Teicu Dumitru - Cetati Medievale Din Banat

Dumitru eicu
Ceti medievale din Banat

Medieval fortifications in Banat
Publicaie realizat n cadrul proiectului Cetile Banatului - un patrimoniu european

derulat de Muzeul Banatului Montan cu sprijinul financiar al Uniunii Europene prin
Programul de Vecintate Romnia-Serbia 2006, RO 2006/018-448.01.02.12
Editor: Muzeul Banatului Montan
Autor: Dumitru eicu
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2009
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Data publicrii: iulie 2009.
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DUMITRU EICU
ceti medievale din banat

MEDIEVAL FORTIFICATIONS IN BANAT
Timioara
2009
Patrimoniul arheologic i etnologic al Banatului

archaeological and ethnological patrimonY of the
region of banat
Seria Repertorii / Repertories Series
EDITORI / EDITORS
Muzeul Banatului Montan / Mountaineous Banat Museum Reia
Muzeul Banatului Timioara / Banat Museum Timioara
Complexul Muzeal Arad / Museal Complex Arad
COLEGIUL EDITORIAL / MEMBERS OF THE EDITORIAL BOARD:
Dumitru eicu, Florin Draovean, Peter Hgel
Relevee i reconstituiri: arh. Drago Zipfl
Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei

EICU, DUMITRU

Ceti medievale din Banat = Medieval Fortifications in Banat /
Dumitru eicu. - Timioara : Cosmopolitan-Art, 2009

Bibliogr.

ISBN 978-973-8903-64-7
728.81(498)
Cuprins
CONTENTS
Contribuii la geografia istoric a Banatului medieval

Contributions to historical geography of medieval Banat .............................................. 7
Izvoarele i istoriografia problemei

Sources and historiography ............................................................................................ 11
Turnuri locuin din Banat

Dwelling-towers in Banat .............................................................................................. 23
Fortificaii medievale din Banat secolele XIII-XVI

Medieval fortifications from Banat from the 13th-16th centuries ....................................... 73
Probleme ale cetilor medievale din Banat

Problems of medieval fortresses in Banat ................................................................... 140
Lista prescurtrilor bibliografice

List of bibliographical abbreviations .......................................................................... 152
Surse pentru ilustraii

Sources for illustrations ............................................................................................... 157
CONTRIBUII LA
GEOGRAFIA ISTORIC
A BANATULUI MEDIEVAL
CONTRIBUTIONS TO
HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY
OF MEDIEVAL BANAT
Lucrarea Fortificaii medievale din Banat se nscrie n seria unor repertorii arheologice despre o regiune geografic Banatul i
n egal msur am abordat aceast tem i din
perspectiva unei geografii istorice a Banatului.
Demersul nostru se nscrie ntr-un efort mai
amplu, pe care l-am discutat cu colegii de la
Muzeul Banatului din Timioara, cu dr. Florin
Draovean ct i cu cei din Arad, n spe cu dr.
Peter Hgel i pe care dealtminteri l-am materializat ntr-un protocol tiinific, ce prevede n
esen publicarea n comun a unor cataloage
tiinifice, cu piese din patrimoniul arheologic
i etnologic al muzeelor bnene concomitent cu publicarea unor repertorii arheologice
tematice ale Banatului. Consecvent acestei
iniiative, ce am propus-o colegilor arheologi,
istorici i etnologi am susinut publicarea
Catalogului coleciei etnografice a Muzeului
Banatului Montan de ctre Mircea Taban i a
Catalogului pieselor romane i daco-romane
din colecia Muzeului Banatului Montan de
ctre Ovidiu Bozu n anul 2008.
Cele dou lucrri Arta minor medieval
din Banat i Fortificaii medievale din Banat
se nscriu n seria de repertorii i cataloage tiinifice arheologice i etnologice referitoare la
Banat, o provincie istoric rmas foarte mult
vreme n conul de umbr al scrisului istoric.
Istoricul Nicolae Bocan, ntr-o admirabil
abordare a evoluiei istoriografiei bnene a
evideniat perioadele de acumulri ale acestora, dar i sincopele intervenite pe parcurs,
pendulrile n multiconfesionalitate i istoria
naional n scrierile istorice ce au abordat
The work Medieval Fortifications in

Banat is part of the series of archaeological
repertories of a geographical region Banat,
and, in an equal measure, we have approached
this subject also from the point of view of a
historical geography of Banat. Our approach
has been, with an ampler effort, discussed
with colleagues from the Museum of Banat
from Timioara, with dr. Florin Draovean, as
well as with those from Arad, that means with
dr. Peter Hgel. It has been materialized in a
scientifical draft agreement, that has planned
in essence publishing in common scientifical
catalogues of pieces belonging to the archaeological and ethnological patrimony of the
museums from Banat in the same time with
the publication of some archaeological repertories by subject of Banat. Being consistent
on this initiative proposed to my archaeologists, historians and ethnologists colleagues,
I insisted on publishing The Catalogue of the
Ethnographical Collection of the Museum of
the Mountainous Banat by Mircea Taban and
The Catalogue of Roman and Dacian-Roman
Items of the Collection of the Museum of the
Mountainous Banat Ovidiu Bozu in 2008.
The two works Minor Medieval Art in
Banat and Medieval Fortifications in Banat
are part of the series of scientifical archaeological and ethnological repertories and catalogues concerning Banat, a historical province
that has been for a very long time period in
the cone of shadow of the historical writing.
The historian Nicolae Bocan, in an admirable
approach of evolution of historiography of
Banat, pointed out its periods of accumulation, but also the sincopes suffered along the
time, oscillations in multi-confesionality and
national history in the historical writings that
trecutul acestei provincii de frontier. Aceste

limite n care a evoluat scrisul istoric pn n
perioada foarte recent, din care nu trebuie
neglijat absena unor instituii tiinifice i
academice n cadrul provinciei, orgoliile locale
mereu active au mpiedicat o abordare global
a istoriei Banatului, o coagulare a efortului
academic al istoricilor risipii n diverse centre
tiinifice din afara provinciei. Muzeele bnene au avut un rol esenial, n opinia mea, n
cercetarea istoric a provinciei, suplinind cel
mai adesea absena unor instituii universitare
i academice. Cercetarea tiinific a constituit
o component serioas a activitii muzeelor
din Romnia, fora tiinific, baza material
i financiar a acestora n derularea unor proiecte tiinifice, a fost un vector important ce
nu poate fi neglijat n evalurile istoriografice.
Unirea i coagularea efortului tiinific i financiar al muzeelor bnene a fost motivaia
ce a stat la baza angajamentului protocolar i
care sperm s-i fac simite mai consistent
efectele.
Cele dou lucrri menionate la nceputul acestei prezentri, Arta minor medieval
i Fortificaiile medievale din Banat constituie
etapa final a unui proiect de cercetare tiinific transfrontalier pe care Muzeul Banatului
Montan din Reia l-a derulat n parteneriat cu
Muzeul regional din Zrenjanin, Serbia.
Proiectul Cetile Banatului un patrimoniu cultural european a fost finanat
din fonduri nerambursabile ale Uniunii Europene n cadrul Programului de vecintate
Romnia-Serbia 2004-2006. Prioritatea 2;
Msura 2.1; Phare CBC 2006/018.448. A
fost un proiect complex, tiinific i practic,
n acelai timp ce a vizat un segment extrem
de reprezentativ al patrimoniului cultural al
Banatului: cetile medievale.
Cetatea a reprezentat, n toate formele
ei, un simbol esenial al Evului Mediu pretutindeni n Europa medieval. Cetile medievale din Banat, un spaiu de frontier pe tot
parcursul secolelor XI-XVI, a cror genez i
dealt with the past of this frontier province.

These limits in which the historical writing has
evolved by the recent period, from where the
absence of some scientifical and academical
institutions within the province, do not have
to be neglected. The local prides always active
prevented from a global approach of the history of Banat, a coagulation of the academical
effort of the historians dispersed in different
scientifical centres outside the province. The
museums from Banat played an essential role,
in my opinion, in the historical research of the
province, replacing very often the absence of
some universitary and academic institutions.
The scientifical research constituted a serious
component of the activity of museums in Romania, the scientifical force, their material and
financial base in the developement of some
scientifical projects. It was an important vector
that can not be neglected in the historiographical valuations. Unification and coagulation of
scientific and financial effort of the museums
from Banat constituted the motivation that was
at the base of the protocol agreement whose
effects we wait to be felt.
The two works mentioned at the beginning of this presentation, Minor Medieval Art
and Medieval Fortifications in Banat constitute the final stage of a project of scientifical
transfrontier research that the Museum of
Mountainous Banat from Reia developed in
partnership with the Regional Museum from
Zrenjanin, Serbia.
The project The Fortresses from Banat
a Cultural European Patrimony was financed
from non-repayable funds of the European
Union within The Program of Vicinity Romania-Serbia 2004-2006. Priority 2; Measure 2.1; Phare CBC 2006/018.448. It was a
complex practical and scientifical project that
aimed, in the same time, at an extremely representative segment of the cultural patrimony
of Banat: medieval fortresses.
The fortress represented, in all its shapes,
an essential symbol of the Middle Ages
throughout the medieval Europe. Medieval
fortresses from Banat, a frontier region, along
the 11th-16th centuries, whose genesis and
8
evoluie se leag de istoria central european,

reprezint prin urmare un segment reprezentativ al patrimoniului cultural european.
Amplasate pe nlimi ele au dominat peisajul
geografic nc din momentul zidirii i pn la
momentul actual, cnd ele se prezint ntr-o
dezolant hain de ruin. Cetatea medieval
a reprezentat, alturi de biseric, un centru de
putere al lumii medievale. Biserica a reprezentat prin monumente i slujitorii acestora
un centru al puterii eterne n timp ce instituia
creat n jurul cetilor era proiecia n teritoriu
a puterii temporare, umane. Omul medieval,
indiferent de ordinul cruia i aparinea, a
pendulat mereu prin constrngerile cotidiene
ntre cele dou centre de putere: biserica i
cetatea. Am abordat cu puin vreme n urm,
din perspectiva geografiei istorice, problema
bisericilor i a mnstirilor din Banat n secolele XI-XVI. Din considerentele pe care le-am
discutat mai nainte, am propus i abordarea
problemei cetilor medievale din Banat. Lucrarea este n intenia noastr un repertoriu
arheologic i un studiu parial de geografie
istoric. Chestiunile de istorie instituional
discutate la nivelul Regatului maghiar medieval n studii de mare amploare de Erik Fgedi,
Engel Pl, ori mai recent pentru spaiul transilvnean de Adrian Andrei Rusu au inclus i
problemele fortificaiilor bnene. Nu a stat
n intenia noastr abordarea unor probleme
instituionale specifice lumii romneti din
Banat districtele medievale, ce au gravitat
n jurul cetilor regale, care a fost fcut cu
mult competen n sinteza profesorului Ioan
Aurel Pop.
Dorim s consemnm sumar n finalul
acestei prezentri chestiunile practice realizate
n cadrul acestui grant, este vorba de realizarea
unei expoziii de grafic i fotografii despre
fortificaiile medievale din ntreaga provincie.
Cetile din judeele Cara-Severin i Timi
au beneficiat de o aciune de ecologizare, de
curire de vegetaie i arbuti i n acelai
timp de o marcare a lor cu panouri n teren
evolution are connected with the central European history, consequently a representative
segment of the cultural European patrimony.
Located on heights, it dominated the geographical landscape even since the moment of
its building till the present moment when they
are in ruins. The medieval fortress represented,
beside the church, a centre of power of medieval world. The church represented, through
monuments and their servants, a centre of
the eternal power while the institution created around the fortresses was the projection
in territory of the temporary human power.
The medieval man, no matter of the order to
which it belonged, always oscillated through
daily compulsions between the two centres
of power: the church and the fortress. We approached, a little time ago, from the point of
view of the historical geography, the problem
of churches and monasteries from Banat in
the 11th-16th centuries. From the reasons
discussed before, we have also proposed the
approach of the problem of the medieval fortresses from Banat. In our intention there are
also an archaeological repertory and a study
partly of historical geography. The matters of
institutional history discussed at the level of
the medieval Hungarian Kingdom in important
studies by Erik Fgedi, Engel Pl, or more
recently for the area of Transylvania by Adrian
Andrei Rusu, included also the problems of the
fortifications from Banat. We did not intend
an approach of institutional problems specific
to the Romanian world from Banat the medieval districts, that revolved round the royal
fortresses that was done with much competence in the synthesis of prof. Ioan Aurel Pop.
We want to summarily register, at the
end of this presentation, the practical matters
accomplished within this grant. It is about the
achievement of an exhibition of graphic arts
items and photos about medieval fortifications from the whole province. The fortresses
from the Cara-Severin and Timi counties
benefited of an action with an ecological
object, getting rid of vegetation and bushes,
and, in the same time, of their marking with
panels on the spot according to the European
9
dup normele europene pentru monumente.

Implementarea acestui proiect complex s-a
fcut de o echip n care am avut alturi pe
dr. Adriana Radu, dr. Adrian Magina i Melania Zancu. Chestiunile administrative n-ar fi
putut fi surmontate fr sprijinul doamnelor
Marinela Ilie i Cristina Tru ce au asigurat
managementul financiar al proiectului. Am beneficiat de sprijinul dezinteresat, pe parcursul
documentrii tiinifice, al colegilor dr. Viorel
Achim, dr. Ioan Stanciu i Clin Cosma de la
institutele de istorie i arheologie ale Academiei Romne din Bucureti i Cluj crora le
rmn profund ndatorat. Un gnd special de
mulumire, care nu poate s acopere nici pe
departe bunele oficii de care m-am bucurat pe
tot parcursul documentrii, ctre Prof. univ. dr.
Doru Radosav, directorul Bibliotecii Centrale
Universitare Lucian Blaga din Cluj-Napoca.
Muzeul din Zrenjanin a fost un partener
ideal n acest proiect iar directorul acestei instituii, domnul Boidar Vorgic, a fost solidar
alturi de noi pe tot parcursul demersului i
cruia i exprimm aici gratitudinea noastr.
norms for monuments. Implementation of

this complex project was fulfilled by a team
composed of dr. Adriana Radu, dr. Adrian
Magina and Melania Zancu. The administrative problems would not have been surpassed
without help of Marinela Ilie and Cristina
Tru that assured the financial management
of the project. I benefited of the disinterested
help, along the scientifical documentation,
of my colleagues dr. Viorel Achim, dr. Ioan
Stanciu and Clin Cosma from the institutes
of history and archaeology of the Romanian
Academy from Bucharest and Cluj, to whom
I am deeply grateful. Many thanks, that can
not cover not even by far the good offices of
which I enjoyed during my documentation,
towards prof.dr. Doru Radosav, director of the
Lucian Blaga Central Universitary Library
from Cluj-Napoca.
The museum from Zrenjanin was an
ideal partner in this project, and the director
of this institution, Mr. Boidar Vorgic, was
solidary with us along the whole approach.
We express our gratitude to him.
Dumitru eicu
Dumitru eicu
Reia, 20.07. 2009
Reia, 20.07. 2009
10
IZVOARELE I
ISTORIOGRAFIA PROBLEMEI
SOURCES AND
HISTORIOGRAPHY
Banatul a beneficiat de o publicare a

surselor istorice scrise nc din a doua jumtate
a veacului al XIX-lea. Se detaeaz n aceast
privin activitatea extrem de laborioas a
istoricului Pesty Friges, cel ce a identificat n
arhive circa 1500 de documente medievale. O
parte din acestea au fost publicate n cele dou
volume consacrate comitatului Cara, aprute
n anii 1882-18831. Alte 280 de documente au
fost editate de Pesty Friges n volumul consacrat Banatului de Severin2, publicat n anul
1878. Datorm aceluiai harnic istoric al colii
critice maghiare identificarea i transcrierea
unui lot de 418 documente referitoare la comitatul Timi, dar publicate sub semntura
istoricului german bnean Theodor OrtvayOrtmayr n anul 18963. Biblioteca Academiei
Maghiare pstreaz n manuscris un volum
de 800 documente transcrise de Pesty Friges,
referitoare la comitatul Timi, ce ateapt s
fie publicate4. Cetile medievale din Banat
din secolele XIV-XV au fost consemnate n
documentele scrise sub forma castrum ori
castellum. Aceleai surse ofer informaii cu
privire la castelanii cetilor, ori ai altor slujbai din cetate, informaii ce au ngduit lui
Pl Engel remarcabila reconstituire propus n
volumul de geografie istoric aprut n anul
19965. Cunoatem uneori existena cetii prin
prisma informaiilor despre satele ce formau
Banat has benefited of the publication

of written historical sources even since the
second half of the 19th century. It stands out,
in this respect, the extremely laborious activity of the historian Pesty Friges, that one who
identified about 1,500 medieval documents
in archives. Part of them were published in
two volumes dedicated to the Cara comitat,
issued in 1882-18831. Other 280 documents
were edited by Pesty Friges in the volume
dedicated to the Banat of Severin2, published
in 1878. We owe identification and transcription of a lot of 418 documents concerning
the Timi comitat to the same hard-working
historian of the Critic Hungarian School. But
they were published under the signature of
the German historian from Banat, Theodor
Ortvay-Ortmayr in 18963. The Library of the
Hungarian Academy preserves a manuscript
of 800 documents transcribed by Pesty Friges,
concerning the Timi comitat, that waits
to be published4. Medieval fortresses from
Banat dated to the 14th-15th centuries were
recorded in written documents in the form of
castrum or castellum. The same sources provide information related to the fortress lords
or to other civil servants of the fortress. This
information allowed Pl Engel the remarkable
reconstitution proposed in the volume of historical geography issued in 19965. We know
about the existence of the fortress according
to the information about the villages forming
Pesty, Krass, III-IV, 1882-1883.

