, Cnn, 6-4-2015, "Is a new crime wave on the
horizon? ," CNN, http://www.cnn.com/2015/06/02/us/crime-in-america/) LO
there is not enough data to conclude if a new crime
wave is upon us, or if there is, what factors are behind it. Pollack suggested that looking at the available data
through a political lens can distract from a focus on the fundamentals. Nearly without exception, the protests
over the killings of unarmed black men have been examples of police misconduct or
mistakes, Pollack said. All communities need and want good policing, and the focus should be on factors that are
known to have lowered crime, he said. Things like community policing and addressing other
social issues in the communities have worked , he said. "Public safety is a joint product of the
The bottom line, statisticians say, is that
police and the community, and each side has to trust each other, and when that trust breaks down, it's very hard
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with the current

political climate, don't be surprised if crime statistics become part of the discussion
for police to do its job and for the community to do do its part as well," he said. But
on race and policing. "The premise of the Black Lives Matter movement, that the police are the biggest threat facing
young black males today, is simply false, and the animosity that's directed to police on the streets today is having
an effect," Heather Mac Donald of the Manhattan Institute told CNN's Chris Cuomo. "I've heard from many officers
that they are reluctant to engage in actions that could be misinterpreted on cellphone cameras." The accusation
from the other side is that there is an intentional effort to undermine the political support black protesters have
garnered. "Conflation
of the protests with a rise in crime and criminality itself kind of

defames what the protests are about," New York Times columnist Charles Blow told Cuomo.
Crime rates continuing to fall

Chokshi 14 (Niraj Chokshi, 12-29-2014, "In major cities, murder rates drop
precipitously," Washington Post,
http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/govbeat/wp/2015/01/02/in-major-citiesmurder-rates-drop-precipitously/) LO
In
2014, police investigated just 328 homicides in the five boroughs a precipitous drop of 85 percent thats
being duplicated in major cities across the country . Preliminary figures suggest 2014 will
continue a decade-long trend of falling crime rates , especially in major cities once
plagued by violent crime. Criminologists say the decrease is linked to several
factors, some of which are the product of smart policing , others completely out of
authorities control. But they also say the lack of a consensus on whats gone right has them convinced that crime rates
In 1990, at the height of a decade-long crime wave that swept the nation, 2,245 people were murdered in New York City.
could spike once again. I dont think anyone has a perfect handle on why violence has declined, said Harold Pollack, the codirector of the University of Chicago Crime Lab. So everyone is a bit nervous that things could turn around. But the numbers are
encouraging: Chicago recorded an all-time high of 504 killings in 2012, but just two years later homicides were down to 392, and the
overall crime rate has declined to its lowest rate since 1972. Charlotte, N.C., recorded 42 killings last year, the lowest number since
Mecklenburg County began keeping records in 1977. Philadelphias murder rate has declined from 322 in 2012 to 245 this year. Just
19 slayings were recorded in San Jose, the nations 11th-largest city, down from 24 the year before. Even crime-plagued Detroit,
which has one of the highest murder rates in the country, is improving: The 304 homicides recorded this year are down from 333 in
2013, the lowest rate since 2010 and the second-lowest number since 1967. In the first half of the year, Phoenix police investigated
just 43 homicides, down from 52 in the first half of 2013; final statistics for the Phoenix area havent been released yet. Kansas City,
Mo., was on pace to reach its lowest rate since 1967, too. Mid-year statistics in Dallas showed the city on pace to record just half the
murders of its peak in 2004. Camden, N.J., has seen the number drop by more than 50 percent since 2012.
Murders in
Columbus, Ohio, hit a six-year low. The Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Bureau of Justice Statistics both collect
crime data at the end of each year and issue reports throughout the year. Final statistics for 2014 wont be available for several
months. But the trend lines are clear: The number of violent crimes has declined since 2006, according to the FBIs Uniform Crime
Reporting Program. The number of violent crimes committed per 100,000 people has been dropping even longer, from a high of 758
in 1991 to 367.9 in 2013. The rate hasnt topped 500 per 100,000 people since 2001. James Alan Fox, a crime statistics expert and
professor of criminology, law and public policy at Northeastern University, pointed to four major factors contributing to the falling
crime rate across the country: Long prison sentences, which have lengthened on average since sentencing reform initiatives in
many states in the 1990s, have kept more criminals behind bars, albeit at a significant cost to state budgets. Improved
community policing strategies are sending cops to places where crime is more likely to occur, as a prevention method.
Technologies like video surveillance and acoustic sensors, which can hear gunshots
before residents report a crime, are improving police response, too . A changing
drug market has plunged the cost of heroin near historic lows, reducing crime
associated with the drug trade. Pollack added that the end of the crack epidemic of the 1990s and 2000s has also
contributed to a decline in drug-related violence. And an aging population is less likely to commit
crimes. The fastest growing segment of the population is seniors, an age at which
far fewer crimes are committed. Academics advance other theories for the falling crime rate, ranging from the
Supreme Courts decision in Roe v. Wade legalizing abortion, the declining use of lead paint and improvements in medical
technologies used in emergency rooms, which can save lives that would otherwise have been lost. Because
the crime
drop is being seen in so many places, one should be a bit skeptical of any particular
police chief claiming that it is because of what his or her department is doing or any
lawmaker claiming that some new legislation is responsible , Fox said. While local efforts may
contribute, that the pattern is widespread tends to suggest global factors, not so much local initiatives. Not every major city is
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basking in the glow of lower crime rates. A rash of shootings between Dec. 23 and the end of the year brought the number of
murders in Washington, D.C., to 105 in 2014, the second consecutive year of triple-digit murders, after the nations capital hit a halfcentury low in 2012. The number of homicides in Los Angeles reached 254 last year, up four from 2013 and the first increase in 12
years. Those statistics may actually understate the real number: A Los Angeles Times investigation earlier this year found the Los
Angeles Police Department misclassified about 1,200 violent crimes as more minor offenses in a recent one-year period.
Indianapolis, Austin, Pittsburgh, El Paso and Memphis all saw rates rise. But even in El Paso, long ranked as Americas safest big city,
theres reason for optimism: While the number of murders rose from 11 in 2013 to 20 in 2014, crime rates in neighboring Ciudad
Juarez, across the Mexican border, are falling. After recording an incredible 3,500 killings in 2010, the number of homicides fell to an
estimated 424 in the last year, amid a dramatically increased presence by Mexican military forces aimed at stamping out the drug
violence is easier to suppress.

Crimes are easier to solve, Pollack said. If we are lucky, this is a self-reinforcing process .
war. Declining crime implies a larger number of police officers per crime. So
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Links
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Neg Block Overview Card

Surveillance checks crime the US proves this is essential for
economic growth
Rohit Choudhry Mar 4 2015 Addl DG in the Punjab Police
http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/comment/good-policing-a-must-for-economicgrowth/49254.html Good policing a must for economic growth
Besides boosting the investor confidence, the
programmes that directly or indirectly prevent crime can also generate substantial
economic benefits by reducing crime-related costs incurred by victims (medical care costs, lost earnings, and property
This result has important policy implications for India.
loss/damage), communities, and the criminal justice system which includes state, and central government funds spent on police
protection, legal and adjudication services, and correction programmes. Further, there are the opportunity costs associated with the
criminal's choice to engage in illegal rather than legal and productive activities and the indirect losses suffered by the victims,
In the US alone, more than 23 million

criminal offences were committed in 2007, resulting in approximately $15 billion in economic losses to the
victims and $179 billion in government expenditures on police protection, judicial and legal activities, and
corrections. However, the western world has been consistent in its efforts to raise the policing standards. In America, the
fall in crime rate began around 1991; in Britain it began around 1995; in France, property related crimes rose
including pain and suffering, decreased quality of life, and psychological distress.
until 2001 but it has fallen by a third since. While the sociological changes like the young becoming increasingly sober and well
behaved and repopulating the inner cities, economic and other factors like the end of the crack-cocaine epidemic in the 1990s are
widely credited with reducing crime. Better policing, which includes both crime prevention and detection measures, have also
community policing and intensive targeting of crime

"hotspots" with the help of "CompStat'", which is a data-driven model of policing, has transformed the way
streets are protected. Technology has improved the effectiveness of detective work too. The advent of mobile-phone call
analysis and surveillance, Internet data connectivity, online banking and surveillance
cameras have all increased the chances of tracking the digital foot prints and criminals
getting caught and punished. The crime and economy correlation would suggest that adequate
allocation in budgets for improving the policing could only be considered as prudent and productive
spending by the governments. In the US, COPS programme had a strong federal support and the support of the
US President, funds to the tune of $9 billion were provided by the federal government to
implement the community policing schemes all over the country. Rule of law and economic growth The rule of
law indicator measures the extent to which individuals and firms have confidence in and abide by the rules of society; in
particular, it measures the functioning and independence of the judiciary, including the police, the protection of
property rights, the quality of contract enforcement, as well as the likelihood of crime and violence. Judicial
contributed significantly to this phenomenon. Combination of
and the police independence are strongly linked to growth as it promotes a stable investment environment. Also, according to one
the difference between developing economies that observe rule of law and economies that do
not, is a more than 3 per cent growth in GDP . Realising the need for an environment of rule of law as an
study,
essentiality for economic growth, the Chinese government also has implemented a comprehensive legal system to shift from a
system of "rule by man" to "rule by law". The Chinese government stresses on strong terms that police administration and operation
must be guided by legislative provisions and has passed numerous laws and regulations in relation to police administration and
CRIMINAL activity can drag the entire

economy by discouraging domestic and foreign direct investments, reducing the
competitiveness of business organisations, and reallocating resources. It creates uncertainty
and inefficiency in the business environment . Thus, law and order is considered an important function for
the state to perform and is placed among minimal functions of the state in addressing market failure. In today's
globalised world, the increasing flows of economic investment and business traffic between the
nations bring into focus the relationship between investment confidence and security and
crime, the latter being important in terms of both official crime rates and the fear of crime. Recently,
operation, ushering in a new era of police development in China.
the Government of South Africa, in its green paper on policing acknowledged that high levels of violent crime in South Africa are
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having a significant negative impact on the country's economy. Rise of violent crimes was costing the country dearly due to loss of
productivity and foreign investment.
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Cameras
Surveillance Cameras Are Effective Crime- Fighting Tools
Washington Times, 6-30-2013, "D.C. surveillance cameras become top crime-fighting
tools for police," Washingtion Times, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2013/jun/30/dcsurveillance-cameras-become-top-crime-fighting-/?page=all
D.C. police are increasingly relying on video footage pulled from the citys network
of surveillance cameras in criminal investigations, as officers identify more effective
ways to deploy the devices and detectives find new uses for them . Investigators retrieved
video from the Metropolitan Police Departments 123 closed-circuit television cameras and the Districts network of
red light and Department of Transportation cameras 931 times in fiscal 2012 an increase of 15 percent over the
previous year, according to police department data. Police pulled video 796 times in fiscal 2011 and sought it 722
Since neighborhood crime cameras were first installed in the District in

2006, they have become standard investigative tools , and police detectives are
relying on them more than ever. Its the first thing we look for, said 5th District Cmdr. Andrew
Solberg, who has studied the placement of cameras in his district to optimize their use. If you go to a crime
scene, all the officers and crime scene detectives will be looking up to find out if there is a camera nearby. D.C.
laws limit police authority to live-monitor video feeds , and detectives must request downloads
times in 2010.
from individual cameras for use in investigations. But as police become more familiar with the technology,
officers are reconsidering how footage can help a case . No longer are police
searching just for video that captures a crime , said Cmdr. James Crane, head of the departments
Tactical Information Division, which oversees the use of the cameras . Investigators now also
seek out video that might show the getaway or disprove a suspects alibi. We see for
investigations not only are they checking the scene of the crime but also for an alibi in another part of town to see if
it supports the investigation, Cmdr. Crane said.
Surveillance Cameras Prevent Disruptive Behavior at High

Schools
Wral, 12-1-1999, "Surveillance Cameras Deter Crime Around High School
Campus :: WRAL.com," WRAL, http://www.wral.com/news/local/story/143709/
Read more at
http://www.wral.com/news/local/story/143709/#rL637QVmPqXGee5Z.99
The night surveillance cameras have been at the school for almost three years, and
have brought quick arrests in two cases of vandalism. When you traverse campus,
you are immediately picked up by a camera ," said George Ellis, executive director for
high schools. "You are picked up by all angles." "If you come in from one of the parking lots, you are picked up,"
Ellis said. "If you come in from the back, you are picked up. If you come in from the main drive, you are picked
up." There were no surveillance cameras set up at Cape Fear High School when two
students allegedly set fire to their school Tuesday morning . The plan to have
cameras on campuses was in place before the fires at Cape Fear High School , but
beginning next week, cameras will be installed in every Cumberland County high school .
System leaders hope to have all of the cameras up and running within three months. Douglas Byrd
students say other schools should not consider the cameras a distraction . "Well, they
make us feel a lot safer at school about leaving our cars out in the parking lots ," said
student Lara Steelman. The cameras will not only help authorities catch illegal acts on
tape, but their presence will make students think twice about their behavior. "The
presence of them is a factor that deters bad behavior, " Buddy Brown, assistant principal. The
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cameras have already deterred some bad behavior. Fights have decreased in the
cafeteria. Paul Payne, 16, and Michael Furmage, 17, are accused of setting Tuesday's
fire and face several felony charges. During their first court appearance Thursday,
they told the judge they understand the list of charges filed against them. The
students face up to 18 years in prison each.
Surveillance Cameras Help With Incrimination

Abc News, 2-11-2009, "A City's Eyes: Do Cameras Reduce Crime?," ABC News,
http://abcnews.go.com/US/story?id=3360287
Over the last few years, the Chicago Police Department has set up more than 500
cameras throughout the city. And the CPD claims that the web of surveillance has
been an important crime-fighting tool, resulting in more than 1,200 arrests since
February 2006. "Our preliminary research shows that they are effective, especially left in places for over 180
days," said Jonathan Lewin, the CPD's commander of information services. "Once it's in, it's hard to move because
The cameras have

provided valuable forensic evidence in crime and terror investigations, such as the
recent blundered car bombings and the July 7, 2005, terror attacks in London where
British officials were able to track the movements of the perpetrators and make
arrests. Yet they seem to have a mixed record when it comes to preventing crime before it happens. In England,
the community loves it. If they don't see the camera there one day, we get calls."
the use of cameras exploded after the 1993 Bulger case in which two 11-year-old boys were videotaped kidnapping
Though the cameras did not prevent

