THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MATERIAL OF THE EARLY

CHRISTIAN PERIOD IN CONTINENTAL CROATIA

(BrankaMigotti)

I. Introduction
The territory of present-daycontinentalCroatia - borderedon the west by Slovenia,the
north by Hungary,the far eastby Serbiaand the southby Bosniaand Herzegovina- was,
until the end of the 3rd century, the areaof the Roman provincesof Upper and Lower
Pannonia(ParutoniaSuperior andInJbrior) and Dalmatia. This geographicaldivision was
also valid for the period of the 4th century and further, despitethe fact that after 297 the
sectionsof Pannoniain what is now nofthern Croatia were called PannoniaSwia and
Pannlnia Secunda.l
The early Christianperiodbeginsafter 313 in the classicsense,but its first spiritual,
organizationaland symbolicmanifestations
canbe saidto have appearedin the 1stand 2nd
centuries.zI considerthe lower boundaryof eventheoreticalpossibilitiesof recognizingan
early Christian presencein continentalCroatia to be the 2nd century, and the reasonsfor
such an approachwill be explainedfurther in the text. Leaving asidethe protrlemsof the
divisions of archaeologicaland historical periods and the beginning of the early mediaeval
periodin varioussectionsof the RomanEmpire, I considerthe upperboundaryof the early
Christian horizon in this region to be the end of the 6th and beginning of the 7th century, as
the first early mediaevalstatesof the Slavic tribes were createdin this period.r
Researchinto the early Christian religious history of Pannoniahas a long tradition rich
in discoveriesbasedon abundantsourcematerial or modified written material.aImportant
finds of early Christian material remainsdiscoveredby Hungarian archaeologistsbetween
the two warssupplemented
theseresults.5At the sametime]the earlyChristianperiodis
the most poorly researchedarchaeologicalphasein the Croatian part of Pannonia(i.e.
continentalCroatiain its entirety). Systematicexcavationsof early Christian siteswere
never undeftaken,and the only text that discussedthe early Christian finds of northern
Croatia was a generalsurvey that could not encompasseither the breadthor the complexity
of this period.6The resultis as could be expected- a distorledconceptionthat
archaeologicalmaterialfrom the early Christianperiod in continentalCroatiais
exceptionallyscarce.The veracity of such an image canjustifiably be suspected,on the
basis,for instance,of comparisonswith the Hungariansectionof Pannoniaand its richer
archaeologicalmaterial. It is not merely that this is the samenatural,historical, and
geopolitical unit as the Croatiansectionof Pannonia,which was the first to be convertedto
Christianity, but a greateramount of written sourcematerial existsfor the period of early
Christianity here than for Hungary.TThus an at least equalrepresentationin archaeological
material would be the leastthat could be realisticallyexpected.Leaving asidethe natural
decayof archaeologicalremains,their removal from Croatia, and their destructionfor
utilitarianreasons,aboutwhich rvholestudiescould be written, the main reasonfor the
poor representationof early Christian objectsin the archaeologicalmaterial of continental
Croatia remainsthe lack of excavation.Consideringthat argumentsfor such a claim are
required,let one of them be the site of Strbinci at Budrovci, where rescueexcavationsin the
recentperiod have uncoveredtracesof two early Christian cemeteries.8

FRoM THEINVTNCTBLE
S uN ro rue Suu oF JusrrcE

The senerallack of researchinto late Roman cemeteriesin Croatiais a great

hindrancet6 the discovery of early Christianremains.gAlthough the situation-inthis regard
is considerablymore favorable in neighboring Hungary, the 6ystematicclassificationof
finds from the 5th and 6th centuriesis an as yet unrealizedobligation of Pannonian
archaeologyas a whole. Obstaclesto this have beenremoved to a ceftain extentby the
rejection(although still not absolute!)ofthe long believedfallacy that Pannoniaas a
country was desertedand impoverishedin the archaeologicalsensefrom the 4th century.10
Archaeologistswho work in this period primarily attemptto recognizeand distinguish
finds on the basisof ethnic and cultural characteristics,i.e. to distinguishthe autochthonic
Roman from the barbarianfinds. However, in a broader senseit is equally important to
establishthe presenceof early Christian elementsas a confirmation of continuity. Christian
traits were presentboth among Roman and barbarianpopulations,and it was in fact this
belief that incorporatedthe moral and materialcharacteristicsof Roman civilization into the
foundationsof the EuropeanMiddle Ages. In the words of E. T6th - Roman
cosmopolitanism
continuedto exist in Christianuniversalism.lI

II. The "Pre-Christian"

Phase (2nd-3rd Centuries)

1. The Cult of the Sun God

In its progressfiom illegal beginningsin the lst century, to the 4th century when it
was first legalized (313) and subsequentlydeclareda statereligion (380), Christianity was
confrontedwith opposition. The worship of the classicalpagandeities,the Oriental
mystery cults and the Jewish religion were all overt and were thus less dangerous
opponents.The foundationsof Christian teachingand religious organizationwere more
badly conoded by various Gnostic trendsand magical-apotropaicbeliefs. These,never
entirely eradicated,survived on the outskirts of Christian orthodoxy or in its very fabric,
and were assimilatedin variousmanners.12
Of the paganreligions with a basicallymonotheisticelement,the idea of the
ChristianGod was most closely approximatedby the cult of the UnconqueredSun (Sol
Invictus).13The solar aspectof the divine traits of Christ approachedthe cult of the
UnconqueredSun to such an extent that even Christianmartyrs did not despisethe latter.la
The Emperor Gallienus (253-268), otherwisewell-disposed to Christians,placedthe image
of Sol on the reverseof his coins [no. 5], while Aurelian (270-275) imposed Sol as the
supremedeity of the state.Constantinethe Great (306-337), whom Christian
historiography- not entirely correctly - is fond ofcalling the first Ctrristianruler, played
a decisiverole in unifying the religioussymbolismof Sol and Christ.r) The proverbial
religious vacillation of Constantinewas to characterizethe period of his reign with a
marked religious syncretism,which was reflectedin the iconographyof his coinage.Coins
with symbols of Sol were in circulation [no. 6] at the same time as folles with a
Christogramon the emperor'shelmet [no. 136].As is evidentfrom the behavior of
Constantineand the commentaryof contemporarywriters, the emperorvacillatedlengthily
betweenSol and Christ, in a certainmannerconsideringthem identical. Indicationsthus
exist.thatmany Christiansdid not clearlydistinguishtheir God from the Unconquered
Sun.ro Hence,there is no reasonto doubt that the altar dedicatedto Sol from VaraZdinske
Toplice [no. l,] remained untouched even after the reconsecrationof the basilica at the
bathsinto a Christian church. I believe that a certainsolar-Christian syncretismfound
expressionin severalcult-votive metal pendantsfrom Sisak[nos.2-4]. The basic
decorativeconceptof eachof them is predicatedon a circular field with an upright or
oblique cross,or rather ray lines placedin a Christogramform. The exceptionis a pendant
with the image of an orans [no. 2d] in a circular frame. These all contain solar symbolism
expressedin motifs that are simultaneouslyChristian signs - secretduring the first three
centuries,and universallater. I / Certain other objectswere conceivedin a similar manner,
but as they are classifiedin different groups accordingto various criteria, they will be
discussed later [nos. 33-34, 60-641.
The pendantwith the image of an orans is particularly interesting.Consideringthe
dating (2nd-3rd cent.), it was most probably a paganobject, but it should not be forgotten
188

THe AncHeeol-ocrcAl- MnrsnrlL oF THEEenly CHnrsrreN PBntoo Iu CoNTtNBNteLCnoert,c

that during the first three centuriesthe symbol of a disguisedChristian oransrcplaceAthe

symbol ofthe cross.18Another pendantis exceptionalin that it unites solar-lunar forms and
metaphoriccontent,which is otherwisethe generalattitude of Christian theology I n o.
41. 19Th's group of objectsundoubtedly symbolizesa monotheisticreligion, embodiedin
the cult of the Sun, buf possibly also in the solar aspectof Christ's attributes.Christ is
identified from the Old Testamentto patristic literaturewith various moral-phll^osophical
forms of the cosmic energy of the sun, including righteousness(So/ Iustitiae).zuThus it
should not seemodd that the Christogramon the labarum of the emperorsatisfiedboth
Christiansand pagans,as the latter inlerpretedit as a symbol of Sol.21In relation to this,,it
is interesting thaian early Christian pendant from Sisak [no. 68] with a crossin a profiled
frame is directly relatedstylistically and iconographicallyto the group of solar pendants
[particularly no.2a].
2. Gnostic Elements
In the scientific senseit is possibleto distinguish magical-apotropaic from Gnostic
elements,althoughthesephenomena,especiallyin comparisonto Christianity,have been
insufficiently studied.Gnbstic trendswithin the framework of the Christian religion were
systematic,composedof paganphilosophical-religious conceptions,magical-apotropaic
eiementsand Christiantheology. On a practicallevel, they appearas mysteriousand
allegorical signsand symbols, or incornprehensibletexts, as early as the2nd century,
usually interwoven with elementsof apotropaicmagic. The orthodox church fought longer
and with less successagainstmagic and gnosisthan againstthe pagancults.zz
Magical-Gnostic elementsappearedrelatively frequently on rings and gems,probably in
relation to the symbolism of the objects,as well as the material from which they were
fashioned(lead, preciousmetals and stones).23The so-called abraxaslead gem [n9. 9]
with the inscripti,onIAW and the image of a deity with a cock'shead, snakefeet, and a
whip and shield in the handscomesfrom Sisak. A tendencyexists to deny a Gnostic
significanceto such objectsand to attribute exclusivelymagical-apotropaicfeaturesto them.
However, the describedfigure symbolizesthe most elevateddivine creaturein the gnosisof
the followers of Basilides (Basilidians),and the in-scriptionIAW (= Yahweh)might signify
a closerelation to the religious world of the Jews.24In the Gnostic gospels,Pfayelq
composedof various combinationsof the word "iao" are attributed to Jesushimself and are
relatedto Christianity.25Gnostic contentscan perhapsbe recognizedin two gemsfrom
Osijek. Hermesis shown on one [no. 11.],as a Greco-Roman deity consideredby the
Christian-Gnostic sect of the Naassenesto be the guide of souls to eternaljudgment.zoA
Gnostic contentis indicatedby a sign similar to the Greek letter "psi" beneaththe left arm
of the deity. This sign could have been usedin place of the word psihopomp (conductorof
souls), or it could be a magic symbol, or it could be a disguisedcross.The symbgJitry-gf
the letter "psi" is known in the early Christian liturgy of baptism, and the symbo! itself is
often use&in place of a cross.27Hermes' staff with cross-bandsin the form of the letter "x"
doesnot have the appearanceof a classicalkerikeiona, but is in fact rather similar to the
scepterswith crossii that appearon the coins of Christian ruldrs in the Middle Ages.28A
secondgem from Osijek tno. fOl could be related to the Gnostic sect of Valentinus.
Harpokiates-Horus, shown as a boy with a finger on his lips (symbolizing secrecy),
occasionallyappearstogetherin the above Christian Gnostic secttogetherwith the deity
IAW. The sectof the Carpocratians,^relatedto Horus-Harpokrates, could also be
consideredin relationto this object.zv
The inscription on the silver ring from Vinkovci [no.8] is most,probablyGnostic.The
integral senseof the symbolsmaking up the inscription has not yet been deciphered.The
prevalence,however, of crosses,tripods and the letter Y is indicative, as the latter two
symbols also occasionallyreplacedcrosses.30
The golden Gnostic tablet from Vinkovci [no. 7] was discovered in the mouth of a
skeletonin a grave not far from the northem cemetery.Although it was not studiedby
expertsin this field, it was classifiedas Gnostic on the basis of analogiesto similar finds
from Dacia (Romania).3l It in fact belongsto a broader group of Gnostic-magical objects
composedof two elements- a row of magical signs,comprehensibleonly to the initiated,