Pesty, Szreny, III, 1878.
3
Ortvay, 1896.
4
Cercetri de arhiv dr. Adrian Magina.
5
Engel, 1996.
1
2
Pesty, Krass, III-IV, 1882-1883.

Pesty, Szreny, III, 1878.
3
Ortvay, 1896.
4
Investigations in archives by dr.Adrian Magina.
5
Engel, 1996.
1
2
11
domeniul acesteia, ori a districtului romnesc

la care erau amplasate.
Cetile bnene apar n conul de
lumin al istoriei prin prisma actelor scrise
ntr-un mod extrem de divers i inegal n timp.
Cunoatem, prin prisma acestor informaii,
rolul activ jucat n prima jumtate a secolului
al XV-lea de cetile din Clisura Dunrii n
confruntarea european cu Imperiul Otoman,
n timp ce alte fortificaii din spaiul montan,
din valea Brzavei, din Almj, bunoar, au
rmas mereu n zona cu puine informaii, deci
puin luminat. Implicarea elitelor bnene,
accederea lor prin nnobilare la funcii n conducerea cetilor i a comitatelor bnene n
secolele XV-XVI s-au transmis i prin prisma
documentelor medievale publicate de ctre
Costin Fenean6.
Reconstituirile de geografie istoric a
Banatului beneficiaz de informaii de prim
importan din cronici turceti sau din nsemnrile unor cltori strini prin Banat. Dei au
fost redactate trziu, n secolul al XVII-lea,
ele aduc informaii utile pentru o reconstituire
regresiv a trecutului cetilor medievale din
Banat. Cronica turceasc Nusretname, scris
de Silahdar Fndkliei Mehemed Aga7 face o
descriere a cetii Cuieti cu prilejul asediului acesteia din anul 1695. Ea era amplasat
pe un loc greu accesibil i este prezentat de
cronicar ca o fortificaie mic cu dou turnuri
interioare8. Cltorul turc Evlin Celebi a lsat
nsemnri despre o parte din cetile Banatului.
Referinele sale sunt utile pentru descrierea
vechilor nuclee ale cetilor de la Caransebe,
Lugoj, Timioara, iar alteori, cum este cazul
cetii Jdioara, trebuie privite cu pruden.
Cetatea Caransebeului pstra la 1660, cnd a
trecut prin ea Evlia Celebi, nucleul vechi, fiind
o puternic cetate interioar, n cinci coluri,
solid construitaceast cetate interioar are
its domain or the Romanian district in which

they were settled.
The fortresses from Banat appear in the
cone of light of history from the angle of the
written documents in an extremely different
and unequal way in time. We know, thanks to
this information, the active role played in the
first half of the 15th century by the fortresses
from the Danube Clisura in the European
confrontation with the Ottoman Empire while
other fortifications from the mountainous
area, from the Brzava valley, from Almj,
for instance, were less known because of few
information. Implication of elites from Banat,
succeeding in being ennobled at ranks in the
leadership of fortresses and of comitats from
Banat in the 15th-16th centuries was transmitted also from the angle of medieval documents
published by Costin Fenean6.
Reconstitutions of historical geography
of Banat benefits of very important information from Turkish chronicles or from notes
of some foreign travellers throughout Banat.
Even if they were drawn up late in the 17th
century, they brought useful information for
a regressive reconstitution of the past of the
medieval fortresses in Banat. The Turkish
Nusretname Chronicle, written by Silahdar
Fndkliei Mehemed Aga7 presents a description of the Cuieti fortress occasioned by its
siege in 1695. It was located in a difficult of
access place. It is described by the chronicler
as being a small fortification with two interior
towers8. The Turkish traveller Evlin Celebi
wrote about part of the fortresses from Banat.
His references are useful for depicting the ancient nuclei of the fortresses from Caransebe,
Lugoj, Timioara, and some other time, as in
the case of the Jdioara fortress, they must be
prudently regarded. The Caransebe fortress
was still preserved in 1660, when Evlia Celebi
passed through it, the ancient nucleus, being
a powerful interior five-cornered fortress
solidly built... this interior fortress has only
Fenean, 1981; Fenean, 2007

Cronici turceti, II, 1974, p.432.
8
Cronici turceti, II, p.432.
6
7
Fenean, 1981; Fenean, 2007

8
Cronici turceti, II, p.432.
6
7
12
o singur poart9. Castrul medieval de la Lugoj este prezentat de acelai cltor turc drept
o cetate interioar din zid cu an de aprare10.
Giovan Andreea Gromo, un cltor
italian ce a strbtut inutul Banatului, a lsat
cteva mrturii despre Caransebe, Mehadia
i Lugoj. Cetatea Mehadiei ocupa o poziie
strategic deosebit n drumul dintre Dunre
i Transilvania, lucru remarcat de Gromo11.
Amplasarea pe o stnc natural face dificil
urcarea artileriei, care odat urcat nici nu
poate fi aezat din cauza ngustimii spaiului
dimprejur12.
Mrturiile din cronicile turceti i din
nsemnrile din cltorie prin Banat au primit
o confirmare din surse cartografice austriece
din secolele XVII-XVIII. Arhiva Marsigli de
la Bologna pstreaz mape cu hri realizate
de ofierii aflai sub comanda generalului
Luigi Ferdinando Marsigli, aflat n misiune
austriac n Banat n anul 169713. Publicate
de G. Sebestyen ele ofer informaii despre
starea monumentelor n momentul realizrii
releveelor. Planurile i hrile realizate de
austrieci n Banat sunt foarte puin cunoscute
n istoriografie, deoarece nu a existat o direcie
de cercetare punctual n aceast chestiune14.
Alexander Krischan, istoric bnean stabilit
n Viena i cu preocupri legate de istoria
provinciei, a publicat un inventar extrem de interesant al planurilor i hrilor aflate n arhiva
Ministerului de Rzboi de la Viena referitoare
la Banat15. El semnaleaz n studiul amintit,
preciznd inclusiv cotele, un numr de 495
de hri din perioada 1686-1900 cu tematic
administrativ, politic, militar aflate la Kriegsarchiv din Viena referitoare la Banat16. Se
regsesc n inventarul publicat de Alexander
Krischan semnalate planuri de ceti vechi, ct
one gate9. The medieval castrum from Lugoj

is presented by the same Turkish traveller as
an interior wall fortress with defensive ditch10.
Giovan Andreea Gromo, an Italian traveller that wandered the region of Banat, let
few testimonies about Caransebe, Mehadia
and Lugoj. The Mehadia fortress occupied a
special strategical position in the way between
the Danube and Transylvania, fact remarked
by Gromo11. Its location on a natural rock
made difficult climbing for the artilery that
once climbed up, it could not be set because
the narrowness of the surrounding area12.
Testimonies from the Turkish chronicles
and from the traveling notes throughout Banat
got confirmation from Austrian map sources
from the 17th-18th centuries. The archive
Marsigli from Bologna preserves paper cases
with maps drawn by officers under the general
Luigi Ferdinando Marsiglis command, who
was in Austrian mission in Banat in 169713.
Published by G. Sebestyen, those maps provided information about the state of monuments in the moment of drawing of plans.
The plans and the maps achieved by Austrians
in Banat are less known in historiography
because there was not a direction of punctual
research in this matter14. Alexander Krischan,
a historian from Banat established in Wien,
who was preoccupied by the province history,
published an extremely interesting inventory
of plans and maps concerning Banat preserved in the archives of the Ministry of War
in Wien15. He pointed out, in the mentioned
study, specifying inclusively the spot heights,
a number of 495 maps belonging to the period
1686-1900 with administrative, political and
military themes related to Banat preserved at
Kriegsarchiv in Wien16. In the inventory published by Alexander Krischan, there are plans
Cltori strini, VI, 1976, p.534-535.

11
Cltori strini, II, 1970, p.328.
12
Cltori strini, II, 1970, p.328
13
Sebestyen, 1984, p.41-50.
14
15
Krischan, 1996, p.295-351.
16
Krischan, 1996, p.295-306.
9
10

11
12
13
14
15
Krischan, 1996, p.295-351.
16
Krischan, 1996, p.295-306.
9
10
13
i ale fortificaiei noi de la Orova, Panevo,

Mehadia, Caransebe, Lipova i altele ce pot
oferi cu siguran o alt imagine despre cetile medievale ale Banatului, n stadiul n care
le-au gsit la sfritul secolului al XVII-lea17.
Arheologia medieval i-a structurat de
la bun nceput n cmpul su de investigare un
segment consacrat monumentelor din zid, alturi de cele consacrate arheologiei aezrilor
ori celei funerare. Investigarea fortificaiilor
medievale din zid, nu doar a vestigiilor pstrate, presupune un efort deosebit, lucru remarcat
de mult vreme i pentru spaii cu o veche
tradiie n domeniul arheologiei medievale18.
Apelul la cercetarea arheologic a fortificaiilor n spaiul Transilvaniei i Banatului, ce nu
beneficiaz de abundena surselor din regiunile
vest i central europene, este esenial pentru
a reface fizionomia general a arhitecturii
militare medievale, pentru a utiliza aici
expresia consacrat a lui Michael de Bouard,
unul dintre ntemeietorii acestei discipline19.
Evalurile recente fcute de Adrian Rusu
n problema surselor de informare oferite de
arheologia monumentelor relev acumulrile
lente i chiar pierderile survenite pe parcurs,
dup cercetarea monumentelor i nstrinarea
documentaiei i a materialului arheologic
descoperit20. Cercetarea fortificaiilor medievale din Banat a nceput trziu, la nceputul
deceniului al optulea al secolului trecut, sub
impulsul venit dinspre un centru cu mai vechi
tradiii universitare i academice de la Cluj.
Cercetrile iniiate de tefan Matei la Ilidia n
1972 i mai apoi la cetile de la Mehadia i
Coronini au oferit elementele pe baza crora
discutm i la momentul actual evoluia arhitecturii medievale de fortificaii din Banat21.
Investigaiile au oferit date privind planime-
of ancient fortresses and of new fortifications

from Orova, Pancevo, Mehadia, Caransebe,
Lipova and others that can certainly offer
another image of the medieval fortresses of
Banat, in the stage in which there were found
at the end of the 17th century17.
Medieval archaeology structured, from
its very early beginning in its field of investigation, a segment dedicated to the wall monuments beside those dedicated to the settlement
or funerary archaeology. Investigation of
medieval wall fortifications, not only that one
of the preserved vestiges, supposes a special
effort. This matter was noticed for a long time
also in the case of areas with old tradition in
the domain of medieval archaeology18. The
appeal to archaeological investigation of
fortifications in Transylvaia and Banat, that
do not benefit of abundence of sources from
the western and central European regions, is
essential to recreate general physionomy of
the military medieval architecture, to use
here Michael de Bouards phrase, one of the
founders of this discipline19.
Recent valuations done by Adrian Rusu
in the problem of sources of information
provided by the monument archaeology emphasize slow accumulations and even losts
happened along the time, after investigation
of monuments and removal of documentation and archaeological material discovered20.
Investigation of the medieval fortifications in
Banat started late, at the beginning of the 8th
decade of the last century, under the impulse
come from a centre with older universitary and
academical traditions from Cluj. The investigations initiated by tefan Matei at Ilidia in
1972, and later at the fortresses from Mehadia
and Coronini, offered elements on whose
base we discuss even at present the evolution
of the medieval architecture of fortifications
from Banat21. The investigations offered data
Krischan, 1996, p.335.

Bouard, 1975, p.105-106.
19
Bouard, 1975, p.105.
20
Rusu, 1998, p.5; Rusu, 2005, p.26-32.
21
Matei, Uzum, 1973, p.141-155; Matei, 1982, p.102120.
17
18
Krischan, 1996, p.335.

Bouard, 1975, p.105-106.
19
Bouard, 1975, p.105.
20
Rusu, 1998, p.5; Rusu, 2005, p.26-32.
21
Matei, Uzum, 1973, p.141-155; Matei, 1982,
p.102-120.
17
18
14
tria monumentelor i etapele de amenajare a

acestora. Materialul arheologic ajut ntr-o
oarecare msur la datarea etapelor de amenajare a cetilor de la Coronini, Mehadia i
Ilidia22. Turnurile locuin de la Svinia au fost
investigate arheologic n toamna anului 1970,
fiind singura fortificaie cercetat i publicat
din cadrul proiectului de amenajare a Dunrii
la Porile de Fier23. Cercetrile de arheologie
medieval din Valea Dunrii, derulate n anii
1965-1970, au vizat extrem de puine obiective, iar rezultatele publicate sunt dezolante24.
Cercetrile de la Ilidia din cadrul curii
feudale de pe dealul Oblia, derulate n anii
1969-1980, au adus n discuie planul unui turn
locuin, datat pe baza materialului arheologic
descoperit n veacul al XII-lea25. Construcia
de la Ilidia constituie un reper, sigur datat, cu
privire la nceputul arhitecturii de fortificaii n
spaiul Dunrii de Jos Apusene. Identificarea
pe teren a unor monumente, din preajma Anului O Mie, n spaiul nord estic al Banatului a
fost obiectul mrturisit al cercetrii, ce i l-a
fixat profesorul Radu Popa i echipa pe care o
conducea. Investigaiile de la Gladna Romn
i Fget din anii 1986-1988 se nscriu n aceste
preocupri. Documentaia arheologic de la
Fget a confirmat datarea trzie a cetii n
secolul al XVI-lea, pe de o parte, i a oferit
elemente de planimetrie ale acesteia cunoscute
pn atunci din planurile din arhiva Marsigli26.
Demersul iniiat de profesorul Radu
Popa la cercetarea arhitecturii militare a Banatului la nceputul Evului Mediu n-a fost continuat dup dispariia sa prematur. Cercetarea
arheologic de la cetatea de la Caraova din
anii 1998- 2000 a fost i a rmas un experi-
concerning planimetry of monuments and

stages of their disposal. The archaeological
material helps in a certain measure to date the
stages of construction of the fortresses from
Coronini, Mehadia and Ilidia22. The dwellingtowers from Svinia were archaeologically
investigated in the autumn of 1970. They were
the only one fortification investigated and
published within the project of arrangement of
the Danube at the Iron Gates23. The archaeological medieval investigations in the Danube
valley, developed in 1965-1970, aimed at very
few objectives, and the published results are
unsatisfactory24.
Investigations from Ilidia within the
feudal court on the Oblia hill, developed in
1969-1980, brought in discussion the plan
of a dwelling-tower, dated on the base of the
archaeological material discovered in the 12th
century25. The building from Ilidia constitutes
a reference point, certainly dated, for the beginning of the architecture of fortifications
within the area of the western Low Danube.
Identification on the spot of some monuments,
about the year One Thousand, in the northeastern area of Banat was the declared object
of the investigation that prof. Radu Popa and
his team proposed. The investigations from
Gladna Romn and Fget in 1986-1988 are
part of these preoccupations. The archaeological documentation at Fget confirmed the
late dating of the fortress to the 16th century,
on one side, and offered elements of its planimetry known by then from the plans of the
Marsigli archives26.
The approach initiated by prof. Radu
Popa at the research of the military architecture of Banat at the beginning of the Middle
Ages has not been continued after his premature death. The archaeological investigation at
the fortress from Caraova in 1998- 2000 was
Matei, 1982, p.114-119.

Corvtescu, Rdulescu, 1979, p.169.
24
Rosetti, 1978, p. 147-153.
25
eicu, 1996, p.77-79.
26
Popa, Cpn,Achim, 1987, p.12; Popa, Cpn,
Rdulescu, Tomoni, 1991, p.23 i urm.
22
23
Matei, 1982, p.114-119.