Bulger's murder, the evidence they provided did help convict the killers . As a result, the
British government dramatically expanded the use of cameras in 1991, there were only
2-year-old Jamie Bulger at a shopping center in Liverpool.
10, now there are more than 4 million, including more than 200,000 in London alone. By some estimates, Britons
are filmed more than 300 times a day
Surveillance deters
Monty Norris Nov 22, 2013 SF Mayors Office of Criminal Justice Former
Director
http://www.thepress.net/news/video-cams-help-cities-deter-crime/article_0054c00b1e2f-5a70-a9e5-6997bf83f686.html?mode=jqm Video cams help cities deter crime
Surveillance video cameras in public locations are proving to be a big help in both public
safety and crime fighting, according to city officials and law enforcement agencies. " They are definitely
a deterrent," said Lt. Kevin King of the Brentwood Police Department. "And they help in apprehending
suspects in criminal activity. We've used the video to arrest and prosecute people." Brentwood has cameras in
four parks: City Park, Skate Park, Veterans Park and the Brentwood Family Aquatic Complex. "They also provide a
safety factor for maintenance crews that clean up the parks at night," King added. "There's been a significant drop
in vandalism - especially at Skate Park. There was so much vandalism at Skate Park that we had to shut it down a
month after it opened." Craig Bronzan, Brentwood's Director of Parks and Recreation, agrees that video surveillance
cameras cut down on crime - particularly vandalism and graffiti. "We place them in areas prone to those kinds of
activity," Bronzan said. "I know some people are concerned that Big Brother is watching , but
that's not at all what it's about." Bronzan said that Veterans Park has one camera. There are currently two in City
Park and five between Skate Park and the Family Aquatic Complex. He said that when Skate Park was opened, it
became an instant trouble spot. "It became a spot for kids to hang out and smoke and drink," he said. "When
parents would take their young kids there, the teenagers started getting belligerent. It also became the target of
vandalism and graffiti. We closed it down after about three weeks. We cleaned it up, installed video cameras and
now have it supervised. There are also lights with sensors, so if someone comes in after dark the lights go on. "That
has made a world of difference." Bronzan said
the city is looking to increase the number of video
surveillance cameras at some time in the future. "The Police Department is strongly behind getting more
cameras," King said. "They work." Oakley Police Chief Chris Thorsen is planning to install two video cameras at two
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locations early next year. "Right now we're looking into the costs," he said. "They don't come cheap, but they're
also just a one-time investment." Thorsen said the cameras will be located at two intersections: one at the busy
intersection of Highway 4 and Neroly Road; the other near Laurel Road and O'Hara Avenue. "We want them at the
busiest locations," Thorsen said. "There are gas stations, fast food restaurants and shopping marts at the Neroly
and Highway 4. Laurel is going to be the busiest street in the city when it's eventually widened to four lanes and
connects with Highway 4. There's also going to be shopping centers on all four corners." O'Hara also will be much
busier when the extension between Brentwood and Oakley is completed this month. The artery will run from Central
Avenue in Brentwood to Main Street in Oakley, which officials in both cities say will cut travel time and reduce traffic
jams. "They'll be used to monitor vandalism and traffic," he said. "Their value will be twofold.
They'll serve as
a crime deterrent and help with accident investigation."
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Drone Surveillance
Drones Used to Combat Crime
Chris Francescani, 3-4-2013, Journalist for Reuters, "Domestic drones are
already reshaping U.S.crime-fighting," Reuters,
http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/03/04/us-usa-drones-lawenforcementidUSBRE92208W20130304
"But the reality is you'll have a mission like that once or twice a year," he said. "The
real utility of unmanned aerial systems is not the sexy stuff. It's the crime scene and
accident reconstruction." Miller's department in rural western Colorado has the
widest approval to fly drones of any local law enforcement agency in the U.S. Mesa
has flown 40 missions in just over three years, "none of them surveillance," said
Miller, who crafted the department's drone program and spent a year devising
training protocol for fellow deputies before receiving FAA approval. "We can now
bring the crime scene right into the jury box, and literally re-enact the crime for
jurors," he said. Miller can program the department's GPS-enabled, 3.5-pound
DraganflyerX6 quad copter to fly two concentric circles, at two elevations, capturing
about 70 photos, for about $25 an hour.
Drone Are Effective Crime-Fighting Tools

Tina Moore, 5-20-2014, police reporter, "NYPD considering using drones to fight
crime," NY Daily News, http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/nyc-crime/nypddrones-fight-crime-article-1.1799980
as the NYPD considers using
drones and other gizmos to fight crime in the city . Police Commissioner Bill Bratton said the
unmanned machines equipped with cameras and tiny microphones could help spy
on crime hotspots like housing projects, where shootings are up about 32% this year.
Big brother may be watching and listening more closely than ever
Myself, Im supportive of the concept of drones, not only for police but for public safety in general, Bratton said
Tuesday. Its something that we actively keep looking at and stay aware of. Bratton, speaking in front of the City
Councils Public Safety Committee, said the drones could also help the FDNY more quickly determine the extent of a
fire. John Miller, the NYPDs head of intelligence, said cops have been studying flying drones. Theyre looking at
Miller said the NYPD has yet to deploy a drone, but called the
technology a potentially valuable weapon against crime . While drones dont appear to be part of the
citys immediate future, the NYPD has already budgeted $500,000 for a pilot program to test gunshot detectors. Sensors
connected to police cameras detect the sound of gunshots and then direct cops to
their origin. The NYPD tested the detectors in Brownsville, Brooklyn, in 2011 but the program never expanded citywide.
whats on the market, whats available.
The expense for the new round of gadgets would have to first be approved by City Council and Mayor de Blasio, who has been
supportive of the idea of shot detectors in the past. Theyre
extraordinarily effective, Bratton said. The
mayor is supportive of it as are many members of the Council. ...The best systems are those that you can tie in with your camera
systems. You
not only get recording of the gunshots but you get the camera activation
right away. Miller said the gunshot detection system could be tied in with cameras which could include drones to give
cops a photograph of a shooter. You could see an application where a drone could be not only a
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very effective crimefighting tool but could actually show you where the bad guys
are going leaving the scene, he said. Bratton sat on the board of ShotSpotter, a company that makes the detectors,
before returning to his post as the citys top cop in January. He said the bidding process hasnt begun.
Drones Offer Effective Methods to Reduce Crime

No Author, 3-26-2014, "Domestic Drones To Enhance U.S. Patrol Procedures," No
Publication, http://inpublicsafety.com/2014/03/domestic-drones-to-enhance-u-spatrol-procedures/
These drones allow the Tijuana police to patrol areas without announcing their
presence. They also give police a tactical advantage because drone operators can
provide timely and accurate reports to responding patrol officers. Tijuana Chief of
Police Alejandro Lares wants to use the patrol drones to prevent crime in his city.
Chief Lares has stated that he is not hiding the drones from the public and wants
anyone who lives or visits the city to know that they will be safe because the police
are watching day and night with the drones. The drone cameras are capable of
night-vision operations so Chief Lares is promising 24/7 drone police patrol coverage
when his fleet of drones are fully operational. At this point, they are still
experimenting and working out policies and tactics for how best to use the drone
platforms for observation and crime prevention. The Tijuana 3D Robotics drones can
be programmed to fly a specific pattern or manually flown by a trained operator.
Chief Lares stated that one drone is equivalent to 20 police officers patrolling. As
the Tijuana experiment continues, early signs indicate that Chief Lares is correct in
the fact that his agency is experiencing quicker response times to crimes because
of the drones capability of offering real-time observation and reporting.
Drones Provide an Advanced Method to Provide Crime

Michelle Fredrickson, 10-24-2014, Science Communications student at
Washington State University, "Drones Add a New Dimension to Crime Scene
Investigations," Huffington Post, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/pro-journo/dronesadd-a-new-dimensio_b_6033392.html
Anyone who's watched the U.S. TV show "CSI" has probably seen officers carefully
measuring the distance between every object in a room, and between every speck
of evidence, in order to precisely reproduce the crime scene. Police must ensure
they have all the information they need before releasing a crime scene, because
there's no going back to it. But now, in some areas, drones are simplifying the
process, taking 15 minutes to do what takes hours by hand .In Mesa County,
Colorado, the sheriff's department takes a unique approach. A drone shoots 90
photos in a grid, with a programmable amount of overlap in the images, in order to
have enough information from enough angles to re-create the scene in 3-D . This
conglomeration of photos is called Orthographic Mosaic Imaging, or orthomosaics,
said Ben Miller, Mesa County's unmanned aircraft program director at the Sheriff's
Office. While taking photos manually to aid in crime scene reconstruction is not a
new concept, drones can do many things helicopters can't, and at a fraction of the
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cost, Miller said."One, you can't get that close to the ground because you'll destroy
the crime scene with a helicopter. And two, you can't take 90 photos with a big
aircraft--it's just not practical," he said.
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Informants Links
Informants are a necessary tool for the police force, as
allowing small crimes can stop larger ones
Jeff Donn 2003 Associated Press Writer for the LA times
http://articles.latimes.com/2003/mar/16/news/adna-danger16 Informants May Get a Pass on Murder
The nine former agents spoke -- on the record -- not to criticize the practice of
overlooking violent crimes by informants, but rather to defend it as a necessary evil of criminal
investigation. "The bureau has to encourage these guys to be themselves and do what they do," said Joseph O'Brien, a former FBI
informant coordinator in New York City who retired in 1991. "If they stop just because they are working with the FBI, somebody's
going to question them. If anything, I'd want them to become more active." Gary Penrith, who retired in 1992 after a career that
included serving as deputy assistant director of intelligence, added: "Every
one of the good ones are

outlaws." The former agents said it makes sense to overlook an informant's
involvement in robberies or beatings if the information being provided helps solve
or prevent worse crimes.
Informants are necessary to the justice process

Joseph R. Lewis, a deputy assistant FBI director in charge of criminal investigations

and intelligence, said he is "fairly confident" that most field agents follow the rules .
However, he added in a recent interview at FBI headquarters that "it probably happens" that some agents shut their
Informants are vital to the bureau's

work, Lewis said, adding: "They provide us with eyes and ears into matters we
would ordinarily not be privy to." Throughout its history, the bureau has relied on
confidential informants to crack big cases: John Dillinger in the 1930s, New England
mob boss Raymond L. S. Patriarca in the 1960s, spy Robert Hanssen in the 1990s.
eyes to unauthorized crimes committed by valued informants.
Today, the bureau is enlisting a new army of informants in the wake of the 2001 attacks on New York and
Washington.
Informant are key to solving crimes

Richard Lord Pittsburgh Post-Gazette Confidential informants are an integral but problematic part of federal law
enforcement October 19, 2014 http://www.post-gazette.com/local/region/2014/10/19/Confidential-informantsare-an-integral-but-problematic-part-of-federal-law-enforcement/stories/201410190076 (ac: 7/6/15)
U.S. Attorney David Hickton, whose office has prosecuted about 3,000 people since
2009, said cooperators, including informants, are essential to obtaining convictions
in nearly all significant cases. He declined to discuss specific cases but added that the naked
information supplied by a cooperator forms only a part of the evidence which we obtained through many means,
Judge Stephen S.
Trott, of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, an authority on informants since he
served as associate attorney general in the 1980s, said they are necessary
through hundreds or sometimes thousands of hours of very hard investigative work.
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DNA Links
Threat of DNA database acts as a deterrence
David H. Kaye 2013 Distinguished Professor and Weiss Family Scholar, Dickinson School of Law, Graduate Program in Forensic
Science, Penn State University. American Criminal Law Review 50 Am. Crim. L. Rev. 109
That a database inhabitant "may feel torn [about] identifying relatives, potentially
exposing them to intrusive investigation" n236 does not give him a privilege to withhold relevant information. n237
Questioning an individual is not an invasion of a Fourth Amendment right n238 --even
if the individual is compelled to answer. n239 The evils that motivated the Fourth Amendment were intrusions into
the security of the person, interference with the enjoyment of property, and seizing private papers. n240 True, a database
inhabitant such as Joe may have a strong desire to avoid implicating a close relative, but
it is not clear that this desire translates into any significant Fourth Amendment
interest.
Kinship Matching deters family crime

A hypothetical case highlights the problem with the premise that the Amendment
protects a bare desire for secrecy in family matters. Bad Sibling is a counterfeiter.
Good Sibling does not know this, but she finds a stack of crisp, new $ 20 bills in Bad's room and helps herself to a few of
them, fully intending to replace them later. The two siblings go out to a party that spills out onto the
streets. The police arrest them for public drunkenness and take them to the station
house. There, the police inventory their possessions. n242 A perceptive officer sees that Good's wallet
contains crisp, new bills that, on inspection, appear to be counterfeit . She sends
them to a fingerprint analyst, who finds Bad's fingerprints on one of the bills taken
from Good's wallet. n243 The police obtain a warrant to search Bad's apartment,
where they find more of the bills. Good deeply regrets inadvertently leading the
police to the now estranged and convicted sib, but Good has no Fourth Amendment
claim.
Investigative process of Familial Searching creates a

deterrence
The investigative process is not painless for the apparent relative, who must suffer
the distress of being the target of a police investigation . As Professor Hank Greely observed, "I
don't think anybody's going to be falsely convicted . . . . It's the time, hassle and
indignity of being interviewed by the police . How much is that worth? How much does that cost a
person? I don't know, but it's not zero." n295 Professor Murphy vividly describes the possible cost of a prolonged
investigation when she asks us to consider Richard Jewell (the wrongly identified Atlanta bomber) or Stephen Hatfill
(the wrongly identified anthrax mailer) or the members of the Duke University lacrosse team (falsely accused of
The worst indignity of an investigation can be living under a cloud of suspicion;

even mere suspicion, quickly dispelled, has the potential to disrupt a career, destroy
a marriage, or ruin a life.
rape).
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Immigration Link
Smugglers cause crime
Pia M. Orrenius and Roberto Coronado 2005, Research Department Federal
Reserve Bank of Dallas. http://ccis.ucsd.edu/wp-content/uploads/WP_131.pdf
Smugglers fees have risen along with the increase in demand and the heightened
difficulty of crossing. According to the border patrol, migrants who cannot pay the
higher smuggler fees in cash sometimes resort to covering their costs by
transporting small amounts of drugs for the smuggler (Bersin 1997). But the nature
of smuggling has also changed. While coyotes in the past were often a migrants
friend or relative, smugglers are increasingly sophisticated career criminals and
more likely to be associated with organized crime groups and drug cartels (Andreas
2000, Ibarra 1999, Mir 2003, U.S. GAO 2000). Smugglers, and bandits posing as
smugglers, prey on migrants and fight each other, committing violent crimes such
as assault and robbery. In the media, smuggling is often reported on in the context
of migrants who have died when they were abandoned in the wild or in locked
containers.
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Fear of Crime - Link Expander

Plan increases fear of crime four ways actual crime,
vulnerability, social disorder & social integration
Within the first, more data-driven tradition,
four main theories, in the sense of perspectives emphasising
particular causal factors, can be distinguished in the literature .5256 Different authors divide up the
theoretical field differently (e.g. some would include sociodemographic factors as a theoretical perspective in its
vulnerability theory,
which emphasises the role of vulnerability to crime (defined further in Perceived vulnerability) in
producing fear of crime and focuses particularly on explaining differences in fear between sociodemographic
groups. The second is social disorder theory or social disorganisation theory, a more ecological approach that
emphasises the role of local physical and social environments in engendering fear. The third is
victimisation theory, which sees fear of crime as primarily driven by actual crime
victimisation, and holds that it can be explained by the same factors as crime itself. The fourth is social
integration theory, which emphasises the role of strong social networks and attachments at a local level
as protective factors that may reduce fear.
own right), but these four are the main theories identified in the literature. The first is
Our fear of crime links dont require actual crime increases

Until recently a
long-standing truism of fear-of-crime research was that objective risk of crime was
poorly correlated with perceived risk and affective fear outcomes . Victimisation theories of
The link between crime and fear of crime is conceptually obvious but empirically complex.
fear of crime posit that fear is largely driven by the lived experience of victimisation. However, this theory does not
Although research does tend to show some

relationship between victimisation experience and fear, it is not as strong as might
be expected.140142 However, this may depend on the measures used. Some researchers have found that victimisation is
appear to be strongly supported by the data.
associated with frequency of worry, as opposed to dispositional measures.49 Repeated or multiple victimisation may also be more
strongly associated with fear than one-off or occasional victimisation,117 although it is less clear that it has more severe mental
health impacts. At a broader level, it is unclear to what extent individuals perceptions of their own risk represent accurate estimates
of the probability of victimisation (as measured by area-level crime rates or individual-level predictors of risk), or are responsive to
changes in the latter. Some studies have found that most individuals are pessimists in that their estimated risk of crime is
substantially higher than their actual measured risk.143 However, other studies with a more specific focus have found the opposite
result; for example, womens estimations of the risk of sexual assault have been found to be relatively optimistic.144 Such results
have led some researchers to speak of a riskfear paradox.145,146 Empirical studies of the correlation between risk and fear tend
to show that there is a relation between the two, but that it is not very strong. Most studies do find that there is a statistically
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significant relationship, but also that it explains only a small amount of the variation in fear. Again, there is considerable controversy
about which measures of fear best access the relationship. For example, some researchers hypothesise that measures which access
worry about specific crimes (as, for example, the British Crime Survey measure) may be more closely related to objectively
measured crime rates than those that access anxiety about crime in general. However, there does not appear to be any trend
towards a stronger relationship with objective risk in studies that use the former type of measure of fear147,148 than in studies
using more global measures of anxiety.149151 The conclusion would seem to be that the strong formulation of the riskfear
paradox, which states that there is no relationship at all, should be rejected, but that in a weaker form namely, that the primary
explanation of fear, however defined, must be sought elsewhere than in objective risk the paradox is borne out by the
observational quantitative data. Without reviewing these data systematically and dealing in depth with the methodological issues,
this conclusion cannot be fully secure; nonetheless, it seems probable (see Chapter 7, Fear and rationality).
Perceived social disorder expands the link its more than just
actual crime
Social disorder theories in their narrow form appear to be borne out by the observational data, which show a
consistent association between perceived social and physical disorder and perceived risk or fear of crime.149,189
194 The association of perceived disorder with affective measures of fear has been found to be weaker than its
association with perceived risk,84,190 although other findings indicate that the link between the physical
Perceived disorder
has also been found to correlate more strongly with fear of property crime than with
fear of personal crime; this has been hypothesised to relate to the more patterned and predictable nature
environment and fear of crime persists even when perceived risk is controlled for.149
of the former.190 These findings suggest that disorder impacts on fear primarily as an indicator of crime risk.
individuals perceptions of social and physical disorder

are a better predictor of their fear than objectively assessed measures of these
problems;195,196 in the model, the environment is separated from the perceived environment to reflect this
However, other research indicates that
distinction. This finding may relate to the point made earlier about expressive and causal links. That is, it suggests
that the observed association between disorder and fear may result less from individuals using disorder as an
indicator of risk than from the fact that the perception of environmental conditions is already laden with social
attitudes and judgements,197 such that the observed relation between perceived disorder and fear is more an
expressive linkage between two nexuses of social meaning than a causeeffect relationship.198 (This type of link
may also be expressed as a correlation between the perceived built environment and the perceived social
environment, directly or through broader constructs such as neighbourhood attachment.199)
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Incivility spurs fear of crime & structural violence

