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Rechts
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Rechtsgeschichte
Legal History
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http://www.rg-rechtsgeschichte.de/rg22
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119 138
Martti Koskenniemi
Vitoria and Us
Thoughts on Critical Histories of International Law
Abstract
How to write (international) legal histories that
would be true to their protagonists while simultaneously relevant to present audiences? Most of us
would also want to write critically that is to say,
at least by aiming to avoid Eurocentrism, hagiography and commitment to an altogether old-fashioned view of international law as an instrument
of progress. Hence we write today our histories
in context. But this cannot be all. Framing the
relevant context is only possible by drawing
upon more or less conscious jurisprudential and
political preferences. Should attention be focused
on academic debates, military power, class structures or assumptions about the longue dure? Such
choices determine for us what we think of as
relevant contexts, and engage us as participants
in large conversations about law and power that
are not only about what once was but also what
there will be in the future.
Fokus focus
Martti Koskenniemi*
Vitoria and Us
Thoughts on Critical Histories of International Law
To refuse to think about the ways in which a
concept or text from the remote past might be
recovered to do new work in the present is to
refuse an overt engagement with
contemporary politics. 1
I.
If forward vision is occluded, and reform appears more business as usual than inspired search
for a better world, the temptation is great to look
backwards instead, to try to understand the present
by reference to the past. How did we get here in the
rst place? Hence the recent ood in historical research and publication projects. The Journal of the
History of International Law is now in its 15th year,
the number of volumes in the series by the Frankfurt-based Max-Planck Institute of Legal History
on Studies in the History of International Law
(Studien zur Geschichte des Vlkerrechts), begun in
2001, has reached 31, and new series of historical
works in the English language are commencing
at Brill Publishers in the Netherlands and with
Oxford University press. A huge Oxford Handbook
of the History of International Law saw the light of
day in 2013. The number of specialized volumes on
historical items or persons to have come out in the
present millennium in the English, German,
French, Italian and Spanish languages is already
too large to count. 2 All this activity stands in
striking contrast to the relative silence in historical
studies in the 1980s and 1990s when most lawyers
were busy participating in and commenting on the
post-cold war expansion of international law.
The motives behind the new histories vary.
Some of them explore the ways in which historical
vocabularies such as ius gentium, ius commune or lex
mercatoria might be helpful in understanding the
present world of post-sovereignty. 3 Others have
sought to explain the enormous inequalities of
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II.
Into Context
The surge of interest in the history of international law has been fed by political debates about
the character and direction of international law
today. In itself such interest is not unprecedented.
But present histories tend to dier from older
works written largely in the mode of classical
intellectual history, as explorations of perpetual
themes extending from the origins of Western
political thinking in Greek and Roman antiquity
to the present. 10 This was certainly the case with
the Histoire de droit des gens by Franois Laurent,
professor of history at the University of Ghent, that
came out in 18 instalments during 18501870.
Laurent conceived the history of the law of nations
in terms of rules about statehood, war and diplomacy that originated in the ancient Middle East,
4 See especially A (2003), and
further e. g. P (2011).
5 See e. g. J / R-F
(2007).
6 For a brief overview, see M
(2012).
7 This is the view of that most insistent
critic of rights-individualism, Michel
Villey. See e. g. V (1983).
120
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passed through the dark ages and became gradually more complete in the course of the Renaissance, enlightenment and the secularization of
European political thought. It was certainly no
coincidence that Laurent thought that this European narrative coincided with the histoire de lhumanit, in accordance with the alternative title
page appearing from volume 4 onwards. The work
portrayed the law of nations as part of the progress
of humanity from separation to unity, led by
Europe in thought and in practice, a narrative in
which the chain of past centuries would peak in
European modernity. 11 Since then, most histories
of international law were written as evolutionary
narratives about jurists and philosophers carrying
out a transhistorical conversation contributing to
the ever fuller realization of great principles.
Perhaps the epitome of this way was Robert Redslobs Les grands principes de droit international
(1923) that described the development of international law by reference to four great principles
binding force of treaties, the freedom of the state,
equality and solidarity. The principles would travel
through history as timeless propositions about
how to organize the lives of nations, ourishing
in some periods, violated in others, providing a
universal standard enabling Redslob to measure
moments of progress or decline from the perspective of a revolutionary republicanism. 12
A more recent example of this type of history is
provided by Agns Lejbowicz La philosophie de
droit international (1979) that describes the development of international legal reection in terms of
the perennial tension between humanity and
sovereignty, manifested in the writings from
Plato and Aristotle through Grotius, Locke, Rousseau, Kant and Hegel to the present. For Lejbowicz, the tension between the two notions provided a timeless standard allowing the evaluation
of particular thinkers or periods as more or less
inclined towards ideas of a united humanity or
notions of identity and selood. 13 Many writers
have taken sides in favour of the slow coming
13 L (1979).
Fokus focus
17 K (2002); M (2010).
18 For an early argument to this eect,
see N (1894). Despite all the criticisms of the search for origins and
precurors, it is still quite common,
especially among Spanish jurists, to
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R M (2012b) and
R M (2012a), especially 226236.
22 Out of the very large literature, see
e. g. T G (2010) 3133;
D (2013) 185190; N
(2004). Of earlier writers making the
point, see W (1990) 96117.
23 Z (2009) 229.
24 C (2008) 209.
25 I have treated some of the relevant
literature in K (2011b).
26 S (2002) 87.
27 Z (2009) 271.
28 H (2010a) 1112.
29 H (2010a) 13.
Fokus focus
III.