189

FROMTHElNvlNcrsle SuNrro rHe SUNoF Justrcs

and a Latin or Greek text requesting something from a certain deity.zz The tablet from
Vinkovci should not be classifiedirmongordinary tabletsof supplication(tabelae
defixionum), but rather as a Gnostic religious object. This is indicatedby the circumstances
of the find, the material (gold), and the Greek text where in severalplacesthe vowels I, A
and O can be discernedin various combinations.If such an observationis correct,then the
contentwould correspondto the Gnostic philosophic systemof the Basilidians [cf. no. 9].
The fact that the tablet was discoveredin the mouth of a deceasedindividual lessensthe
possibilitiesthat it was placed subsequently,.ls commonly occurredwith magical texts of
supplication.The circumstancesare reminiscentof the text in the Apocalypseof St John
(10, 9-10), where John the Evangelistswallowsthe Book of the Mysteriesof God, as a
symbol of having conqueredits secretmessages.As magical votive texts were regularly
written on papyrus,pottery or lead, the gold on which the Vinkovci tablet was recorded
would indicate a religious-Gnostic nature of its contents.33
3. The Jewish Faith
Although there were certainconflicts with Christianity, the Jewish monotheistic
religion was in fact the most widespreadenvironmentin which the first Christian
communitiesoriginated.ra The presenceof a Jewish community is attestedonly at Mursa
(Ostjek) by finds indicating the existenceof religious structures.An inscription honoring
the emperorSeptimiusSeverus,datedto the beginningof the 3rd century [no. 12], is the
most important evidence.Although various possibilitiesexist for reading and interpreting
this damagedtext, it is difficult to find solid objectionsto the hypothesisthat the remainsof
the word ...seuchamwould representttle expressionproseucha- a term for a Jewish
community but also for a synagogue.r) Another find is a votive altar with the inscription
DEO AETERNO (= Eternal God) [no. 13]. This votive inscription could refer to a
number of deities,and particularly to Mithras, but in this caseit most likely refers to the
Jewish God, as such a^supplicationis also known on an inscription from Dunarijvdros
(Intercisa)in Hungary.ro In fact,^lot a singlereliable inscription to Mithras entitled Eternal
Godis known from this region.r/ Inscriptionsdedicatedto Mithras most often containthe
nameof the go{,^while Jewish religious dogma requiresthat God be addressed
metaphorically.ruThe third Jewish object from Mursa is a brick with the last three Hebrew
lettersof the word (ti)SHRI meaning a specificmonth (September-October)[no. l4].
This might be part of an inscription written on bricks at a synagogueor a grave structure.
The data about the circumstancesof the discoveryof the above objectsare not sufficient to
allow the religious centreof the Jewish community in Mursa to be located,but they indicate
a positionin the areaoutsidethe city walls (Fig. 1, no. I ). 39
4. Objects with Possible Christian Syrirbolism
A discussionof Christian symbolism cannotbe separatedfrom the problem of
archaeologicalcontext.Not a single individual Christian motif, including the cross,was a
creationof Christian artistic-symbolical conceptions.Everything had alreadybeen usedin
the classicalRoman repertory, and the crossmotif itself - the symbol of life and
happiness- was known from the prehibtoricperiod in Oriental milieus.40Thus the
recognitionand classificationof early Christian objects,particularly if the symbolism is not
entirely typical, dependsupon the archaeologicalcontextmore than the material of any
other period. As data about the circumstancesof the finds are mostly lacking, especiallyin
the large cities (Siscia,Mursa, Cibalae),in the choiceand classificationof the material, I felt
free to distinguisha large number of objectsas probable or even possibleearly Christian. I
shall considerthem as an illustration of this period with possiblereligious connotations,in
the hope that future excavationwill resultin comparativematerialthat will then permit them
to be placedin a more reliable archaeologicaland cultural context.Suchcommentsapply to
the conditionally named pre-Christian group of exponentsfrom the 2nd-3rd century, as'
well as to thoseobjectswhich formally and chronologicallybelong to the early Christian
period from the 4th century onwardsbut are insufficiently characteristic.Consideringthat

190

THE ARcHAEoLoclcAL MarenreL oF THEEenLy CHnrsTInuPentoo tN CoNTNENTRI-Cnoela

the 3rd century is a transitionalperiod for any formal chronology, individual finds with this
date have been classifiedto the early Christian period, especiallyif a more precisedating is
uncertain.
Disguisedprofessionsof faith appearin Christian art in the 2nd century, and
contemporaneousChristian authorswrite of them, particularly Justin (t165/166 AD) and
Tertullian (ca. 160 to after 220).Tertullian transmitsthe legendthat the emperorTiberius
(14-37 AD) intendedto place Christ among the Roman pantheon,but this was frustratedby
the Senate.4lThe generaldevelopmentof Christianity indicatesthat in the 2nd centurythere
must have been Christiansin Pannonia,although not necessarilyChristian communities,
a2 The silenceof the sourcescan make
which are known only after the mid 3rd centur-y.
certainphenomenaseemmore or lesslikely, but it cannotdocumentthem absolutelyin
either a positive or negativesense.A hyp.othesiswas once suggestedthat Sisciawas an
episcopalseeas early as the 2nd century.43The theory is unlikely, but both the generaland
local historical circumstancesthat createdthe conditionsfor such a mannerof reflection also
stimulatedattemptsto "recognize"tracesin the archaeologicalmaterial of a possibleearly
Christian presencein this region. Other than the previously mentioned solar pendantsI n o s .
2-41,motifs that the Christian authorsconsideredsuitable for the expressionof Christian
messageseither becauseof neutral symbolism or certain other characteristicsare also
included in this group. Theseconsistof pastoralsceneswith a tree and birds [nos.15q
37f, and motifs of fish [nos. 16-19], palm trees [nos. 20a-b], and anchors [nos. 15d,
211,and various geometricalor floral stylized cross or Christogram forms I n o s.
22-361.++
The enamelledfibula in the form of a fish [no. 17] probably did not have an original
Christian purpose,although it could have servedas such. The pendantof thin gilded sheetmetal in the form of a fish [no. L8] was most probably a votive-cult object, but the nature
of this cult cannotbe establishedwithout an archaeologicalcontext. This is also true for the
lead tablet with a motif of two dolphins next to a tripod [no. 19], as this was both a pagan
and Christian symbo1.45A Christiin significanceis more probable in this case,sincethe
staff betweenthe dolphins is formed like a cross,and both a dolphin and a tripod symbolize
Of two anchor-shaped
Christ or rather the faithful in the crypto-Christian language.a6
fibulae, the one from Novadka [no. 15d], conceived as a combination of an anchor and the
letter "S", is particularly interesting.The anchoris a relatively insignificant conceptin pagan
symbolism, but it appearsquite often in that gJ Christianity with various meaningssilvation, reasonand especiallyhope (spes).ai As the word hope (spes)occasionally
appearson Christian tombstoneinscriptionsalongsidean anchor, it can be hypothesized
t6at the fibula from Novadka was conceivedas an object with a double symbolism of
Christian hope. It was found in a cremationgrave togetherwith small glassperfume bottles
lnos. 15b-cl, a sigillata bowl [no. 15a], and a large quantity of various pottery
vessels.48Althoush balsamarii (the small bottles) are known from Christianburial rituals,
and the motifs of i tree and a rosetteon the bowl also fit into Christian symbolical
conceptions,it cannotdefinitely be statedthat this was a Christian grave.49The possibility,
however, should not be excluded.This also provides an opportunity to warn about the error
of consideringthat inhumation (skeletalburial) was the exclusivecharacteristicand
stipulation of Christian burial. It is true that Christiansmostly favored inhumation, but less
becauseof obligationstowards religious convictionsand more under the influence of
generalspiritual trendsand fashionsof the period. Individual Christian writers were
occupiedby the problem of the fate of the deadbody in connectionwith resurrectionand
eternallife (Minucius Felix, Tertullian, Augustine),but Tertullian was alonein his
conviction that the physical integrity of the body (ignoring the processof decay!) was a
condition for the fulfillment of the highest Christian dogma. The other writers supportthe
more reasonableattitudethat the providenceof God will take careof thesedetails.)u Were
Tertullian to be right, what fate would St Pollio, the martyr from Cibalaeburned at the
stake,havefaced?
The symbolism of the palm is similar in pagan,Jewish and Christian_religions,but it is
an almost unavoidablemotif on early Christian tombstoneinscriptions.)l The symbolic
meaningof the palm motifs on rivets from Sisak[no. 20], if symbolism was intended,
cannotbe deciphered.A century or two later this motif, considerablystylized and applied
variouslyon clay lamps [nos. 77a-b, 78b-d, 80, 132-1"33],would much more

t9l

FROM THE INVINCIBLE SUNTo THE SUN oF JUSTICE

convincinglyindicate an early Christian context. On the sigillata vesselwith imagesof

trees,flowers, vines and birds [nos.15a,37] echoes,_orrather, prefigurationsof the
Christianmotif of the Garden of Eden are discemible.)z
Added to this sectionon material with possibly Christian symbolism are objects
reminiscentof crossshapesor which bear such decoration,and thus perhapshave possible
symbolicmeaning [nos. 22-36]. The triple levels of significance of a shape refer to the
individual who invents it, the personwho wearsit, and finally the people who seeit or
ratherinterpretit symbolically. The archaeologicalcontextis sometimessufficient to
confirm that an object was conceivedas a Christian symbol, but was worn in such a
mannerthat the symbolis- remainedhidden or distorted.53The reversesituationis not
difficult to demonstrate,especiallysinceit is attestedto in literary sources.The Christian
writer Justinin the 2nd century, and othersafterwards,claimed that the everydayactivities
of Christianswere permeatedwith the symbolism of the cross.Ardent believers saw this
sign evenin the transversebeam of a mast, a plow, the position of eyesand nose on the
human face, the spreadarms of a supplicant,the wings of a bird in flight, or other similar
images.)aThus it is difficult to reject the hypothesisthat individuals, dependingon the
religious culture and faith to which they belonged,perceiveda correspondingsymbolism in
objectsreminiscentof a crossor Christogramin form or decoration.This is the main
reasonfor including such material, even though it is chronologically prior to the classical
early Christianperiod.

III. The Early Christian Phase (3rd-4th Centuries to the 7th Century)
1. Urb anism an d Architectu re
It is hypothesizedthat every settlementof an urban type (civitas) in Pannoniato the
mid 4th centuryhad a bishopric.)) However, in the region of continentalCroatia, the only
bishopricsmentionedin the literature are Sisak(Siscia),Vinkovci (Cibalae),Osijek
(Mursa) and Ludbreg (Iovia?). The majority of the early Christian material comesfrom the
abovecities, with the exceptionof Ludbreg. Significantfinds were also discotered at Veliki
Bastaji [nos. 170-171],Daruvar [Aquae Balissae, nos. 145-146], VaraZdinske
Toplice[Aquae Iasae,nos. 139*141],and Budrovci near Dakovo [Certissa,nos.
155-1631.The remaining sites had either coins with Christian symbols or mainly
"neutral"finds of the late Roman period, which would only conditionally indicate an early
Christianenvironment.
Although significant early Christian structuresmust have been locatedat leastin the
episcopalcenters(Siscia,Cibalae,Mursa, Iovia), not a single original early Christian
churchhas been discoveredin the region of continentalCroatia.The only elementthat can
presentlybe documented(VaraZdinskeToplice) or suggested(Ludbreg), is the adaptation
of secularpublic buildings into Christian religious structures.Evidence of Christian
churchesis indirectly indicatedby remainsof architectureand furnishings at Kamenica near
Vinkovci, and at Daruvar. With the aid of earlierliterature,recent(mainly rescue)
excavations,and chancefinds, it is possibleto acquirecertainknowledge about the early
Christianurbanism of Pannoniancities in Croatia.Consideringthe lack of researchinto the
early Christian period in this region, it neednot be emphasizedthat this refers primarily to
hypothesesthat require future confirmation and lessto actualdiscoveries.
Roman Siscia(Sisak) is an exampleof an archaeologicalsite in_tolerablyneglectedin
comparisonto its importanceand representationin classicalsources.)o It is nonetheless
possible,with the help of early data and new discoveries,to determinethe certain,probable,
or hypothesizedpositions of early Christian finds. (Fig. 2). Two apsidalstructureswere
discoveredduring constructionwork in the 1950s.One of them, with an apseon the
northernside (Fig. 2:1), was subsequentlyconsideredto be the basilica describedin the
mid 19th century as a "large church" by the historian Kukuljevii.5T This site, however,
remainsquestionable,as it cannotbe establishedreliably whether this refers to the same
building, or whether it was in fact early Christian.The secondof the two mentionedapsidal
structureswas oriented east-west (Fig.2:2), which would make a hypothesisof religious