The role of both physical and social incivilities as drivers of fear is clearly
substantial. Physical incivilities such as graffiti and litter, and social incivilities such as public drinking
or drug use, are frequently cited in the qualitative data as determinants of fear ; more
Incivilities
tentatively, the importance of physical incivilities appears to be borne out by the effectiveness data. However, our
findings strongly suggest that
physical and social incivilities are two entirely different
phenomena, and the mechanisms of their effect on fear of crime are very different, such that it is misleading to
include them both under the same term. As incivilities theorists argue, physical incivilities appear to drive fear as
indicators of neglect at a community level: they show that an area is not well cared for and that social norms are
weak. They also a point less elaborated in the theory function as symbolic indicators of low SES, high-crime,
rough areas; as such, they operate similarly to other features of the built environment such as high-rise housing,
which usually do not constitute incivilities at all, but simply serve to provide (correct or incorrect) information
about the character of a neighbourhood. By contrast, social incivilities drive fear mainly because they involve
people seen to be unpredictable and threatening in themselves. We postulated earlier that drinkers, drug users and
young people hanging about are seen as threatening because they do not conform to norms concerning the use of
public space. Whether this explanation is accepted or not, it is clear that these groups are feared directly, and
specifically regarded as likely to commit crimes; their role as indicators of environmental conditions appears to be
of much less, if any, importance. It should also be noted that, although perceptions of what constitute physical
incivilities seem to be fairly consistent across the population, the perception of social incivilities is relative to
expectations that may vary substantially between different population groups. ( Most
incivilities research
has ignored this point, using a purely etic concept of incivilities that does not claim
to directly translate emic categories.) Young people, in particular, appear to have different norms
about the use of public space from older adults, and labelling one side of this conflict incivilities detracts attention
from the conflict of norms itself as a driver of fear. We would thus suggest that, although the theory that incivilities
generate fear is well grounded in many respects, the concept itself conflates distinct phenomena and is probably
Theories of spirit injury posit that the well-being

effect of crime at a community level is mainly due to its effect in maintaining social
inequalities (e.g. of gender, ethnicity, SES or age). The symbolic resonances of
crimes involving discrimination thus amplify risk and contribute to a pervasive
sense of unsafety. Thus, according to these theories, the impacts of crime cannot be
understood without referring to the broader social structures in which crime takes
place, particularly structures of domination. A substantial amount of qualitative evidence appears
not useful. Inequalities and spirit injury
to support these theories. Again, the idea of salience introduced earlier (see Fear and rationality) helps to clarify the
mechanism here: the well-being effects of fear operate less through the recognition of an abstract statistical risk
than through other factors that maximise the salience of the risk. Spirit injury theory can then help to illuminate
how the latter are socially patterned, such that the risk of crime resonates with a broader set of mechanisms that
maintain the structural violence of social inequalities. For example, qualitative data from women, BME people and
lesbian and gay people indicate that the everyday mechanisms through which inequality is perpetuated from
minor harassment or discriminatory remarks, to crimes such as indecent exposure and the threat of violence
function as reminders of the risk of crime in a way that does not form part of the experience of other groups.
Spirit injury theory thus points to the way in which these experiences drive fear as
part of a systemic apparatus of inequality. Other theories focus on factors such as differences in
perceived vulnerability, or biases in media reporting, to explain differences in groups with respect to fear
(particularly gender differences). Although there is some evidence that these play a role, there does also seem to
be a need to take into account the social practices that reinforce such differences and reproduce them as
inequalities.
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One Crime leads to another

Criminal mindsets create a less regard for consequences and
more of a need for criminal activity.
Wilson, 81. (Wilson received a BA in Political Science (Summa Cum Laude) from the University
of Redlands in 1952. He was thenational collegiate debate champion in 1951 and 1952. He served in
the United States Navy from 1952 to 1955 before heading to the University of Chicago to pursue
graduate work in political science. He received a Ph.D. from the Department of Political Science at the
University of Chicago in 1959. His Ph. D. dissertation was an analysis of the political behavior of
African Americans in Chicago during the 1950s and was the basis for his first book, Negro Politics: The
Search for Leadership (1960). Wilson was a faculty member of the Harvard University Department of
Government from 1961 to 1987. He was appointed Henry Lee Shattuck Professor of Government in
1972 and served as Chairman of the department from 1969 to 1973. He was also Director of the Joint
Center for Urban Studies of MIT and Harvard from 1963 to 1966. September, 1991.) DOA: 7/6/15. The
Atlantic. Thinking About Crime. Retrieved from:
https://www.theatlantic.com/past/politics/crime/wilson.htm // JW
THE average citizen hardly needs to be persuaded that crimes will be committed
more frequently if, other things being equal, crime becomes more profitable than other
ways of spending one's time. Accordingly, the average citizen thinks it obvious that one major
reason why crime has increased is that people have discovered they can get away
with it. By the same token, a good way to reduce crime is to make its consequences to the would-be offender
more costly (by making penalties swifter, more certain, or more severe), or to make alternatives to crime more
attractive (by increasing the availability and pay of legitimate jobs), or both. These citizens may be surprised to
learn that social scientists who study crime are deeply divided over the correctness of such views. While some
scholars, especially economists, believe that the decision to become a criminal can be explained in much the same
way as we explain the decision to become a carpenter or to buy a car, other scholars, especially sociologists,
contend that the popular view is wrong--crime rates do not go up because would-be criminals have little fear of
arrest, and will not come down just because society decides to get tough on criminals. This debate over the way the
costs and benefits of crime affect crime rates is usually called a debate over deterrence--a debate, that is, over the
efficacy (and perhaps even the propriety) of trying to prevent crime by making would-be offenders fearful of
But the theory of human nature that supports the idea of deterrence--the
theory that people respond to the penalties associated with crime-- also assumes
that people will take jobs in preference to crime if the jobs are more attractive . In both
punishment.
cases, we are saying that would-be offenders are rational and that they respond to their perception of the costs and
benefits attached to alternative courses of action. When we use the word "deterrence," we are calling attention to
only the cost side of the equation. No word in common scientific usage calls attention to the benefit side of the
equation, though perhaps "inducement" might serve. The reason scholars disagree about deterrence is that the
consequences of committing a crime, unlike the consequences of shopping around for the best price on a given
automobile, are complicated by delay, uncertainty, and ignorance. In addition, some scholars contend that many
crimes are committed by persons who are so impulsive, irrational, or abnormal that even if delay, uncertainty, or
Imagine a
young man walking down the street at night with nothing on his mind but a desire
for good times and high living. Suddenly he sees a little old lady standing alone on a
dark corner, stuffing the proceeds of her recently cashed Social Security check into
her purse. Nobody else is in view. If the young man steals the purse, he gets the
money immediately. The costs of taking it are uncertain--the odds are at least ten to one that
the police will not catch a robber, and even if he is caught, the odds are very good
that he will not go to prison, unless he has a long record. On the average, no more than three
felonies out of a hundred result in the imprisonment of the offender . In addition,
whatever penalty may come his way will come only after a long delay --in some
ignorance were not attached to the consequences of criminality, we would still have a lot of crime.
jurisdictions, a year or more might be needed to complete the court disposition of the offender, assuming he is
Moreover, this young man might, in his ignorance of how the world works,
think the odds against being caught are even greater than they are, or that delays
caught in the first place.
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in the court proceedings might result in a reduction or avoidance of punishment .

Compounding the problem of delay and uncertainty is the fact that society cannot feasibly increase by more than a
modest amount the likelihood of arrest, and though it can to some degree increase the probability and severity of
prison sentences for those who are caught, it cannot do so drastically, by, for example, summarily executing all
convicted robbers, or even by sentencing all robbers to twenty-year prison terms. Some scholars note a further
complication: the young man may be incapable of assessing the risks of crime. How, they ask, is he to know his
chances of being caught and punished? And even if he does know, perhaps he is driven by uncontrollable impulses
to snatch purses whatever the risks.
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Impacts
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Turns Case - Surveillance

Fear of crime spurs local surveillance in other areas turns
case
Ali Winston 9-11-2013 The East Bay Express
http://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/we-are-being-watched/Content?
oid=3706988 We Are Being Watched Our fear of another 9/11 resulted in the
erosion of our privacy rights. And now our fear of crime is pushing the surveillance
state to a whole new level
OAKLAND, Calif. (September 11, 2013) -- It's been a dozen years since three jetliners hurtled into the World Trade
Center in Lower Manhattan and the Pentagon, leaving 2,996 people dead, injuring 6,000, and setting the stage for
more than a decade of American war and occupation in Central Asia and the Middle East. The events on
September 11 also resulted in the fundamental alteration of American society: Our

international borders are now lined with additional fences, security cameras, and
thousands of new Border Patrol agents as drones sweep the skies above. And the National
Security Agency -- first under President George W. Bush and now under President Barack Obama -- routinely collects
our phone records and emails and monitors our Internet activity. Our government, in short, has increasingly
infringed on our privacy rights and our civil liberties as part of the so-called War on Terror. And our nation, scarred
by the fear of more terrorist attacks, has allowed it to happen. From Congress' easy passage of the Patriot Act to the
mandatory use of biometrics to identify welfare recipients to the storing of arrestees' DNA in dozens of states -including California -- regardless of whether they were convicted of a crime or not, these changes have penetrated
local public agencies -- backed by

generous funding from the US Department of Homeland Security, an agency established to fight terrorism -are taking government surveillance to a new level : They're installing high-resolution surveillance
every aspect of our relationship with government. And now many
cameras on street corners, buying license plate readers to monitor people's movements, and building large
not to protect residents from the

new threats posed by terrorists in the 21st century, but to combat an age-old societal fear:
crime. "Since 9/11, we've seen a huge shift with justifications and implementations," said Linda Lye, a staff
"intelligence centers" to collect and analyze data. And they're doing it
attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California. Lye has emerged as one of the sharpest
critics of law enforcement surveillance programs, speaking out against both the Alameda County Sheriff's proposed
purchase of drones earlier this year and Oakland's sweeping new surveillance center. "On one hand, we've got the
need to fight terrorism, but what we see on the ground is purportedly anti-terrorist strategies being deployed in
fairly mundane ways that alter the relationship between the community and the government." For example, there
are now dozens of so-called "fusion
centers" -- intelligence centers initially set up by Department of Homeland
Security for counter-terrorism purposes that are now migrating toward an "all-crimes" focus -across the country, including in San Francisco, where the Northern California Regional Intelligence Center (NCRIC) is
located. Law enforcement agencies around the region feed information to NCRIC through a system called Suspicious
Activity Reporting, and each department has at least one "terrorist liaison officer" tasked with delivering potentially
There is also a strong connection between the

expansion of the government's surveillance apparatus and the War on Drugs : NCRIC
actionable information to the fusion center.
shares personnel and office space with the Northern California High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area, a federal
counter-narcotics effort that brings federal resources -- including aspects of the US military -- to bear on drug
trafficking and drug-related crime. The East Bay, long known for its progressive values, is not exempt from this
trend. Years of spiraling crime in Oakland have provided the impetus for a rapid expansion of the surveillance and
intelligence-gathering capabilities of area law enforcement. This summer's furor in Oakland over the construction of
the Domain Awareness Center -- a federally funded, citywide surveillance hub originally intended as an antiterrorism tool for the Port of Oakland -- is only the most overt manifestation of this trend. Cities as divergent as
Piedmont, Richmond, and San Leandro have turned to surveillance systems that were designed originally to fight
the rush by
local governments to add new ways to keep tabs on citizens is being accompanied
by virtually no oversight -- and no laws designed to prevent abuses. The plethora of new
surveillance programs is also raising questions about whether our local
terrorism in order to deal with the threat -- real or perceived -- of violent crime. At the same time,
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governments may soon have the ability to monitor our daily movements , using street
cameras and license plate readers to track us from the time we leave our homes in the morning to when we return
home at night -- and whether such continual surveillance violates our constitutional rights. In addition, at least one
high-ranking staffer in the City of Oakland has expressed the desire to use electronic surveillance to monitor
political activity. In other words, the privacy rights and civil liberties we've given up since 9/11 to fight the War on
Terror are being further eroded in the Fight Against Crime.
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Turns Case - Disease

Fear of crime harms quality of life
There are three types of potential pathway from fear of crime to health and wellbeing. First, the worry and anxiety induced by fear of crime (in the affective sense) may
impact on mental health more broadly; in addition, the psychological distress involved in fear is a mental
health outcome in its own right, hence the overlap in the model. In the other direction, poorer health
may also exacerbate fear of crime and its health effects. Second, fear of crime may lead to avoidance
behaviours such as limiting ones movements outside the home, which may impact negatively on
health behaviours such as physical activity and on social interaction. Third, fear of crime may impact on
social well-being at a community level by decreasing social cohesion and increasing neglect, with
consequent effects on residents well-being ; it may further influence some the decision of some
residents to move home, hence potentially changing neighbourhood composition in ways that may have
community-level well-being impacts.
The literature on fear of crime and health is relatively small
reasonably consistent, once the measures are disaggregated. Several studies have found that
affective measures of fear of crime, worry about crime or feelings of unsafety are associated with
poorer mental and physical health.208,223228 The study by Jackson and Stafford229 is not included here
but
because it focuses on the opposite causal pathway (see next paragraph) and because it uses the same fear of crime
data as Stafford et al.227 Several outcomes have been found to be associated with fear, including self-reported
general health,223,224,226 mental health,208,223,226228 physical functioning,227 quality of life227 and a
composite index of self-reported general health and physical functioning.225 There is also some evidence of an
association between higher perceived crime, or lower perceived safety, and poorer health and well-being outcomes,
although the findings here are more equivocal and complicated by the strong association of both types of outcome
with SES;204,230 other studies have found no clear association.231,232 The main pathway accounting for the
effects found in these studies appears to be the first listed above, namely the psychological distress created by fear
of crime and the further effects of this distress. In addition, poor health, particularly mental health, may increase
perceived vulnerability and hence fear of crime. The British Crime Survey91 found that 20% of those with bad or
very bad health said that fear of crime had a high impact on their quality of life, compared with 5% across the
population as a whole. Qualitative studies have also found that fear of crime tends to have particularly negative
impacts on those with existing mental health problems.233 This indicates that, as well as the pathways from fear of
crime to health outcomes, there are also pathways going in the opposite direction.229 The direction of causality is
difficult to establish from the quantitative data alone, but there is reason to think that the reverse pathway from
poor health to fear may be substantial. This should be borne in mind when assessing the theoretical possibility of
improving well-being by reducing fear because, if much of the association between the two outcomes is explained
by this reverse pathway, the impact of fear reduction on well-being may be limited.
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Crime wrecks public health (disease turn)