24
Rosetti, 1978, p. 147-153.
25
eicu, 1996, p.77-79.
26
Popa, Cpn,Achim, 1987, p.12; Popa,
Cpn, Rdulescu, Tomoni, 1991, p.23 and
following.
22
23
15
ment al unui arheolog debutant, ce-i cuta o

direcie n cercetarea arheologic. Observaiile
din rapoartele de spturi, nesudate pe un plan
general i alte elemente obligatorii de sptur, spuse pe un ton justiiar trebuie luate cu
pruden necesar27.
Marin Brmboli a organizat o cercetare
sistematic la donjonul de la Vrsc n anii
1997-2000, care a oferit elemente de cunoatere a arhitecturii unuia din cele mai bine conservate monumente din Banat28. Construcia
fortificaiei s-a derulat n dou etape, cea dinti
amenajare reprezentnd donjonul rectangular.
O incint din zid cu plan triunghiular a fost
amenajat la vestul donjonului, extremitatea
estic fiind flancat de un turn semicircular.
Materialul arheologic gsit a oferit extrem de
puine elemente de datare sigur a structurilor cetii medievale de la Vrsc. Recursul la
documentele istorice scrise s-a fcut n acest
caz conjunctural i selectiv, ceea ce a viciat,
dup opinia mea, stabilirea cronologiei pe
de o parte, i o corect ncadrare a acesteia
n peisajul geografiei istorice a Banatului
medieval. Aezarea i fortificaia de la Vrsc
trebuie identificat cu aezarea i cetatea regal Ersumlio29.
O privire retrospectiv asupra cercetrii
arheologice a fortificaiilor medievale din
Banat evideniaz absena unui progres ori a
unor preocupri ferme i de lung durat n
acest domeniu. Debutul extrem de promitor
n aceast privin iniiat la nceputul deceniului al optulea de tefan Matei, un cercettor
tiinific ce a avut chemarea, tiina necesar
dar i experiena dobndit pe antierele transilvnene, s-a oprit brusc i nu a mai fost reluat
n ultimele decenii. Informaia arheologic
despre evoluia arhitecturii de fortificaii din
Banat n secolele XIII-XV rmne la stadiul
incipient.
and has remained an experiment of a beginner

in archaeology who was looking for a direction
in the archaeological investigation. Observations from the excavation reports, without a
general plan and other obligatory elements of
excavation, told on a redeeming tone have to
be considered with necessary prudence27.
Marin Brmboli organized a systematic
investigation at the donjon from Vrsc in 19972000, that offered elements of knowledge of
the architecture of one of the best preserved
monuments from Banat28. The construction
of the fortification developed in two stages.
The first building represented the rectangular
donjon. A wall compound with triangular plan
was disposed west to the donjon. The eastern
extremity was flanked by a semicircular tower.
The archaeological material found provided
very few elements of sure dating of the structures of the medieval fortress from Vrsc.
The appeal to written historical documents
was done in this case in a conjunctural and
selective way what vitiated, in my opinion, the
establishment of the chronology on one side,
and a correct framing of it in the scenery of the
historical geography of the medieval Banat.
The settlement and the fortification from Vrsc
has to be identified with the Ersumlio settlement and royal fortress29.
A retrospective view over the archaeological investigation of the medieval fortifications from Banat points out the absence
of progress or of some firm and long-term
preoccupations in this domain. The very promising beginning in this respect initiated at the
beginning of the 8th decade by tefan Matei, a
scientifical researcher who had vocation, necessary science, but also experience acquired on
the excavations from Transylvania, suddenly
ceased and it has not been taken over for the
last decades. Archaeological information
about evolution of the architecture of fortifications in Banat in the 13th-15th centuries has
remained at the incipient stage.
Oa, 1999, p.22-23; Oa, 2001, p.57-59.

Brmboli, 2009, p.35, 48-53.
29
Brmboli, 2009, p.105-109; Gyrffy, III, 1987,
p.493.
27
28
Oa, 1999, p.22-23; Oa, 2001, p.57-59.

Brmboli, 2009, p.35, 48-53.
29
Brmboli, 2009, p.105-109; Gyrffy, III, 1987,
p.493.
27
28
16
Analiza dosarului surselor istorice acumulate despre cetatea medieval din Banat ne
faciliteaz n bun msur o discuie despre
modul cum s-a scris n istoriografia multiconfesional bnean despre fortificaiile
medievale30.
Interesul pentru cetile medievale ale
Banatului s-a manifestat de timpuriu, nc
din a doua jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea,
ns din perspectiva geografiei istorice. Pesty
Friges, harnicul istoric al Banatului, odat cu
publicarea izvoarelor diplomatice medievale
a consacrat un segment important al scrisului
su istoric geografiei istorice a comitatului
Cara i Banatului de Severin31. Cetile medievale din acest spaiu se regsesc analizate prin
prisma informaiilor oferite de documentele
medievale deja publicate. Merit semnalate, n
acest context, eforturile istoricului pozitivist
maghiar de a localiza o parte din fortificaiile
medievale disprute de la Ersumlia32, Borzav33, Peth34, Liboradea35 i altele. El a localizat, dup o trecere n revist a informaiilor
documentare din secolele XIII-XVI despre
cetatea Ersumlia, amplasarea acesteia pe malul
drept al Caraului, n apropiere de Vrdia36.
Informaiile din documentele medievale i
toponimia local nu au fost corelate de fiecare
dat, dei erau bine cunoscute, fapt ce a dus
la identificri eronate ale cetilor medievale
n scrierile lui Pesty Friges. A discutat bunoar sursele despre cetatea Cuieti, legat
indiscutabil de Valea Brzavei, dar a localizat
aceast cetate undeva ntre Clina i Seca n
Munii Dognecei37. Toponimia de la Boca,
unde se afla i cetatea sus menionat, pe care
el o cunotea cu siguran din rspunsurile din
chestionarele trimise, meniona Dealul Cetii
sau Dealul Monastirei i Dealul Petri, toate
30
Analysis of the historical sources gathered about the medieval fortress from Banat
facilitates, in a good measure, a discussion
about the way how the medieval fortifications were presented in the multiconfessional
historiography from Banat30.
Interest for the medieval fortresses from
Banat manifested early, even since the second
half of the 19th century, but from the point of
view of the historical geography. Pesty Friges,
the hard-working historian of Banat, in the
same time with the publication of diplomatic
medieval sources, dedicated an important segment of his historical writing to the historical
geography of the Cara and Banat of Severin
comitats31. Medieval fortresses within this area
are analyzed through the information provided
by the already published medieval documents.
It is worth to be pointed out, in this context,
the positivist Hungarian historians efforts to
locate part of the disappeared medieval fortifications from Ersumlia32, Borzav33, Peth34,
Liboradea35 and others. He located, after a
review of the documentary information from
the 13th-16th centuries, the Ersumlia fortress
on the right bank of the Cara, in the vicinity of Vrdia36. Information from medieval
documents and local toponimy were not linked
every time, even if they were well known.
This fact led to wrong identifications of the
medieval fortresses in Pesty Friges writings.
He discussed, for instance, about the sources
related to the Cuieti fortress, indisputably
related to the Brzava valley, but he located
this fortress somewhere between Clina and
Seca in Dognecea Mounts37. Toponimy from
Boca, where the fortress mentioned above
was situated, that he certainly knew from the
answers to the sent questionnaires, was mentioning Dealul Cetii or Dealul Monastirei
31
30
eicu, 1998, p.35 i urm.

Pesty, Krass, II, 1-2, 1884; Pesty, Szreny, II,
1878.
32
Pesty, Krass, II, 2, p.165.
33
34
Pesty, Szreny, II, p.441.
35
Pesty, Krass, II,p. 314.
36
37
eicu, 1998, p.35 and following.

Pesty, Krass, II, 1-2, 1884; Pesty, Szreny, II,
1878.
32
33
34
Pesty, Szreny, II, p.441.
35
Pesty, Krass, II,p. 314.
36
37
31
17
and Dealul Petri, all linked to the name of

the fortress and its remembrance in the collective memory38. In the Brzava valley, at
Boca, around the Cuieti fortress, there was
also a Franciscan convent in the 1th century,
whose remembrance seems to have been kept
in the local toponimy till a given moment39.
Monuments from the Banat of Severin, their
location, were less known. The discussion
concerning them took place on the base of
documents, and seldom of depictions and local
investigations, as in the case of the fortresses
from Mehadia, Drencova, Orova and Peth for
instance40. Discussions about the medieval fortresses from Banat taken in the multicultural
historiography from Banat took over, till the
middle of the last century, information and hypotheses formulated by Pesty Friges. That one
who brought sometimes nuances as concerns
location of some medieval fortifications on the
base of toponimy and of his own investigations
was Felix Milleker, German historian and
archaeologist from the Museum from Vrsc41.
The studies of local history published at the
end of the 19th century by another German
historian from Banat, Leonard Bhm, from
Bela Crkva/Weisskirchen, were very useful
for the knowledge of the state of monuments.
His information about the fortresses from
Pojejena, Dubova and Mehadia are extremely
useful42.
Monuments of medieval fortifications
from Banat remained out of the interest sphere
of the historian writing along the period between the two wars both for local historiography and for academical centres from outside
the province with preoccupations for the history of Banat. The consequence of this lack of
interest and of information directly reflected in
the synthesis approaches concerning medieval
architecture published after the second World
War. Banat, with its monuments of medieval
architecture, is not found in a far-reaching ap-
legate de numele cetii i amintirea acesteia

n memoria colectiv38. n Valea Brzavei, la
Boca, n preajma cetii Cuieti s-a aflat i
un convent franciscan n veacul al XIV-lea, a
crui amintire se pare c a pstrat-o toponimia
local pn la un moment dat39. Monumentele
din Banatul de Severin, amplasarea acestora
n teren, erau puin cunoscute i discuiile
purtate pe marginea lor se fcea pe temeiul
documentelor i arareori pe descrierile i
cercetrile locale, cum este cazul bunoar
cu cetile de la Mehadia, Drencova, Orova
i Peth40. Discuiile despre cetile medievale
bnene purtate n istoriografia multicultural
bnean au preluat pn la mijlocul secolului
trecut informaiile i ipotezele formulate de
Pesty Friges. Cel ce a adus uneori nuanri n
privina localizrii unor fortificaii medievale
pe baza toponimiei i a cercetrilor proprii
din teren a fost Felix Milleker, istoricul i
arheologul german de la Muzeul din Vrsc41.
Extrem de utile pentru cunoaterea strii
monumentelor sunt studiile de istorie local
publicate la finele veacului al XIX-lea de ctre
un alt istoric german bnean Leonard Bhm,
din Bela Crkva/Weisskirchen. Informaiile
sale despre cetiile de la Pojejena, Dubova
i Mehadia sunt extrem de utile42.
Monumentele de fortificaii medievale
bnene au rmas n afara sferei de interes
a scrisului istoric pe tot parcursul perioadei
interbelice, att pentru istoriografia local, ct
i pentru centrele academice cu preocupri de
istoria Banatului din afara spaiului provinciei.
Consecina acestei lipse de interes i de informaii s-a rsfrnt direct n abordrile de sintez
cu privire la arhitectura medieval, publicate
dup al doilea rzboi mondial. Banatul, cu
eicu, 2007, p.84.
40
Pesty, Szreny, II, p.52, 309, 389, 441.
41
Milleker, 1915.
42
Bhm, 1880, p.64-70; Bhm, 1880, p.161-168.
38
39

eicu, 2007, p.84.
40
Pesty, Szreny, II, p.52, 309, 389, 441.
41
Milleker, 1915.
42
Bhm, 1880, p.64-70; Bhm, 1880, p.161-168.
38
39
18
monumentele sale de arhitectur medieval,

nu se regsete bunoar ntr-o abordare de
mare anvergur, extrem de solid n acelai
timp, cum a fost aceea a lui Virgil Vteanu 43.
Interesul pentru studierea arhitecturii de
fortificaii ale Banatului medieval ncepe s se
manifeste punctual pe aceast tem odat cu
deceniul al optulea al secolului trecut. Aceast
direcie n cercetarea istoric a Banatului vine
din afara provinciei de la Cluj, dintr-un centru
de cercetare academic cu vechi tradiii, ceea
ce a lipsit Banatului foarte mult vreme. Profesorul Nicolae Bocanu, ntr-o radiografie a
evoluiei istoriografiei bnene pe care noi
am invocat-o adeseori, a evideniat specificul
fenomenului istoriografic bnean i evoluia sa n timp44. Cercetrile de arheologie
medieval iniiate de tefan Matei la cetile
de la Mehadia,Turnu Ruieni, Coronini, Ilidia,
ncepnd cu anul 1969, marcheaz nceputul
unei etape importante n cunoaterea arhitecturii de fortificaii i ecleziastice a Banatului
medieval45
Acum, n anul 2009, deci dup patru
decenii privind retrospectiv, putem afirma c
demersul n privina cetilor medievale nu s-a
coagulat i pe plan local n muzeele bnene,
care au reprezentat n acest interval principalul
actor n cercetarea arheologic. A existat o
tentativ firav n anii 1973-1975 la Muzeul
Banatului, care a iniiat spturi arheologice
la Jdioara i care s-a stins rapid.46
Cercetrile din Valea Dunrii din anii
1961-1965 motivate de schimbrile profunde
aduse de construcia hidrocentralei de la Porile de Fier au reprezentat o oportunitate ratat.
Cercetrile de la cetile de la Orova, Dubova, Drencova, Coronini (Pescari) i Pojejena
ar fi putut oferi rspunsuri la ntrebri legate
de nceputurile arhitecturii de fortificaii din
Banat n preajma Anului O Mie, rspunsuri
la evoluia arhitecturii de fortificaii n spaiul
Dunrii de Jos Apusene n secolele XIV-XV.
proach, but extremely solid in the same time,

as was that one of Virgil Vteanu 43.
Interest for studying architecture of
fortifications of medieval Banat starts to be
manifested punctually on this theme since the
8th decade of the last century. This direction
in the historical research of Banat comes from
outside the province, from Cluj, from a centre
of academical research with old traditions, that
Banat has not had for a long time period. Prof.
Nicolae Bocanu, in a radiography of evolution of historiography from Banat that we have
often invoked, has pointed out the specific of
the historiographical phenomenon from Banat
and its evolution in time44. Investigations of
medieval archaeology initiated by tefan
Matei at the fortresses from Mehadia,Turnu
Ruieni, Coronini, Ilidia, starting from 1969,
have marked the beginning of an important
stage in the knowledge of ecclesiastic and fortification architecture of the medieval Banat45.
Now, in 2009, after four decades regarding retrospectively, we can assert that the
approach concerning the medieval fortresses
have not coagulated also on local plan in the
museums from Banat, that represented the
main actor in the archaeological investigations
during this time period. There was a weak attempt between 1973-1975 at the Museum of
Banat that initiated archaeological excavations
at Jdioara, but it rapidly failed.46
Investigations in the Danube valley in
1961-1965 motivated by the deep changes
brought to the construction of the hydroelectric plant from the Iron Gates represented
a failed opportunity. The investigations at the
fortresses from Orova, Dubova, Drencova,
Coronini (Pescari) and Pojejena could have
provided answers to questions related to the
beginning of the architecture of fortifications
from Banat about the year of One Thousand,
answers to the evolution of the architecture
of fortifications within the area of the western
Low Danube in the 14th-15th centuries. Total
Vtianu, 1959.
Bocan, 1996, p.267-268.
45
Matei, 1973, p.311; Matei, 1982, p.114-120.
46
Bejan, 1975, p.155-156; Bejan, 1979, p.199-203.
43
Vtianu, 1959.
Bocan, 1996, p.267-268.
45
Matei, 1973, p.311; Matei, 1982, p.114-120.
46
Bejan, 1975, p.155-156; Bejan, 1979, p.199-203.
43
44
44
19
Absena total a informaiilor arheologice despre o bun parte din aceste monumente ajunse
acum sub apele fluviului, dar nu numai despre
ele, marcheaz unul din eecurile rsuntoare
ale istoriografiei noastre, neasumat n nici un
fel pn astzi.
Abordri punctuale ale monumentelor
bnene, asupra donjonului de la Ceacova,
Mehadia i Turnu Ruieni, au venit din sfera
istoriei artei i au fost propuse cu succes de
ctre Nicolae Secar47. Un studiu despre turnurile locuin de la Svinia, publicat n anul
1979 de ctre un arhitect i un arheolog, reprezint o palid consolare despre ceea ce ar fi
putut oferi cercetrile fortificaiilor medievale
din Clisura Dunrii48. Abordarea punctual a
chestiunii turnurilor locuin n anii 1978-1980
propus de Radu Popa49, Gheorghe Anghel50
i Adrian Rusu51 a vizat i monumentele bnene, integrate fiind astfel ntr-o dezbatere
global asupra unui segment al arhitecturii
de fortificaii din Transilvania medieval.
Cetile medievale ale Banatului se regsesc
i ntr-o sintez recent, de mare anvergur
despre nceputurile i evoluia arhitecturii de
fortificaii din spaiul intercarpatic propus de
Adrian Andrei Rusu52. Nu au lipsit n ultima
vreme preocupri de cercetare a arhitecturii
de fortificaii venite dinspre cellalt centru
academic important, cel de la Bucureti. Profesorul Radu Popa s-a apropiat n ultimii ani
ai vieii de problemele Banatului medieval.
Demersul su se nscria n concepia sa de
cercetare a spaiilor de frontier din Transilvania medieval, unde lumea romneasc i-a
putut conserva privilegii, tradiii, un mod de
via propriu n schimbul serviciilor prestate
i al libertilor de care se bucurau spaiile de
frontier ale lumii medievale. Cercetrile de
la Gladna Romn i Fget conduse de Radu
absence of archaeological information about

great part of these monuments reached under
the river waters, but not only about them,
marked one of the resounding failures of our
historiography. But this failure has not been
assumed in any way by now.
Punctual approaches of the monuments
from Banat on the donjon from Ciacova, Mehadia and Turnu Ruieni, came from the sphere
of art history and they were successfully
proposed by Nicolae Secar47. A study about
the dwelling-towers from Svinia, published
in 1979 by an architect and an archaeologist
represents a pale consolation as concerns what
could have provided the investigations of the
medieval fortifications from the Danube Clisura48. The punctual approach of the matter of
the dwelling-towers in 1978-1980 proposed by
Radu Popa49, Gheorghe Anghel50 and Adrian
Rusu51 aimed also at the monuments from
Banat integrated in a global debate over a segment of the architecture of fortifications from
medieval Transylvania. Medieval fortresses
of Banat are encountered also in a recent farreaching synthesis about the beginning and
evolution of the architecture of fortifications
within the intracarpathian area proposed by
Adrian Andrei Rusu52. There have been also,
for the last time period, preoccupations of
research of the architecture of fortifications
come from the other important academical
centre from Bucharest. Prof. Radu Popa has
gotten close by the problems of medieval
Banat for his last years. His approach was part
of his conception of research of the frontier
areas from medieval Transylvania where the
Romanians could preserve their privileges,
traditions, a proper way of life in return for the
services carried out and their liberties that the
frontier areas of the medieval world enjoyed.
The investigations from Gladna Romn and
Secar, 1971, p.157-162; Secar, 1975, p.167-180,

Secar, 1975 a, p.303-304.
48
49
Popa, 1978, p.116 i urm.
50
Anghel, 1980, p.197.
51
Rusu, 1980, p.182-189.
52
Rusu, 2005.
47
Secar, 1971, p.157-162; Secar, 1975, p.167-180,

Secar, 1975 a, p.303-304.
48
49
Popa, 1978, p.116 and following.
50
Anghel, 1980, p.197.
51
Rusu, 1980, p.182-189.
52
Rusu, 2005.
47
20
Popa au fost valorificate tiinific punctual53.