192

THE ARcHAEoLocrcAL Merenrel or ruB Eenly Cunrstleu Pnnton tN CoNrINeNrnL CnolrlR

usemore convincing.58I considerthat the most probable location for an early Christian site
within the city would be at its southeasterncorner, in the vicinity of the modern parish
church ("Stari Sisak") [Fig. 2:3]. This was the site where the early Christian sarcophagiof
Severilla [no. 39] and Felicissima (Fig. 3) were found. I would hypothesize that they were
found in the original positionsand had not been brought from elsewhere,as is indicatedby
a paganrur"opliagur'excavatedat the samesite.59A fuxuriously flrnished late Roman
awelling or merchantstructurewas partial_lyexcavatedat the northern edgeof this section
of the ci-ty(hatchedon the plan, Fig. 231.60It thus cannotbe excludedthat in Siscia,like so
many other early Christian cities, the nucleusof the Christian communityprigin4gd around
the first private Luildings that were transformedinto "domusecclesiae".6l A religious
continuify to the presentday can be perceived,as in this part ofthe city the parish church
from the 19th century had been buili at the site of an earlier church, and it was surrounded
by a graveyarduntil iralf a century ago.62
The early Christian topographyof Sisciaoutside of the city is characterizedbya mixture
of paganand Christian burials,or the continuationof a Christian cemeteryat a previously
palanone. AtthenorthwesternRomancemetery(Fig.2:4), wherethebaroquechapelofSt
Quirinus was demolishedduring constructionwork in the 1970s,early Christian gravesof
u-uriourform had been discoverJddu.ing the last century.63In the more recentperiod, a
metal lamp in the shapeof the Lamb of God was discovered there [no. 76]. Christian
burials weie also noted in the northern sectionof the southerncemeteryGig. 2:5). A ring
with a Christogram,subsequentlylost, was discoveredthere.64A late Roman cemeterywas
discoveredat the site of Pogorelec(Fig. 2:6) on the right bank of the Kupa River, and
fragmentsof marble tombsioneinscriptionswere found, some possibly early Christian
.65In terms of the dating (4th-5th cent.)
suih as one with the expression "domus a.eternn"
and the spiritual connotationsof this expression,this was more probably either a Jewish or
Christian, ratherthan paganinscription.oo
Thanks to one exceptionalhistorical document,more is known about the spiritual .
ambianceof early Christian Cibalae(Vinkovci) than any other city. This is an apologia
(speechin defenie), made by the lector of the church there, Pollio, in front of the civil _
in this
auihorities.disclosinsthe dosma and ethicsof the Christiansthen being persecuted
sectionof Pannonia.fr Unfottunately, it doesnot mention the structurein which the
Christian community gathered.A. Ljlman has no doubt that the episcopalcomplex of the
city was locatedapproximatelyin the center,in the vicinity of the presentmain squareand
paiish church.68fhis location should, however, be consideredmerely a "working
hypothesis", as it was derived exclusively on the basisof theoreticalconsiderationsof a
geomorphologicand urban nature,as well as generalhistorical parametersabout the
placementof early Christian structures,and as such is lacking any archaeologicalargument.
My opinion is that two possibleearly Christian sites exist in the city. 9nqit in.the vicinity
ofihe presentOrthodox church (Fig. 5:1), where a fragment of an early thristian tombsioneinscriptionwas excavatedin the mid 19th century [no.97]. The foundationsof
a late Roman structurewere discoveredimmediately within the northern city wall (Fig. 5:2),
with fragmentsof broken statuesof pagangods built into the walls. oeThe destructionof a
temple could be hypothesizedto hav-eoccurredhere, in preparationfor the constructionof a
Christian church.ToThispossibility is also indicated by the regularity of early Christian
urbanism,where eachchurch within a city had a correspondingcemeteryat the nearestor
most suitablelocation outsidethe city.Tl One cemeteryof Cibalae extendsalong the road to
Mursa immediately north of the site of the destroyedtemple (Fig. 5:4), and significantearly
Christian material was discoveredhere - a sarcophagusand a tombstone[nos.95' 96].
The Gnostic tablet with nearly Christian contentsdiscussedpreviously was also discovered
here [no. 7].72
The most important early Christian site at Vinkovci, if not in the entire region of
continentalCroatia,is the memorial*cemeterialcomplex at Kamenica (Fig. 5:3), ca. 1.5 km
from the easternwall of the city along the road to Sirmium (SrijemskaMitrovica). It
continuesin the samedirection as the easterncemeteryof Cibalae,but it is divided or
separatedfrom the latter in terms of finds, although this has not been confirmed
archaeologicallyin a final form. A grave was found within the easterncemeterywith
extremely rich grave goods:three bronze vessels,fragmentsof glass,and two objects
exhibitedhere- a gold ring and a silverfibula [nos. 105a-b], which approximate

193

Fnou rHe lNvrNcrsLn SuNro rHE SUNoF JusrtcE

Christian contentsin certain details.T3Excavationsat Kamenicain 1968 uncoveredtwo

above-ground grave vaults - eachwith two graves- united, acclqrdingto the hypotheses
of the excavators,with a constructionin the form of a mausoleum./a The remainsof marble
transennas(perforatedsectionsof windows or altar partitions) [nos. 103a-c] and
multicolored marble slabsfor facing [nos. t 04a-{l were attributed to this structure. The
fragmentsof marble inscriptive tablets [nos. 93-101] were probably, consideringthe
thickness(2-4 urr), also parts of the wall lining of the mausoleum,or grave chapel.The
size of the capital [no. 102] that was acquired at the end of the last century for the present
Archaeological Museum would indicate, however, that more inonumental architecture
could be expectedat Kamenica,such as a basilica.According to the paleographyof the
inscriptions [nos. 98-10L], the entire complex can be dated to the 4th-5th centuries. The
earliestfinds give an impressionthat the Christian environmentevolved in the framework
or on the site of a private estatefrom the 3rd century.75The distancefrom Kamenicato the
city perimeterof Cibalae (ca. 1.5 km) correspondsto datafrom the "Acta sancti Pollionis",
where it is written that the martyr Pollio was burnt at a site one Roman mile (= 1478.5
meters)from the city. The hypothesisrelating Kamenicato the cited historical datais
entirely convincing./b It is truly shamefulthat this site, only superficially excavated,has
beenlost for many yearsas it is locatedin the war zone. A systematicarchaeological
excavationof thiisite would offer pricelessknowledge about early Christianityin the
Croatiansectionof Pannonia
Prior to the discoveriesat Kamenica,Meraja - locatedimmediately outsidethe city
walls - was often mentioned as a possibleearly Christian site (Fig. 5:5).?7A mediaevalChristian centerwith a church of St Ilias originatedin the proximity of luxurious Roman
structuresand other contemporaneousfinds, but there is no archaeologicalconfirmation
that an early Christian phaseexistedat this site.78
Among Pannoniancities in Croatia only Mursa (Osijek) c_an
pride itself on an
original historical documentabout the existenceof a martyrium. /v However, neither this
nor any other early Christian structure,or religious centerof a Christian (Arian!)
community, canbe establishedwith certainty.It hasbeenhypothesizedthat the "basilica
Martyrum" could be identified with the remainsof architecturebeyond the southwestem
city wall (Fig. 1:2), near the proposedsite of the amphitheater.On the basisof data from
18th centuryfinds and the results of recentrescueexcavations,D. Pinterovii "identified"
the^martyrialbasilica of Mursa as a small circular structurewith a rectangularaddition (Fig.
O.uuThe hypothesisthat the describedbuilding had beenthe nucleusof somemajor and
never completedreligious complex is not sufficiently convincing.8l The term basilica,as is
usedby SulpiciusSeverus,as well as the fact that during the combat againstMagnentius,
the emperorConstantiushad taken shelterhere, would indicate a larger structure.It is
hypothesizedthat it was constructedat the above or someother location, but no traceshave
been found. As the provenienceof the early Christian tombstoneinscriptionsfrom Osijek
[nos. 114-118]is unknown, it would be fruitless to guessabout the Christian burials
within the cemeteriesof Mursa. The hypothesisabout the abovememorial-cemeterial
complex would remain valid, but would be convincing only if a Roman cemeteryhad truly
exited at this site. It is interestingthat in the vicinity, but within the city walls, a lead
sarcophaguscontaininga gem with an engravedpastoralscene,probably of the Good
Shepherd lno. 127f, was discoveredamong the late Roman burials. The concentrationof
finds at the position of the wharves in the lower town to the north of the Roman ramparts
(Fig. 1:3) would also indicate an early Christian site. Objectsboth from the early Christian
period [nos. 134, 199b1uzand from the pre-Christian phase[nos. 31, 35, 37] were
found here. Consideringthat a sarcophagus(T. I:1) with grave goods indicating a Christian
burial ritual [nos.120a-d]was found somethree hundredmetersdistant (Fig. l:4), it is
possiblethat early Christian finds could be expectedthroughout this entire area.Ej
A basilica structurewith an apseon the westernside, dated to the 4th century, was
partially excavatedwithin the city nbar the northwesterncorner (Fig. l:5; Fig. 7).84An
early Christian fibula was found at this site [no. 1221.The hypothesis that this was'the
residentialbasilica of Emperor Valens is not sufficiently convincing. The position at the
edgeof the city would more likely indicate an early Christian religious building, particularly
sincethe imperial residencesin Pannoniancities were primarily locatedin their centers.E5

194

rr.rCoNrNnurnl CRoAT'IATHe AncHnsoLoGrcAL

MetenrRr-or tgn Eenlv CunrsrrenPERToD

A certaingrouping of possibleearly Christian finds can be noted in the southeastern

section of the city (Fig. 1:6). Other than a marble vessel [no. 119a]and the figurine of .a
lamb [no. 1281,afragment of a fresco with the image of a fish enclosedin a medallion
was discoveredhere.86
The thermal complex at VaraZdinskeToplice (Aquae lasae) had amainly medicinal
character with emphasizedreligious contents up to the beginning of the 4th century. This
urban complex was spatially and functionally renovatedin the period of Constantine(306337); and the emphasison medicinal treatment was redirected, first to the development of a
luxurious centerand later to economicproduction.ST,Detailsthat reflect the emperor's
monotheistic(Christian?)inclination canbe perceivedeven at this time. During renovation
of the capitol, originally a symmetrical tripartite area,the central temple was emphasized,
and in Constantine'sinscription about the restorationof the baths [no. 139] the
introduction of fairs on Sundaysis mentioned (nundinae die SoIis).I would hypothesize
that in his religious wavering, the emperor "honored" Sol and Christ equally with this
decree,but I nonethelessperceivea Christian componentin this and the renovationof the
settlement.Constantinedeclareda law in 321 making Sunday,the Christian holiday, an
official day of rest throughout the entire Empire.88ttre graaul Christianizationwas finally
made meaningful in the secondhalf of the 4th century with the adaptation of the basilica of
the baths into a Christian church.89A room similar to a narthex was added onto the
southem wall of the basilica, which probably united the various functions of auxiliary
basilical areassuch as the narthex, baptisteryand catechumenon(Fig. 9). The interior
surface of its southern wall was painted with geometrical stylized images of a heavenly
fence in the form of a network of St Andrew's crossesin red on a background of yellow
with greenish nuances[no. 141]. A small section of this fresco is poorly preservedat the
site itself (T. t:2;.lo In tlie centralroom of the basilica, a fragment of a ceiling fresco was
found with the head of a saintwith a beard and aureole [no. 140].
The only fact that remainsunexplainedis that during twenty yearsof systematic
excavation,beginningin 1953,no non-architecturalearly Christian finds cameto light.
The early Christian urban settlement of Aquae Iasae has certain similarities with nearby
Ludble-g,which has been suggestedin the recentperiod as the site of the bishopric of
Iovia.vr Iovia would thus be the religious-administrativecenter(i.e. diocese)for the
settlement at VaraZdinske Toplice. The lack of early Christian finds at Ludbreg is also
puzzling, consideringthat rescueexcavations(1968-1979) confirmed the settlementof the
town from the lst to 6th centuries.92The similarities betweenthe two towns can also be
seenin the architecture.It is hypothesizedthat the first Christian church in Iovia was
remodeled in the area of the baths at the end of the 4th century. On this occasion,one of the
three apsidal pools was removed and replaced with an arcade. The newly createdreligious
structure(Fig. 10) is hypothesi?-ed
to have had a plan in the form of a double apsed
structurewith a lateral gallery.ei Although this was an urban settlement,and probably an
episcopalsee,no tracesof an early Christian cemeteryhave been found. A possibly
Christian burial with grave goods of a sword and glassbeaker [nos. 142a-b] was
discoveredinside the town near the baths and later church, while sarcophagiwithout any
specific Christian characteristicswere discoveredat a cemeterysoutheastof the town, along
the road to VaraZdinskeToplice.ga
The urban development of Iovia is particularly chnacteized by the orientation of the
architecture.Earlier structureswere orientedalons a north-south axis. while late Roman
buildings used east-west.95This phenomenonwis probably causedby the introduction of
Christian elementsinto the urban structure.In other words, the late Roman structures
probably followed the orientation of the baths altered into a church, or even a
correspondinglyoriented episcopalbasilica of Iovia (it is hypothesizedthat this was located
at some other site). The location of the presentparish church of the Holy Trinity in the far
northwestem corner of the town is indicative in this sense.This church is also oriented
east-west, rais-edon the site of a mediaeval church constructed directly above the late
Roman wall.% Modifications in the orientationof the urban fabric have also been otherwise
noted in the late Roman phaseat Mursa, but this has neither been researchedin detail nor
explained.9T
The city perimeterof Roman Daruvar (Aquae Balissae)has not been determinedin a
reliable form, and the city itself, despitethe fact that chancefinds indicate the presenceof an