Crime may impact on health in a range of ways,112 which can broadly be grouped into two
categories, namely direct and indirect impacts.113 Direct impacts include physical injuries caused by
violent crimes against the person and the psychological trauma that may accompany crimes involving
violence or the threat of violence, or crimes such as burglary that involve intrusions into the private sphere. In the
model, this is represented by the link from violent crime to physical and mental health.
Indirect impacts
include a wide range of negative effects that crime can have at a community level, for example by
exacerbating social problems that impact on health. This distinction corresponds roughly to that
between an individual perspective on crime and health and a social perspective. The individual perspective, which
focuses on the direct impacts of victimisation on individuals, has been the primary focus of the literature on crime
and health.113115 These physical and mental health impacts on victims are often substantial and longlasting.116,117 Domestic crimes, including child abuse and intimate partner violence, may have particularly
serious health impacts.118120 However, at a community level, the health impacts are likely to be less substantial,
because serious violent crime is relatively rare. In 201011 there were approximately 2.2 million incidents of violent
crime in England and Wales,121 representing approximately 42 incidents per 1000 people per year. Dolan et al.122
estimate the total health loss from the direct physical and psychological impacts of violent crime as being
equivalent to 0.0024 quality-adjusted life-years (QALYs) per person per year. However, this may be an
underestimate as it includes costs relating to victims only rather than also including those relating to witnesses or
victims families or friends, and the figures on which it is based may underestimate certain types of crime,
particularly domestic crimes. In addition,
crime and the health burdens of crime are highly
unequally distributed, so the health impact is likely to be substantially higher than the average for some
subgroups of the population. The community- or social-level perspective on crime and health presents a more
complex picture. Violent crime has been found to be associated with a wide range of negative health status
outcomes at a neighbourhood level, including all-cause mortality,123 coronary heart disease124 and preterm birth
and low birthweight,125 as well as health behaviour outcomes such as lower levels of physical activity.126,127
Exposure to community violence is also known to be associated with negative

physical and psychological health, particularly for children and young people.128,129 However,
although these associations are well established, the causal pathways involved remain open to debate in many
cases.
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Crime Hurts Economy

Crime increases have a strongly negative effect on growth
Eleftherios Goulas & Athina Zervoyianni April 2012 University of Patras
(Greece) Econ Department
http://www.rcfea.org/RePEc/pdf/wp51_12.pdfWP 12-51 The Rimini Centre for
Economic Analysis (RCEA), Italy ECONOMIC GROWTH AND CRIME: DOES
UNCERTAINTY MATTER?
Although there is a growing body of literature on the link between crime and
macroeconomic performance, there is no cross-country evidence on the impact on economic growth of
the crimeuncertainty interaction. Yet, if the growth-uncertainty relationship is negative, as many empirical studies
suggest7 , and the uncertainty-crime relationship is positive, then
the crime-uncertainty interaction
should exert a strong negative impact on economic growth. Our results support
this view. We find evidence that increasing crime has no independent negative effect on growth under favorable
economic conditions and thus under circumstances of low macroeconomic uncertainty. Higher-than-average
macroeconomic uncertainty, however, enhances the adverse impact of crime on growth, making the effect of the
crime appears to be
particularly harmful to growth in bad times, that is, when worsening economic
conditions make the return to investment less secure . This result has important policy
crime-uncertainty interaction highly significant and negative. Accordingly,
implications. Since the global financial crisis of 2007-2009, the degree of uncertainty surrounding macroeconomic
performance in many countries has increased. At the same time, the opportunity cost of engaging in certain types
of crime activity, including property crime and drug trafficking, has fallen for a number of individuals who have
experienced a reduction in income as a result of the global financial crisis of 2007-2009 and of the recent European
the combined effect of higher-than

uncertainty and possibly higher-than-average crime may well be a further
reduction in growth rates in the coming years.
debt crisis. So, increased total crime is a possibility. Accordingly,
average macroeconomic
Increased crime takes down a sluggish economy

UNCERTAINTY MATTER?
This paper seeks to add to the existing crime literature by exploring to what extent the degree of macroeconomic uncertainty
influences the way that changes in crime impact on growth. For this purpose, we examine how the interaction between
accelerations of crime and macroeconomic uncertainty affect per-capita income growth, after controlling for other explanatory
variables typically included in growth regressions. We use annual data from 25 countries for the period 1991- 2007 and
two alternative measures of uncertainty, based on the conditional variance of industrial production and the unconditional variance of
find that the effect on growth of increased crime is

asymmetric: as uncertainty regarding the future prospects of the economy increases,
increasing levels of crime become more harmful to growth . In particular, we find that
a survey-based consumer sentiment indicator. We
accelerations of crime exert a strong adverse influence on growth when interacted with
high levels of macroeconomic uncertainty but have no statistically significant impact on growth when interacted with low
crime mainly contributes to reducing economic growth in

bad times, that is, when worsening economic conditions , and thus higher-than-average uncertainty regarding
the future state of the economy and poor business climate, make the return on private investment less secure .
macroeconomic uncertainty. This indicates that
By contrast, in good times, when the perceived degree of macroeconomic uncertainty is low, crime accelerations exert no
independent adverse influence on growth. This result has important policy implications. It suggests that viewing crime as an
important impediment to growth can be misleading if information regarding the future prospects of the economy is not explicitly
taken into account.
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Economic downturn breeds deviant (criminal) behavior.

Deflem Mathieu. Economic Crisis And Crime [e-book]. Bingley, UK: Emerald Book Serials and Monographs;
2011. Available from: eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost), Ipswich, MA. Accessed July 6, 2015
In 1938, Merton first articulated what came to be known as strain theory. He built a theory of crime causation on the
ideas Durkheim established.
Merton noted that American society planted the seed of

potential criminality in the American population as it perpetuated the idea that
everyone could be monetarily successful. In this sense, he differed from Durkheim who saw society
as a mechanism of control. Thus, Merton saw criminal behavior as a result of the disjunction between aspirations for
everyone aspires to be successful and

is told that they can be, but in reality the available opportunities for success
reflected in the social structure are not infinite, nor are they available to all.
Because of this, it is not actually possible for everyone to be monetarily successful.
This leads some to engage in irregular, nonconforming, and sometimes criminal
conduct in order to accumulate wealth because they are exposed to elevated levels
of strain. This means groups who experience high levels of destabilized economic
conditions, such as those created by the spread of home foreclosures, may be more likely to engage
in deviant behavior when compared to those who have an economic advantage and
access to legitimately beneficial economic opportunities . Mertons notions were substantiated
success and expectations to achieve success. In other words,
and expanded on by others (Cloward & Ohlin, 1960; Cohen, 1955). Later, in 1968, Merton revisited his idea of strain
He saw strain/anomie and crime as having a reciprocal

relationship. As strain/anomie increased, people would look for illegitimate ways to
achieve success and as they were successful in utilizing unconventional means for
achieving success, more strain/anomie would be introduced into society. To sum up the main points of strain
theory, groups who experience increases in strain like that caused by economic
destabilization are more prone to deviant behavior . Parker and McCall (1999) note there is an
and further described its process.
established connection between blocked economic opportunities and crime, as economic instability provides fertile
ground for strain and subsequent conflict. Many other studies have confirmed this link between economic inequality
and crime (Blau & Blau, 1982; Chamlin, 1989; Loftin & Hill, 1974; Krivo & Peterson, 1996; Messner, 1983; Sampson,
1986).
Enhanced crime results in poverty because businesses cannot

strive
POVERTY AND CRIME: BREAKING THE VICIOUS CYCLE Poverties.org
Published Apr 2011 - Updated
Apr 2013 http://www.poverties.org/poverty-and-crime.html (ac: 7-6-15)
Poverty and crime have a very "intimate" relationship that has been described by experts from all fields, from
sociologists to economists. The UN and the World Bank both rank crime high on the list of obstacles to a countrys
development. This means that governments trying to deal with poverty often also have to face the issue of crime as
Crime prevents businesses from thriving

by generating instability and uncertainty (at micro and macroeconomic levels). This
is true in markets of all sizes, national, regional, municipal and even neighborhood-al (okay
they try to develop their country's economy and society.
the word doesnt exist). That's why having a business in a ghetto is rarely a good idea. The vicious cycle of poverty
International organisations also blame crime including corruption for putting at

risk Africa's chances of development nowadays. The same goes for Latin America.
Crime has this capacity to generate vicious cycles causing unemployment,
economic downturns and instability. Poverty and crime combined together leave
people with two choices: either take part in criminal activities or try to find legal but
and crime
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quite limited sources of income - when there are any available at all . Unemployment,
poverty and crime Starting from the 1970s, studies in the US pointed more and more at the link between
unemployment, poverty and crime. After that other connections with income level, time spent at school, quality of
neighborhood and education were revealed as well. Fresh research from the UK even indicates that economic cycles
may affect variations in property and violent crimes. But most importantly, what reveals the unmistakable
connection between poverty and crime is that theyre both geographically concentrated - in a strikingly consistent
way. In other words, where you find poverty is also where you find crime. Of course this doesn't
include "softer" crimes such as corruption which causes massive damage to people's lives but in a more indirect
type of violence.
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Decreasing crime= good for the economy

Violent crime is costly
Robert J. Shapiro is the chairman of Sonecon, LLC, a senior fellow of the Georgetown University McDonough
School of Business, an advisor to the International Monetary Fund, director of the NDN Globalization Initiative, and
Hassett
chairman of the U.S. Climate Task Force. Kevin A.

is director of economic policy studies and resident
scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. The Economic Benefits of Reducing Violent Crime A Case Study of 8
2012
American Cities June 19,

https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/economy/report/2012/06/19/11755/the-economic-benefits-of-reducingviolent-crime/ (ac: 7-6-15)
Violent crimes are costly. Murders, rapes, assaults, and robberies impose concrete
economic costs on the victims who survive as well as the families of those who lose
their lives, in the loss of earnings and their physical and emotional tolls. Violent
crimes also impose large costs on communities through lower property values,
higher insurance premiums, and reduced investment in high-crime areas . In addition,
violent crimes impose significant costs on taxpayers, who bear the financial burden
of maintaining the police personnel and operations, courts, jails, and prisons
directed toward these crimes and their perpetrators . Fortunately, the incidence of violent crimes
in the United States has fallen sharply over the last 20 years. From 1960 to 400 1990 the rates of these crimes rose
sharply as did their attendent costs. Over that period murder rates nearly doubled, rates of rape and robbery
increased fourfold, and the rate of assault quintupled. Since the early 1990s, however, rates of most violent crimes
have been cut nearly in half. (see Figure 1)
Violent crime leads to cost from both the government and

citizens
Hassett

2012

By most measures,
violent crime continues to impose significant costs on Americans and

their communities. The costs borne by the American public for this level of criminal
activity are significant. Medical care for assault victims, for example, costs an estimated
$4.3 billion per year. We spend $74 billion per year on incarcerating 2.3 million
criminals, including some 930,000 violent criminals. Moreover, the costs of the pain and
suffering borne by the victims of violent crimes is several times greater than the more direct costs of those crimes.
successful efforts to reduce violent crime can produce substantial economic

benefits for individuals, communities, and taxpayers. This report presents the findings and
As a result,
conclusions of a yearlong project to examine and analyze the costs of violent crimes in a sample of eight major
American cities and estimate the savings and other benefits that would accompany significant reductions in those
crimes. This analysis draws on data pinpointing the incidence and location of murders, rapes, assaults, and
robberies. The data were provided by the police departments of Boston, Chicago, Dallas, Houston, Jacksonville,
Milwaukee, Philadelphia, and Seattle. We examined a broad range of both direct and intangible costs associated
with those violent crimes based on their incidence in each of the eight cities in 2010. The direct costs reported here
are those borne by the residents and city governments of the eight cities, although additional costs are also borne
by state and federal governments and the taxpayers who finance them. Finally, we calculated the benefits to those
residents associated with substantial reductions in violent crime, including the impact on residential home values
and a variety of savings to the city governments. In todays tight fiscal and economic environment, the mayors and
city councils of every cityalong with state and the federal governmentsare searching for ways to reduce their
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The common challenge is to achieve sustainable fiscal

conditions without hobbling governments ability to provide the vital goods and
services that most Americans expect, all without burdening businesses and families
with onerous new taxes. This analysis provides another way available to many
American municipalities: Secure budget savings, higher revenues, and personal
income and wealth gains by reducing violent crime rates. To calculate the extent of those
spending and expand their revenues.
savings and benefits, we analyze a broad range of direct costs associated with the violent crime in the eight cities
These direct costs start with local spending on policing, prosecuting, and
incarcerating the perpetrators of those crimes. These costs also encompass out-ofpocket medical expenses borne by surviving victims of violent crime as well as the
income those victims must forgo as a result of the crimes . These costs also include the lost
sampled here.
incomes that would otherwise be earned by the perpetrators of violent crimes had they not been apprehendedas
distasteful as it is to calculate the foregone income of rapists or armed robbers who are arrested, convicted, and
These direct, annual costs range from $90 million per year in Seattle to
around $200 million per year in Boston, Jacksonville, and Milwaukee, to more than
$700 million in Philadelphia and nearly $1.1 billion for Chicago .
incarcerated.
The housing market takes the biggest hit when violent crime
occurs
Hassett

2012

The largest economic benefits, however, arise from the impact of lower rates of violent
crime on the housing values in the cities sampled here . To estimate this effect, we use data
covering several years on the incidence of violent crimes by zip code in each city and changes in housing values in
the same zip codes over the same period. Five of the eight cities were able to provide data by zip code covering at
least six years.
Our analysis of those data found that a reduced incidence of murders in
a particular zip code is followed by a predictable and significant increase in housing

values in the same zip code in the next year. On average, a reduction in a given year of
one homicide in a zip code causes a 1.5 percent increase in housing values in that
same zip code the following year. We applied these findings to available data on the
value of the housing stock in the metropolitan areas of all eight cities. The estimated
increases in the value of the housing stock for the eight cities and their immediate
metropolitan areas, following a 10 percent reduction in homicides, range from $600
million in Jacksonville and the surrounding area to $800 million in the Milwaukee
area, to $3.2 billion in Philadelphia and the surrounding suburbs, and $4.4 billion in
the Boston area. Unfortunately, inconsistent reporting of other types of violent crimerapes, assaults, and
robberiespreclude a reliable analysis of the impact on housing values of changes in the incidence of those crimes.
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Education key to reducing crime

Biggest internal link to crime reduction is education
POVERTY AND CRIME: BREAKING THE VICIOUS CYCLE Poverties.org
Published Apr 2011 - Updated
Apr 2013 http://www.poverties.org/poverty-and-crime.html (ac: 7-6-15)
During the hard times that have hit Europe from 1975 to 1995, scholars noticed that unemployment among the
uneducated youth spurred a massive tendency for theft and violence. In particular in France, the crime rate soared
like never before. Ever watched the movie "La Haine" back from 1995? It was translated Hatred and Hate in the
UK & US and has really become the classic of a generation. Although the depicted segregation against immigrants
in France roots back a few decades before the 1990s, the "first wave" (of immigrants) has rarely shown such
the main difference with the first generation of these

immigrants' children is that they have spent much more time at school, as research
has often concluded that education tends to reduce violent crime. On average, the
more time you spend at school the less violent you will become. Schools don't just
teach you about history or maths, they teach you how to live in society . But the real
outburst of violence. In theory
problem is: are kids in poor urban areas even going to school at all? Are they learning any social skills when being
systematically discriminated against? Research dating back to 1966 - with the famous Coleman Report - shows
integration into society is key to better grades and successful education.
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Organized Crime
High levels of organized crime add to business costs
Jan Van Dijk (Pieter van Vollenhoven Chair in Victimology, Human Security and
Safety, University of Tilburg),10-9-2007, "Mafia markers: assessing organized
crime and its impact upon societies," No Publication,
http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12117-007-9013(Acc. 7-5-15)
On the cost side, high levels of conventional crime, just as high levels of corruption,
add to the immediate costs of doing business in a country. In one of its latest World
Development Report, the World Bank sums up its evolving thoughts on the issue: crime...increases the
cost of business, whether through direct loss of goods or the costs of taking
precautions such as hiring security guards, building fences, or installing burglar
alarm systems. In the extreme, foreign firms will decline to invest, and domestic ones will flee the country for
a more peaceful locale (World Bank 2005). In the business executives opinion surveys of the World Economic
Forum respondents are specifically asked to identify the most important obstacles to doing business in their country.
Business executives in many countries list corruption and/or crime and violence as
the most or second most important impediments to doing business in their
countries (WEF 2003). This is often the case in countries with comparatively high
scores on our index for organized crime prevalence. These opinions of business
leaders working in high crime countries confirm the negative Trends Organ Crim (2007)
10:3956 49 impact of organized crime on investments. In recent Investment Climate Surveys,
15% of business executives reported that crime was a major constraint on
investment.
Mafias empirically hamper economies