Istoriografia maghiar aa cum este i
firesc a manifestat o preocupare deosebit
pentru cercetarea cetii medievale. Cetatea a
reprezentat una din instituiile fundamentale
ale Regatului maghiar, deoarece ea constituie
un centru de putere aezat pe o solid baz economic. Rolul instituional al cetii medievale
n relaia cu puterea central i domeniile marilor feudali ai Regatului Maghiar n vremea
dinastiei de Anjou a fost atent analizat de Erik
Fgedi54. Abordarea sa include i fortificaiile
din Banat. Aceeai tem a relaiei dintre puterea central i marii feudali, deintorii unor
mari domenii funciare, i cetile maghiare
ale regatului a fost abordat n studii de mare
anvergur de Pl Engel55. Cetile bnene i
structurile de putere ale acestora se regsesc
discutate n studiile lui Engel, n cadrul general
al istoriei fortificaiilor medievale maghiare56.
Istoriografia srbeasc privitoare la
fortificaiile medievale din Banat marcheaz,
dup cunotinele noastre, cteva cercetri
punctuale la cetatea de la Vrsc i de la Galad.
Donjonul de la Vrsc, unul din cele mai bine
conservate din Banat, a fost cercetat arheologic n ultimii ani, evideniind etapele de
amenajare din jurul su n secolele XIII-XV57.
Cercetrile de la Galad au fost conduse de M.
Giric, oferind un dosar complex despre un
monument medieval puin cunoscut58.
O privire retrospectiv asupra scrisului
istoric despre cetile medievale ale Banatului
relev o imagine cu foarte multe goluri i pete
albe n privina monumentelor. Cercetarea
monumentelor, iniiat cu debuturi att de
promitoare la nceputul deceniului al optulea
Fget led by Radu Popa were scientifically

revaluated in a punctual way53.
Hungarian historiography manifested a
special preoccupation for the research of the
medieval fortress. The fortress represented
one of the fundamental institutions of the
Hungarian Kingdom because it constituted a
centre of power settled on a solid economical
base. The institutional role of the medieval
fortress in relation to the central power and
the domains of the great feudals of the Hungarian Kingdom during the dinasty of Anjou
was carefully analyzed by Erik Fgedi54. His
approach includes also the fortifications from
Banat. The same theme of relation between the
central power and the great feudals who possessed vast domains in lands, and the Hungarian fortresses of the kingdom was approached
in far-reaching studies by Pl Engel55. The
fortresses from Banat and their structures of
power are discussed in Engels studies, in the
general framework of the history of Hungarian
medieval fortifications56.
Serbian historiography concerning
medieval fortifications in Banat mark several
punctual investigations at the fortress from
Vrsc and from Galad. The donjon from Vrsc,
one of the best preserved donjons from Banat,
was archaeologically investigated in the last
years pointing out the stages of consruction
around it in the 13th-15th centuries57. The
investigations from Galad led by M. Giric offered a complex documentation about a less
known medieval monument58.
A retrospective regard over the historical writing about the medieval fortresses of
Banat emphasizes an image with many lacks
and blanks as concerns the monuments. The
monuments research, initiated with so promising starts at the beginning of the 8th decade of
Popa, Cpn, Achim, 1987, p.12 i urm.; Popa,

Cpn, Rdulescu, Tomoni, 1991, p.23 i urm.
54
Fgedi, 1977, p.97, 115, 145.
55
Engel, 1977, p.101 i urm.
56
Engel, 1996.
57
Brmboli, 2009, p.108-112.
58
Giri, 1996, p.146-147.
53
Popa, Cpn, Achim, 1987, p.12 and following.;

Popa, Cpn, Rdulescu, Tomoni, 1991, p.23 and
following.
54
Fgedi, 1977, p.97, 115, 145.
55
Engel, 1977, p.101 and following.
56
Engel, 1996.
57
Brmboli, 2009, p.108-112.
58
Giri, 1996, p.146-147.
53
21
al secolului trecut pe ntreg spaiul bnean,

s-a stins treptat.
Scrierile istorice au abordat cu predilecie temele de geografie istoric, puine s-au
oprit asupra monumentelor din perspectiva
arhitecturii de fortificaii, abordrile propuse
rareori au oferit o discuie global din perspectiva surselor istorice i arheologice a cetilor
bnene. Istoriografia ultimei jumti de
veac cu tematic privitoare la fortificaiile
medievale evideniaz doar cercetri punctuale i conjuncturale la diverse monumente
constatnd absena unei direcii ferme, coerente, de durat n interiorul centrelor istorice
din perimetrul provinciei pentru cercetarea
fortificailor. Abordrile globale, de obicei de
geografie istoric ori genealogie istoric medieval au venit din afara spaiului Banatului i a
nglobat problemele specifice acestei provincii
de frontier a Regatului maghiar medieval.
the last century on the whole Banat, gradually

disappeared.
Historical writings approached especially the themes of historical geography. Only
few writings dealt with monuments from the
point of view of architecture of fortifications.
The proposed approaches seldon offered a
global discussion from the point of view of
historical and archaeological sources of the
fortresses from Banat. Historiography of the
last half of century with themes concerning medieval fortifications emphasizes just
punctual and conjunctural investigations at
different monuments noticing the absence of
a firm coherent direction of long term inside
the historical centres within the perimeter of
the province for investigating fortifications.
The global approaches, usually of historical
geography or historical medieval genealogy,
came from outside Banat and included the
problems specific to this frontier province of
the Hungarian medieval Kingdom.
22
Turnuri locuin
din Banat
DWELLING-TOWERS
IN BANAT
nceputurile arhitecturii de fortificaii

din zid din Banat se regsesc o dat cu veacul
al XII-lea n forma simpl, cu puine amenajri
a turnurilor-locuin. Istoriografia romn s-a
preocupat n mod deosebit de aceast chestiune odat cu deceniul al optulea al secolului
trecut. S-a propus atunci pentru definirea celor
dinti construcii cu caracter militar i civil n
acelai timp termenul de turn-locuin de ctre
Radu Popa sau cel de inspiraie francez donjon, care a fost adoptat mai frecvent n scrisul
romnesc1. Turnurile-locuin erau definite
n romn cu echivalentul formei germane
Wohturn ori a celei franceze donjon2. Demersurile iniiate la sfritul veacului trecut de
ctre Radu Popa, Gheorghe Anghel i Adrian
Rusu au vizat att chestiunile de form, ct i
cele de fond, prin ncercarea de a sistematiza
informaia cu privire la donjoanele din spaiul
Romniei ridicate n cursul Evului Mediu.
Abordrile propuse de Radu Popa i Gheorghe Anghel, bunoar, se adresau deopotriv
specialitilor romni ct i celor cu preocupri
exclusiviste n acest domeniu, prin publicarea
acestora n reviste de strict interes despre cetile medievale ce apreau n lumea tiinific
central i vest european. S-a ncercat n acest
fel, n mod credibil, o racordare a cercetrii
tiinifice romneti n circuitul european al
arheologiei medievale.
Donjonul a fost definit drept un turn cu
rosturi militare i civile n acelai timp, avnd
aadar un scop precumpnitor defensiv, dar
asigurnd n acelai timp spaiu de locuit pentru efii politici i militari i familiile acestora,
care au avut fora economic de a ridica aceste
The beginning of architecture of wall

fortifications in Banat date to the 12th century
in a simple form with few arrangements of the
dwelling-towers. The Romanian historiography has dealt with this matter in a special way
since the 8th decade of the last century. Radu
Popa proposed the term of dwelling-tower.
The term of French inspiration, donjon, was
adopted more frequently by the Romanian
historical literature to define the first buildings
with military and civilian character in the same
time1. The dwelling-towers were defined in
Romanian with the equivalent of the German
term Wohturn or of the French form donjon2.
The approaches initiated at the end of the last
century by Radu Popa, Gheorghe Anghel and
Adrian Rusu aimed both at the form matters,
and at the content ones, by attempting to systematize information concerning the donjons
built within Romania during the Middle Ages.
The approaches proposed by Radu Popa and
Gheorghe Anghel, for instance, addressed in
the same time to Romanian specialists and
to those with exclusivist preoccupations in
this domain by publishing these towers in
magazines of strict interests about medieval
fortresses that were issued in the scientifical
central and western European world. Thus, it
was attempted, in a credible way, a connection
of the scientifical Romanian research with the
European circuit of the medieval archaeology.
The donjon was defined like a tower
with military and civilian purposes in the same
time. It had a defensive prevailing goal, but
providing also the dwelling area for political
and military leaders and for their families,
that had the economical power to erect those
Popa, 1972, p. 59-60.

Villena, 1975, p. 127; Popa, 1978, p. 116; Anghel,
1972, p. 30; Anghel, 1980, p. 178-179.
Popa, 1972, p. 59-60.

Villena, 1975, p. 127; Popa, 1978, p. 116; Anghel,
1972, p. 30; Anghel, 1980, p. 178-179.
23
fortificaii simple din zid i lemn la nceputurile Evului Mediu3.

Donjoanele din spaiul Banatului, n
cursul Evului Mediu, au fost ridicate la Mehadia, Turnu Ruieni, Svinia, Vrac i Ciacova.
Ele domin prin nlimi att spaiul plan al
cmpiei, la Ciacova, bunoar, ct i peisajul
piemontan din sudul Banatului, de pe nlimile pe care au fost amplasate. Cercetrile de
arheologie de la Ilidia, de pe dealul Oblia, au
identificat fundaiile unei construcii rectangulare ce a avut, n opinia noastr, rosturile
unui turn-locuin ridicat n cursul secolului
al XII-lea. O construcie asemntoare, de
dimensiuni mai mici, se pare, s-a aflat pe culmea dealului Moroasa de la Reia n cadrul
unei curi feudale din secolele XIV-XV, care a
fost distrus de lucrri arhitectonice moderne.
Izvoarele istorice medievale scrise aduc
foarte puine mrturii cu privire la nceputurile
arhitecturii de fortificaii bnene, recursul
la sursele arheologice fiind singurul capabil
s nuaneze i s aduc consisten dosarului despre fiecare monument de arhitectur
militar. Un document singular, trziu, din
anul 1467, a consemnat turnul de piatr de la
Turnu Ruieni, aflat n stpnirea unei familii
de nobili romni, n rest tcerea domnete
asupra zidurilor cetilor. Cercetri de arheologie medieval la fortificaiile de la Mehadia4,
Turnu Ruieni5, Svinia6, Ilidia7 i Vrac8 s-au
derulat n ultimele decenii ale secolului trecut.
Documentaia arheologic pentru donjoanele
amintite mai sus este inegal i ofer elemente
de cronologie a monumentului n puine cazuri. Turnul-locuin de la Ilidia-Oblia, din
secolul al XII-lea, este singurul ce a beneficiat
n urma cercetrilor de o documentaie ce ofer
argumente sigure pentru o datare a monumentului n cursul veacului al XII-lea. ncadrarea
cronologic a turnurilor-locuin bnene s-a
simple wall and wood fortifications at the

beginning of the Middle Ages3.
Donjons within Banat, during the Middle
Ages, were built at Mehadia, Turnu Rueni,
Svinia, Vrac and Ciacova. They dominated
through their heigths both the flat plain at Ciacova, for instance, and the piemontane region
south to Banat on whose heights they had
been built. The archaeological investigations
at Ilidia, on the Oblia hill, have identified the
foundations of a rectangular building that had,
in our opinion, the meanings of a dwellingtower erected in the 12th century. A similar
construction, of more reduced dimensions,
seems to have been on the top of the Moroasa
hill at Reia within a feudal court from the
14th-15th centuries that was destroyed by
modern architectonical workings.
Written historical medieval sources have
brought very few accounts concerning the
beginning of the architecture of fortifications
in Banat, the appeal at the archaeological
sources being the only one capable to modify
and to bring consistency to the documents
concerning each monument of military architecture. A singular late document since
1467 registered the stone tower from Turnu
Ruieni, which was possessed by a family of
Romanian nobles. Otherwise, silence reigns
over the fortress walls. Investigations of medieval archaeology at the fortifications from
Mehadia4, Turnu Ruieni5, Svinia6, Ilidia7 and
Vrac8 developed in the last decades of the
last century. Archaeological documentation
for the donjons mentioned above is unequal
and offers elements of monument chronology
in few cases. The dwelling-tower from IlidiaOblia, dated to the 12th century, is the only
one that benefited, as a result of investigations,
of a documentation that provides sure arguments for dating the monument during the
12th century. The chronological assigment of
Rusu, 1980, p. 181; Popa, 1978, p. 116.

Matei, 1982, p. 110.
5
Matei, 1982, p. 108.
6
Corvtescu, Rdulescu, 1979, p. 174-177.
7
eicu, 1996, p. 78-79.
8
Brmboli, 2009, p. 35-49.
3
4
Rusu, 1980, p. 181; Popa, 1978, p. 116.

Matei, 1982, p. 110.
5
Matei, 1982, p. 108.
6
Corvtescu, Rdulescu, 1979, p. 174-177.
7
eicu, 1996, p. 78-79.
8
Brmboli, 2009, p. 35-49.
3
4
24
fcut de obicei pe temeiul puinelor elemente

de arhitectur, n cazul celui de la Ciacova
bunoar, a unor analogii de plan i, mai temeinic, pe recursul la sursele scrise referitoare
la aezarea n care au fost ridicate. Aceast
inconsisten a surselor a determinat uneori
i ncadrri cronologice diverse ale aceluiai
monument. Turnul de la Ciacova, cu elementele sale de arhitectur atribuite romanicului,
a fost datat ntr-o perioad anterioar anului
1308, momentul stingerii dinastiei arpadiene,
deci pe un argument circumstanial, legat mai
degrab de istoria politic general a Regatului maghiar9. Monumentul de la Mehadia cu
planul hexagonal a fost atribuit, pe temeiul
materialului arheologic gsit, al elementelor
de arhitectur conservate i pe temeiul atestrii
documentare nceputului secolului al XIVlea10. El ar fi aadar o construcie anterioar
anului 1317. Turnul de la Mehadia se afla n
cadrul unei structuri de grani a Regatului
arpadian, Banatul de Severin, ce a funcionat
cu mici intermitene pe tot parcursul veacului
al XIII-lea, din momentul crerii acestuia n
anul 1232. Zidirea fortificaiei de la Mehadia
s-ar fi putut face deci i n perioada de sfrit
a secolului al XIII-lea, avnd n vedere poziia
acestuia n cadrul unei regiuni de frontier11.
S-a vehiculat n istoriografie o plasare a donjonului de la Mehadia n veacul al XV-lea,
pe temeiul analogiilor de plan hexagonal cu
modele din spaiul nvecinat al Transilvaniei12.
O situaie similar putem discuta n cazul
donjonului de la Vrac, unde cercetarea arheologic recent n-a oferit argumente credibile
pentru cronologia monumentului, ceea ce a
determinat apelul la argumente circumstaniale preluate din sursele scrise medievale de
cancelarie referitoare la zona Vreului13.
Donjonul de la Vrac se identific cu nucleul
primar al cetii regale arpadiene Ersomlio,
the dwelling-towers from Banat, as usually,

was done based on the few architecture elements, in the case of the one from Ciacova for
instance, on some plan analogies and, more
serious on the appeal to the written sources
concerning the location where they had been
built. This inconsistency of sources determined sometimes also different chronological
assignments of the same monument. The tower
from Ciacova, with its elements of architecture
assigned to the Romanic, dated to a period
previous to 1308, moment of disappearance
of the Arpadian dinasty, that means on a circumstantial argument connected rather with
the general political history of the Hungarian
Kingdom9. The monument from Mehadia with
a hexagonal plan was assigned, on the base
of the found archaeological material, of the
preserved elements of architecture and of the
documentary certification to the beginning of
the 14th century10. So, it could be a construction anterior to 1317. The tower from Mehadia
belonged to a structure of frontier of the Arpadian Kingdom, the Banat of Severin, that
functioned with little intermitences along the
13th century, since the moment of its creation
in 1232. The construction of the fortification
from Mehadia could have taken place also in
the period of ending of the 13th century taking
into account its position within a frontier region11. It was discussed, in historiography, that
the donjon from Mehadia was dated to the 15th
century on the base of analogies of the hexagonal plan with models from the neighbouring
area of Transylvania12. A similar situation is
in the case of the donjon from Vrac, where
recent archaeological investigation have not
offered credible arguments for the monument
chronology, that determined the appeal to
circumstantial arguments taken over from the
written chancellery medieval sources regarding the region of Vrac 13. The donjon from
Vrac is identified with the primary nucleus of
Secar, 1970, p. 160, 162.