195

FRoM THElNvrNctsLe SuNro rHE SUNoR Jusrtce

exceptionalarchaeologicalsite, is almost entirely unresearched(Fig. 12).98The site of the

Roman thermaeand a temple to Silvanusis currently occupiedby a hotel-spa complex. It is
most likely that two objectsdecoratedwith extraordinaryrelief sculpture[nos. 145-1461
were discoveredat this site during constructionin the 1950s.The inventory book of the
Municipal Museum in Bjelovar notesthat the managementof the spa at Daruvar had
donateda column and base [no. 146] to that museum in 1950. Considering the similarity
of the stylized floral decoration on a cylindrical vessel[no. 145] and the base of the
column, as well as the identical stonefrom which they were carved,it can be hypothesized
that both objectswere part of the common inventory of one room, and also that they must
have arrived in the Bjelovar Museum on the sameoccasion.Although their dating and
purposehave not been determinedin a final form, their shapeand decorationwould
indicate a religious structure from the 6th or 7th centuries, probably remodeled from the
Romanbaths.Similar phenomenadocumentedat VaraZdinskeToplice and hypothesizedfor
Ludbreg would lead to a conclusionthat the renovationof Roman thermaeinto Christian
religious structureswas the generalform of early Christian urbanismin continentalCroatia.
Indeed,this is a common phenomenonin other regions.vv
The f,orm of the stonevesselfrom Daruvar, as well as the symbolism of the relief
imageson its outside,would indicate a font usedfor baptism. The column could have
functionedas a basefor an altar or as part of a baldachin.The form is rare, but not entirely
unknown in the classicalperiod. lm The floral motif is unique (fannedpointed leaveswith
floral calyceslike grapebunches)and coversit like a carpet,which is otherwisethe usual
stylistic approachio tire decorationof early Christian equipmentand structuralelements.l01
The sceneson the vessel- doves and peacocksnext to a deep bowl or chalice, and rabbits
next to a stylized plant (the tree of life?), fit entirely-within the iconographic-stylistic forms
usedto show baptism in the early Christian period.loz Thus I considerthis stonevesselto
have been a baptismalfont. Early Christian piscinaewere as a rule dug into the ground, but
movable recipientsof smaller dimensionswere also known in this period, suitablefor the
baptismalimhersion of children or baptism of adultsby pouring. 10346616onally,large
veisels with handles,most often of marble, are generallyfound at early Christian sites [cf .
nos.41, 119a-bl. They mgst probably servedas fonts for holy water, but possibly also
. astransportablepiscinae.ls The relief scenesfrom Daruvar exhibit late Roman
iconographicconceptionsand a "barbarized"style ofproduction. The latter is particularly
apparentln the techniqueof flat carving, the accumulationof scenes,the choice of unusual
forms (bowls or chalicesin place of a kantharos,a "chain" as the lower border of the
vessel,the floral motif on the column), and an unequalquality of carving in individual
details.All of the above, including the circumstancesof the find, would indicate a datein
the framework of the 6th and 7th centuries.As closeanalogiesare lacking, it appearsthat
theseare unique examplesannouncinga transitionto mediaevalforms of liturgical fittings.
The possibility nonethelessexists that theseobjectscould have been producedin a later
mediaevalperiod, but it should be emphasizedthat their iconographicmodels must have
beenclassical.
In addition to the above urban contexts,early Christian presenceshould be expected
in rural areasat agriculturales!4tes(villae rusticae)with a late Roman phase(suchas
Christian symbolism would have been known to the
Drenje, JalZabet,-Petrijanec).105
Roman inhabitantsof Drenje at leastthrough imperial propagandaon the coins,if not in
other manners.lo5The excavatorsof the above sitesotherwisedid not note any specifically
Christianremains.
The far western section of continental Croatia is closely related in terms of natural
and geographicalconditionswith the Alpine areaof neighboring Slovenia,where there is
an entire early Christian landscapecharacterizedby a seriesof fortifications with
conespondingreligious compleies.l0T The single'(partiallyexcavated)similar site in
Croatiais Ozalj. Although the remainsof material from the early Christian phaseare scarce
[nos. 1.47-148],late Roman walls were discovered under the foundations and in the
immediatevicinity of the Romanesquechurch. They were correctly hypothesizedby the
director of the excavationsto representan early Christian structure.l08
Similar but more modestrefugium settlementscan be perceivedat Kuzelin and Okii.
Despitethe relatively large dimensionsof the settlementat Donja Glavnica in Kuzelin (200
x 40 m) and the excavationsregularly undertakenthere since 1981,in which continuity

1.96

Tne AncHA,soLocrcAL Mernnrel or rHE EARLy CsnrsrrRN PERIoDltt CorvrtNeNr4l Qp94114 -

from the lst to the 6th centurieshas been confirmed, religious architecturehasnot been
found.l@ A Christianenvironmentis barely attestedto by small finds [nos. 1.49, 154].
Test excavationsin 1990 confirmed the refugium characterof an otherwise
uninvestigatedprehistorichillfort and late Roman fortification of SvetaMarija at Okii. A
late Roman cemeteryat the baseof this hill, at a site called Popov Dol, from which many
objectswere sentto the ArchaeologicalMuseum rn Zagreb at the beginning of the century
[nos. 175-176],was also sought.rru
Original early Christianarchitecturehas not beenreliably confirmed anywherein
continentalCroatia,and the sameis true of liturgical elements.Other than the disputable
objects from Daruvar [nos. I45-t46], remains of architectural elements and liturgical
fittings have beenfound only at Kamenicanear Vinkovci [nos. 102-104]. The category
of liturgical equipmentcould conditionally include the large marble vesselswith four oval
or rectangularhandles, one of which had a groove or mouth for pouring liquid [nos.41.,
1L9a-bl. Theseobjects, however, are not originally early Christian. They come from 3rd
and 4th centu-rysites,and are consideredto have been used for secularpurposesin ordinary
households.rrrConsideringthe imposingdimensionsand expensivematerial(marble),the
vesselsfrom Sisak [no. 41] and Osijek [nos. L19a-b] could have been used for preChristian cult purposes.At the sametime, such vesselsare extremely common at early
Christian sites,and it is-hypothesizedthat they servedas transportablebaptismalfonts or
vesselsfor holy water.llz They are also abundantat sitesin Dalmatia in the form of
variantswith wo handles.113
ihe completevesselwith four handlesfrom Sisak [no.41]
and anotherfrom an unknown site in Baranja (T. II:1) should probably be used as models
for the reconstructionof the fragmentaryexamplefrom Osijek.
2 . C e m e t e r i e sa n d I n d i v i d u a l G r a v e F i n d s
The specialattitude of Christianstowards questionsof life and death (where a righteous
life would only be achievedafter death),and the legal insecurityin which the first Christian
communitiesevolved,meantthat cemeterieswere always the most popular location for
gatherings,and the cult of burial was the most evident form of early Christianreligious
d1ual.lla The late Roman cemeteriesin continentalCroatia are poorly researchedand
insufficiently studied,and hencethe recognitionof Christian elementsis a toilsome and not
always rewardedlabor. The only definite Christian elementsare the gravesat Kamenica
near Vinkovci (seethe text on Cibalae),and two small cemeteriesat the site of Strbinci at
Budrovci near Dakovo. Late Roman grave vaults were discoveredat this site at the end of
the last century,near a late Roman structuredecoratedwith frescoesand mosaicr.1154n
early Christian tombstoneinscription comesfrom the samesite [no. 155]. Unfortunately,
it is no longer possibleto determineexactly the site of discovery of theseobjectsin relation
to the two early Christian cemeteriesfound more recently. During rescueexcavationsat a
constructionsite in 1966,two gravesfrom the 4th centuiy were investigated.l16The
exhibitedmaterialfrom thesegraves[nos. 156a-b, L57a-b], as well as objects
temporarily inaccessible,have no Christian symbolism. However, the religious attribution
of the deceasedis shown by the plan of both gravesin the form of the Latin cross(Fig. 16).
Consideringthat such an appearancehas no particular technical or constructionreasons,the
director of the excavationsjustifiably concludedthat a Christian symbolic conception
should be seenin this. This was further extendedto the grave goods,jugs of glazedpottery
and small glassperfume bottles.11716ir data provides an opportunity to discussthe
problem of the placementof pottery vessels,usually glazed,and particularly glassvessels
in Christian graves.
Glassvesselsdecoratedwith Christian symbols have not been discoveredin this region.
The closestwould be the baseof a shallow plate, formed from two glasssurfacesenclosing
gold foil bearingthe image of a married couple and the inscription FLORENTES I n o.
1601.A large quantity of such objects. often with Christian inscriptions, has been found at
Roman period cemeteries.I l6 The shallow plate from Strbinci, however, has no particular
Christian characteristics,and it has been suggestedthat it is a find from a

r97

FnonarHg INvtNcrsl-e
SuNro rHBSur{oRJusucn

settlementratherthan a grave.119ths dating (4th century) and its proveniencefrom a site