Safety, University of Tilburg), 10-9-2007, "Mafia markers: assessing organized
crime and its impact upon societies," No Publication,
In Mafia-infested countries the costs of crime may go far beyond company

losses to criminal leakage and loss of customers. In an important revision of the good
governance theory, Kaufmann and Kraay (2002) have attributed the negative influence of high-level corruption on
the widespread interference of particular

interest groups in rational decision-making in the economic domain.8
Infiltration in the legitimate economy and political process is, as discussed, a
defining characteristic of Mafia-type organizations. If such crony capitalism
is indeed the main impediment of economic development, organized crime,
as an especially entrenched type of cronyism, may well be at the heart of
the governance-related economic problems of many countries. The Sicilian
economy, for example, seems to have been seriously hampered by the reign
of the Mafia and started to prosper only after the local Mafia bosses were put
on the defensive through the maxi-trials and community mobilization (Orlando
2001).9 The experience with racketeering in New York also points to economic
development to the intermediary factor of cronyism,
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revitalization after the defeat of mob-related racketeering in several sectors

of the local economy (Giuliani 2002).
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Organized drug crime boosts economies

Safety, University of Tilburg) , 10-9-2007, "Mafia markers: assessing organized
crime and its impact upon societies," Springer Science and Business Media,
The production and trafficking of illicit commodities can result in considerable profits
that are reinvested in the formal and informal economy of countries. Australian
criminologist John Walker has estimated the total value of illicit drugs at wholesale
value at $94 billion (World Drug Report 2005). This is the equivalent of the export values of
the agricultural commodities meat and cereals combined. At retail level the total
value of illicit drugs is estimated at $322 billion . Countries dominating the
production and/or trafficking of illicit drugs will obviously benefit economically from
their activities on these markets to some extent. Narco dollars generated by the
cocaine trade in the Americas are indeed known to have given a significant boost to
national economies in Latin America in the 1990s. The total value of illicit drugs
trafficking, annually injected into the Mexican economy in those years, has been
estimated at over $25 billion, or 6% of the countrys GDP (Gonzalez-Ruiz 2001). In
Tajikistan heroin trafficking revenues have been estimated as equivalent to 50% of
recorded GDP (Reuter et al. 2004). More recently, estimated revenues from drugs in
Afghanistan vary from 30% to as much as 60% of GDP. There can be no doubt that
the heroin trade has fueled the Afghan economy as well as the economies of several
transit countries since the defeat of the Taliban (UNODC, World Drug Report 2004). It is also widely
assumed that 8 In a case study of cronyism in a Latin American country by Kaufmann and Kraay (2002), drug
cartels and other organized crime groups are mentioned as key examples of the phenomenon. 9 Moody Financial
Certification, a financial analysis agency, upgraded its rating of the city of Palermo to Aa3, meaning excellent, in
2000. 50 Trends Organ Crim (2007) 10:3956
countries with offshore centers specializing in

money-laundering facilitation reap significant benefits of such illicit financial
services.
Transnational organized crime hurts US competitiveness

National Security Council, No Date, "Transnational Organized Crime: A
Growing Threat to National and International Security,"
https://www.whitehouse.gov/administration/eop/nsc/transnationalcrime/threat
TOC threatens U.S. economic interests and can cause significant damage to
the world financial system through its subversion, exploitation, and distortion
of legitimate markets and economic activity. U.S. business leaders worry that
U.S. firms are being put at a competitive disadvantage by TOC and
corruption, particularly in emerging markets where many perceive that rule of law is less reliable. The
World Bank estimates about $1 trillion is spent each year to bribe public
officials, causing an array of economic distortions and damage to legitimate
economic activity. The price of doing business in countries affected by TOC is
also rising as companies budget for additional security costs, adversely
impacting foreign direct investment in many parts of the world. TOC
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activities can lead to disruption of the global supply chain, which in turn
diminishes economic competitiveness and impacts the ability of U.S. industry
and transportation sectors to be resilient in the face of such disruption. Further,
transnational criminal organizations, leveraging their relationships with stateowned entities, industries, or state-allied actors, could gain influence over
key commodities markets such as gas, oil, aluminum, and precious metals,
along with potential exploitation of the transportation sector.
Insider trading hurts investment

Phil Cannella , founder of the First Senior Financial Group, 12-7- 2012, "Who
Does Insider Trading Actually Hurt?," Phil Cannella Phillip Cannella: First Senior
Financial Group, http://www.firstseniorfinancialgroup.com/insider-trading-hurt/
Starting with the obvious immorality and illegality of insider trading, it simply isnt
fair in a free market these individuals get a jump start on great investment
opportunities because of their positions, while the average investor is limited to
trusting whatever information eventually becomes public. But the damage reaches much further
than just the lack of human decency. On the technical side: Public has to Pay More - Each time
shares are traded, the buy and sell prices of every share within that company
change. It is simple economics, if a sudden flood of demand is made on a certain share, the asking price of the
share will rise. After insider trading results in massive purchasing of a stock, the asking
price goes up. Then once the information goes public, the average investor is left paying a higher price per
share. Insiders Leave you Paying Their Losses - Aside from using inside information to
beat the public on a joining in on a companys success. Insiders also use private
information to jump ship before a company fails. When insiders bail out, they instantly lower
share value as they sell their stake in a company. This immediately devalues the investment for all other
shareholders within that company, leaving the average investor to pay for the losses, while insiders get out while
On the moral
side, insider trading: Undercuts the American Dream The American dream, by
definition, is having the freedom to pursue success and happiness. This concept is founded
on the idea of America providing an equal playing field for all. When these criminals pursue trading
on inside information, they manipulate the playing field to provide themselves an
advantage, and keep the average investor down. Creates and Employs Criminals - Bottom
line, insider trading is illegal. Through the age old system of determining right from
wrong, our leaders have long established insider trading as a crime. Regardless of how
the getting is good. In many cases, insiders profit from company failure, by shorting the stock.
these insiders feel about their ability to obtain and capitalize on information, they are still breaking the law. By
they disrespect the law of the land, and create terrible examples for those
who see how breaking the law can be profitable. Destroys the Very Purpose of
Investing The theory behind investment economics is that the people can trust
and invest in our economy with confidence . By giving businesses their money in hopes of growing
doing so,
it, investors fuel the very growth of our economy, and society in general. But this all relies on the trust of the
As stories constantly fill headlines of corrupt investment managers getting

charged with insider trading, the everyday consumer becomes more cautious of
investing. With consumers too scarred by the constant corruption on Wall Street,
companies dont receive the good faith investments they should.
investor.
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Structural Violence
Crime inherently causes poverty- multiple levels to solve for.
Lippman, 91. (Theo, author of Spiro Agnews America and Editor at the Baltimore Sun. March 30, 1991.) DOA: 7/6/15.
BALTIMORE SUN. Poverty Doesnt cause crime. Crime Causes Poverty. Retrieved from: http://articles.baltimoresun.com/1991-0330/news/1991089022_1_cost-of-crime-poverty-fight-crime // JW
POVERTY DOESN'T cause crime. Crime
causes poverty. Therefore, to fight poverty, fight crime. How does crime cause
poverty? Suppose your family lives just above the poverty line. A burglar breaks into your house and steals all your clothes. What it costs you to replace
them drops you into poverty, since you no longer have the minimum needed for food and shelter. Or suppose you're on your way home from work. A
mugger takes your paycheck and beats you up so badly that you have to miss another week's work. Losing two weeks' pay is impoverishing at many
levels. In
1988, according to the Department of Justice, "the total estimated cost of crime to victims was $16.6 billion. This
estimate was derived by summing
crime victims' estimates of the amount of stolen cash, the value of stolen property, medical expenses and
the amount of pay lost from work because of injuries, police-related activities, court-related activities, or time
spent repairing or replacing property."
estimate includes losses from property theft or damage, cash losses, medical expenses and other costs. The
Poverty is the deadliest form of structural violence it is

equivalent to an ongoing nuclear war.
Gilligan, 96 [James, Former Director of Mental Health for the
Massachusetts Prison System, Violence, p.] // JW
In other words, every fifteen years, on the average, as many people die
because of relative poverty as would be killed in a nuclear that caused 232 million
deaths; and every single year, two to three times as many people die from poverty
throughout the world as were killed by the Nazi genocide of the Jews over a six-year
period. This is, in effect, the equivalent of an ongoing, unenending, in fact
accelerating, thermonuclear war, or genocide, perpetuated on the weak and poor
ever year of every decade, throughout the world.
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Trafficking
Human Trafficking is a growing crime in the US.
Baldas, 12. (Tresa staff for USA Today. 1/22/12.) DOA: 7/6/15.
USA TODAY. Human Trafficking a growing crime in the US.
Retrieved from: http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/nation/201201-22-us-human-trafficking_N.htm // JW
According to the U.S. Department of Justice,
human trafficking has become the second
fastest growing criminal industry
just behind drug trafficking
accounting for roughly half of all victims.
with children
Of the 2,515 cases under investigation in the U.S.
in 2010, more than 1,000 involved children. And those are only the ones we know of.
Too often, authorities say,
victims stay silent out of fear, so no one knows they exist
. That's why President
Obama declared January National Human Trafficking Awareness month. The National Human Trafficking Resource
Over the last

decade, numerous human trafficking cases have been prosecuted in Michigan . The
Center estimates it's a $32 billion industry, with half coming from industrialized countries.
court dockets detail the horror stories:
Children being sold for sex at truck stops,
servants held in captivity and forced to clean for free, and women forced
into the sex industry, forfeiting their earnings.
Sex trafficking is the ultimate form of dehumanization

DeMarco 7 [Caitlin, intern in the Ronald Reagan Memorial
Internship Program at Concerned Women for America Jul 12,
http://www.cwfa.org/articles/13418/BLI/dotcommentary/index.h
tm]cn // JW
We have all heard the catchy song lyrics about "what happens in Mexico" staying in Mexico or the
advertisements about "what happens in Vegas" staying in Vegas. Ambassador Lagon addressed that
fallacy. "
What 'happens' in these places does not 'stay' in these
places. It is a stain on humanity. Every time a woman , a girl, a foreign

migrant
is treated as less than human, the loss of dignity for one is a
loss of dignity for us all. " It was gratifying to hear the ambassador directly address the
problems of American popular culture in glamorizing the "ho" and "pimp." He said, "It's high time we
treat pimps as exploiters rather than hip urban rebels. When a pimp insists his name or symbol be
tattooed on his 'girls' he is branding them like cattle dehumanizing them, treating them like property."
There are those who would argue that human trafficking is the inevitable outcome of poverty and that
some povertystricken people choose willingly to be involved. But, as Ambassador Lagon pointed out,
"There
is a growing refusal to accept enslavement as an inevitable product

of poverty or human viciousness. Corruption is typically poverty's handmaiden in cases of
human trafficking." CWA is pleased to be among those that Ambassador Lagon called an "indomitable
force." We and other evangelical Christians are at the forefront of this battle as modernday abolitionists
who work for the human rights of women and for the dignity of all of God's people. We agree with
Ambassador Lagon that
trafficking in persons
"shouldn't be regulated or merely mitigated;
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it
#debatelikeabear
must be abolished ." The victims of this crime are among the "most
degraded, most exploited, and most dehumanized people in the

world ." We join the ambassador in declaring, "Exploiters must be stigmatized, prosecuted, and
squeezed out of existence."
Dehumanization controls genocide, slavery and exploitation,

Katheryn Katz, Professor of Law, 1997, "The Clonal Child: Procreative Liberty and
Asexual Reproduction," Lexis-Nexis // JW
It is undeniable that
throughout human history dominant and oppressive
groups have committed unspeakable wrongs against those viewed

as inferior . Once a person (or a people) has been characterized as sub-human, there
appears to have been no limit to the cruelty that was or will be visited upon him. For
example, in almost all wars,
justify the killing
hatred towards the enemy was inspired to

and wounding by separating the enemy from the human race,
them as unworthy of human status. This same
rationalization
by casting
has
supported: genocide , chattel slavery, racial segregation, economic

exploitation, caste and class systems, coerced sterilization
misfits and undesirables, unprincipled medical experimentation,
of social
the subjugation of
women , and the social Darwinists' theory justifying indifference to the

poverty
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Dehume
As a society, we dehumanize criminals and offenders- that
hurts their rehabilitation prospection.
Vesilijevic, 13. (Milica; PhD, Professor of Public Health at Cambridge University. 2013.) DOA:
7/6/15. Dehumanization, moral disengagement, and public attitudes to crime and punishment KENT UNIVERSITY.
Retrieved from: https://kar.kent.ac.uk/35378/1/Vasiljevic%20%26%20Viki%20-%20%20Chapter%20-%20KAR.pdf //
JW
dehumanization of offenders which leads to their expulsion

from the moral arena, and subsequent negation of their prospects of rehabilitation .
In this chapter, we present a model of the
We connect the literature on dehumanization, moral exclusion, and public attitudes to crime and punishment. In so doing, we
offender dehumanization which argues that once dehumanized offenders

are expelled from the moral community, their negative treatment is seen as
justified. We begin the chapter by reviewing dehumanization theory and research to date, and then overview the literature
connecting dehumanization and moral exclusion. This serves as a basis for our theoretical treatise on how the
phenomenon of dehumanization can be related to public attitudes towards
offenders. In this part, we present empirical research that has been conduced thus far on the topic of offender dehumanization.
Although, research on offender dehumanization is still in its infancy, studies that have been conducted so far
suggest that there is a relationship between dehumanization and greater
punitiveness. We go on to propose a link between the literature on intergroup dehumanization and public attitudes towards
develop a model of
offenders by highlighting the greater incarceration rates of racial minorities. Then we present recent research distinguishing
between animalistic and mechanistic dehumanization, and attempt to relate it to offender punishment. Finally, we turn our attention
research on
dehumanization can have an impact on offender punishment and rehabilitation.
to how offender dehumanization can be ameliorated. We end this chapter by concluding how
Dehumanization is the root cause of nuclear war and genocidewhen humans are reduced to means or
objects, any atrocity becomes justified
Berube, 1997
(Berube, David. Professor. English. University of South Carolina. Nanotechnological Prolongevity: The Down Side.
1997.http://www.cas.sc.edu/engl/faculty/berube/prolong.htm.) // JW
Assuming we are able to predict who or what are optimized humans, this entire resultant worldview smacks of eugenics
and Nazi racial science. This would involve valuing people as means. Moreover, there would always be a superhuman
more super than the current ones, humans would never be able to escape their treatment as means to an always further
the dehumanization
of humanity. They warn: "its destructive toll is already greater than that of any war,
plague, famine, or natural calamity on record -- and its potential danger to the
quality of life and the fabric of civilized society is beyond calculation . For that reason this
and distant end. This means-ends dispute is at the core of Montagu and Matson's treatise on
sickness of the soul might well be called the Fifth Horseman of the Apocalypse.... Behind the genocide of the holocaust lay
a dehumanized thought; beneath the menticide of deviants and dissidents... in the cuckoo's next of America, lies a
dehumanized image of man... (Montagu & Matson, 1983, p. xi-xii). While it may never be possible to quantify the impact
dehumanizing ethics may have had on humanity, it is safe to conclude the foundations of humanness offer great
opportunities which would be foregone. When we calculate the actual losses and the virtual benefits, we approach a nearly
Dehumanization is nuclear
war, environmental apocalypse, and international genocide. When people become
things, they become dispensable. When people are dispensable, any and every
atrocity can be justified. Once justified, they seem to be inevitable for every epoch
has evil and dehumanization is evil's most powerful weapon.
inestimable value greater than any tools which we can currently use to measure it.
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Dehumanization is massively bad

Maiese, Scholar at CU-Boulder, 2003
(Maiese, Michelle. "Dehumanization." Beyond Intractability. Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Research Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder.
http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/dehumanization/
Posted: July 2003 <