Matei, 1982, p. 112.
11
Achim, 2006, p. 57-58.
12
Rusu, 1980, p. 185.
13
Brmboli, 2009, p. 53; Petrovi, 1970, p. 56.
9
10
Secar, 1970, p. 160, 162.

Matei, 1982, p. 112.
11
Achim, 2006, p. 57-58.
12
Rusu, 1980, p. 185.
13
Brmboli, 2009, p. 53; Petrovi, 1970, p. 56.
9
10
25
al crei castelan este cunoscut dintr-un act

din 1323, prin urmare fortificaia a fost zidit
ntr-o perioad ante 1323. Turnul locuin de
la Reia s-a aflat n apropierea capelei de curte
a cnezilor de erova14. El a fost ridicat, foarte
probabil, odat cu biserica de curte, n a doua
jumtate a veacului al XIV-lea. Discuii suscit
i cronologia celor trei turnuri de pe malul
Dunrii de la Svinia, unde cercetarea arheologic n-a oferit repere pentru geneza acestor
monumente. Amplasarea lor ntr-o zon de
culoar ne-a determinat s judecm apariia
acestora n cursul veacului al XIII-lea, ntr-o
regiune de frontier a Banatului de Severin15.
Documentaia arheologic acumulat
i publicat, informaiile surselor scrise cu
privire la fortificaiile medievale, ngduie
n momentul actual o reconstituire cu multe
umbre a genezei i a rspndirii turnului locuin n spaiul bnean. Monumentul de la
Ilidia-Oblia din veacul al XII-lea dovedete
apariia acestei categorii de fortificaii simple
foarte timpuriu n spaiul bnean, situndu-l
n capul de serie al acestei categorii de monumente de arhitectur sau, cum am spus-o deja,
la momentul semnalrii acesteia. O serie de
monumente de la Mehadia, Vrac i Ciacova
au fost zidite n perioada de nceput a veacului
al XIV-lea.
Donjonul de piatr i face apariia n
Transilvania nc n prima jumtate a secolului al XIII-lea. Turnul de la Cetatea de Balt,
plasat pe temeiul arheologiei n prima jumtate
a secolului al XIII-lea, pare a fi la momentul
actual ntre cele dinti fortificaii din zid de
acest tip din spaiul transilvnean16. nceputurile perioadei de difuziune a donjonului din
zid n Transilvania este circumscris ndeobte
deceniului al aptelea al secolului al XIII-lea17.
Documentele de cancelarie, pe temeiul crora
s-au fixat nceputurile cronologiei arhitecturii
de fortificaii din Transilvania i Banat, au
the royal Arpadian Ersomlio fortress, whose

owner was known from an document dated to
1323. Consequently the fortification was built
during a period ante 1323. The dwelling-tower
from Reia was situated in the vicinity of the
court chapel of the knezes of erova14. It was
erected, very probably, in the same time with
the court church in the second half of the 14th
century. The chronology of the three towers on
the bank of the Danube at Svinia, where the
archaeological investigation offered reference
points for the genesis of these monuments
determine also discussions. Their location
in a corridor region determined us to judge
their appearance during the 13th century in a
frontier region of Banat of Severin15.
The gathered and published archaeological documentation, information from the written sources related to medieval fortifications
allow, at this moment, a modest reconstitution
of genesis and spreading of the dwelling-tower
within the region of Banat. The monument
from Ilidia-Oblia from the 12th century
proves the appearance of this category of
simple fortifications very early within Banat
situating it in the top of this category of architecture monuments or, as we have already
asserted, at the moment of its record. A series
of monuments from Mehadia, Vrac and Ciacova were built in the period of beginning of
the 14th century.
The stone donjon appeared in Transylvania even in the first half of the 13th century.
The tower from Cetatea de Balt, dated to
the first half of the 13th century seems to be,
at the present moment, among the first wall
fortifications of this type from Transylvania16.
The beginning of the period of spreading of the
wall donjon in Transylvania is assigned especially to the 7th decade of the 13th century17.
Chancellery documents, on the base of which
the beginnings of the chronology of the architecture of fortifications in Transylvania and
eicu, 1996, p. 6,9.

eicu, 1998, p. 207.
16
Anghel, 1980, p. 196.
17
Rusu, 1980, p. 181.
14
eicu, 1996, p. 6,9.

eicu, 1998, p. 207.
16
Anghel, 1980, p. 196.
17
Rusu, 1980, p. 181.
15
14
15
26
consemnat turnuri locuin ctre sfritul deceniului al aptelea al secolului al XIII-lea18.

Originea donjonului n spaiul intracarpatic la nceputurile Evului Mediu trebuie cutat nspre civilizaia occidentului medieval,
unde donjonul din zid i-a fcut timid apariia
odat cu veacul al X-lea. Perioada secolelor
XI-XII a fost vzut, pe temeiul documentelor scrise i al arheologiei medievale, drept
epoca de mare nflorire a acestei categorii de
monumente ale arhitecturii de fortificaii19.
Arhitectura ecleziastic aflat n plin nflorire a stimulat la rndul ei avntul arhitecturii
militare, ceea ce explic formidabila difuziune
a turnului locuin pe vaste spaii ale Europei
n secolele XIII-XIV20. Regatul arpadian maghiar a receptat de timpuriu, nc din veacul al
XII-lea, aceste inovaii ale arhitecturii militare
occidentale. Un turn locuin cu ziduri groase
de 2,5 m, de form rectangular, cu dimensiunile de 10/10m, a fost cercetat n satul Kcs,
la poalele Munilor Bkk. Donjonul de la
Kcs, ridicat de o familie nobiliar din zon,
a funcionat ntre sfritul secolului al XII-lea
i mijlocul secolului al XIV-lea21. Difuziunea
acestei fortificaii simple n spaiul regatului
arpadian cunoate o perioad de avnt dup
mijlocul secolului al XIII-lea. Cazul turnului
de la Ilidia, din sudul Banatului, din vecintatea Dunrii, atribuit cu certitudine veacului
al XII-lea, ridic problema contactului cu
arhitectura militar bizantin, ntr-o perioad
n care frontiera de nord a imperiului se afla
pe linia Dunrii. Cercetarea sistemului defensiv bizantin din secolele XI-XII de pe linia
Dunrii de ctre Marko Popovi a dovedit o
reutilizare a vechilor castre din perioada roman i roman trzie22. Singurele fortificaii
Banat was set, registered dwelling-towers at

the end of the 7th decade of the 13th century18.
The origin of the donjon in the intra
-Carpathians area at the beginning of the
Middle Ages has to be searched close to
the civilization of the medieval west where
the wall donjon shyly appeared in the 10th
century. The period of the 11th-12th centuries was considered, on the base of written
documents and of medieval archaeology, the
epoch of great development of this category of
monuments of fortification architecture19. The
ecclesiastic architecture which was in a great
development, stimulated at its turn the progress of the military architecture, that explains
the formidable diffusion of the dwelling-tower
on large areas of Europe in the 13th-14th centuries20. The Arpadian Hungarian Kingdom
early intercepted, even since the 12th century,
those innovations of the military western architecture. A rectangular dwelling-tower with
walls of 2.5 m in thickness, with dimensions
of 10/10m, was investigated in the village of
Kcs, at the foot of Bkk Mounts. The donjon
from Kcs, erected by a noble family from that
region, functioned between the end of the 12th
century and the middle of the 14th century21.
Diffusion of this simple fortification within the
area of the Arpadian kingdom knew a period
of development after the middle of the 13th
century. The case of the tower from Ilidia, in
the south of Banat, in the close vicinity of the
Danube, certainly assigned to the 12th century,
raised the problem of the contact with military
Byzantine architecture in a period when the
northern frontier of the empire was mapped
out by the Danube. The investigation of the
defensive Byzantine system in the 11th-12th
centuries along the Danube by Marko Popovi
proved a reutilization of the ancient Roman
camps belonging to the Roman and Late Roman time22. The only new fortifications built
Vtianu, 1959, p. 17; Rusu, 1980, p. 181.

Bouard, 1975, p. 114; Enaud, 1985, p. 49; Beck,
1986, p. 25.
20
Enaud, 1985, p. 35, 49.
21
Parady, 1982, p. 131, 136.
22
Popovi, 1991, p. 170-171.
18
19
Vtianu, 1959, p. 17; Rusu, 1980, p. 181.

Bouard, 1975, p. 114; Enaud, 1985, p. 49; Beck,
1986, p. 25.
20
Enaud, 1985, p. 35, 49.
21
Parady, 1982, p. 131, 136.
22
Popovi, 1991, p. 170-171.
18
19
27
noi ridicate de bizantini n secolului al XIII-lea

au fost cele de la Branievo i Belgrad23. Nu
se pot face supoziii despre o influen direct
i nemijlocit a arhitecturii militare bizantine
asupra celei din Regatul arpadian maghiar, cu
toate apropierile existente n cursul veacului
al XII-lea ntre Imperiul bizantin i Regatul
maghiar. ntrebarea, la care Radu Popa caut
un rspuns pentru monumentele haegane i
anume cnd i sub impulsul crui exemplu au
aprut turnurile locuin n mediul romnesc,
poate fi formulat i pentru spaiul bnean24.
Sigur n Transilvania un rol important l-a avut
colonizarea german i greavii sai n ridicarea
unor turnuri locuin n a doua jumtate a veacului al XIII-lea25. Banatul a fost un spaiu de
frontier i a fost, n acelai timp, un spaiu de
misiune al ordinelor catolice nc din veacul al
XI-lea. Ordinul benedictin, i mai apoi cistercienii, au ridicat n secolul al XII-lea biserici
i mnstiri din valea Mureului i pn ctre
spaiul dunrean. Putem presupune, n cazul
turnului locuin din secolul al XII-lea de la
Ilidia, o influen venit dinspre arhitectura
ecleziastic promovat de ordinele monahale
latine.
Donjoanele au fost construite pe nlimi greu accesibile, de unde dominau vile
nconjurtoare, unde se aflau satele medievale.
Turnul de la Ilidia este amplasat pe culmea
dealului Oblia cu o nlime de 220 m, cel de
la Turnu Ruieni se afla pe o culme cu altitudinea de 450 m, iar cel de la Vrac, pe dealul
Cul, cu nlimea de 400 m.
Planimetria donjoanelor din spaiul
Transilvaniei i Banatului, n strns conexiune cu cronologia monumentelor i originea
acestora, a suscitat diverse opinii n scrisul
istoric26. Turnurile cu plan ptrat ori rectangular sunt formele predominante n arhitectura
de fortificaii i se ntlnesc pe tot parcursul
by the Byzantins in the 13th century were

those from Branievo and Belgrad23. There are
no suppositions refering to a direct influence
of the military Byzantine architecture over
the architecture from the Arpadian Hungarian kingdom irrespective of all existent approaches between the Byzantine Empire and
the Hungarian kingdom in the 12th century.
The question, to which Radu Popa has looked
for an answer concerning the monuments from
the region of Haeg, that is when and under
the impulse of which example the dwellingtowers appeared in the Romanian area, can
be formulated also for the area of Banat24. Of
course, in Transylvania, the German colonization and the Saxon leaders played an important
role in building dwelling-towers in the second
half of the 13th century25. Banat was a frontier region, and, in the same time, an area of
mission of the Catholic orders even since the
11th century. The Benedictine order, and then
the Cistercians, built churches and monasteries from the Mure valley to the Danube area
in the 12th century. We can suppose, in the
case of the dweling-tower from Ilidia dated
to the 12th century, an influence coming from
the ecclesiastic architecture promoted by the
monachal Latin orders.
The donjons were built on difficult of
access heights, from where they dominated
the surrounding valleys where the medieval
villages had been settled. The tower from Ilidia
is located on the peak of the Oblia hill of 220
m in height, that one from Turnu Rueni had
been built on a height of 450 m, and that one
from Vrac, on the Cul hill of 400 m in height.
The planimetry of the donjons from
Trasylvania and Banat, in tight connection
with the chronology of monuments and their
origin provoked different opinions in historical writing26. The towers with square or
rectangular plan are the predominant forms in
the architecture of fortifications and they are
Popovi, 1991, p. 174.

Popa, 1972, p. 60.
25
Popa, 1972, p. 60.
26
Rusu, 1980, p. 182; Anghel, 1980, p. 197; Einaud,
1985, p. 50, 53.
23
24
Popovi, 1991, p. 174.

Popa, 1972, p. 60.
25
Popa, 1972, p. 60.
26
Rusu, 1980, p. 182; Anghel, 1980, p. 197; Einaud,
1985, p. 50, 53.
23
24
28
perioadei discutate, ncepnd cu cea mai timpurie amenajare, aceea de la Ilidia-Oblia, din
secolul al XII-lea. Ele se nscriu din aceast
perspectiv ntr-o tradiie a arhitecturii de
fortificaii din Transilvania i din Regatul
maghiar. Donjoanele de form rectangular
de la Ciacova i Turnu Ruieni au avut contraforturi la coluri. Materialele de construcie
eseniale, utilizate la ridicarea turnurilor, au
fost adaptate n funcie de sursele oferite de
zon. Astfel, donjoanele din Banatul montan
au fost ridicate exclusiv din piatra de carier
oferit cu generozitate de resursele spaiului
montan i piemontan, n timp ce n nordul
Banatului, n cmpie, constructorii medievali
au utilizat doar crmida i lemnul. Nucleul
zidurilor se prezint sub forma unui bloc
compact de zidrie din piatr fragmentar de
carier, necat n mortar, n timp ce faadele
zidurilor au un aspect ngrijit realizat din roc
cioplit i ecarisat. Structurile unghiulare se
prezint extrem de ngrijit, lucrate din bolari
de roc ecarisat dispui n asize inegale,
ceea ce confer aspect ngrijit monumentelor.
Deosebit de spectaculoas se prezint faada
exterioar pstrat a donjonului hexagonal de
la Mehadia (Fig. 45). Exist o mare similitudine n modul ngrijit de realizare a faadei
zidurilor i structurii unghiulare de la coluri
ntre monumentul de arhitectur ecleziastic
de la Mehadia, din veacul al XIV-lea situat
n valea rului Bela Reca, i donjonul de pe
dealul Grad. Zidurile donjoanelor erau masive,
indiferent de materialul utilizat la ridicarea
turnurilor, astfel la Ciacova ele aveau la baz
2,70 m, la Mehadia a avut 2,20 m, la Vrac
aveau 2,50 m grosime iar la Turnu Ruieni
ajungeau la 3 m grosime. Turnul de la Ilidia
din veacul al XII-lea a avut ziduri groase de
numai 0,90 m realizate din piatr i crmid.
Grosimea foarte mare a zidurilor la baz a
permis constructorilor s realizeze retrageri
succesive, pe nivele pe care se aezau apoi
planeele din lemn care departajau structura
vertical a turnurilor. Rmnnd cu discuia la
materialul de construcie utilizat se constat c
encountered throughout the discussed period

starting with the earliest construction, that one
from Ilidia-Oblia, in the 12th century. From
this point of view, they are part of a tradition
of architecture of fortifications from Transylvania and from the Hungarian Kingdom. The
rectangular donjons from Ciacova and Turnu
Rueni had buttresses at their corners. The essential materials of construction, used to build
the towers, had been adapted depending on
the sources provided by the region. Thus, the
donjons from the mountainous Banat were
built exclusively of quarry stone generously
provided by the resources of the mountainous and piemontane area while, in the north
of Banat, in the plain, the medieval builders
used only brick and wood. The nucleus of
walls is like a compact block of brickwork
made of fragmentary quarry stone, drowned
in mortar, while the wall facades have an ellaborate aspect made of cut and squared off
rock. The angular structures are extremely ellaborate. They are made of blocks of squared
off rock disposed in irregular courses, that
provide a careful aspect to the monuments.
Extremely spectaculous is the exterior preserved facade of the hexagonal donjon from
Mehadia (Fig.45). There is a big similitude in
the neat way of working the facade walls and
of the angular structures at corners between
the ecclesiactic architecture monument from
Mehadia, from the 14th century siuated in
the Bela Reca valley, and the donjon settled
on the Grad hill. The walls of donjons were
massive, no matter of the material used to
build the towers. Thus, at Ciacova, they had
2.70 m at base, at Mehadia they had 2.20 m,
Vrac they were 2.50 m in thickness, and at
Turnu Rueni they reached 3 m in thickness.
The tower from Ilidia from the 12th century
had walls of 0.90 m in thickness made of stone
and brick. The very large thickness of walls at
base allowed to the builders to extract successively material courses on which there were
then set the wooden floors that were separating
the vertical structure of the towers. Discussing
on about the used construction material, it has
been ascertained that, by that moment, they
29
nu dispuneau pn la momentul actual de un