where early Christian remainswere discoveredwould lead to a hypothesisthat the
inscription FLORENTES (= may they bloom) had an unwritten continuationof IN DEO,
which would impart a Christian meaningto it.
The relatively large number of glassvesselsin the exhibit [nos. l20a-c, 142b,
1"64b,165a-b, 168, 173b, 175-1761has a specific purpose - an attempt to
demonstratethe influence of the Christianphilosophy in the framework of the late Roman
phase.I wished to presentthe hypothesisthat a bowl, jug and glassin various
combinationsor individually in'graves of the 4th and 5th centurieswould symbolize an
Eucharisticbanquetor a Christianburial feast,as attestedby Christianliterature,grave
paintings.and inscriptions.120The possibleEucharisticsymbolismof glassvesselsin
gravesis indicatedby the phenomenon,noted at early Christian sitesin Dalmatia, in which
the sameforms of glassvesselsare found in gravesand at siteswith remainsof religious
architecture.l2lSt Augustrne(354-430 AD) describedthe disappointmentof his mJther, an
ardentChristian, when the religious authoritiesin Milan disapprovedof her African custom
of taking porridge, bread ani^wine to graves;she did this from Christian piety and not
becauseof any superstition.| 2/' The hypothesisof a Christian symbolism of placing vessels
in a grave could also be extendedto pottery, particularly glazedvessels[nos.156a-b,
.opy glassbetter than the metal vesselsthat are
1631,as thesecould be considere41^o
usually suggestedin this context.tzr Considdringthat the placementof vesselsin graves
could not possibly have had any other purposethan as a ritual, the fact that most of the
glassobjectsexhibited are datedto the secondhalf of the 4th century and the first half of
the 5th century would support a hypothesisabout a Christian custom.In this sense,it is
significantthat glasshad preferenceover clay in the Christian conception.sinceits creation
requiresbreath (indirectly: spirit, soul), and it thus had an almost cult status.rz4 The small
perfumebottles[nos. 157a-b, 167]could be seenin the samelight, as their utilization is
an important part of the Christianburial ritual.rz)
Let us return to the site of Strbinci. At a distanceof approximatelyone kilometer
from the two graveswith the cruciform plan, an early Christian grave vault with a fresco
[no. L58]was discovered(and, unfortunately,destroyed)during excavationof military
trenchesin l99l.lzb The frescowas paintedon the gableelementof the gravevault, which
was constructedof bricks and stoneslabsin the form of a chamberwith a simple bipartite
slopingroof (T. II:2).It was taken to the museumin Dakovo in a fairly damagedstateand
has beenrestoredby the ArchaeologicalMuseum inZagreb for this exhibit about early
Christianityin continentalCroatia. In a simple linear stylization of red on a yellowish
backgroundone of the most recognizablemotifs of early Christian iconographyis
presented,full of symbolism in eachindividual detail. Two peacocksnext to a vaseare the
faithful drinking from the spring of life, as they, thanks to the sacrificeof Christ, have
conquereddeath,as is shown by the Christogramin the symbolically and visually most
emphasizedupper sectionof the scene.The hatchedborder is a symbol for the heavenly
fence, within which a rayed sun and starsstylized as Christogramssymbolize the Christian
universe.Sceneswith peacocksnext to a spring have a long pre-Christian tradition in
The Strbinci fresco was
Pannonia,perhapseven more extensivethan in other regions-.127
producedin a simple linear style, which has analogiesin the somewhatlater Christian grave
painting in the nearby centerof Sopianae(P6csin Hungary). rzu According to information
from the curator of the museumin Dakovo, I. Pavlovii, who was responsiblefor saving
the fresco,remainsof grave goods were discoveredat the site of the destroyedgrave vault
[nos.159a-e].Although its entire contentswill remain unknown, it is interestingthat not
a singleremainingobject is characterizedbyChristiansymbolism. In fact, the female buried
in the gravewore a braceletwith terminalsin the form of a snakehead and tail [no. 159c],
thus with marked magical-apotropaiccharacteristics.Further attentionwill be given to sUch
elementsin relation to Christian burials elsewherein the text.
In the immediate vicinity of the describedgrave vault (called Grave Vault A), some
ten graveswere found during rescueexcavationsin 1993, datedto the mid 4th century by a
In terms of the-proximity-of the decoratedgravevault, the excavators
"oin"1in6.129
them to be early Christian.rru The hypothesisis convincing,but it should be
considered
documentedthrough more extensiveresearch.Other than the proximity of the Christian
grave vault, the positioning of the deceasedwith their headsto the west would supportthis

198

THs AncHReoLocrcALMRrsnrlloF

THEEnnlyCsnrsteNPBnronIN

CoNrrNsNreI-CRoATIA -

hypothesis.Literary sourcesnote the Christian customof burial with the head to the west
131The problem, however,is that it cannotbe reliably proventhat
and a "view" to the
"ns1. that non-Christians, and particularly worshippersof Sol, would
this would be a placement
avoid. CertainHungarianarchaeologistsare convincedthat the position of the body is a
definite elementin the recognitionof a Christianburial. Experiencein^thefield, however,
has shown that this must be further exa.minedin eachspecific case.l32Thus no mistakecan
be made if it is statedthat at the site of Strbinci, in the vicinity of grave vault A, there was a
cemeterywhere Christianswere buried, and along with them individuals who were either
sympatheticor at the leastindifferent to this rdigion. A selectionof material (in general
meager)from severalgraves(1, 6, and 7) would indicate contentscloseto a Christian
ambient.Glazedpottery [no. 163] has already been discussedas a possible symbol of the
Eucharistor Christianburial feasts.The tongueelementfor a belt [no. 161] is decorated
with a cruciform arrangementof circular depressions.The weaving tablet [no. 162l
should be treatedseparately"Suchan object,just like a spindle-whorl, in the senseof
confirming a certainoccupation,would belong exclusively to females.Grave 1, however,
containeda male skeleton,and analysisof the skeletalremainswould not suggestlengthy
periodsspentat a loom, in fact quite the opposite.133Thus I believe that in this casethe
weaving tablet was a symbolic grave good. Objectsrelatedto weaving in Christian
conceptionswould symbolizethe threadsof life, or the celestialattire of immortality,
achievedthrough the sacrificeo16hrir1. 134
A late Roman cemeterywith ca. 100 graveswas systematicallyinvesti gated(!9?6 m2
excavated)from 1972to 1981 at the site of Gradina at Tre5tanovcinear PoZega.rrr A
relatively large quantity of coins with Christian symbolism was found in the areabetween
individual graves[no. 169].The gravesthemselves(grave vaults and simple burials
without structures)containedno material with religious connotations,but a possible
Christiannatureof the cemeteryis nonethelessindicated by severalfacts. A grave chapel
(3.15 x 2.44 meters)stood in its southwesternsection,with an entranceon the eastand a
singlegrave adjacentto the easternwall (Fig. 14).136As this structurelacked an apse,one
can only with great cautionconsiderit a Christian'memoria or chapel.Nonetheless,such
buildines were more characteristicof earlv Christian rather than non-Christian communities
13711" placementof the majorityof the deceased
(with headsto the west)
in Pann-onia.
would supportsuch a suggestion,as well as the fact that somehad crossedarms, and that
the mosf common grave goods were glass vessels[nos. 164b,165a-b, 167,168].138
This cemeterynonethelesshad a different aspect,as expressedby items characteizedwith
the apotropaicmotifs of snakeheadsor the letter "x" [no. 164a].Sincemany objectsin
the exhibition have such decoration[nos. 2c, ll,19, 54,60,62-63,66,70,105b,
l4l, 148-149, I52-I53,164a, 1851,this phenomenon obviously requires further
discussion.
Two obliquely drawn lines may representthe letter "x", but this sign may also be called
by its true iconographicor symbolic name - the crux decussataor the crossof St Andrew.
It would be difficult to say that such a sign would be placedaccidentallyor merely as a
decorationon any of the above objects.This mark was permeatedwith symbolism,first that
of magical-apotropaicbeliefs, and later that of religious faiths, both Jewish and
Christian.tJv 11ls representedon various objectsthat additionally in and of themselveshave
powerful symbolical and protectivesignificance(bracelets,belts, fibulae, rings, keys;. t+o
The most illustrative exampleof the magical symbolism of this sign is the ring from Sisak
lno. 601,where the circular areawithin a serpentineanimal body is filled with the letter
"x". Most similarly marked objectshave no particular Christian denotation,nor do the
circumstancesof their discovery (mostly unknown) indicate such a provenience.The motif
of crossesof St Andrew, however, appearson the frescoesof a religious structureat
VaraZdinskeToplice [no. 141],as well as on the reverseof a pendant [no. 70] with a
Christogramdecorationon the front. In such examplesthe Christian symbolism of the letter
"x" is clear,while elsewhereit probably representsinsufficiently explicatedmagicalapotropaicand religious perceptions.The fact that Orthodox Christianity fought against
superstitionthrough many condemnationsand prohibitions, as witnessedby institutionsfor
exorcism and so forth, but nonethelessfinally included certainpoorly assimilatedor hidden
"magical"elements,would suppoftsucha suggestion.lalIn th^er*n" rnunn"r,the powerful
magical-apotropaicforce of the so-called Christogramof Constantinedid not fade

199

Fnou rsB h{vrNcrer-B

Surtro rHESUNoF JusrtcE

evenafter this symbol "descended"from the labarum and helm not merely into various
objectsof Chrisiian religious ritual but also everydaylife.142 Certaindetailscan alsobe
noted at the cemeteryof Trebtanovcithat indicatethe presenceof paganand magical
elements.One grave good was a nail, obviously without any actualpurpose,and an open
areawith tracesof animal sacrificeand burial feastswas also identified within the
framework of the cemetery.l43The religious authoritiestried to contestagainstChristian
funeral feasts,but they continuedin various mannersand with modified contentsdeep into
the mediaevalperiod, if not further.l4 I would hypothesizethat the site of Gradina at
Trebtanovciwas the cemeteryof a community that knew of and probably partially also
acceptedChristianity, but still had not rejectedpagancustoms.This characteristicwould
entirely fit into the conditions of the late Roman phasein Pannonia,at leastas much as this
refersto gravegoods at cemeteries"l45The samecould be applied to the site of Strbinci
(seeabove),and probably to the cemeteryat Sladojevcinear PodravskaSlatina [no. 205].
At the latter site, a sectionof a cemeteryfrom the mid 4th century was excavatedin
966.M6 Other than the placementof tire deadwith headstowarbsthe west, and large
quantitiesof coins with Christian symbols, there were no items amongthe otherwise
extremelymodestgrave goods that would corroboratethe Christian characterof this
cemetery.
Two late Roman graveswere excavatedat Prozor, but it was not establishedwhether
they belongedto a largercemetery.t47 The exhibited part of the grave goods [no. 173]
would place one of them in a possibleearly Christian environment,l4Ewhile the other was
probably Christian fno. \721. As there are no anthropological data available, the sex of
the individuals buried cannotbe ascertained,but they were probably female. This would be
indicatedby a pair of pins or hair-pins, and a medallion-pendant of a type usually worn by
women in the early Christian period. The third grave good (a spindleJneednot necessarily
havemerelya symbolic,but alsopracticaland illustrativepurpose.taeThe religious
affiliation is more clearly shown by the gilded medallion decoratedwith a swastikamotif
[no.l72a]. This ancientsymbol of life appearedas early as the lst centuryin Roman
civilizetion and in its border regigqq,especiallyamong the Germanicpeoples,as a magical,
apotropaicand religioussymbol.l)u Dependingon the periodand circumstances,
the
swastikawas utilized in early Christian art from the 2nd to 6th centuriesas a replacement,
hidden or stylized, for a sign and symbol of a cross.15111o1h"telementsare mlssing, it is
virtually impossibleto determinethe religious affiliation of an amulet with motifs usedby
both pagansand Christians.r)z I nonethelessbelieve that in this casethe object indicatesa
Christiangrave, asjudging by the shap^e
of the pins or hair pins, a Roman, rather than a
Germanic,woman was buried there.l)r Thus, the swastikawould be a true Christian cross
in this case,but it still had not lost its original magical-apotropaicsymbolism. This is
indicatedby the fact that it decorateda medallion-amulet, in which somekind of relic was
preserved.The Christiansadoptedthe customof wearing apotropaicamuletsfrom
paganism.They did not always ensurethat such objectswere decoratedwith Christian
symbols,rather they often borrowed motifs along with shapeand purpose,simply giving
thema new meanins.154
Sarcophagiaid tombstonesare everywherethe most numerousand most dependable
documentedcategoryof early Christianfinds. They are relatively scarcein continental
Croatia,and the circumstancesof their discoveriesare often either unknown or
insufficiently explained.Only three certainearly Christian sarcophagiare known from this
region, two of which are in museum collections[nos.39r951,while all trace has been
lost of the third,(ALIII3996a; Fig. 3 in this text). An elongatedsarcophagus
of the socalledAsia Minor type [no. 95] comesfrom Vinkovci, with an empty inscription field
betweenansaedecoratedwith rosettes.It was modified secondarilyTorChrisfian 6uri4.155
Motifs of fish, wavily stylized plants or crabs,and schematizedrosettes(Eucharistic
loaves?)were then carvedonto the sides.The unmistakablebut nonethelesssecretChristian
symbolsindicatethat this was a burial prior to 313. The secondsarcophagus
was of the
ChristianSeverillafrom Siscia,as is written in an inscription on the front field between
ansae[no. 39]. It is possiblethat this also was a sarcophaguslater adaptedfor Christian
burial. The sceneswhich fill the availablesectionof the frontal side in the "horror vacui"
style, consistingofvases, grapeleaves,grains,birds, a dog and a rabbit, are characteristic
of mystery cults, and only the expression 'famula Christi" on the