Beyond Context
No doubt the turn to context provides an important corrective to ways of doing international
legal history. It situates past rules and practices
in their institutional, economic and political environments, portraying the jurists and politicians as
active agents in their milieus with distinct interests
and purposes to advance. It wants to recover the
fullness of those agents voice instead of being
interested in it only because it presents unequivocal signs of modernity. 33 It brings legal principles down from the conceptual heaven and into a
real world where agents make claims and counterclaims, advancing some agendas, opposing others.
Meaning cannot be detached from intention, and
30 I have dealt with the possibility of
critique in the absence of universal
standpoints in many places, including in K (2005b).
31 See O (2013) and O
(forthcoming).
32 H (2010a) 25.
33 las enseanzas de Vitoria presentan
signos inequivicos de modernidad,
P R (2012) 80.
34 See S (2002) and further e. g.
H-B (2006) 2833.
35 K (1979) 80.
36 See e. g. K (1979) 7592 and
155204 as well as K (2002).
37 C (2013).
Martti Koskenniemi
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38 G (1977) 9.
39 W (2008) 9.
124
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126
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47
48
49
50
Fokus focus
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supposes that we already know the context independently of those intentions. The hermeneutic
circle that points from (subjective) intentions to
(objective) structures and back again is well-known
to theorists of customary law and no more needs to
be said about it than that past intentions will
always remain opaque to present historians and
the methods whereby intent is attributed to agents
re-surface all the problems of historical methodology that have to do with isolating and interpreting the meaning of a context. 54
But even if intention has to remain an important datum about the history of legal and political
thought, there is no reason to situate it in a
chronological context that is hermetically sealed
from earlier and later periods. There are, it is wellknown, two ways of thinking about the past as
isolated temporal and spatial contexts separate
from each other and as a process of constant
change in which contexts ow into each other
the dierence between Walter Benjamins punctual time and dierential time. 55 The two
perspectives are not exclusive but complementary.
While the former allows sharp and detailed examinations of moments in which historical agents
communicate with each other, inuencing and
being inuenced by the structures around them,
it also freezes the context in time, allowing no
sense of their constant becoming and changing,
their ultimately turning into other contexts. A
large part of interest in legal history, like other
history, has to do with accounting for the way in
which periods are porous there are windows of
communication between them, to use Hunters
expression. An account of Abb de Mablys Droit
public de lEurope should surely take account of his
republican orientations received from his readings
of Cicero and Machiavelli and his having imbibed
inuences from Roman antiquity that likewise
inspired Montesquieu, Voltaire, Gibbon and
Hume. 56 The turn to thinking of the balance of
power in mid-eighteenth century as a legal principle among writers such as Gundling or Vattel
would be inconceivable if one failed to appreciate
their admiration of Guiccardinis account of the
history of Northern Italy or the eorts, under way
54 See e. g. K (2005a)
388473.
55 B (1968) 253264. For a recent discussion, G (2014).
56 See K-W (1997).
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Fokus focus
IV.
Contextualism is no more able to avoid anachronism than it is able to avoid teleology. This is
specically true of the history of legal concepts and
institutions. As Philip Allott has written, [t]he
legal relations which law creates are the resultants,
the actualized outcomes, of past states of the social
process. They are the potential content of future
social process. 61 International law is a bridge
between the social past and the social future
through the social present. 62 Such aphorisms
really say little more than that law is a normative
discipline that builds on the collective experience
60
61
62
63
C (2000).
A (1990) 111.
A (2002) 317.
I have discussed the role of teleology
in law in K (2012b).
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68 T (1718) Bk I Ch VI 2443
(173177).
69 For the latter position, see G
(1747) 6973 (35).
Fokus focus
specic, though limited place. Although the formation of the present world of disciplinary specializations and hierarchies is not strictly speaking a
narrative within the history of international law,
its eects on the latter are so great and obvious that
it is hard to understand the latter without some
sense of the former. This is an incident of the larger
point that a context is formed through limiting
manoeuvres that cannot be regarded as part of the
context itself even as they are responsible for its
formation. Here the scope of international legal
history must perforce venture beyond its alreadyformed context so as to attain genealogical force.
The political eect of delimiting the scope of
international law becomes visible once we note
that the reections of seasoned practitioners of
diplomacy such as Franois de Callires or Jean
de Wiquefort routinely pass over into the history of
the law of nations, thus erasing the boundary
between international law and maxims of state
policy. By contrast, the works of theorists of economic statecra such as Charles Davenant or
Johann Gottlob Justi do so almost never, thus
reinforcing the marginalization of the role of
economic doctrine and property rights in the eld.
Marc Belissas wide-ranging works of 18th century
France include what the philosophes (Montesquieu,
Voltaire, Diderot, Rousseau) wrote on the foreign
policy of the old regime as aspects of the history of
the law of nations. In this way, he makes the topic
inextricable of the spirit of les lumires, peaking
in the Declaration of the Rights of man and
Citizen of 1789 or the Dra Declaration of the
Rights of Nations by the Abb Grgoire of 1793/
95. 70 Situating international law culturally and
politically within such texts or debates is heavy
with consequences about how we should think
about it as a European substance, born out of
the experiences of early modern statecra and
French absolutism, part of the liberal ideas of
progress through stages of civilization. In this
narrative, Immanuel Kant is not only a gure in
the history of philosophy but also in the history of
the law of nations, guiding the imagination of
large publics in Europe to believe in a universal
history with a cosmopolitan purpose in which
70 See B (1998).
71 K (1991) 52.
72 The numbers are from N /
W (2011) 22.
73 See especially C (2011).
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132
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79 C (1959).
80 K (2011a).
Fokus focus
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V.
85 B (2011).
134
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