studiu special, geologic, cu privire la sursele
de exploatare a pietrei de constructorii medievali din Banat. Observaiile cu privire la structura zonei ofer sugestii n aceast privin.
Zonele calcaroase din preajma monumentelor
de la Ilidia, Mehadia, din vecintatea Sviniei
i chiar de la Vrac au oferit surse facile de
exploatare i dificulti minime de transport
pentru constructorii medievali. Calcarul i
gnaisurile aflate n preajma monumentelor
au constituit rocile utilizate pentru ridicarea
monumentelor, ce au fost uneori ancorate direct n patul stncos al zonei. Ruinele romane
de la Mehadia i de la Jupa au fost utilizate
ntr-o mic msur de constructorii medievali,
apelnd n acest caz doar la materialul tegular
i crmid, constatat cu mai mult eviden
n cazul donjonului de la Mehadia. Crmida
a fost utilizat pentru nveliul bolilor de la
parter, constatat la monumentul de la Mehadia,
pentru ancadramente la ferestrele de tragere
ori amenajri interioare, pstrate nc la monumentul de la Vrac.
Dimensiunile i structura interioar a
monumentelor prezint elemente constante.
Donjonul de la Vrac se detaeaz prin dimensiunile sale impuntoare, el msurnd la baz
13,80 m/11 m i avnd o nlime de 19,80
m. Turnurile de la Svinia se afl la extrema
opus, unul dintre ele bunoar msurnd
6,70 m/6,50 m i o nlime ce nu trece de 10
m. Donjonul din crmid de la Ciacova are
o nlime pn la creneluri de 23,7 m i doar
20,95 m pn la nivelul platformei. Monumentele de la Turnu Ruieni i Mehadia au avut o
nlime estimat de 18,50 m i respectiv 16 m.
Structura vertical a fost adaptat formatului din parter i trei etaje. Construciile de la
Mehadia, Turnu Ruieni, Ciacova i Vrac au
avut un parter nchis deasupra cruia se ridicau
trei etaje. Accesul se fcea la nivelul primului etaj, printr-o deschidere ngust. Astfel la
Svinia accesul se fcea printr-o deschidere
de 1,90 m/1 m pstrat n structura turnului la
nivelul primului etaj, iar la Vrac deschiderea
din zidul vestic al turnului, la etajul nti, a
did not dispose of a special geological study

concerning the sources of stone exploitation
by the medieval builders from Banat. The
observations refering to the region structure
offer suggestions in this respect. The calcareous areas around the monuments from Ilidia,
Mehadia, in the vicinity of Svinia and even
from Vrac offered facile sources of exploitation and minimum difficulties of transport for
the medieval builders. The limestone and the
gneiss found in the surroudings of monuments
constituted the rocks used to build the monuments, that had been sometimes anchored directly in the rocky bed of the zone. The Roman
ruins from Mehadia and from Jupa were used,
in a reduced measure, by medieval builders,
appealing in this case only to tegular material
and brick, which were more evident in the
case of the donjon from Mehadia. The brick
was used for the cover of the vaults from the
ground floor, noticed at the monument from
Mehadia, for frameworks at the pulling windows or interior arrangements still preserved
at the monument fom Vrac.
Dimensions and interior structure of
monuments present constant elements. The
donjon from Vrac detaches itself through
its imposing dimensions. It measured 13.80
m/11 m at base, and it was 19.80 m in height.
The towers from Svinia are at the opposite
extremity. One of them, for instance, was 6.70
m/6.50 m at base and 10 m in height. The brick
donjon from Ciacova was 23.7 m in height to
the crenels and only 20.95 m to the platform
level. The monuments from Turnu Rueni and
Mehadia were 18.50 m, and respectively 16
m in height.
The vertical structure was adapted to the
format of ground floor and three floors. The
constructions from Mehadia, Turnu Rueni,
Ciacova and Vrac had a closed ground floor
above which there were built three floors. The
access was done at the level of the first floor
through a narrow opening. Thus, at Svinia
the access was done through an opening of
1.90 m/1 m preserved in the tower structure
at the level of the first floor, and at Vrac the
opening in the western wall of the tower, at
30
avut dimensiunile de 1,70/1 m27. O situaie

identic a avut i donjonul de la Ciacova,
accesul n turn se fcea printr-o deschidere
de 1,90m/1 m. Monumentele bnene se
nscriu din perspectiva structurii interioare, a
planimetriei adaptate n ambiana monumentelor contemporane transilvnene din secolele
XIII-XIV, unde donjonul cu parter i trei etaje
a fost modelul cel mai frecvent adoptat de
constructorii medievali28. Donjoanele de la
Mehadia i Ciacova au avut parterul nvelit cu
o bolt din crmid, etajele fiind delimitate
prin planee din lemn, susinute pe grinzi fixate
n perei29. Monumentele de la Turnu Ruieni
i Ciacova au fost amenajate cu contraforturi
la coluri. Donjonul de la Turnu Ruieni a avut
patru contraforturi masive, ce au avut dimensiuni de 2,80/1,85 m, amenajate n trepte cu
retrageri succesive pn la nlimea de 9,60
m. Acestea erau dispuse n unghiuri de 45.
Monumentul de la Turnu Ruieni, din aceast
perspectiv a elementelor de arhitectur, poate
fi vzut ntr-o conexiune direct cu antierele
ce au funcionat n imediata sa vecintate, dup
mijlocul secolului al XIV-lea la Cvran i
Caransebe, unde au fost ridicate dou biserici
sal cu contraforturi dispuse n unghi de 450 pe
spaiul vestic al navei30. A existat fr doar i
poate, aa cum s-a mai remarcat dealtminteri,
o influen direct a arhitecturii ecleziastice n
difuziunea unor forme ale arhitecturii militare
medievale31.
Luminaia natural n interiorul turnurilor era asigurat prin ferestrele amenajate
pe fiecare nivel. Ele s-au pstrat mai bine la
monumentele de la Ciacova i Vrac i doar
n parte la Turnu Ruieni i Mehadia. Latura
vestic a hexagonului de la Mehadia pstreaz
nc fereastra cu fant ngust, situat deasupra
unei sprturi n zid. Un desen din anul 1885
al ruinei de la Mehadia publicat de L. Bhm,
the first floor, had the dimensions of 1.70/1

m27. An identical situation was in the case of
the donjon from Ciacova. The access in the
tower was through an opening of 1.90m/1 m.
The monuments from Banat are part, from the
point of view of interior struture, of planimetry
adapted in the ambiance of the contemporaneous monuments from Transylania from the
13th-14th centuries, where the donjon with
ground floor and three floors was the most
frequent model adopted by medieval builders28. The donjons from Mehadia and Ciacova
had the ground floor covered by a brick vault.
The floors were delimited through wooden
floors supported on beams fixed in walls29. The
monuments from Turnu Rueni and Ciacova
were disposed with buttresses at corners. The
donjon from Turnu Ruieni had four massive
buttresses with dimensions of 2.80/1.85 m,
disposed in levels with successive digging out
to the height of 9.60 m. They were disposed in
angles of 45. The monument from Turnu Ruieni, from this point of view of the architecture
elements, can be seen in a direct connection
with the building sites that functioned in the
close vicinity at Cvran and Caransebe after the middle of the 14th century, where two
churches composed of hall with buttresses
disposed in angles of 450 in the western side
of the nave were erected30. Undoubtedly, there
was a direct influence of the ecclesiactic architecture in the diffusion of certain forms of
military medieval architecture31.
The natural lighting inside the towers
was done through the windows disposed on
each level. They were better preserved at the
monuments from Ciacova and Vrac, and
only partly at those from Turnu Ruieni and
Mehadia. The wester side of the hexagon
from Mehadia still maintains the window
with narrow slit situated above a breach in the
wall. A drawing, since 1885, of the ruin from
Mehadia published by L. Bhm, custodian of
Brmboli, 2009, p. 38.

Rusu, 1980, p. 186-187.
29
Secar, 1970, p. 158; Matei, 1982, p. 110.
30
eicu, 1998, p. 180, 183.
31
Enaud, 1985, p. 49.
27
28
Brmboli, 2009, p. 38.

Rusu, 1980, p. 186-187.
29
Secar, 1970, p. 158; Matei, 1982, p. 110.
30
eicu, 1998, p. 180, 183.
31
Enaud, 1985, p. 49.
27
28
31
custodele muzeului din Bela Crkva, evideniaz dou ferestre suprapuse pe aceeai latur
a turnului de la Mehadia (Pl. 4). Fereastra de
la primul etaj pare s fi avut un ancadrament
n arc frnt, dup sugestia desenului publicat
de L. Bhm (Pl.4/1).
Donjonul de la Turnu Ruieni pstreaz
intact fereastra amenajat pe latura de est, la
nivelul celui de-al doilea etaj (Pl. 41). Ea are
o fant dreptunghiular, nalt i ngust, cu
deschideri evazate spre interior32. Turnul de
la Vrac a conservat att niele amenajate n
perei la parter i la nivelul al doilea pentru
iluminatul artificial, ct i ferestrele pstrate
la etajul nti i al doilea33. Ferestrele sunt
nchise cu arcuri semicirculare din crmid.
(Pl. 40). Donjonul de la Ciacova prezint
o dispunere a ferestrelor inegal pe fiecare
nivel. Astfel n timp ce la primul nivel ele se
regsesc pe laturile de nord i sud ale turnului,
la nivelul superior se afl dispuse cte una pe
fiecare latur, iar nivelul al treilea avea cte
dou spre sud i vest i cte una pe celelalte
dou laturi ale etajului. Evazarea ferestrelor
s-a fcut spre interior, fiind nchise cu arcuri
semicirculare, avnd asemnri tipologice cu
cele de la turnul-locuin din Vrac.
Arhitectura monumentelor bnene a
pstrat extrem de puine dotri interioare, ce
presupuneau c le-au avut i care ar fi trebuit s
ofere un minim de confort celor ce le-au ridicat
i care au locuit n ele. Ele par, n forma n care
au ajuns, extrem de austere. O imagine i mai
accentuat, n aceast privin, o ofer comparaia cu dotrile ntlnite n donjoanele din
aceeai perioad n centrul i vestul european,
cu camere de rugciune, culoare, latrine34. Sigurana acestor locuine fortificate era ntrit
i prin elemente defensive exterioare. ntlnim
la donjonul de la Turnu Ruieni, bunoar, un
an cu un val de aprare ridicat n jurul su.
the museum from Bela Crkva, highlights two

superposed windows on the same side of the
tower from Mehadia (Pl.4). The window from
the first floor seems to have had a framework
in a broken arch, according to the suggestion
of the drawing published by L. Bhm (Pl.4/1).
The donjon from Turnu Ruieni preserves
in an intact state the window disposed on the
eastern side at the level of the second floor
(Pl.41). It has a rectangular tall and narrow
slit with inward widened out openings32. The
tower from Vrac preseved both the niches
in the walls at the ground floor, and at the
second floor for the artificial lighting, and the
windows from the first and the second floors33.
The windows are closed by semicircular brick
arches. (Pl. 40). The donjon from Ciacova
presents an unequal disposal of windows on
each level. Thus, while at the first level they
are on the northern and southern sides of the
tower, at the superior level there is disposed
one window on each side. The third level has
two windows to the south and west and one
window on the other two sides of the floor.
Widening out of the windows was inward.
They were closed with semicircular arches
having typological similarities with those from
the dwelling-tower from Vrac.
The architecture of monuments from
Banat preserved extremely few interior
endowments that supposed that they had
had them and which should have offered a
minimum comfort to those who built them and
who dwelled them. They seem, in the form
in which they reached, extremely austere. A
more accentuated image, in this respect, is
offered by the comparison to the endowments
encountered in the donjons from the same
period in the centre and west of Europe, with
praying rooms, corridors, latrines34. The safety
of those fortified dwellings was strenghthened
also through defensive exterior elements. For
instance, the donjon from Turnu Rueni, had a
ditch with a defensive wall raised around it.
eicu, 1998, p. 206, fig. 81.

Petrovi, 1976, p. 56-57, fig. 4-5.
34
Beck, 1986, p. 26.
32
33
eicu, 1998, p. 206, fig. 81.

Petrovi, 1976, p. 56-57, fig. 4-5.
34
Beck, 1986, p. 26.
32
33
32
Pl.1. Ilidia. Harta zonei.

Pl.1. Ilidia. Map of the region.
33
Pl.2. Ilidia-Oblia. Plan de situaie al curii medievale (sec. XII-XV).

Pl.2. Ilidia-Oblia. Plan of situation of medieval court (12th-15th centuries).
34
Pl.3. Ilidia-Oblia. Donjon (sec. XII).

Pl.3. Ilidia-Oblia. Donjon (12th century).
35
Pl.4. Ilidia-Oblia. Donjon. Propunere de reconstituire.

Pl.4. Ilidia-Oblia. Donjon. Proposal of reconstitution.
36
Pl.5. Ciacova. Donjon (sec. XIV). Plan parter i etaj I.

Pl.5. Ciacova. Donjon (14th century). Plan of the ground floor and of the first floor.
37
Pl.6. Ciacova. Donjon. Planurile nivelelor II-III.

Pl.6. Ciacova. Donjon. Plans of the 2nd-3rd levels.
38
Pl.7. Ciacova. Donjon. Seciune.

Pl.7. Ciacova. Donjon. Section.
39
Pl.8. Ciacova. Donjon. Vederi faade.

Pl.8. Ciacova. Donjon. Views of facades.
40
Pl.9. Ciacova. Donjon. Schi de plan din anul 1920.

Pl.9. Ciacova. Donjon. Sketch of plan since 1920.
41
Donjoanele au reprezentat n multe cazuri

nucleul unor fortificaii din curtine i turnuri,
fiind ridicate n secolele XIV-XV.
The donjons represented in many cases the

nucleus of some fortifications of curtains and
towers built in the14th-15th centuries.
DONJONUL DE LA CIACOVA

Ciacova este situat n cmpia joas
bnean dintre Timi i Brzava numit i
Cmpia Timiului35. Ea se afla pe hotar cu
Jebel, Voiteg, Macedonia, Obad, aezri cu
parohii catolice i moii nobiliare la nceputurile Evului Mediu. Donjonul este situat pe un
mal vechi al Timiului, numit astzi Timiul
Mort, fiind cunoscut n toponimia local sub
forma Cul36. Construcii moderne ridicate
pe rama nord-estic a Ciacovei nconjoar la
momentul actual monumentul, ce i-a pstrat
n bun parte nemodificat aspectul su iniial.
Lucrri de reparaii, iniiate pe plan local,
s-au derulat n anul 1898. Din anul 1936 s-a
intervenit n structura interioar, cnd monumentul a nceput s fie utilizat i drept turn
de ap al oraului Ciacova, prin amenajarea
unei cisterne la etajul al treilea, utilizat pn
n momentul actual. Lucrri de restaurare s-au
iniiat prin Direcia Monumentelor Istorice
din Bucureti n anii 1962-196337. Turnul de
la Ciacova are un plan ptrat cu dimensiunile
laturilor de 9,80/10,50 m. nlimea acestuia,
msurat la nivelul platformei superioare este
de 20,95m. Zidurile au fost ridicate n ntregime din crmid, acesta fiind singurul material
de construcie utilizat. Se mai pstreaz la
nivelul celui de-al doilea etaj ancadramentul
din bolari din piatr al unei ui. Grosimea
zidurilor la nivelul parterului este 2,70m,
n timp ce la nivelul etajului al doilea i al
treilea grosimea pereilor nu depete 2m,
iar la nivelul platformei de aprare msoar
1,1 m grosime (PL.5;6). Structura vertical
a turnului prezint un parter nalt, ce msura
6,95m, nvelit cu o bolt semicilindric, peste
care se nal trei nivele (Pl.7). Peretele de
THE DONJON FROM CIACOVA

Ciacova is situated in the low plain of
Banat between the Timi and the Brzava
named the Plain of Timi35. It is on the boundary line with Jebel, Voiteg, Macedonia, Obad,
settlements with Catholic parishes and noble
estates at the beginning of the Middle Ages.
The donjon is located on an older bank of the
Timi, named nowadays the Dead Timi, being
known in the local toponimy as Cul36. Modern constructions built on the northern-eastern
frame of Ciacova surrounds presently the
monument that preserved, at a large measure,
unmodified its initial aspect. The reparation
workings, initiated on local plan, developed
in 1898. Since 1936, the interior structure
has occured modifications. The monument
started to be used as a water tower of the
town of Ciacova, by equipping a tank at the
third floor, used by the present moment. The
restoration workings were initiated by the
Direction of the Historical Monuments from
Bucharest in 1962-196337. The tower from
Ciacova has a square plan with the dimensions of 9.80/10.50 m. It was, at the level of
the superior platform, 20.95 m in height. The
walls were made entirely of brick that was
the only building material used. At the level
of the second floor, there is still preserved the
framework of stone blocks of a door. The walls
were 2.70 m in thickness at the ground floor
level, while the thickness of the walls from the
second and the third floors did not surpass 2 m,
and at the level of the defending platform the
walls were 1.1 m in thickness (PL.5;6). The
vertical structure of the tower presents a high
ground floor that measures 6.95m, covered
with a semicylindrical vault over which there
are three levels (Pl.7). The eastern wall of
Ardeleanu, 1979, p. 27.