200

Tue AncHeeol-ocrcAl- MATERIALoF rHe EeRLy CunrsnnN PEnlop tN CoNrNeNtcL Ctoerle

inscription and the Christogramsin_place of rosetteson the stuntedansaegive a symtofic

meaningof the Gardenof Feaven. 1566n1t a copy of the text remainsfrom the third
inscripti,on,also from Sisak (CIt lll3996a), from which one can discernthat Dominus
$ordD Victorinus had it made for his wife Felicissima,with whom he lived for 13 years,
and for Sacmeneun(son?).It appearsthat the sarcophagushad no decorationother than two
Christogramson the frontal side. These,togetherwith the word DEO at the end of the
inscription, show that this was a Christian couple. As the paleographyof the inscription is
not documented,it can only be generallydated to after 313 AD.
The most attractiveand one of the most interesting(in terms of the analysisof the
circumstancesof the find) possibly early Christian sarcophagiin continentalCroatia comes
from Veliki Bastaji near Daruvar [no. 170]. It was published as being from the early
Christian period, although it has no direct Christian characteristicsand even the symbolism
of its scenes(basically Dionysian) would not specifically support such a classification.This
sarcophagus,togetherwith anotherwhose location is unknown, was found in the last
century in an undergroundgrave chamberthat most probably also containedthe limestone
slab with a carvedmetric inscription [no. 17U. This slab is currently walled into the
Jankovii mansionin Daruvar.l5T The paleographiccharacteristicsof the inscription allow it
to be datedfrom the end of the 3rd century to the 5th century, and it is even more difficult
to classify in terms of content.158A dogma of original sin and the sacrificeof Christ the
Redeemeris expressedin insignificantly distortedhexametersand a style of complete
immersion into secretiveand allegoricalimages.A Gnostic or magical atmospherecould be
consideredas a fairly marked componentof PannonianChristianity, as is indicatedby
certainother elements.This refers to objectsconcealingGnostic contents[nos. 7-11], and
those marked with the apotropaicor religious sign of "X" (discussedin the sectionabout
the cemeteryat Tre5tanovci).Questionsabout the origin of this liturgical hymn, adjustedto
the symbolism of the site it decorated(gravechamber - death - resurrectionthrough
Christ), would lead to the following: an unknown composerexpresseda Christian dogma
accordingto someprosemodel of verses,or the personthat commissionedthis work chose
a liturgical poem from the literature available to him or her. However it actually occurred, an
excepiionally wealthy (a luxurious marble sarcophagus)and religiously educatedindividual
with sophisticatedrequirementswas involved. No original text or analogousepigraphiq
monument could be located.This slab, togetherwith fragmentsof other similarinscriptions
discoveredat the site, was probably walled into the grave chamberwhere the sarcophag,us
was discovered[no. 170].Although the sarcophagusmight have been used secondarily
for a Christian burial. the cited circumstancesof the find would indicate that the Dionysian
symbolism of its scenescould be interpretedin a Christian sense.In this case,the treesand
vines with grape-buncheswould evoke heavenlyregions,and the panthersnext to the
kantharosalong with vines and fruit, with their heads "penitently" bowed w.ouldsymbolize
vanquishedevil, or rather convertedsinnerswho eat the fruit of eternallife. I)v The
possibility of such an interpretationis indicatedby a motif on the coins of the emperor
Constantine minted after the Council of Nicaea in325, where the defeat of paganismwas
symbolically denotedby the figure of a pantherwith a bowed head.rou The fact that
systematicarchaeologicalexcavationshave never been undertakeneither at Veliki Bastajior
nearby Daruvar speaksfor itself.
The remainingtombstonesare primarily simple slabs,decoratedwith the standardmotif
of a Christogram,and datedto the4th and 5th centuriesaccordingto the paleographic
characteristicsof the inscriptions [nos. 40, 96-101, 114-118]. These inscriptions
mostly contain the usual schemaof religious phrases,and are often too fragmentaryto offer
data about the social and organizationelementsof early Christian communitiesor about
certain specialforms of public and private piety. In this sense,the tombstoneof Flavius
Maurus [no. 155] is exceptional, as the inscription mentions the colleagueswho erectedit
in his honor. Thesewere probably the membersof a humanitarian-religious or
professional-religiousassociation.This is a conceptthat h_asappearedin an almost
unchangedform from the classicalto the modern periods.16l However, epigraphic
confirmation of early Christian collegia is not known even from Dalmatia, which has
abundantinscriptionsfrom this period, and certainly not in the region of continental
Croatia. The metrical inscription of Paulinus,son of Lucerinus [no. 40], is of interest
becauseof other characteristics,particularly literary. Unfortunately, it is too fragmentaryfor

20r

FROMTHEINVTNCIBLE
SuNro rHE SUNoF Justcn

a detailedanalysis,but the last line probably containedthe typical formula of Orthodox

Christianity "Deo gratias", and the expressions"benedictio"ot "benedictus".Although it is
one of the most common conceptsof the Christian vocabularyin general,it less commonly
appearson epigraphicmonuments.Two Christiansfrom Cibalae,Venatorinusand
Martoria, were referred to by the typical early Christian expression "innocentes"on their
tombstoneinscription [no. 96]. These could have been ordinary members of the church,
but the mannerin which the inscription is composed- without the date of death,their age,
and data aboutthosewho erectedthe monumentto them, would indicate a possibility that
Martoria and Venatorinushad been well known in their religious community. In other
words, they may have been martyrs or witnesses(confessores),for whom a community
would have erecteda monument only in the secondhalf of the 4th century for certain
reasons.They could theoretieallyhave been martyred in this period, i.e. during the reign of
the emperorJulian (361-363), the eradicatorof the "perversityof the past period" Christianity [cf. no. L13], or during the conflicts of Arian and Orthodox beliefs. As such
martyrdomswere in fact quite rare, it would seemmore likely that, if they were even
martyrsat all, this inscription representeda subsequentdiscovery and reburial of their
relics.roz The name Martoria, otherwiseunknown, which is reminiscentof the word martyr
would suggestsuch a line of reasoningabout possiblemartyrdom.163
The majority of tombstoneshad Christogramscarvedon them. This appearedin the
early Christian period in various placesand on various objectsas an apotropaicand.also
triumphal sign, and particularly on tombstonesas a symbol of victory over death.loa [fts1
the mid 4th century, it was often accompaniedby the letters alphn and omega, as an
emphasisof its basic symbolism, adding to it the main conceptionof Orthodox Christianity
where Christ was both the sourceand objective of life. This idea was particularly
emphasizedas a contrastto the Arian conceptionof the doctrine of the personoi 66ri*1.165
A brick from an unknown site in northern Croatia, decoratedwith a Christogramand
apocalypticletters as above, probably servedas a covering slab for a grave or was an item
piaceOinit. too
The systematicexcavationsof the site of Rudina near Polega uncoveredthe remains
of a mediaevalBenedictinemonasteryand numerous_sculptural
elementsfrom that period,
as well as structuralremainsfrom a Roman phase.t6/ The fragment of a sarcophaguswith
the carvedimage of a fish fno. L771,probably used secondarily as the cover of a
mediaeval grave,would attestto an early Christian phaseat this site. The choice of motif
and the mannerof its executionare the primary elementsfor such a hypothesis,particularly
sincethe Romanesquesculptureat Rudina has an entirely different appearance.
3. Objects of artistic craftwork (metal, pottery, glass and bone)
The term "early Christian" displaces"late Roman'l from the secondhalf of the 4th
century.One of the reasonsis that the secondterm is more specific in meaning and is more
suitableas a historical-artistic period, while the first has deepersocial and religious
connotations.168466i1ionally, at the end of the 4th century,ill of Roman civilization
officially becameChristian, and Christianity, despitepresistance,was transformedfrom a
faith into an attitude towards the world.
Mixed among the material of the period conditionally called pre-Christian I n o s.
l,-381andthe definitely early Christian period from the 4th century onwards, material
existsthat can be classifiedto a syncreticphaseduring the 3rd and 4th centuries.Christian
communitiesand dioceses-alreadyexistedin Pannoniain that period, but they were
occasionallypersecuted.169
thuilhs symbolic languageof Christianity even then was still
hidden, or iather immersedin the syncietic artisticiren"tlsof the age.l16However,
Christianity in its legal form was not always representedsymbolically with the classicmotif
of the cross,but rather with various stylized versionsresulting from a specific relationship
to artistic expression.The material from the 3rd century and the first half of the 4th is
united with that undoubtedlybelonging to the early Christian period, with the note that
theseare only probable or even merely possibleChristian objects.A justification for such
an approachmight be seenin the fact that the period of the 3rd-4th centuriesis already

2U

THE ARcHAEoLoctcAL Merenrel oF THEEARLy CHRrsrrANPERToDrN CoNrtxeNr6l Qpg4114 -

entirely on the thresholdof the classicalearly Christian phase,and that finds from the 5th
and 6th centuriesnoted in Christian contextsdo not always have specific religious
characteristics.
Small objectsof utilitarian, decorativeor a combined purposemake up the most
numerousgroup of material exhibited, which is an expressionof the fact that Christianity,
in contrastto all previous faiths, in the majority of phenomenaand eventsof everydayliie
perceiveda correspondingsymbolism. Ardent believerswould apply this with eiaggerated
careto various, mostly secularobjects - fibulae, jewellery, belt fittings, and evenhorse
equipment,vessels,keys, etc.
. Crossbowfibulae, which are datedfrom the end of the 3rd century to the first half of the
5th century,are exceptionallynumerousat late Roman sitesin Pannonia[nos.42,
106-107, 120d, I22-I23, L43, 150-151, 166, 173a, 184, 136-1391.l7l 6n1t
o!9 among the exhibited examplesis decoratedwith christian symbols [no.l2z].
{lthough in Croatianliterature the expression"bulb-shaped fibula" or in German
Zwiebelknoffibel is used,I considerthe previously utilized term - "crossfibula", which
is still sometimesused,to have been more exact, 4though perhapsinsufficiently specific.
unlike the term in English, i.e. "crossbowfibula". 172trlonjol th-eliterature about iuch
material offers any considerationof the symbol representedby its form, although the
recognizableappearanceof a L atin crossprobably containeda correspondingsymbolism.
Although it cannotbe claimed that such an object would derrotea Chhstian owher in every
circumstance,it is likely that the impulse to cr-eatesuch a form was derived from religious
symbolism. Additionalfy, consideringthat this was an elementof attire characteristic-almost
exclusively of membersof the civil administration,eachsuch fibula from the secondhalf of
tlte 4th century would h_avebeen the property of the representativeof an official, thus
Christiangovernment.I 73
_ Christian symbolism on small utilitarian or decorativemetal objects(clasps,belt mounts,
buckles, pendants,keys, etc.) was expressedthrough classicmotifs of crosies and
Christograms
[nos. 49, 52, 55, 67-68, 70-73, 75, l2Z, 124,"!.47, LS2; Fig. 15],
inscriptions[no. 69], or in a hidden or indirect manner.The latter would refer to
zoomorphic objectsor objectsdecoratedwith animal images - eagles,peacocks,doves,
butterflies, horses, and fish [nos. 43-46, 50-51, 56--57,ll,1Zt,'t+41,174 andalio
to those with geometrically stylized cruciform shapes[nos. 47-48, 53,65a-b,l2l,
129,l72al. On certain examples the symbolism was emphasizedby the uniting of two
elements,suchas a swastikaand horse [no. 121], an eagle and depressionsplaced in the
form ofacross [nos.50*51], and a crossand depressionsplaced in the form of a cross
lno. 491.
Fibulae and pins in the forms of eagles,and particularly peacocksand doves,would
theoreticallycontainChristian symbolism in the period encompassingthe 4th-6th centuries,
but the extent ofthis on such objectscan be explainedonly thrbugh archaeologicalcontexts.
Pins with terminalsin the form of birds (doves?)were found at Sisak Jnos.56-s71,
I.udbreg [no. 144] and Vinkov"i.l75 6 similar bronze staff [no. 58] wis interpretedas a
Germaniccult object, and a similar object, but apparentlywithout the grip in the lbwer
section,was shown stuck into a kantharoson an early Christian pluteusflsm 1risr. 176
The cruciform shapeof the Lombard decorativemount from horse equipment [no. 55]
was not coincidentalor a mere technicaldetail, as animalsin generalweie often decorated
with religious symbols in early Christian art and conceptionsl'7'7Themotif of multiple
crossesin a perforatedtechnique[no. 182]is reminiscentof the mediaevalform of the socalledcrossof Jerusalem.178
4 leadpendantwith an imitation of a "cruxgemmata" fno.
681is especiallyinterestingif comparedto a solarpendant[no. 2a], as an almost direct
iconographicand possibly contextualtransition is apparentfrom solar to Christian
s_ymbolism.The pendantwith a Christogramand a butterfly delineatesin a similar manner
the borrowing of paganiconography,but also an almost unchangedsymbolism. Added to
the pagansymbol of the soul and the indestructibility of life qn this o6ject was a symbol of
the resurrectionin Christ as emphasizedby a Christogram.lT916" exceptionaltriangular
pendantof thin silver sheetmetal [no. 67] is included^inthe group of v-otiveobjecti that
are elsewhereusually decoratedwith Christograms.180the eiample from Sisak"isunique
for its anthropomorphicform and impressivedemonstrationof the manner