>.) // JW
While deindividuation and the formation of enemy images are very common, they form a dangerous process that becomes especially
certain groups are stigmatized as evil, morally

inferior, and not fully human, the persecution of those groups becomes more
psychologically acceptable. Restraints against aggression and violence begin to disappear. Not surprisingly,
dehumanization increases the likelihood of violence and may cause a conflict to escalate out of control. Once a violence
break over has occurred, it may seem even more acceptable for people to do things
that they would have regarded as morally unthinkable before . Parties may come to believe that
damaging when it reaches the level of dehumanization.Once
destruction of the other side is necessary, and pursue an overwhelming victory that will cause one's opponent to simply disappear. This
sort of into-the-sea framing can cause lasting damage to relationships between the conflicting parties, making it more difficult to solve
dehumanization often paves the

way for human rights violations, war crimes, and genocide . For example, in WWII,
the dehumanization of the Jews ultimately led to the destruction of millions of
people.[9] Similar atrocities have occurred in Rwanda, Cambodia, and the former
Yugoslavia. It is thought that the psychological process of dehumanization might be
mitigated or reversed through humanization efforts, the development of empathy,
the establishment of personal relationships between conflicting parties, and the
pursuit of common goals.
their underlying problems and leading to the loss of more innocent lives.Indeed,
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Aff Answers
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Defense
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UQ: Crimes Rates High / Rising

2015 marks the rise of crime rates
Gold 6/5 (Ashley Gold, 6-5-2015, "Why has the murder rate in some US cities
suddenly spiked?," BBC News, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada32995911) LO
Murder and violent crime rates have risen in multiple US cities since the beginning
of 2015, after falling for two decades. Some have put this down to a so-called
Ferguson effect, referring to the protests against perceived police brutality, that
sometimes became violent. Could that be true? What do the statistics say? There are no national figures on crime in
the US available yet for 2015, but some cities have released their own figures. In New York City, the murder rate has
gone up by 20% in 2015 compared with the first few months of 2014. Mayor Bill de Blasio
called a special news conference at which he acknowledged the increase, but said it could be contained. He said he had faith in the
New York Police Department that they will "turn the tide". In other cities, there are similar increases reported. In Baltimore, murders
are up 37% and in Los Angeles, violent crime is up by 27% (although murders are down 2%). In Houston, murders are
up nearly 50% so far this year. What is the Ferguson effect? This is a term coined by St Louis Police Chief Sam Dotson, whose police
officers had been one of the forces dealing with the summer protests and riots in Ferguson, Missouri, following the fatal shooting of
police officers had been drawing back from

everyday enforcement due to fears they could be charged. As a result, he said, the
"criminal element is feeling empowered" . The phrase was repeated recently by Heather MacDonald, a fellow
at the US Manhattan Institute, in a piece for the Wall Street Journal. The Ferguson effect, she said, was taking
hold across the country "under the onslaught of anti-cop rhetoric". Multiple police
officers Ms MacDonald spoke to told her police morale is at an all-time low and they
are now worried about being charged, recorded and assaulted while trying to do
their jobs and keep communities safe. "Unless the demonisation of law enforcement
ends, the liberating gains in urban safety will be lost," she wrote. Baltimore's police boss, Anthony
black teenager Michael Brown. He said in November his
Batts, said the riots had another effect on crime. Scores of pharmacies had been looted and the surge in the supply of drugs has
"thrown off the balance" between gangs in the city, he said. "There's enough narcotics on the streets of Baltimore to keep it
intoxicated for a year," he said.
US crime rate experiencing sudden spike

Batley 6/4 (Melaine Batley, 6-4-2015, "Sudden Spike in Violent Crime Across US
Raises Alarm," Newsmax, http://www.newsmax.com/US/crime-violent-homicidecities/2015/06/04/id/648724/) LO
Major cities across the United States are seeing their crime rates skyrocket, sparking
alarm about the causes, particularly given that there had been a two-decade drop in
crime. A city-by-city look shows: In Baltimore, shootings are up 82.5 percent, or nearly double
from last year, the Baltimore Brew reported. In Chicago, there have been over 900 shootings
this year, a 40 percent increase, and a 29 percent increase in homicides in the first
three months of the year, USA Today reported. In New York City, murders have increased 20
percent and the mayor has already announced that he will put an additional 330 cops on the street by Monday in response to
the spike in homicides and shootings. In Los Angeles, violent crime rates increased by more than 25 percent and the city is also
deploying more officers to areas where crime is on the rise, The Los Angeles Times reported. And according to Townhall.com: In St.
Louis, there have been 55 murders this year In Dallas, violent crime is up 10 percent In Atlanta, homicides are up 32 percent In
Milwaukee, homicides have increased by 180 percent Some attribute the rise in crime to a "Ferguson" effect, or a rise in anti-police
sentiment born out of the protests and clashes around the country that followed the deaths of unarmed black men at the hands of
A dynamic may have emerged in which criminals are more brazen

and police are more cautious in fighting crime. "There's a war on cops. Not bad
cops, not bad apples, but all cops and the police know it. The conduct of the
suspects is never in question they're always right, it's usually drawn on racial
police, The Week reported.
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lines. It's a complete, toxic formula to actually do police work," said former Los Angeles Police
Department Homicide Detective Mark Fuhrman, according to Townhall.com. "The police are simply scaling back,
exactly what everybody's chanting for in all of these protests . 'Don't be so aggressive. Don't stop
and frisk. Don't stop and ask where people are going. Don't make traffic stops.' So, they are," Fuhrman said, and now
crime's skyrocketing. But others say that linking the protests to an increase in crime is misleading. "This is all part of an
attempt to tell black people that if we exercise our First Amendment rights, we are somehow now responsible for people who engage
in crime," said CNN political analyst Van Jones. "Why should the black community have to choose between police abuse and police
neglect? That's a false choice."
Crime rates rising specifically targeting black and the innercity poor
Wood 6/6 (Chip Wood, 6-6-2015, "Why Crime Rates Are Soaring," The
NewAmerican, http://www.thenewamerican.com/reviews/opinion/item/21015-whycrime-rates-are-soaring) LO
Its being called the Ferguson effect. Its the explosion of violent crimes in major
U.S. cities, thanks to the ways police have been demoralized and criminals have
been emboldened in the aftermath of police shootings of supposedly innocent
blacks. In Baltimore, there were 43 homicides in the month of May. This is the highest
murder rate there in more than 40 years , when the citys population was almost 50 percent bigger
than it is now. This brings the death toll for the year to 116 people, the vast majority of them blacks. Heather Mac
Donald, the Thomas W. Smith fellow at the Manhattan Institute, described the situation in a May 29 column, The
New Nationwide Crime Wave. Her piece carried the subtitle, The
consequences of the Ferguson

effect are already appearing. The main victims of growing violence will be inner-city
poor. Heres how her article began: The nations two-decades-long crime decline may be
over. Gun violence in particular is spiraling upward in cities across America. In
Baltimore, the most pressing question every morning is how many people were shot the previous night. Gun
violence is up more than 60% compared with this time last year , according to Baltimore
police, with 32 shootings over Memorial Day weekend. May has been the most violent month the city
has seen in 15 years. But Baltimore isnt the only major city that has seen crime rates soar. Homicides in
Atlanta were up 32 percent in the first five months of the year. In Chicago, which already was contending for the
title Murder Capital of the Country because of the high death rate there, homicides are up 17 percent so far this
year. In New York, homicides are up almost 13 percent. In St. Louis, robberies were up 43 percent during the first
four months of this year. During the same period, homicides increased by 25 percent. St. Louis Police Chief Sam
Dotson said a major reason for the increase is that the criminal element is feeling empowered. Of course it is!
What else would you expect to happen when the media are only too eager to portray police as racist killers and
when public officials, from city mayors to the president of the United States, are all too willing to play into this false
narrative? Remember the demonization of police that occurred after the shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson,
Missouri? Although it was later proved that Brown attacked police officer Darren Wilson and wasnt standing with his
hands up, trying to surrender, the lie that he was doing so led to the slogan Hands up, dont shoot being used by
demonstrators all over the country. The mainstream media were only too willing to repeat every dishonest smear
against the police. Publicity hound and racist agitator Al Sharpton got massive exposure for every scurrilous attack
The real tragedy here is that it is blacks

who are the biggest victims of the soaring crime rates. Theyre being raped, robbed,
shot and molested by black criminals in increasing numbers. Before this year,
violent crimes in America had been declining for the past two decades. Now, crime
rates are soaring. As Mac Donald wrote: If these decriminalization and deincarceration policies backfire, the
people most harmed will be their supposed beneficiaries: blacks, since they are
disproportionately victimized by crime. Right! But will this be enough to get the Democrats who run
on the police that he uttered. Who cared what the truth was?
virtually every big city in America to change their policies or for the mainstream media to expose the lies that help
things will only get worse, especially in our inner

cities, before they get better maybe a lot worse. Until next time, keep some powder dry.
fuel the mayhem? Not a chance. Im afraid
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Crime doesnt impact economy much

No clear crime-economy relationship
John Roman 9-23-2013 Urban Institute, Justice Policy Center Sr Fellow
http://www.citylab.com/work/2013/09/puzzling-relationship-between-crime-andeconomy/6982/The Puzzling Relationship Between Crime and the Economy
Criminologists say bad economies create more crime; economists say the opposite.
But recent data reveals neither explanation is right.
Looking at the relationship between GDP and crime back to the earliest reliable
crime data from 1960 supports both positions, suggesting there is no relationship between
economic growth and crime. In the first part of the series, rising GDP is associated with rapidly increasing
crime. In the second part, it is associated with declining crime. In the middle, there is no relationship at all. Most
macroeconomic data show the same pattern. Consider consumer confidence data going back to
the inception of the University of Michigan Consumer Sentiment data in 1978. Again, the consumer
confidence data show no relationship between consumer sentiment and crime rates .
That, however, is because the relationship was strongly negative prior to 1992 (meaning more confident
consumers=less crime). After 1992, the pattern reverses, and the better the economy, the more crime there is.
The bottom line: Crime is episodic and there is no singular effect of the economy on crime.
In order to understand and prevent crime, it is therefore necessary to understand what type of period we are in. Its
also necessary to understand what forces are at work locally, rather than focus on the national picture. Next week, I
will address that point.
Weak internal link overall data is mixed

UNCERTAINTY MATTER?
Nevertheless, despite the growing literature, empirical studies have not yet produced a definite conclusion
Existing findings are often contradictory, with

some estimates suggesting a strong adverse influence of crime on growth while
regarding the impact of crime on economic growth.
other studies report evidence indicating no effect at all . For example, Peri (2004) finds
crime to have a statistically significant impact in reducing both per capita income growth and employment growth
using panel data at provincial level from Italy for 1951-1999. His results, however, indicate the possibility of nonlinearities in the crime-growth relationship. Burnham et al. (2004) explore the impact of central-city crime on US
county-level per-capita income growth and report results suggesting no clear crime-growth relationship. In
particular, while they find a statistically significant adverse violent-crime effect on growth, the impact of property
crime is weak and in some specifications perverse. On the other hand, a World Bank study (World Bank, 2006),
based on data from 43 countries for 1975-2000, reports results suggesting a strong negative effect of crime on
growth even after controlling for human-capital accumulation and income inequality, that is, variables which are
likely to be causally linked to crime. Crdenas (2007) also finds a significantly negative association between crime
and per-capita output growth in a panel of 65 countries using homicides data for 1971-1999 and a country-fixed
Mauro & Carmeci (2007) find that crime impacts negatively on income
levels but exerts no significant long-run adverse influence on growth rates employing
effects specification.
the pooled-mean-group estimator (Pesaran et al. (1999)) and homicides data from 19 Italian regions during the
period 1963-1995. Dettoto & Pulina (2009) explore the cointegration status between six types of crime and
employment growth using Italian national-level data between 1970 and 2004. Their results indicate that property
crime, but not homicides, causes lower long-run employment growth. In a more recent study, Dettoto & Otranto
(2010) apply an autoregressive model, in which real GDP growth is explained by past GDP and a crime proxy, to
monthly data for Italy during the period 1979-2002 and find only a relatively small annualized real-GDP growth
reduction due to crime.
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also find no strong evidence of a

uniformly negative association between crime and growth and this applies both to total crime
2005 and controlling for human capital and institutional quality,
and to sub-categories of crime.
Their evidence flawedno systematic study to correlate

economy and crime
BY DEBRA RESCHKE A mixed bag of conditions could have various effects on crime RETAIL CRIME IN AN
ECONOMIC DOWNTURN National Petroleum News [serial online]. April 2009;101(4):24. Available from:
MasterFILE Premier, Ipswich, MA. Accessed July 6, 2015.
it is generally assumed that fluctuations in the economy alter crime,

evidence that categorically proves it is hard to find. "There's never been a
systematic study that shows it," said Peter Manning, Brooks Professor of Criminal
lustice at Northeastern University. He explained the lack of proof by echoing
Erickson's statement; the lag between the change in the economy and crime rate
makes it difficult to predict. Also, according to Manning, several various different political
and philosophical opinions tend to go along with these types of studies as well as
possibly erroneous ideas. "The idea that people who commit these crimes become
more impulsive (in economic downturns) is simply not true ," he said. In fact, he added,
Although
robbers, in either bear or bull markets, are usually unemployed and, therefore, unrelated to the economy. What has
Findings suggest the

people who commit robberies at places like c-stores are usually impulsive by nature,
low skilled and fairly young, said Manning
been more widely studied and documented are the characteristics of retail rohhers.
The correlation between crime and the economy is not

consistent.
JOHN ROMAN senior fellow in the Justice Policy Center at the Urban Institute, where he focuses on evaluations of innovative
crime-control policies and justice programsSep 24, 2013 The Puzzling Relationship Between Crime and the Economy
http://www.citylab.com/work/2013/09/puzzling-relationship-between-crime-and-economy/6982/
the relationship between crime and the economy is not as

obvious as it seems, and focusing on that relationship obscures more important predictors. Looking at
the relationship between GDP and crime back to the earliest reliable crime data
from 1960 supports both positions, suggesting there is no relationship between
economic growth and crime. In the first part of the series, rising GDP is associated with rapidly increasing
But as the figures below show,
crime. In the second part, it is associated with declining crime. In the middle, there is no relationship at all. Most
macroeconomic data show the same pattern. Consider consumer confidence data going back to the inception of the
University of Michigan Consumer Sentiment data in 1978. Again, the consumer confidence data show no
relationship between consumer sentiment and crime rates. That, however, is because the relationship was strongly
negative prior to 1992 (meaning more confident consumers=less crime). After 1992, the pattern reverses, and the
Crime is episodic and there is no

singular effect of the economy on crime. In order to understand and prevent crime,
it is therefore necessary to understand what type of period we are in. Its also
necessary to understand what forces are at work locally, rather than focus on the
national picture. Next week, I will address that point
better the economy, the more crime there is. The bottom line:
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Link Defense
Focus on crime reduction doesnt solve
Broader social interventions appear more promising than crime-focused

environmental interventions as a means of improving fear of crime, health and
well-being. The qualitative evidence suggests that fear of crime may impact on physical activity. More broadly,
crime and fear of crime appear to be linked to health and well-being mainly as aspects of socioeconomic
disadvantage. This review indicates the following gaps in the literature: evaluation research on the health impacts
of crime reduction interventions; more robust research on interventions to reduce fear of crime; systematic reviews
of non-environmental interventions to reduce fear of crime and systematic reviews of qualitative evidence on other
crime-related topics.
Surveillance doesnt reduce crime