Borovszky, Temes, 1912, p. 34-35; Trpcea, 1969,
p. 66-67; Secar, 1970, p. 157.
37
Merschedorf, 1997, p. 87.
35
36
Ardeleanu, 1979, p. 27.

Borovszky, Temes, 1912, p. 34-35; Trpcea, 1969,
p. 66-67; Secar, 1970, p. 157.
37
Merschedorf, 1997, p. 87.
35
36
42
rsrit al turnului, la nlimea de 3.80 m, are

amenajat n structura sa masiv o ni din
care se pornete o scar n trepte amenajat
pn la nivelul platformei (Pl.7). Nia pentru
scar are o deschidere de 1,20 m i o nlime
de 2 m, la nivelul de pornire este nvelit cu o
bolt semicircular pn la nivelul platformei.
Ferestrele, cu o fant dreptunghiular, evazat
spre interior, nchise cu arcuri semicirculare,
au fost dispuse inegal pe fiecare nivel. Astfel,
al primul nivel al turnului se regsesc doar
dou pe laturile de nord i sud, la nivelul al
doilea fiecare din laturi are cte o fereastr,
n timp ce nivelul al treilea al donjonului era
prevzut cu cte dou pe laturile de vest i sud
i cte una pe celelalte laturi (Pl. 8). Structura de rezisten a turnului a fost ntrit prin
contraforturile n trepte, dispuse cte dou n
colurile de sud-vest i nord-vest i doar unul
n cealalt latur a patrulaterului (Pl. 5). Se remarc pe latura de sud a turnului existena unui
contrafort, n apropierea colului de sud-vest,
ce a avut menirea ntririi unui perete n care
era amenajat scara interioar38. Cercetrile
arheologice din anii 2000 i 2006 derulate de
Alexandru Rdulescu i Rzvan Pinca au adus
puine informaii cu privire la elementele de
fortificaii dezvoltate n jurul donjonului n
cursul secolelor XIV-XV, dar i pentru stabilirea momentului construciei donjonului39.
Documentele de cancelarie au nscris trziu, n
anul 1395, fortificaia de la Ciacova castrum
Chaak40. Ea a fost o cetate regal, pe care
regele Sigismund de Luxemburg a cedat-o
n anii 1394-1395 familiei nobiliare Chaak41.
Ridicarea donjonului de la Ciacova a
fost fixat, pe temeiul analizei elementelor
arhitectur pstrate, la sfritul secolului al XIII-lea i nceputul secolului al XIV-lea, cndva
ntr-o vreme ante 130842. Argumentele istorice
the tower, of 3.80 m in height, has disposed,

in its massive structure, a niche from where
staircase leads to the platform level (Pl.7).
The niche for the staircase has an opening
of 1.20 m and a height of 2 m. It is covered
with a semicircular vault at the starting level
to the platform level. The windows, with a
rectangular slit, inwardly widened, closed
with semicircular arches, were iregularly disposed on each level. Thus, at the first level of
the tower, there are only two on the northern
and southern sides. At the second level, each
side has a window while the third level of the
donjon was endowed with two windows on the
western and southern sides and one window on
the other sides (Pl. 8). The structure of resistance of the tower was strengthened through
buttresses in steps, disposed two by two in the
south-western and north-western corners and
only one in the other side of the quadrilater
(Pl. 5). It is pointed out that on the southern
side of the tower, there was a buttress, close
to the south-western corner, that was meant
to strengthen a wall on which the interior
staircase was disposed38. The archaeological
investigations from 2000 and 2006 led by Alexandru Rdulescu and Rzvan Pinca brought
few information concerning the elements of
fortifications developed around the donjon
during the 14th-15th centuries, but also for
establishing the building moment of the donjon39. The chancellery documents registered
late, in 1395, the fortification from Ciacova
castrum Chaak40. It was a royal fortress that
the king Sigismund of Luxembourg yielded to
the Chaak noble family in 1394-139541.
The construction of the donjon from
Ciacova was established, on the base of the
analysis of the preserved architecture elements, at the end of the 13th century and the
beginning of the 14th century, sometime in a
period ante 130842. The historical arguments
Secar, 1970, p. 158

Rdulescu, Pinca, 2002, p. 325-326.
40
Csnki, II, p. 11.
41
Fgedi, 1977, p. 115; Engel, 1996, p. 291.
42
Secar, 1970, p. 160, 162.
38
39
Secar, 1970, p. 158

Rdulescu, Pinca, 2002, p. 325-326.
40
Csnki, II, p. 11.
41
Fgedi, 1977, p. 115; Engel, 1996, p. 291.
42
Secar, 1970, p. 160, 162.
38
39
43
invocate s susin aceast datare erau circumstaniale, anul 1308 fiind momentul stingerii
dinastiei arpadiene, o perioad de relaxare n
care marii feudali puteau ridica astfel de fortificaii. Se pierdea din vedere faptul c iniial
fortificaia de la Ciacova a fost o stpnire
regal, cedat mai apoi a neamului nobililor
Chaak. Donjonul de la Ciacova a putut fi mai
degrab ridicat ctre mijlocul secolului al
XIV-lea, n vremea angevinilor. Elementele
de arhitectur atribuite romanicului trziu au
persistat n lumea rural bnean pn n
aceast epoc aa cum sugereaz cercetri la
ruinele unei biserici medievale din Banat.
invoked to sustain this dating were circumstantial because the year of 1308 constituted
the moment of disappearance of the Arpadian
dinasty, a period of relaxing when the great
feudals could erect such fortifications. It was
lost sight of the fact that initally the fortification from Ciacova was a royal possession, then
yielded to the Chaak nobles. The donjon from
Ciacova could have been rather built at the
middle of the 14th century, during the Anjous
rule. Elements of architecture assigned to the
late Romanic persisted in the rural world from
Banat till that epoch so as the investigations
at the ruins of a medieval church from Banat
suggest.
TURNUL LOCUIN DE LA ILIDIA
THE DWELLING-TOWER FROM

ILIDIA
Ilidia este o aezare situat pe cursul

mijlociu al prului Vicinic, un afluent de pe
malul stng al Caraului. Cercetri mai vechi
din anii 1969-1985 au identificat la Ilidia o
curte feudal pe dealul Oblia, unde se afla i
turnul locuin adus din nou n discuie acum43.
S-a cercetat, n aceeai zon, o biseric din
zid i o fortificaie de pmnt, vatra satului
medieval i ruinele cetii medievale Ilidia44.
Turnul-locuin ocup o poziie excentric n cadrul curii feudale de la Ilidia-Oblia,
fiind situat pe panta vestic a dealului (Pl.
2). Planul construciei are o form ptrat,
cu laturile de 11 m /11 m (Pl. 3). Delimitarea
planului s-a fcut dup zidurile de fundaie
pstrate i a anului de fundaie al acestora, acolo unde zidurile au fost demantelate.
Zidurile n fundaie au avut 0,90 m grosime.
S-a utilizat de constructorii medievali o roc
calcaroas i crmid, legate cu mortar. Observaii cu privire la structura zidurilor s-au
putut face n zona de nord-est a construciei,
mai bine pstrat, de-a lungul zidului sudic
i, n parte, pe zidul de nord. Adncimea an-
Ilidia is a settlement situated on the

middle course of the Vicinic rivulet, an affluent on the left bank of the Cara. Older
investigations from 1969-1985 identified a
feudal court at Ilidia on the Oblia hill, right
there where there was also the dwelling-tower
brought again into discussion now43. In the
same region, there was investigated a church
of walls and an earthen fortification, the precincts of the medieval village and the ruins of
the medieval fortress44.
The dwelling-tower occupied an excentrical position within the feudal court from
Ilidia-Oblia. It was situated on the western
slope of the hill (Pl. 2). The plan of construction is square with the sides of 11 m /11 m (Pl.
3). The delimitation of the plan was achieved
following the walls of the preserved foundation and their foundation ditch there where
the walls had been dismantled. The walls in
foundation were 0.90 m in thickness. The
medieval builders used limestone and brick
fixed with mortar. Observations concering
the walls structure could be done in the northeastern area of the construction, which was
better preserved, along the southern wall and,
eicu, 1996, p. 78-80.

Matei, Uzum, 1972, p. 555-559; eicu, 1998, p.
105.
43
44
eicu, 1996, p. 78-80.

Matei, Uzum, 1972, p. 555-559; eicu, 1998, p.
105.
43
44
44
ului de fortificaie cobora pe terenul n pant

ntre 0,60-1,00 m, msurat la nivelul actual
de clcare. Cercetarea arheologic a pus n
eviden ceramic uzual din past lutoas de
nuan crmizie i forme specifice veacului
al XII-lea, un pinten cu spin i dou monede,
una emis de regele tefan al II-lea (11621171) i un denar de Sazburg, emis la mijlocul
secolului al XII-lea. Construcia cu plan rectangular, cu un zid mediu, a fost interpretat
de noi drept ruina unui turn-locuin45. Sigur
nu au lipsit prezentri lipsite de temei istoric i
arheologic. Astfel, ntr-un studiu de ansamblu
despre cercetrile de arheologie medieval de
la Ilidia ruina turnului locuin era prezentat
drept o simpl locuin feudal timpurie, n
cadrul unei reedine puin cunoscute a cnezilor romni din sudul Banatului46. Cercetarea
istoric i arheologic a trebuit s rspund
la nite chestiuni eseniale despre construcia
din secolul al XII-lea de la Ilidia-Oblia: care
au fost rosturile acestor construcii i sub ce
impuls a aprut ea n aceast zon montan
din sudul Banatului. Materialul arheologic i
numismatic ofer repere ferme pentru datarea
acestei construcii n cursul veacului al XIIlea, distrus cndva spre sfritul secolului al
XII-lea sau poate chiar la nceputul secolului
al XIII-lea. Momentul ridicrii acesteia poate
fi identificat ctre mijlocul secolului al XII-lea.
Ceramica i resturile menajere de la animale
domestice i slbatice sacrificate dovedesc
faptul c locuina din zid de la Ilidia-Oblia
din veacul al XII-lea a avut o utilitate civil,
ct i una militar conferit de structura unei
construcii din zid. Turnul-locuin de la Ilidia
se situeaz astfel la nceputul seriei de astfel
de amenajri militare i civile din spaiul Banatului i al Transilvaniei. Ea a avut un parter
nchis deasupra cruia s-au nlat, probabil,
cel mult dou nivele (Pl. 3).
Documentele scrise din prima jumtate
a veacului al XIII-lea dovedesc exercitarea
45
46
partly on the northern wall. The depth of the

fortification ditch lowered on the slopy ground
between 0.60-1.00 m, measured at the present
walking level. The archaeological investigation highlighted usual ceramics made of brickcoloured clay paste and shapes specific to the
12th century, a spur with spin and two coins,
one issued by king Steven II (1162-1171) and
a dinar of Sazburg, issued at the middle of the
12th century. The construction with rectangular plan, with a medium wall, was interpreted
as the ruin of a dwelling-tower45. It is certain
that there did not miss presentations without
any historical and archaeological ground.
Thus, in an ensemble study about the investigations of medieval archaeology from Ilidia,
the ruin of the dwelling-tower was presented
as a simple early feudal dwelling within a less
known residence of the Romanian knezes in
the south of Banat46. Historical and archaeological investigation had to answer to certain
essential matters about the construction from
the 12th century at Ilidia-Oblia: what the purposes of those buildings were and under what
impulse it appeared in that mountainous area
in the south of Banat. The archaeological and
numismatic material provide firm reference
points for dating those constructions to the
12th century, destroyed towards the end of the
12th century or maybe even at the beginning
of the 13th century. The moment of its building can be identified at the middle of the 12th
century. Ceramics and domestic leavings of
sacrified domestic and wild animals prove that
the walled dwelling from Ilidia-Oblia from
the 12th century had both a civilian utility and
a military one conferred by the structure of a
wall construction. The dwelling-tower from
Ilidia is placed at the beginning of the series
of such military and civilian contructions in
Banat and Transylvania. It had a closed ground
floor above which there were, probably, at the
most two levels (Pl. 3).
Written documents from the first half of
the 13th century prove the exertion of an early
eicu, 1996, p. 77.

Uzum, 1988, p. 43.
45
46
45
eicu, 1996, p. 77.

Uzum, 1988, p. 43.
unei stpniri timpurii a regalitii arpadiene

n zona Ilidia. Un act din 30 martie 1223
meniona moia regal Ilidia, alturi de cetatea
Keve i alte sate ntre stpnirile Margaretei,
fost mprteas a Bizanului, pe care le-a
pus sub protecia papal47. Satele i moiile
invocate n actul din 1223, ntre care i moia
regal Ilidia, au fcut parte n anul 1185 din
zestrea pe care Margareta, fiica regelui Bela
al III-lea, a primit-o la cstoria cu mpratul
bizantin Isac al II-lea Angelos (1185-1195)48.
Acestea au fost teritorii cucerite de regele
Bela al III-lea. Exercitarea stpnirii regale
maghiare pe cursul inferior al Caraului i Nerei, unde se afl dealtminteri i Ilidia, n cursul
veacului al XII-lea se nscriu n tendinele i
eforturilor regalitii arpadiene de organizare teritorial a comitatului Cara n aceast
perioad. Comitatul Cara s-a organizat n a
doua jumtate a veacului al XII-lea n spaiul
Cmpiei Caraului i Brzavei, cetatea Haram,
la vrsarea Caraului n Dunre, fiind nucleul
noii structuri comitatense arpadiene49. Turnul
locuin de la Ilidia din veacul al XII-lea este
o fortificaie ridicat de regalitatea arpadian
n veacul al XII-lea.
reign of the Arpadian royalty in the area of

Ilidia. An act dated to March 30th 1223 mentioned the royal Ilidia estate, beside the Keve
fortress and other villages among the possessions of Margaret, ex-empress of Byzantium,
that she put under papal protection47. The
villages and estates invoked in the act from
1223, among which the royal Ilidia estate, was
part of the dowry that Margaret, daughter of
Bela III, got at her marriage with the Byzantine emperor Isac II Angelos (1185-1195) in
118548. Those were territories conquered by
the king Bela III. Exertion of the royal Hungarian domination along the inferior course
of the Cara and the Nera, where there was
also situated Ilidia, during the 12th century,
is part of the tendencies and efforts of the
Arpadian royalty of territorial organization of
the comitat of Cara in that time period. The
comitat of Cara was organized in the second
half of the 12th century in the Plain of the
Cara and of the Brzava. The fortress Haram,
at the river mouth of the Cara in the Danube,
was the nucleus of the new Arpadian comitat
structure (comitatense)49. The dwelling-tower
from Ilidia from the 12th century is a fortification erected by the Arpadian royalty in the
12th century.
DONJONUL DE LA MEHADIA
THE DONJON FROM MEHADIA
Mehadia este situat pe vechea arter

de circulaie care leag culoarul Dunrii de
spaiul Cmpiei Banatului, dar i de spaiul
transilvnean prin culoarul Cerna-Timi. Zona
ngust de chei de la Mehadia au transformat-o n zon ideal de control al culoarului
de legtur Cerna-Timi i, prin urmare, aici
s-au ridicat fortificaii n perioada roman i
roman trzie, la nceputurile Evului Mediu i
pn n secolul al XVIII-lea50.
Donjonul de la Mehadia domin zona
de culoar de pe culmea dealului Grad. Dealul
Mehadia is situated on the old arterial

road that connects the Danube corridor with
the area of the Plain of Banat, but also with
Transylvania through the Cerna-Timi corridor. The narrow area of the river banks at
Mehadia, transformed it in an ideal region of
control of the link corridor Cerna-Timi. Consequently, fortifications of Roman and Late
Roman period were built here at the beginning
of the Middle Ages and till the 18th century50.
The donjon from Mehadia dominates
the corridor area on the peak of the Grad hill.
DIR, C, veac XI, XII, XIII, I, p. 197.

48 Tutu, 1956, p. 62-65; Engel, 1996, 0. 232.
49
Kristo, 1988, p. 459; eicu, 1998, p. 417-418.
50
Trpcea, 1969, p. 51-54; Groza, 1998, p. 34-35.
47
DIR, C, 11th, 12th, 13th centuries, I, p. 197.