203

Fnou run INVTNCTBLE

S uN ro rHE SUNoF Jusrrcr,

in which Christiansdecoratednecklaceswith cruciform pendants.The fish shapedpendant

of gilded bronzesheetmetal [no. L8] could also belong to this group. However, neither
this pendantnor the lead tablet with dolphin images [no. 19] can be dated reliably, and
thus a definite religious-symbolic meaningcannotbe assumed.The sameis true of the
stoneobject in the form of a fish [no. 130]. The magical-apotropaic "x" on the buckle
lno. 541could very well have a religious symbolism considering the dating (5th century).
This would also be the casefor the fibula decoratedwith a meandering cross [no. 48].
The meanderdecorationwas most commonly executedin the early Christian period as an
unbroken swastika,with which it thus sharessymbolism. It was used to decoratenot
merely small artistic -craftedobjects,but also mosaicfloors and liturgical fittings in early
Christianchurches.l8l
The abbreviationof the name of Jesuson early Christian objectswas resortedto for
practicalreasons,but also through a belief in the protectiveand magical power of letters,
modified in this mannerinto a symbol [cf. no. 154]. lEz From the sameincentivethe
inscriptionIN DEO SPESSEMPER EST on the pendantfrom Sisak [no.69] was
stampedso that the groups of lettersinterpenetratedeachother. Consideringthe contentof
the text and the motif of a wreath. this mav have beenan amulet relatedto Christian
martwdom.183
A ring with a Christogramwas found at the eastern(Roman) cemeteryof Sisak.l84
Sincethis has beenlost in the_meantime,an almost identical ring from SrijemskaMitrovica
hasbeenexhibited (Fig. {;.tss The ring from Sirmium was choien as an example of the
final phaseof the developmentof the symbolic solar-Christian motif, which from an
upright or oblique cross [nos. 6L-62]evolved into a Christogramdesign [nos. 63,
1901,and subsequentlyinto a true Christogram[no.64; Fig. 4 and 16]. The ring with an
inscription EVSEBI was most probably also Christian [no. 125], regardless of whether
the inscription is interpretedas EVSEBEI (= be devout!),186e1 35the name of the owner in
the genitive case,as a characteristicof the Christian onomasticonor vocabulary.l87 4
uniqueexampleamongthe rings comesfrom Samobor[no. 191], considering the
convincinginterpretationof its symbolic "architectural"form, which would imitate early
Christian circular buildings with columns and a cupola.l83
The{nscription VTR/AVG/FEL (= uterelaugelfeliciter)on the gold ring from
Osijek [no. 126]would expressa desire for a happy life, the wish being intended for the
owner. Neither the date (3rd cent.) nor any other elementwould classify this object as
definitely early Christian. Similarly expressedwishes (such as VIVAS, PIE ZESES) also
appearon other artistically crafted objects.Although it is encounteredsporadicallyprior to
this, the conceptis intrinsic to the late Roman period, as a philosophical-religious thought
preoccupiedwith the idea of felicity. Happinessas a victory over a comparativelybrutal
reality on the one hand, and on the other, happinessin the senseof eternity, wh^ichfor the
t xv The wish
Christiansectionof the late Roman populationmeant eternallife with Qfufis1.
VTERE (FELIX) doesnot have an exclusively Christian sense,although certain authors
have attemptedto recognizeit as such, but it is entirely close.Such expressionsoften end
with the phraseIN DEO, IN CHRISTO, and so forth, on objects which both becauseof
this and also the context of the finds belong to a Christian milieu. 190Thus the wish without
a Christian "suffix" is occasionallyconsideredan abbreviationof thesewishes with
religious content,which cannotbe consideredto be the rule, but should not be ignored as a
possibility. Confirmation for this might be seenin a fibula from Kciln on which the
inscriptionVTERE FELIX was executedin a perforatedtechniquein such a mannerthat
the last letter - rrxrr- remainedseparatein a specialframe, undoubtedlysymbolizing a
cross.191Among the objectsexhibited with the inscription VTERE FELIX [nos.59,
105a, I23, 126, 135, 1.871,two were discovered in graves [nos. 105a, 187], while
the otherslack provenience.It is significant in relation to this that glasseswith the
inscriptionsVTERE FELIX, VIVAS, PIE ZESES (IN DEO) as a rule are found at places
of burial where they are interpretedas tracesof Christian feasting.192In general,it ieems to
me that one would place an object with the inscription VTERE in a grave only if there was
hope of an etemal life.
The silver spoonfrom Sisak [no. 75] belongs.to a group of objects whose
liturgical purposeis doubted by many authors,-buttheir Christian symbolism (decorations
of crosses,Christograms,etc.) is not denied.l93 6 r"14"6 but noneihelessdifferent

204

THB AncHneoI-oclcAt- Marsnrnl oF THEEenlv CHnrsrrRNPBnrootN CoNrlNeNrALCRoATIA -

examplefrom Sisak [no. 74] is a part of a tin spoon.The handle is missing, and the bowl
is flattenedto an almost level shape.As the decorativemotif of three fishes cannotbe
consideredan actualmark for a certaintype of food, its symbolism is evidently direct, and
most probably was relatedto the Holy Trinity.te+ A lost silver spoon from Vinkovci,
discoveredin a grave at the northern cemeterywhere other early Christian finds were
present,might have sharedsome of thesecharacteristics.tv)
The flame of lamps symbolizeseternallife in Christianity, which makes them, other than
their practicalpurposes,exceptionallycharacteristicobjectsofboth public and private
Christianbuildinss.leb
Clay oil-buriing lamps from continental Croatia [nos. 77-80,108, L3l.-1.33]mainly
belong to specific types, called "African", "Mediterranean"or "Early Christian", classified
either accordingto where they were producedand used or the predominantdecorative
forms. The majority are decoratedwith cruciform or Christogrammotifs, and floral and
geometricimagesfunctioning as Christian symbols. Producedin Africa, they were
exportedthroughoutthe Empire, but they were also imitated in local worksbops,to which
poorly producedexamplesmay be attributed[cf. nos. 78c-d from Sisak].rvl Several
examplesamong the lamps here standout from the otherwiseformally and decoratively
standardizedproductsin that the Christian symbolism is disguised.A lamp from Sisak
lno.77a) has a crossin the form of five little balls, and one from Osijek [no. 131] has a
stylized four-leafed rosette.The brancheson the preservedbasesof lamps from Osdek
[nos. 132-133]could perhapsrepresentsymbolic palms, while the crosson an example
from Sisak [no. 77b] was placed on the underside.
Most of the exhibited clay lamps are datedto the 5th or even 6th centuries.Given the
entirety of problems of the early Christian period in continentalCroatia, this is the most
important datain relation to this categoryol archaeologicalmaterial.198
In contrast,the metal lamps from Zagreb [no. I79l and Sisak [no. 76f are unique
examplesof this type of material. They symbolize the Christologicalmotif of the Lamb of
God, the Redeemerof Sinners,probably derived from the Revelationof St John (2I.23),
where the Lamb (Christ) is called the one that shinesin place of the sun and moon.
Zoomorphic lamps,_butof an entirely different shape,are not rare in early Christian craft
productionin metal.lee The only two analogousexamplesto the onesexhibited here come
lrom Hungary, indicating a production centie in Pannonia(Sisak?;.200Despitegreat
similarities, the four Pannonianlamps in the shapeof the Lamb of God differ in small
details,and were thus perhapsthe creationsof a single author, or were producedaccording
to a single model. A bronzefigurine of a lamb [no. 128] from Osijek approachesthem in
possiblesymbolism, but it could be classifiedas early Christian only if more data were
ivailable about the circumstancesof the 1in6.201The metal lamps aie similar in purposeto a
bronze Christogram from an unknown site [no. 193]. The manner in which it is attached
to its chain is evidencethat it was part of a censeror (more likely) a multiple armed
candelabrum,a find that is fairly rare at early Christian sitesin general,and which would be
exceptionalin continentalCroatia.
Pottery vesselswere also decoratedwith motifs and scenesof clear and direct Christian
symbolism [nos. 81-86, lO9, L34-135,148]. This would refer to so-called African
sigillata producedin severalMediterraneancenter-sand exported throughout the entire
Empire, but simultaneouslyimitated everywhere.zuzA unique exampleof imitation of
African sigillata was found in Osijek [no. 134]. It is decoratedwith a geometrically
stylized cruciform motif in a radial "Christogram"form. The motif on a fragment of African
sigillatafrom Sisak[no. 86] may have beenconceivedin a similar mannerand with
identical symbolism. The most interestingexample among figurally decoratedexamplesof
African pottery has a sceneof Christian martyrdom (datio ad bestias)and comesfrom Sisak
[no. 85]. Suchan image on an object of everydayusein a city where there had been so
well known a martyr as St Quirinus (at the beginning of the 4th century) would certainly
have provoked significantmemoriesevenin the 5th century.zur The remainingexamples
merely belong to the early Christian phasechronologically,but neverthelessall the scenes
and imagespresentedon them have a placein the systemof Christian symbolism. This
would representthe fundamentalidea of Christian civilization in which the world and all
creationoriginatedfrom the thoughts of God the Creator,and thus symbolize His creative
power.2MI-nthis sense,the imale of a fish [no. 83] would representboth Christ and

205

Fnola rHe lNvrNcrst-eSuwro rHs SUNor Juslce

thefaithful,imagesofOceanus[no.82] and sea monsters[no.81] would denote the

power of God over the waters, and the hunting scene[no. 84] would symbolize the battle
againstsin and evil in general.2O5
A fragment oTa coarselocaiimitation of sigillata pottery
was subsequentlymarked with a carelesslydrawn crosson the interior side of the base
[no. 109] . Analogies for such a private declarationof religious faith are common
everywhereon all types of objects.zrc The base of a pottery vessel from Ozalj [no. 148]
has a crossincised on the outside of the base.Ignoring the possibly relevant technical
problem of how to mark the centreof a basewhile producing pottery on a wheel, there is
no doubt that the crosson the vesselfrom Ozalj containeda symbolic message.This is
indicate{-by the various crosseson mediaevalpottery, often in relief, and, as a rule, clearly
formed.207-Thecrossscratchedon the exterioi side of a bronzejug from kuzelin I n o .
1491should thus be interpreted as a symbolic sign, particularly since there is no need for
any technicalmarks in the production of metal vessels.
It appearsthat the Christiansof the early period in Pannoniadid not have any
particularpartiality to wearing gems decoratedwith religious symbolism. The rich gem
collection of the ArchaeologicalMuseum in Zagreb doesnot contain a single definitely
earlyChristianexample.A gem from Osijek lno.l27l could be Christian; it was found in
a lead sarcophagusin the southempart of the city. The image of a shepherdwith a staff and
a flock is included in the group of common late Roman pastoralscenes,and only a precise
dating or proveniencecan determineits specific symbolism.20EAs it was poorly crafted,
the gem from Osijek cannotbe preciselydated and it must remain merely a hypothesisthat
the bucolic scenewould conceala symbol of the Good Shepherd.
Coinage,as a specialcategoryof archaeologicalmaterial with political, economic,
artistic-stylistic and religious significance,also has an important position in the early
Christianphase.This fact, however, is often forgotten, and the relationshipof Christianity
to coinageis interpretedin the wrong manner.The early Christian religious and moralistic
attitudetowards money was more marked than that of previous periods, and it is referred to
in literaturein a languageof symbols and metaphors.Thus, for instance,religious doctrine
or the Word of God is comparedto a spiritual coinagewith which one earnsheaven.209
Although Christian authorsof the early period do not write specifically about the placement
of coins in graves,the above thought is in fact associatedwith burial and cult relationships
to coinage.In terms of this, the entrenchedarchaeological"fact" that coins were not placed
in earlyLhristiangravesshouldbe takenwith greatiaution and alwaysexaminedanew.210
It canbe proven to be true at individual sites,but it is not at all a rule predicatedon a
religious attitude. This is shown by finds of coins at early Christian c.emeteries
everywhere,
including the^r-egion
under consideration(Kamenicanear Vinkovci, Strbinci, and probably
Tre5tanovci).zrr Christian literature emphasizesthat true coinageshould be consideredonly
that which has the image of the ruler onthe obverse.212Givenlhat from the secondhalf of
the 4th century coins often have Christian symbols on the reverse,this was interpretedas
the sign of a union of earthly and heavenlyempires,whether it appearedin a grave or
elsewhere.At the sametime, coinageis a material and trade categorywith a utilized value,
and not everyonewho held a coin would considerits symbolic meaning.Despite this, the
circulation of coinagewas the simplestand most convincing form of spreadingChristian
symbolical messagesthroughout all cornersof the Roman state.Thesereasonswould
justify presentinga relatively large quantity of numismaticmaterial at an exhibit about early
Christianity. Coinagehas a multiple role in the presentationof the early Christian period.
Individual examplesare remindersof rulers who were particularly significant for the
Christianworld in general,and also for the region of continentalCroatia,to which they are
connectedthrough military campaignsor similar political events(Constantinethe Great,
Constans,ConstantiusII, Vetranio,Magnentius,ValentinianI, Valens,TheodosiusI).
Coins are representedat sitesat which there are no other or only sporadicearly Christian
finds (Zagreb,Sotin, Aljma5, Batina,doviii, Dalj, Gabo5,Gornjikosinj, KneZevi
Vinogradi, Kupdina, Ore5ac,Peklenica,Popovac,Sladojevci,Srb, Studenci,Siitarjevo,
Vranii, Vukovar-Rada, Zmajevac) [nos. 180-181, I83, 194-213].Coinage of rulers
of the 5th and 6th centuriesis also represented,i.e. Arcadius, Honorius, Johannes,
Valentinian III, Anthemius, Romulus Augustulus, Theodoric the Great, Anastasius,
JustinianI, Justin II, and Phocasfnos.92-94,112,