Ali Winston 9-11-2013 The East Bay Express
http://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/we-are-being-watched/Content?
oid=3706988 We Are Being Watched Our fear of another 9/11 resulted in the
erosion of our privacy rights. And now our fear of crime is pushing the surveillance
state to a whole new level
The Domain Awareness Center -- Oakland's planned surveillance hub that is being designed to collect
data from at least 150 city and port cameras, 40 license plate readers, gunshot detectors, alarm notifications, and
intelligent video programs -- is the broadest surveillance project in the region and has attracted the
most criticism. Funded entirely through federal grant money and being built on a contract by Science Applications
International Corporation (SAIC) -- a defense contractor with a record of making shoddy products; producing cost
overruns; and defrauding municipal, federal, and foreign governments -- the surveillance center has also attracted
heavy criticism for its lack of privacy or data retention policies, as well as for its plans to incorporate cameras from
But expanded electronic

surveillance has also garnered widespread support from city residents who are fed up with
crime and are willing to trade their privacy rights and civil liberties for the chance of being safer -- much as
the Oakland Unified School District, the Oakland Coliseum, and freeways.
Americans have done throughout the past decade in the fight against terrorism. "People who probably in a 'normal'
or less fearful crime-ridden situation would not think about wanting more cameras, but in the reality of today, I'm
getting people saying, 'Can't we get more cameras in these places?'" said Dan Kalb, who represents North Oakland
(one of the city's less crime-impacted neighborhoods) on the city council. "They want to be able to walk back from
BART to their homes -- four blocks -- without fearing having to do it. People are taking cabs from Rockridge BART
home. It's a shame that it's gotten to that point." While much of the official rhetoric about the surveillance center
has revolved around Oakland's high crime rate,
a substantial body of research reveals that video
surveillance does not impact violent crime. In London, where there are 4.2 million
the surveillance state
had not resulted in decreased crime. Furthermore, video surveillance by law enforcement
raises concerns about racial profiling. In Lansing, Michigan, an independent study of surveillance
surveillance cameras, police studies last decade concluded that the expansion of
cameras concluded that black residents were twice as likely to be under continual surveillance than white residents.
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No data support surveillance deterrence it doesnt reduce

crime but trades off with more effective approaches
Mark Schlosberg August 2007 The California ACLU Affiliates
https://www.aclunc.org/docs/criminal_justice/police_practices/under_the_watchful_ey
e_the_proliferation_of_video_surveillance_systems_in_california.pdf Under the
Watchful Eye The Proliferation of Video Surveillance Systems in California (and
Nicole A. Ozer, co author)
law enforcement and government officials in California continue to
claim that cameras deter crime. In San Francisco, for example, the Director of the Mayors Office of
Even in the face of this evidence,
Criminal Justice admitted, at a public hearing on the proposed expansion of the citys video surveillance program,
that he was unaware of any studies demonstrating the effectiveness of cameras and that there had been no
comprehensive study of San Franciscos system. Yet, he continued to assert that cameras would deter crime.81
Likewise, in Clovis, Police Captain Robert Keyes asserted that cameras contributed to a reduction in crime, despite
the fact that theres
nothing other than anecdotal evidence to support that.82 The ACLU

survey found that no California jurisdiction with video surveillance cameras has conducted a comprehensive
evaluation of their effectiveness. As
comprehensive studies strongly suggest cameras do
not deter crime , the rationale of deterrence falls short of justifying either the cameras expense or their
intrusion into privacy. Another justification for video surveillance is that its purported ability to capture evidence of
criminal activity could potentially increase the success of criminal prosecutions. In London, the role of CCTV
cameras in identifying the men involved in the 2005 terrorist attacks has been highly publicized. Cameras
evidence
suggests that the impact of video footage on prosecutions may not be as significant
undoubtedly capture some evidence of criminal activity, but in the limited studies available,
as policy-makers expect. First, some evidence suggests that cameras make little difference in the number of crimes
actually solved. The Glasgow study cited above, for example, found that the cameras appeared to have little effect
on the clearance rates for crimes and offenses generally. Comparing statistics before and after installation of the
cameras, the clear-up rate increased slightly, from 62 to 64 percent. Once these figures were adjusted for general
trends, however, the research analysts concluded that the clear-up rate fell from 64 to 60 percent.83 Second, while
law enforcement agencies appear to

overestimate the degree to which the footage helps law enforcement actually convict criminals. In Maryland,
some crimes are certainly captured on film, some
for example, Margaret Burns, a spokesperson for the state attorneys office, told reporters for the Washington Times
that the office has not found them to be a useful tool to prosecutors . . . theyre good for circumstantial evidence,
but it definitely isnt evidence we find useful to convict somebody of a crime . . . We have not used any footage to
resolve a violent-crime case.84 According to a study by the Maryland state attorneys office, of the nearly 2,000
arrests made on the basis of video camera footage, the vast majority concluded in an outright dismissal or a
conviction for minor crimes. The office is now questioning the large amount of taxpayer money spent on the
program. Do these prosecutorial results support millions of dollars in tax expenditures? There will have to be a
public debate about this, Burns said.85 In Cincinnati, Ohio, police also found cameras to be ineffective. A
University of Cincinnati study found that the citys program, which began in 1998, merely shifted crime beyond the
view of the cameras. According to Captain Kimberly Frey, Weve never really gotten anything useful from them . . .
weve never had a successful prosecution . . . were trying to use . . . money for other things. Video surveillance
costs more than the cameras alone: The dollars used to buy the system are not spent in a vacuum.
Public
safety budgets are stretched very thin, especially in many urban areas, so money dedicated to video
surveillance often comes at the expense of potentially more effective measures,
such as lighting, community policing initiatives, and increased foot patrols. Compare
the lack of evidence of video surveillances ability to reduce crime with the
remarkable results that improved lighting produces . A survey commissioned by the British Home
Office looked at 13 lighting studies in Great Britain and the United States and evaluated the cumulative impact. The
study found a 20 percent average decrease in crime, with reductions in every area of criminal activity including
violent crime. In fact, in two areas financial savings from reduced crimes greatly exceeded the financial costs of
the improved lighting. The report concluded: Street lighting benefits the whole neighborhood rather than particular
individuals or households. It is not a physical barrier to crime, it has no adverse civil liberties implications, and it can
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increase public safety and effective use of neighborhood streets at night. In short,
improved lighting seems
to have no negative effects and demonstrated benefits for law-abiding citizens.87 Intensive
foot patrols have shown similar resultsreductions in crime, including violent crime, of 15 to 20
percent.88 These findings suggest that from a law enforcement and public safety perspective alone, the
dedication of scarce resources to video surveillance systems may not only be an
inefficient and ineffective use of funds, it may actually be counterproductive.
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A2 Fear of Crime
Fear of crime impacts are minimal
As noted earlier (see Emotional response: further considerations), many researchers have called for greater
precision in the measurement of fear of crime, on several dimensions. With respect to the distinction between
perceived risk and emotional responses, the findings cited earlier may suggest that the latter have a greater impact
on health and well-being outcomes although, because of the non-systematic nature of this review, this finding
should be regarded as indicative only. With respect to the distinction between dispositional fear and episodic fear,
both have been found to be associated with health outcomes; of the studies cited earlier, five use non-time-specific
measures208,224,226228 and two measure frequency of worry.223,225 With regard to the distinction between
functional and pathological fear, limited data are available on health outcomes, although this would be a promising
avenue of investigation. Studies have elicited respondents perceptions of the impact of fear on quality of life91,98
and used this to make the distinction between functional and pathological fear, but we did not locate any studies
that make the distinction independently and then measure the association with quality of life or other well-being
outcomes. Potential differences in the health impacts of fear by type of crime have also, to our knowledge, not been
investigated.
limited
The mental health impacts of fear of crime are probably relatively

across the population as a whole.
of a QALY per person per year
The utility loss has been estimated at 0.00065

or around one-fifth of the mental health impacts of crime
itself,122,234 although to our knowledge no modelling work has been carried out on the basis of more in-depth
empirical studies such as that by Stafford et al.227 to provide more accurate estimates.
Fear of crime cant be separated from ACTUAL crime

some form of dualistic distinction between rational and

irrational or symbolic fear has been widely utilised as a fundamental distinction in
the theoretical literature. Rational fear would be fear that responds to actual risk (i.e. in which the affective
As discussed in the theory review,
component is purely driven by the cognitive component), whereas all other fear which has been hypothesised to
be driven by a wide range of factors (see following section) would then be irrational. This framing of the issue has
perhaps been a factor in some researchers and policy-makers reluctance to separate questions about fear of crime
from questions about crime (as we argue is necessary above; see The policy context of fear of crime), from an
understandable desire to avoid labelling peoples fears as irrational or merely symbolic. However,
many
theorists have argued that this distinction is itself an oversimplification , and fails to take
account of how estimations of risk and affective reactions actually inter-relate in the context of lived experience.
Some thinkers on fear of crime have attempted to produce revised versions of the distinction between the kind of
fear of crime that responds to immediate risk and the kind that expresses broader symbolic resonances, which can
take account of these critiques, such as Jacksons111 distinction between experience and expression. However, it
seems clear that such revisions still face problems in integrating existing theories premised on an absolute
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distinction between rationality and irrationality with a more critical perspective that would see rationality in more
qualitative evidence tends to show the

impossibility of isolating the rational dimension of fear from the symbolic dimension ,
pluralistic or context-sensitive terms. We would argue that the
for several reasons. One has to do with the complexity of the causal pathways, as discussed in the theory review.
Even taking into account the various distortions that may affect cognitive assessments of risk, the latter do not
explain more than a small amount of the variation in affective responses, and a wide range of other factors may
impact on peoples emotional experiences. Some factors (e.g. conditions in the physical environment) may be
linked to both the cognitive and the affective aspects of fear in distinct ways, and interact in unpredictable ways
depending on contextual or individual-level determinants. The practical difficulty of generalising about these
pathways, such that the rational core of fear, represented by the impact on affective fear from cognitive risk
perceptions, could be isolated from the irrational components represented by the impacts of other factors, is
highly challenging.
Separating fear and crime risks bad policymaking

In terms of public health and social policy research more generally, the consequence of seeing fear of crime as a
dimension of well-being would seem to be to encourage its use as part of a battery of measures examining peoples
perceptions of the social and physical environments, along with measures such as social cohesion, perceived trust,
satisfaction with the environment and so on. Indeed, several of the studies of non-crime interventions in the
effectiveness review do exactly this. Further uptake of fear of crime as an outcome measure in evaluations of social
and environmental interventions particularly along with measures of health behaviours and health status would
fear of crime as an
outcome measure is likely to face a number of challenges . One is the difficulty of translating
between distinct disciplinary framings. As discussed in the review of theory, the irreconcilability of the
different academic discourses required to understand the impacts of crime on health and well-being
be a valuable contribution to the evidence base. However, such an increased uptake of
corresponds to serious differences between the conceptual frameworks used by different groups of stakeholders. In
particular, the relatively narrow range of approaches that predominate in crime- and policing-related fields may
pose a problem for communication with decision-makers in other policy and practice areas. This may partly account
for the issue identified by Perry130 that approaches widely recognised as valuable within public health, such as
universal primary prevention, have generally not been taken up within crime-related fields (see Chapter 3, Crime
there are
serious unanswered questions as to how to interpret fear-of-crime outcomes .
and health). Moreover, as discussed earlier (see Chapter 3, Fear of crime: measures and contexts),
Arguments for the basic incoherence of the concept have been repeatedly made, and do not seem to have become
substantially less valid over time. The meaning of even strong trends in the empirical data on fear of crime, such as
the substantial and steadily maintained year-on-year decline in worry about crime in the UK over the last 15 or 20
years, remains fundamentally unclear. British Crime Survey data310 show worry about burglary declining steadily
from a high of 26% in 1994 to 10% in 201011, and worry about violent crime declining similarly from 25% in 1998
to 13% in 201011. As noted earlier, the utilisation of the concept in the context of policy and practice has also
been beset by ambiguities. These apparently insoluble problems have given rise to a widespread sense that the
fear-of-crime agenda no longer provides an adequate theoretical framework, and that a transition to a more
it may be challenging to integrate fear of crime into a

more general picture of environmental impacts on well-being , as it is still unclear what the
inclusive concept is required.71 Thus,
environmental determinants of fear of crime really are, and what aspects of fear impact on well-being. Although we
make a few suggestions below, it seems unlikely that the controversies around this issue will be settled in the
foreseeable future. In other words, although there is reason to think that measuring fear of crime can help to access
some dimensions of the environmentwell-being link, it is far from clear exactly which dimensions these are. To
some extent, these questions can be addressed only by further empirical research. However, it must be admitted
the long but inconclusive history of fear-of-crime research to date does not
inspire confidence in the outcome of such a process .
that
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Offense
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Racism Turn
Racism turn
Integration of fear of crime reduction with broader initiatives Although the effectiveness evidence is inconclusive
and leaving aside the challenges identified in the previous section the qualitative and theory reviews suggest that
focused interventions to reduce fear of crime (such as intensified policing, or the

are less likely to be effective than interventions that
address either general problems in the environmen t (e.g. environmental improvements, housing
renewal, and urban regeneration more generally) or the social, economic and political
determinants of fear. The latter might include , for example, interventions to promote social
cohesion, reduce alcohol and drug use, address racism and other forms of discrimination and
narrowly
provision of information about crime)
promote the empowerment and decision-making capacity of communities. The absence of a clear message from the
available data on the effectiveness of these broader interventions is problematic, but the other data considered in
this project indicate that such strategies are promising ways to reduce fear of crime, and further evaluation
research would be valuable.
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Drones Turns
Drones Are Helping Criminals
Jack Nicas, 1-28-2015, Aviation journalist, "Criminals, Terrorists Find Uses for
Drones, Raising Concerns," WSJ, http://www.wsj.com/articles/criminals-terroristsfind-uses-for-drones-raising-concerns-1422494268
Drones are becoming a tool for criminals and terrorists, worrying authorities who
say the small unmanned aircraft are difficult to detect and stop, a concern heightened this
week by the accidental crash of a drone at the White House. Law-enforcement officials have
discovered criminals smuggling drugs and other contraband across the U.S. border
and into prisons using the types of consumer drones increasingly popular with
entrepreneurs and hobbyists. And authorities in the U.S., Germany, Spain and Egypt have foiled at least
six potential terrorist attacks with drones since 2011. U.S. authorities are worried that the problem is growing and
that drones could be modified to mount attacks with explosives or chemical weapons, according to a presentation
this month by federal intelligence and security officials to their counterparts in law enforcement and people who
oversee critical infrastructure.
Criminals Are Using Drones for Spotting Marijuana

Dylan Love, 4-23-2014, Tech reporter, "British Criminals Are Using Drones To Steal
Marijuana," Business Insider, http://www.businessinsider.com/british-using-drones-to-stealmarijuana-2014-4
The latest killer application for drone use seems to be in marijuana reconnaissance ,
reports ITPortal. Criminal gangs in the UK's rural Shropshire County are reportedly using
flying robots equipped with infrared cameras to spot hidden marijuana growing
operations from the sky, then blackmailing the growers or downright stealing their
crop from the house. In the past, law enforcement has similarly used abnormal infrared heat signatures as a
means of prosecuting marijuana cultivators, but these means are being used to a different end
by criminal elements in search of drugs or money . One of these fly-by-night
marijuana thieves spoke to a local paper about what he does: "[Pot farms] are fair
game. It is not like I'm using my drone to see if people have nice televisions. I am just after drugs to steal and
sell. If you break the law then you enter me and my drone's world." Drones are only getting more affordable and
their use more widespread. The Pocket Drone, a Kickstarter project that successfully raised nearly a million dollars
to bring small, affordable drones to the market, offers customers almost everything they need to get
flying for $446. Tom Watson, Shropshire area MP and chairman of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Drones, said,
"It
is no surprise enterprising criminals would want to get the upper hand in the
criminal underworld by using drones.
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Burglars Are Using Drones to Aid Them

David Barrett, 5-18-2015, Home Affairs Correspondent, "Burglars use drone
helicopters to target homes," Telegraph.co.uk,
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/crime/11613568/Burglars-use-dronehelicopters-to-identify-targe-homes.html
Unmanned drones are being piloted over private homes by burglars in a bid to
identify potential targets, police have confirmed . Detectives fear the minihelicopters, which can be bought for as little as 30, are being deployed to take surveillance
photographs from above, posing a brand new threat to home security . Suffolk
Constabulary confirmed it had received at least one report of drones being used by burglars to case properties.
The drones are highly-maneuverable and depending on the model can carry advanced,
high definition cameras which can capture video and still images. It is feared that
because the technology allows thieves to explore properties from the air they will be
used to identify security weak spots, such as older-style patio or French doors which
can be easily forced. Because of their abilities to get close-in to potential targets,
drones are thought to present an even greater threat than websites such as
Googles Street View and Google Earth services, which have previously been accused of assisting
thieves with satellite and kerb-side images of properties.
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Informant Turns
Informants are unreliable and often commit crimes more
serious crimes than the one they are supposed to investigate.
ACLU (American Civil Liberties Union), No Date Given https://www.aclu.org/unnecessary-evil
UNNECESSARY EVIL (ac: 7-6-15)
informants are motivated by self-advancement. Informants work for the

government, often secretly, to gather and provide information or to testify in
exchange for cash or leniency in punishment for their own crimes . Preliminary research
Unlike witnesses,
indicates that up to 80% of all drug cases in America may be based on information provided by informants. An informant can be a
But putting police work in the hands of

known criminals and blindly trusting that justice will be done is an unnecessary evil.
Unfortunately, todays informant system does just that. It lacks the oversight
mechanisms and regulations necessary to ensure that informants are telling the
truth. Too often, informants are pressured into lying at the expense of innocent
people in order to save their own skin. A steady parade of scandals also
demonstrates the sad reality that too many times law enforcement has turned a
blind eye to the serious, violent crimes being committed by informants while
assisting with investigations of less serious crimes, such as non-violent drug
offenses. Add to all of this, the vast over-reliance on informants in policing
communities of color, and you have a recipe for disaster. Blind trust in the informant
system is dangerous. Our publics safety and the integrity of our justice system
demand that policymakers put in place strong oversight mechanisms and
regulations to ensure informant reliability.
useful law enforcement tool a necessary evil if used properly.
Informants are unreliable, often continue to commit crime, and

being pressured into becoming one can put nonviolent
offenders at risk
by Alexandra Natapoff JUNE 15, 2010 published in Prison Legal News June, 2010,
https://www.prisonlegalnews.org/news/2010/jun/15/secret-justice-criminal-informants-and-americas-underground-
every year the government

negotiates thousands of deals with criminal offenders in which suspects can avoid
arrest or punishment in exchange for information. These deals typically take place
off-the-record, subject to few rules and little oversight. While criminal informantssometimes
legal-system/From street corners to jails to courthouses to prisons,
referred to as snitchescan be important investigative tools, using them has some serious costs: informants
Taken together,
these facts make snitching an important and problematic aspect of the way America
does justice. The practice of trading information for guilt is so pervasive that it has
literally become a thriving business. For example, Ann Colomb and her three sons
were wrongfully convicted in 2006 of running a crack cocaine ring in Louisiana. They
were convicted based on the fabricated testimony of dozens of jailhouse informants
participants in a for-profit snitch ring operating in the local federal prison. As part
of that ring, prisoners were buying and selling information about pending cases to
offer to prosecutors in order to reduce their own sentences. When police rely on
criminal informants, innocent people can pay a heavy price. Acting on a bad tip
from a local drug dealer-turned-informant, Atlanta police sought a no-knock warrant
for the home of Mrs. Kathryn Johnston. In order to get the warrant, the officers
invented an imaginary snitch, telling the magistrate judge that a non-existent reliable confidential
informant had bought crack at Mrs. Johnstons home . While executing the warrant
often continue to commit crimes, while the information they provide is infamously unreliable.
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on November 21, 2006, police shot and killed the 92-year-old grandmother. Criminal
informants often continue to commit crimes while working for the government. To
its embarrassment, the Secret Service discovered that one of their top former
informants, Albert Gonzalez, was running one of the largest credit card data theft
rings in the country. Gonzalez had used his connections with the government to
promote his illegal activities and also to tip off other hackers on how to avoid
detection.
Rules to manage and stop informants from committing crimes

aren't followed
For decades in cities from coast to coast, FBI agents recruited killers and crime
bosses as informants and then looked the other way as they continued to commit
violent crimes. When the practice first came to light in Boston -- unleashing an ongoing investigation that has already sent
one agent to prison for obstruction of justice -- FBI officials in Washington portrayed it as an aberration. But Associated Press
interviews with nine former agents -- men with a combined 190 years of experience in more than 25 bureau offices from Los Angeles
to Washington -- indicate that the practice was widespread during their years of service between the late 1950s and the 1990s.
The former agents, and two federal law enforcement officials who have worked
closely with the bureau, said the practice sometimes emboldened informants,
leading them to believe that they could get away with almost anything.The degree
to which the practice continues today is unclear; current FBI agents and
administrators are secretive about the bureau's work with informants. However, a
senior FBI official indicated that bureau rules designed to prevent serious crimes by
informants may not always be followed by agents in the field.
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Immigration Turns
Increasing border security will increase crime
Pia M. Orrenius and Roberto Coronado 2005, Research Department Federal
Reserve Bank of Dallas. http://ccis.ucsd.edu/wp-content/uploads/WP_131.pdf
Not surprisingly, we find evidence of a positive and significant correlation between
the volume of apprehensions of illegal immigrants and the incidence of violent
crime. The underlying relationship is likely one in which the reliance of border
crossers on smugglers, and the pervasiveness of drug smuggling, contribute to
violent crime along the border. If that is the case, one might expect that
enforcement leads to more violent crime, as more border patrol should increase
smuggler usage. We find that yes, sector increases in enforcement may increase
violent crime rates in the own sector as well as the neighboring sectors. At the same
time, higher average enforcement along the border leads to significantly less
violence.
Empirically proven-immigration doesnt lead to higher crime

rates
Stuart Anderson 2012. Anderson is executive director of the National
Foundation for American Policy and an adjunct scholar at the Cato Institute.
http://www.arcofhistory.org/U.S._History/Assignments/Entries/2014/12/4_Fishbowl__I
mmigration_files/It%20Is%20a%20Myth%20That%20Illegal%20Immigration
%20Leads%20to%20Higher%20Crime%20Rates.pdf
"According to the most recent figures from the U.S. Department of Justice, the
violent crime rate in Arizona in 2008 was the lowest it has been since 1971; the
property crime rate fell to its lowest point since 1966. In the past decade, as illegal
immigrants were drawn in record numbers by the housing boom, the rate of violent
crimes in Phoenix and the entire state fell by more than 20 percent, a steeper drop
than in the overall U.S. crime rate." National studies have reached the conclusion
that foreign-born (both legal and illegal immigrants) are less likely to commit crimes
than the native-born.
Deferred action reduces crime

Max Mcclure, 8-29-2012, Stanford University, "Obama administration's
immigration reform initiative could reduce crime, Stanford economist finds,"
http://news.stanford.edu/news/2012/august/immigration-reform-crime-082912.html
and found that
more legalizations meant less crime. Legalizing 1 percent of the population in a county corresponded
Baker compared IRCA applications with FBI crime statistics on a county-by-county basis,
to a 2 percent decrease in crime per capita around 200,000 fewer crimes every year on a national level. Baker's
evidence suggests that this decline is, in fact, directly tied to IRCA-enabled legalizations. The results aren't
explained by other factors, like long-term crime trends or an increase in police numbers. There are a number of
possible reasons for why legalization might have this effect. Legal immigrants are more likely to cooperate with the
police during investigations. The immigrants, primarily men, were also less likely to live alone once they were
legalized an important detail, since family men are less prone to criminal behavior. But, Baker says, the most
important change was likely the most direct. "Once these men are legalized, they're essentially granted access to a
formal, legal labor market," said Baker. This means more jobs, higher salaries and better opportunities for
advancement.
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Immigrants key to low crime rates L.A. proves

Hansen 15 (Matt Hansen, 6-19-2015, "Why immigrants make America's crime
rate plunge," No Publication, http://theweek.com/articles/561334/why-immigrantsmake-americas-crime-rate-plunge) LO
llywood famously envisioned an America free of criminals in 2002's Minority Report. But Steven Spielberg didn't
need Tom Cruise or his soothsaying mutants to predict what crime would look like in the year 2054: A more
accurate prophecy was just outside the set. The way the city of Los Angeles looks today diverse, with no clear
ethnic majority is likely how the rest of the country will look by 2050, demographic studies from the U.S. Census
Bureau have found. And researchers with Los Angeles 2050, a study commissioned by the Goldhirsh Foundation,
say this could have a real impact on something that preoccupies many Americans: crime. According to the study,
the crime rate in Los Angeles has fallen to historic lows, in line with a nationwide
trend. But L.A. a city in which 35 percent of residents were not born in the U.S.
has actually seen crime rates go down at a faster rate than cities with fewer
immigrants. Other research backs up the link. A 2008 study from the Public Policy Institute of California found
that despite comprising 35 percent of the state's population, only 17 percent of California's prisoners
were foreign-born immigrants. This means that adult males born in the United
States were jailed nearly 3.3 times more often than men born outside the country .
And a 2009 study from the Rand Corporation found that kids growing up in first-generation immigrant households
were less likely to be victims of violence than kids growing up in U.S.-born households, even when they lived in the
same low-income neighborhoods. The researchers said their findings indicated that living in an immigrant
household was "a protective mechanism even in distressed neighborhoods" where violence was common. The
future of America's endangered languages "There are various theories aimed at understanding why we find lower
crime rates among the first generation, most are linked to the contention that the process of migrating isn't easy,"
Bianca Bersani of the University of Massachusetts Boston told The Week in an email. She has conducted her own
independent studies of individuals, rather than neighborhoods, comparing crime rates across generations, and says
migration is difficult, Bersani noted, so immigrants

are likely self-selecting. Likewise, many immigrants without legal status risk
deportation and thus may be more likely to obey the law. First generation
immigrants may also have a more positive outlook towards law enforcement and
the legal system than second generation immigrants or native-born Americans.
Another thing to consider is family structure, she said: Immigrant families are often
intact, featuring two-parents. But there's a flip side, too. As immigrants live longer in the United States,
her own research supports these findings. First,
research indicates that they catch up to native-born Americans in terms of crime. By that time, second-generation
immigrants have become "typical U.S. born youth," Bersani said. Her research shows that "second generation
immigrant criminal behavior is no different from typical native-born youth offending," she said, and that when put
under the same influences as native-born American kids, second-generation immigrant kids make similar choices.
"Looking back 100 years we see a story similar to today whereby first generation immigrants displayed lower levels
of offending compared to their second-generation children," she said. "At the same time these children progressed
up the social ladder and are now considered part and parcel of mainstream U.S. society." In Los Angeles, at least,
the immigration that has made it into one of the country's most diverse cities is seen as an asset, both as a
measure against crime and as a driver for tourism and economics. The city is home to the most Mexicans, Filipinos,
Iranians, Salvadorans, and Koreans outside of their native countries. The University of Southern California has
routinely claimed the most international students in the country. For the researchers at Los Angeles 2050, this
racial diversity is one of Los Angeles'

greatest assets," they wrote. And perhaps the same will be said of more American cities in the future.
bodes well for their city. "In the case of public safety,
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#debatelikeabear
More A2 Terror
72
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#debatelikeabear
Al Qaeda
Al Qaeda has insufficient funds and is too busy watching
pornography.
Mueller, 11. (John Mueller; is Professor of Political Science at Ohio State University. He
is the author of Atomic Obsession and a co-author, with Mark Stewart, of the forthcoming
book Terror, Security, and Money: Balancing the Risks, Benefits, and Costs of Homeland
Security. He is also editor of the webbook Terrorism Since 9/11: The American Cases.
8/2/11.) FOREIGN AFFAIRS. The Truth about Al Qaeda. Retrieved from:
https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2011-08-02/truth-about-al-qaeda. //JW
The public has now endured a decade of dire warnings about the
imminence of a terrorist atomic attack.
In 2004, the former CIA spook Michael Scheuer
proclaimed on television's 60 Minutes that it was "probably a near thing," and in 2007, the physicist Richard Garwin
assessed the likelihood of a nuclear explosion in an American or a European city by terrorism or other means in the
next ten years to be 87 percent.
By 2008, Defense Secretary Robert Gates mused
that what keeps every senior government leader awake at night is "the
thought of a terrorist ending up with a weapon of mass destruction,
especially nuclear." Few, it seems, found much solace in the fact that an
al Qaeda computer seized in Afghanistan in 2001 indicated that the
group's budget for research on weapons of mass destruction
focused on primitive chemical weapons work)
was some $2,000 to $4,000.
(almost all of it
In the wake of the killing
of Osama bin Laden, officials now have more al Qaeda computers, which reportedly contain a wealth of information
about the workings of the organization in the intervening decade.
completed its assessment, and according to first reports, it
A multi-agency task force
has found that al Qaeda members
have primarily been engaged in dodging drone strikes and

cash-strapped they are. Some reports suggest
has
complaining about how
they've also been looking at quite a bit of
pornography.
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MSDI 2015
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#debatelikeabear
ISIS
ISIS cannot convert ebola into a bioterror weapon
Evans, 14. (Nicholas G. Evans; bioethicist at University of
Pennsylvania specializing in biosecurity, bioterrorism and
ethics of pandemic disease. 10/10/14.) SLATE. EBOLA IS NOT A
WEAPON. Retrieved from:
http://www.slate.com/articles/health_and_science/science/2014/10/ebola_and_bioterrorism_the_virus_is_not_a_biow
eapon_despite_media_myths.html // JW
Stop it. Just stop it. Ebola isnt a potential weapon for terrorists
as reported by Forbes and the Daily Mail,
It isnt ,
a low-tech weapon of bioterror for ISIS. It isnt
the final refuge of a lone wolf on a suicide mission,

isnt a U.S.-built race-targeting bioweapon,
Ebola
is very real, and very scary. But this
in the words of Fox News.
It
as the leader of the Nation of Islam declared.
outbreak isnt a recipe for a bioweapon .
Not unless you want to be the most incompetent bioterrorist in history

First,
the virus isnt a viable bioweapon candidate . It doesnt spread quicklyits R0, a
measure of how infectious a virus is, is about 2. That means that, in a population where everyone is at risk, each
infected person will, on average, infect two more people. But because
someone with Ebola is
infectious only when she shows symptoms, weve got plenty of chances
to clamp down on an outbreak in a country with a developed public
health system.
74

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About MSDI & Missouri State U..

These days that tough-on-crime rhetoric isn't as common, and there's a

one of the more plausible reasons for the falling

The mere presence of more police officers can obviously be

Surveillance directly reduces fear of crime

appearing to be more promising; in addition, to the extent that lighting is

Fear of crime is spirit injury structural violence

the impacts of fear of crime are highly unequally distributed , and

Some scholars have utilised

Domestic surveillance deters crime Cleveland proves

days. This office is not directly related to CPD, but rather

This ability stems from a partnership

Crimestoppers, which is an anonymous tip line that offers cash

Growth solves every impact

in turn they feed back on economic development. They also

Global economic crisis causes nuclear war

One or more of the acute tensions

The crisis might be triggered by a collapse of the

Crime Rates Low / Falling

Crime rates dropping significantly

Not enough data to confirm crime rates rising

with the current

of the protests with a rise in crime and criminality itself kind of

Crime rates continuing to fall

violence is easier to suppress.

Neg Block Overview Card

In the US alone, more than 23 million

community policing and intensive targeting of crime

CRIMINAL activity can drag the entire

Since neighborhood crime cameras were first installed in the District in

Surveillance Cameras Prevent Disruptive Behavior at High

Surveillance Cameras Help With Incrimination

The cameras have

Though the cameras did not prevent

the city is looking to increase the number of video

a crime deterrent and help with accident investigation."

Drone Are Effective Crime-Fighting Tools

extraordinarily effective, Bratton said. The

Drones Offer Effective Methods to Reduce Crime

Drones Provide an Advanced Method to Provide Crime

one of the good ones are

Informants are necessary to the justice process

Joseph R. Lewis, a deputy assistant FBI director in charge of criminal investigations

Informants are vital to the bureau's

Informant are key to solving crimes

Kinship Matching deters family crime

Investigative process of Familial Searching creates a

The worst indignity of an investigation can be living under a cloud of suspicion;

Fear of Crime - Link Expander

four main theories, in the sense of perspectives emphasising

Our fear of crime links dont require actual crime increases

Although research does tend to show some

individuals perceptions of social and physical disorder

Incivility spurs fear of crime & structural violence

physical and social incivilities are two entirely different

Theories of spirit injury posit that the well-being

One Crime leads to another

in the court proceedings might result in a reduction or avoidance of punishment .

Turns Case - Surveillance

September 11 also resulted in the fundamental alteration of American society: Our

local public agencies -- backed by

not to protect residents from the

centers" -- intelligence centers initially set up by Department of Homeland