206

Tga AncnqBot-oclcAI- MATERIALoF THEEa.nlv CunrsrreN Penton rN CoNrNsr.rtA.r-Qpg4114 -

137-138, 174, 180-18I, 196,200, 2081,but this has a special purpose. Evidence of
life in this phaseshould be emphasized,as it is often considered(especiallyin comparison
with northern Pannonia)as a period of civilizational stagnationand archaeological
emptiness.213
This is contestedby the numismaticfinds and other types of material (small
metal objects,pottery vessels,clay lamps, and stonemonuments),and also by literary
sourcesabout eventsin the 5th and 6th centuries(data about the conflicts of Byzantium and
the Ostrogothsover Pannoniaand the Gothic rule in this region, about the functioning of
the bishopricof Siscia,aboutJustinian'ssupposeddeedsof donationto the Benedictines
where Ci6alaeis mentioned,and so forth).2f4
Prior to Constantine(306-337) no Roman coin had Christian symbolism. However, it
appearsthat the emperor Gallienus (253-268) showed more than religious toleranceto
Christianswhen after the deathof his wife Saloninahe minted a coin in her name with the
legend AVGVSTA IN PACE [no. 38].21511" religiousvacillationof the emperor
Constantinewas discussedin the chapterabout the cult of the god Sol, as well as the
mixture of paganand Christian elementsin art, including numismatics,and the gradual
introduction oTcoins with Christian symbolis-.216 16i-ost positive act of thii ruler in the
field of early Christian numismatic iconographywas the introduction of the symbol of
Christian victory, the Christogram, onto coins [no. 136]. In the decadesafter Constantine
this symbolism was taken to absurdlengths,as Roman emperorsfought not merely against
the barbariansbut againsteachother under the sign of the Christogram.This region saw
battlesbetweenConstantineand Licinius, and ConstantiusII and the (Christian!)usurpers
Vetranio [nos. 195, 206] and Magnentius [nos. lg4, 213].217ConstantiusII is
rememberedas the ruler who passedlaws in 341 and 342 aboutmeasuresto eradicate
paganism.2l8The period of religious toleration and political cooperationbetween
ConstantiusII in the East and his brother Constansin the West was noted in an honorary
inscription on a marble slab discoverednear Beli Manastir [no. 178].A conflict arose
after 343 betweenthe "Orthodox" Constansand the Arian inclined Constantius.Despite
this, both rulers marked their coins with the victorious motif of the Christogram [nos. 87,
169, 199, 20I,209-210, 2121.A large number of coins of the emperors Valens and
Valentinian I circulatedin the region of continentalCroatia. They are interestingfirst as
brothersborn in Cibalae,and also as the combativerepresentativesof two religious
branches,Arianism (Valens) and Orthodoxy (Valentinian). Despite the fact that Valentinian
is called the most Christian ruler (christianissimusimperator)in the holy actsof the martyr
St Pollio, while his brother in this sensewould be almost a heretic, the reversesof the coins
of both emjlerors are decorated with Christograms [nos. 110-111, 183, t97-198,
203-2041. zte The militancy of Christian rulers is indicated by the legendson the reverses,
suchas: CONCORDIA MILITVM (= concordamong the soldiers) [no. 195]; HOC
SIGNO VICTOR ERIS (= with this sign you will conquer)[no. 199], VIRTVS
EXERCITVM (= the bravery of the army) [no. 206], VICTORIA AVGVSTORVM (=
the victory of the Augusts) [nos. 174, 200,207-208, 2ll], GLORIA EXERCITVS (=
the glory of the army) [no. 209]. I would say that early Christian civilization as expressed
on this group of coins is reflectedin an aestheticallyattractivebut spiritually lessacceptable
light. Luckily, such an impressionis palliated by exampleswith legendsthat in a more
neutral manner,but always in the name of the new religion, expressa hope for the return of
happier times and Roman glory. This is shown by the legendsSALVS REI PVBLICAE
[nos. 89-90], GLORIA NOVI SAECVLI fno.202l, GLORIA ROMANORVM
[nos. 88, 110-111, 137, I83, 198, 203-205], FELICIVM TEMPORVM
REPARATIO
[nos. 87, 169, 194, 2A\ 210).
At the end of this review of the early Christian phasein continentalCroatia, which has
evolved from work on the exhibit on the sametheme,it must be affirmed that the
archaeologicalmaterial is somewhatmore abundantthan had previously been thought, but
insufficient consideringthe archaeologicaland historical facts. Individual placeshave been
shown to be promising early Christian sites(at Dakovo and Daruvar), while the large cities
(Sisak,Osijek, Vinkovci) needno specialcitation. I believe that such a prediction could be
applied to the areaof easternSlavoniaand Baranjaas a whole. The late Roman period is
attestedin this region at many sites (Lug, Popovac,Sotin, Dalj, Ilok, Vukovar, KneZevi
Vinogradi, Beli Manastir) through other finds in addition to early Christian
"oinr.220 in the
However, the political situationhas not permitted clearerknowledge of the conditions

207

FROMTHEINVTNCTBLE
SuNro rHE SUNor Justtce

field and at thesesites,which would supplementthe image of the early Christian period
throughout the entire region of continental Croatia.
According to historical records,Christianity in the Croatian sectionof Pannoniawas
subjecteither in various periods or even contemporaneouslyto influencesfrom the east
(Sirmium), the west (Aquileia), and the south (Salona)- (seemaps 1 and 2 on pages2l
and33).221Consideringthe insufficient quantity of archaeologicalmaterial, and particularly
architecture,it is not advisableto speculateabout areflection ofhistorical conditionsin the
natureof the material remains.Onomasticdatafrom written and epigraphicsources,
however, would indicate that the region of continentalCroatia was mainly under the
influenceof the westernsectionof the Empire in the period of the 4th to 7th centuries.This
and
is indicatedby the narnesof religious authorities- Quirinus, Con_s_tantius,
(bishop
(bishopof
Amantius
Valens
of
Siscia[222
of
Iovia),223
Constantinus
ibirhopr
Mursa),22 Pollio (lector from Cibalaq2zs - and the namesof the faithful - Severilla
[no. 39], Felicissima(Fig. 3), Paulinus,son of Lucerinus [no. 40], Venatorinus and
Martoria [no. 96], and Flavius Maurus [no. 155]. An exceptionwould be the bishop of
Cibalaewith a Greek name,Eusebius.226Consideringthat namesgiven accordingto saints
are universal,it would be difficult to classify onomasticallythe SiscianbishopsMark and
John. especiallvsincea name in and of itself cannotbe consideredan unconditional
indicatoi of origin. 227"yr"fact, however, that all epigraphicmonumentsin this region were
written in the Latin languageand alphabetwould supporta hypothesisthat the Roman
nameslisted above were related to specific origins. It is interestingthat even the Greek
word EVSEBIO or EVSEBEI on the ring from Osijek [no. 125] was written with Latin
letters.

IV. Concluding Remarks

The study of archaeologicalmaterial of the early Christian period should
understandablylead to knowledge of the spiritual componentin Christian civilization.
Consideringthe lack of researchor excavation,we are presentlyin a position to discuss
merely individual characteristicsin this sense.The relationsbetweenpagansand Christians
in the period of the dynasty of Constantineare illustratedby two different examples.
Religioustoleration, intrinsic to the reign of Constantine,is shown by the fact that the
statueof Minerva at VaraZdinskeToplice remainedin its place even after the remodelling of
the basilicaof the bathsinto a church.226Ql the other hand, the demolition of the pagan
temple and the inclusion of fragmentsof broken statuesof gods into the foundationsof a
correspondto the periodof religious
late Romanstructure(religious?)in Cibala^e^would
intoleranceunder the sonsof Constantine.zzeThe fundamentalspiritual, although no less
political, preoccupationof the PannonianChristians4uring the 4th century was directed to
the battle betweenthe Arian heresyand Orthodoxy.zru Despiteattemptsto attribute
individual forms of architectureto the Arian Goths, Arian Christianity did not createany
specialworld of symbolism or art in general.Arianism, in fact, was not inclined to artistic
and symbolic displays of religious feeling and ritual.23l Consideringthat a large sectionof
CroatianPannoniain the 4th century was under the influence of Arian Christianity, which
was particularly powerful in the region of easternSlavoniawith a centerat Mursa, it is a
questionas to whether the exceptionallysmall number of objectswith Christian symbolism
could be attributedat leastpartially to this. Such a hypothesiswould be supportedby the
fact that the majority of objectswith Christian syubolism come from Sisak - a bishopric
that succeededin resistingthe Arian domination.zrz This is, however, a hypothesisthat
requiresinvestigationand proof in the form of solid archaeologicaldocumentation,as
would the suggestionaccordingto which the Christogramsign on various objectswould
symbolizethe victory over Arianism. This otherwiseestablishedhypothesiswould be
questionableinasmuchas Arian emperorsplacedChristogramson the reverseof their
*in*.233

208

Tun AncHeBol-octcAl MATERIALoF THEEanlv CsxrsrrAN PERIoDIN CoNrlNsNtn; Qp64tI4

The presenceof elementsof pagansuperstitionin the gravesof the early Christian

period in continentalCroatia have been discussedabove, as well as the phenomenathat
ielate siteshere (particularly_Tre5tanovci,
Strbinci, and Veliki Bastiji) with conditionsin the
broader region of Pannonia.zr4I do not seea mannerin which to discernthe true meaning
of doubtful grave goods at such cemeteries.Were, for example, the vesselsoffered,
particularly when they were of glass,in the pagansenseof travelling provisions for the
soul of the deceased,or should one seein them symbolism of the Eucharist and a belief in
resurrection?The answersmost probably vary from object to object. The image of the
spiritual atmosphereof early Christianity in continental Croatia is completed by data about
secretand allegoricalelements,which should probably be relatedto Gnostic magic I n o s .
7-ll, L7O-1711.
It appearsthat this was an atmosphere somewhat modified or stimulated
spiritually by Christian convictions, which is otherwise referred to.by classicalwriters in
the 3rd century,mentioning the famous Pannoniansoothsayers.23s
In severalplacesmore questionshave been presentedthan answeredin relation to the
early Christian period in continental Croatia. This exhibit on such a theme, or rather the
study of archaeologicalmaterial related to it, has shown that the investigation of the early
Christian period is just beginning, but that it doesnot lack prospects.

209