Tutu, 1956, p. 62-65; Engel, 1996, 0. 232.
49
Kristo, 1988, p. 459; eicu, 1998, p. 417-418.
50
Trpcea, 1969, p. 51-54; Groza, 1998, p. 34-35.
47
48
46
are forma unui promontoriu cu pante foarte

abrupte, ndeosebi pe extremitatea sudic i
estic, accesul fiind posibil doar dinspre de
vest i nord-vest.
Turnul masiv pstreaz, n parte, doar
trei laturi, cele dinspre nord-est i sud-vest
i cea dinspre vest, pstrat aproape n ntregime (Pl. 11). Forma iniial a turnului a fost
hexagonal, cu lungimea laturilor cuprinse
ntre 6,50 m i 7,70 m. Zidurile au o grosime
de circa 2,30 m, fiind lucrate din piatr de
carier necat n mortar. Faadele zidurilor
au un aspect ngrijit, fiind realizate din blocuri
cioplite. Faada zidurilor a fost cptuit cu
bolari din calcar ecarisai, ceea ce confer turnului un aspect deosebit de ngrijit. mbinrile
de la coluri, realizate din blocuri prismatice
de dimensiuni diferite, ce alterneaz ntre ele,
ntresc aceast imagine a monumentului (Fig.
4). Structura interioar a donjonului cuprindea
un parter nchis, suprapus de trei etaje. Un
desen realizat de istoricul german L. Bhm
n anul 1880 prezenta dou ferestre suprapuse
pe una din laturile donjonului51. (Pl. 11/1).
Parterul nalt i nchis complet spre exterior
era nvelit cu o bolt din crmid, iar cele trei
etaje ce-l suprapuneau erau nvelite cu planee
din lemn, fixate n structura zidurilor52.
Monumentul a beneficiat de cercetare
arheologic n deceniul al optulea al secolului
trecut, care ar fi putut, eventual, oferi elemente
pentru datarea apariiei donjonului de la Mehadia53. Recursul la documentele istorice ofer
informaii despre fortificaia de la Mehadia de
la nceputul secolului al XIV-lea. Aflm, dintrun act din 23 octombrie 1317, c aceast cetate
de la Mehadia era stpnit n mod abuziv de
Ioan, fiul lui Theodor de Veiteh54. S-a organizat
mpotriva rebelului o expediie regal condus de Martin, fiul lui Bugar, comite de Slaj.
Documentul din 20 februarie 1323 consemna
calitatea de castelan de Mehadia a lui Dionisie
The hill is shaped like a promontory with very

abrupt slopes, especially on the southern and
eastern extremities. The access was possible
only from the west and north-west.
The massive tower partly preserves
just three sides, those from the north-east
and south-west and west. The western side is
almost entirely preserved (Pl. 11). The initial
form of the tower was hexagonal, with sides
of 6.50 m and 7.70 m in length. The walls
were about 2.30 m in thickness. They were
made of quarry stone drowned in mortar. The
facades of the walls have a neat aspect being
made of carved stone blocks. The facades were
covered with squared off limestone blocks,
that confered an extremely neat aspect to the
tower. The fixed joinings at corners, made of
prismatic blocks of different dimensions, that
alternate among them, strengthen this image
of the monument (Fig. 4). The interior structure of the donjon comprised a closed ground
floor, superposed by three floors. A drawing
done by the German historian L. Bhm in
1880 presented two windows superposed on
one of the donjon sides51. (Pl. 11/1). The high
ground floor completely closed outwardly was
covered by a brick vault, and the three floors
that were above it were covered with wooden
floors fixed in the structure of walls52.
The monument benefited of an archaeological investigation in the 8th decade of
the last century, that could have, eventually,
provided elements for dating the construction
of the donjon from Mehadia53. The appeal at
historical documents offer information about
the fortification from Mehadia at the beginning
of the 14th century. We found out, from an act
dated to October 23rd 1317, that fortress from
Mehadia was abusively owned by Ioan, Theodor of Veitehs son54. A royal expedition led
by Martin, Bugars son, comite of Slaj, was
organized against the rebbell. The document
from February 20th 1323 registered Dionisie
Szecs quality of lord of Mehadia, who also
Bhm, 1880, p. 164.

Matei, 1982, p. 110.
53
Matei, 1982, p. 110-112.
54
Holban, 1981, p. 91.
51
52
Bhm, 1880, p. 164.

Matei, 1982, p. 110.
53
Matei, 1982, p. 110-112.
54
Holban, 1981, p. 91.
51
52
47
Szecs, care deinea i nalta funcie regal de

mare stolnic. Documentele invocate mai sus
arat c fortificaia de la Mehadia era deja
ridicat de ceva vreme, naintea anului 1317,
cnd apare consemnat documentar. Ea a fost
ridicat probabil la sfritul secolului al XIIIlea, ori cel trziu n primii ani ai secolului al
XIV-lea. Ea a fost o cetate regal i apariia
acesteia trebuie pus n contextul politicii de
expansiune spre est i sud-est promovat de
regalitatea arpadian n veacul al XIII-lea, de
creare a Banatului de Severin55. Dealtminteri,
documentul din 1329 consfinea expresis verbis aceast realitate: ea fost zidit pentru a sta
mpotriva bulgarilor a lui Basarab voievodul
transalpin, a regelui schismatic al Rasciei i a
ttarilor ce nvleau nencetat cu dumnie,
atacnd hotarele regatului nostru56.
possessed the high royal rank of High Steward. The documents invoked above showed
that the fortification from Mehadia had been
already built for some time, before 1317, when
it was documentarily mentioned. It was probably built at the end of the 13th century, or at
last in the first years of the 14th century. It
was a royal fortress and its construction must
be considered in the context of the policy
of expansion towards east and south-east
promoted by theArpadian royalty in the 13th
century, of creation of the region of Banat of
Severin55. Otherwise, the document from 1329
confirmed expresis verbis this reality: it was
built to defend against Basarabs Bulgarians,
the transalpin voivode, against the schismatic
king of Rascia and against the Tatars that were
invading unceasingly with enmity the borders
of our kingdom56.
TURNURILE LOCUIN DE LA
SVINIA
THE DWELLING-TOWERS FROM

SVINIA
Turnurile de la Svinia sunt situate la

intrarea n Clisura Cazanelor Dunrii, la circa
45 km amonte de Orova. Fluviul strbate n
acest sector transcarpatic o zon de strmtur pentru a face apoi un cot brusc spre nord
pn la Dubova au un bazinet. Munii Clisurii
cu pante abrupte coboar pn la vadurile
fluviului, ntreaga zon fiind astfel dificil de
strbtut. Trei turnuri, din care unul se afl
acum sub apele fluviului formau un ansamblu
fortificat controla acest sector al fluviului la
nceputurile Evului Mediu57.
Turnurile au fost amplasate pe teren sub
forma unui triunghi cu baza spre mal i vrful
spre apele fluviului. Distana ntre cele dou
turnuri dinspre dealuri era de 20 m iar cea spre
turnul aflat n vrf, ctre Dunre, era de circa
40 m58(Pl.14). Turnurile au fost construite
dup un plan ptrat cu urmtoarele dimensiuni: 6,70/6,50 m, 7,20/6,30 m pentru cele cu
The towers from Svinia are situated in

the Danube Clisura, at about 45 km upstream
by Orova. The river traverses, in this transCarpathian sector, a narrowness region, then
it suddenly meanders towards the north to
Dubova. The mountains of the Danube Clisura with abrupt slopes go down to the river
fords, the whole region being thus difficult to
be passed through. Three towers, from which
one is now under the river waters formed a
fortified ensemble that controlled that sector of
the river at the beginning of the Middle Ages57.
The towers were located so as to form
a triangle with its base towards the bank and
the top towards the river waters. The distance
between the two towers near the hills was of
20 m, and the distance to the tower situated on
the top, towards the Danube, was of about 40
m58 (Pl.14). The towers were built following
a square plan with the following dimensions:
Achim, 2006, p. 40 i urm; eicu, 1998, p. 421423.

56
Holban, 1981, p. 94.
57
Trpcea, 1969, p. 45; Corvtescu, Rdulescu, 1979,
p. 169-171; eicu, 1998, p. 206.
58
55
Achim, 2006, p. 40 i urm; eicu, 1998, p. 421-423

Holban, 1981, p. 94.
57
Trpcea, 1969, p. 45; Corvtescu, Rdulescu, 1979,
p. 169-171; eicu, 1998, p. 206
58
55
56
48
amplasament ctre deal i respectiv de 7,50/7

m pentru turnul aflat acum sub ap. Structurate
pe vertical turnurile aveau un parter nchis, un
etaj i o platform de lupt dispuse pe nlimi
de 10-11 m ct msura fiecare construcie.
Planee din lemn sprijinite pe grinzi masive separau structurile interne ale turnurilor.
S-a remarcat n timpul cercetrii o retragere
a zidurilor de la grosimea de 1,40 m la 0,80
m deasupra planeului de la platforma de
tragere care a fost interpretat drept drum de
straj sprijinit pe console59. Fante de tragere
au fost amenajate la nivelul etajului nti ct i
ai platformei de lupt, ce aveau dimensiunile
de 0,8 m/0,12 m.
Observaiile fcute n timpul cercetrii
arheologice din anul 1970 de ctre Corvtescu
i Rdulescu la paramentul monumentului a
evideniat trei registre, care nu indic faze diferite de refacere, ci reprezint o caracteristic
constructiv ntlnit i la alte monumente din
zon60. Cercetarea arheologic nu a produs
dovezi pentru o datare restrns a monumentelor, perioada propus din secolul al XIII-lea
pn la mijlocul secolului al XV-lea fiind
foarte lung61. Documentele de cancelarie au
consemnat castrum Zincze n anul 1443 alturi
de alte fortificaii de pe Dunre62, mrturiile
arheologice neconcludente identificate ct i
consemnrile documentare trzii las deschis discuia cu privire la momentul ridicrii
turnurilor de la Svinia. Fortificaia de la Svinia se leag n opinia noastr, exprimat cu
ceva vreme n urm, de politica rsritean a
Regatului Maghiar, de tendina acestuia de a
controla cursul Dunrii de Jos apusene63.
Regalitatea maghiar a ridicat n cursul
veacului al XIII-lea o fortificaie la Coronini,
6.70/6.50 m, 7.20/6.30 m for those located

towards the hill, and respectively 7.50/7 m for
the tower that is nowadays under water. The
towers with vertical structure had a closed
ground floor, a floor and a fighting platform
disposed on heights of 10-11 m as each building measured.
Wooden floors supported on massive
beams were separating the intern structures of
the towers. It was noticed, during the investigation, that the walls were decreased from 1.40
m in thickness to 0.80 m in thickness above
the floors of the firing platform that was interpreted as sentry road supported on consoles59.
Slits of firing were arranged at the level of the
first floor and of the fighting platform, that had
the dimensions of 0.8 m/0.12 m.
The observations done during the archaeological investigation led by Corvtescu
and Rdulescu in 1970 at the parameters of
the monument pointed out three registers that
do not indicate different phases of rebuilding,
but they represent a constructive characteristic encountered also at other monuments
from this region60. The archaeological investigation did not provide proofs for a limited
dating of monuments, the proposed period
from the 13th century till the middle of the
15th century being very long61. Chancellery
documents registered castrum Zincze in 1443
beside other fortifications on the Danube
course62, identified archaeological unconvincing proofs, as well as late documentary records
do not close the discussion as concerns the
moment of building the towers from Svinia.
The fortification from Svinia is connected,
in our opinion expressed a time ago, with the
eastern policy of the Hungarian Kingdom, by
its tendency to control the course of the Low
western Danube63.
Hungarian Royalty erected, during the
13th century, a fortification at Coronini, at an

61
62
Pesty, Szrenyi, p.44-45; Csnki, II, p.14.
63
eicu, 1998, p.207.
59
60

61
62
Pesty, Szrenyi, p.44-45; Csnki, II, p.14.
63
eicu, 1998, p.207.
59
60
49
la o extremitate a Clisurii i o alta la Turnu

Severin, n aceeai vreme, ceea ce exprim
cu limpezime tendina de a avea sub control
acest segment al Dunrii64. Fortificaiile de la
Svinia ar fi putut fi ridicate n aceast vreme
a secolului al XIII-lea dar este posibil ca turnurile s fi fost zidite i n cursul veacului al
XIV-lea n epoca angevinilor.
extremity of the Danube Clisura and another

one at Turnu Severin, in the same time, that
clearly expresses the tendency to have under
control this segment of the Danube64. The fortifications from Svinia could have been built
in the 13th century, but it is possible that the
towers should have been built also in the 14th
century during the Angevin rule.
DONJONUL DE LA TURNU RUIENI
ENI
Localitatea Turnu Ruieni este situat pe

valea rului Sebe, ce coboar de sub Muntele
Mic, n imediata vecintate sud-estic a oraului Caransebe. Fortificaia este aezat pe un
vrf al unui deal, sub forma unui promontoriu
cu pante abrupte pe rama estic a satului Turnu
Ruieni65.
Donjonul, o construcie masiv, are un
plan rectangular cu dimensiunile interioare
de 4,60/4,80 m. colul de sud-est s-a prbuit
la mijlocul veacului trecut, el avnd aspect
iniial neschimbat pn la nceputul veacului
trecut dup cum dovedete o fotografie de
epoc (Fig.12). Patru contraforturi masive,
realizate n trepte se afl dispuse n unghi de
450 la colurile patrulaterului. Ele au o nlime de 9,80 m i dimensiunile de 3,20/1,85
m; 2,80/1,85 m (Pl. 16). Structural donjonul
a avut un parter uor adncit, inaccesibil din
afar, care a avut o nlime de 4,30 m. zidurile
se ngustau la nivelul etajului I cu circa 0,40
m realizndu-se n acest fel suportul pentru
planeu. Acelai procedeu a fost aplicat de
constructorii medievali i pentru al doilea etaj
n vederea aezrii planeului. Nivelul nti
al donjonului a avut o nlime de 4.10 m n
timp ce al doilea msura pe nlime 5,80m.
Grinzile planeului ce nvelea etajul al doilea
strpungeau pereii exteriori realizndu-se n
acest fel o platform de straj (Pl. 16). Etajul
THE DONJON FROM TURNU RUI-
The locality Turnu Rueni is situated in

the Sebe valley, that comes from under the
Muntele Mic, in the close south-eastern vicinity of the Caransebe town. The fortification
is located on the top of a hill, shaped like a
promontory with abrupt slopes on the eastern
frame of the Turnu Rueni village65.
The donjon, a masive construction, has
a rectangular plan with interior dimensions of
4.60/4.80 m. The south-eastern corner broke
down at the middle of the last century. It had
the initial aspect unchanged till the beginning
of the last century as a photo of the epoch
proved (Fig.12). Four massive butresses,
made in steps are disposed in an angle of 450
at the corners of the quadrilater. They are 9.80
m in height and dimensions of 3.20/1.85 m;
2.80/1.85 m (Pl. 16). Structurally, the donjon
had a slightly deepened ground floor, inaccessible by outside, that was 4.30 m in height. The
walls turned narrower at the level of the first
floor with about 0.40 m achieving in this way
the support for the floor. The same procedure
was applied by medieval builders also for the
second floor in view of setting the floor. The
first level of the donjon was 4.10 m in height
while the second level was 5.80 m in height.
The floor beams that covered the second floor
penetrated the exterior walls achieving in this
way a sentry platform (Pl. 16). It is estimated
that the third floor was about 4 m in height,
Matei, Uzum, 1973, p.147,149; Rusu, 2003, p.6566.

65
Secar, 1975, p.302-305; Matei, 1982, p.108;
eicu, 1998, p.206.
64
Matei, Uzum, 1973, p.147,149; Rusu, 2003, p.6566.

65
Secar, 1975, p.302-305; Matei, 1982, p.108;
eicu, 1998, p.206.
64
50
al treilea estimm c avea circa 4 m nlime

iar donjonul a avut circa 19 m la nlimea
zidurilor ridicate. Un an de aprare cu val
nconjurau donjonul constituind elementele
defensive externe ce mreau capacitatea de
aprare a acestuia (Pl. 15).
Informaiile istorice cu privire la construcia de la Turnu Ruieni sunt sumare. Un
act din iulie 1467 nscria ntre posesiunile
nobililor din familia Mtnic un turn din piatr,
ceea ce a determinat atribuirea acestui donjon
acestei familii nobiliare66. Istoricul Engel Pl
considera fortificaia de la Turnu Ruieni o
creaie a regalitii angevine67. Familia romneasc nobiliar Mtnic, atestai nobili n
1440 s-au implicat activ n aprarea Banatului
n vremea lui Iancu de Hunedoara. tefan
i Mihai de Mtnic ajung s dein funcii
importante precum cea de ban al Severinului
n anii 1459 i 146768. Donjonul de la Turnu
Ruieni chiar dac a fost o posesiune regal
iniial a putut ajunge n urma unor donaii n
patrimoniul familiei nobiliare a Mtnicenilor.
and the donjon was about 19 m in height of

the built walls. A defensive ditch with wall
surrounded the donjon constituting external
defensive elements that were increasing its
defensive capacity (Pl. 15).
Historical information concerning the
construction from Turnu Rueni are summary.
An act dated to July 1467 registered a stone
tower among the possessions of the nobles
of the Mtnic family, that determined the assignment of this donjon to this noble family66.
The historian Engel Pl considered the fortification from Turnu Rueni as being a creation
of the Angevin royalty67. The Mtnic noble
Romanian family, certified as nobles in 1440,
actively implied in defending Banat during the
rule of Iancu of Hunedoara. tefan and Mihai
of Mtnic obtain important functions as for
example that of ban of Severin from 1459 till
146768. The donjon from Turnu Ruieni, even
if it was initially a royal possession, could
enter, as a consequence of some donations,
in the patrimony of the Mtnic noble family.
DONJONUL DE LA VRAC
THE DONJON FROM VRAC
Aezarea i fortificaia medieval sunt

situate pe rama sud-vestic a dealurilor Banatului, pe un vechi culoar ce lega valea Dunrii
de cmpia bnean, ocolind zona montan.
Turnul de la Vrac este situat pe dealul Cula,
ce domin prin nlime pe un vast spaiu zona
depresionar nconjurtoare.
Culmea teit pe care a fost amplasat
fortificaia msoar 48/18 m69. (Pl. 18). Planul construciei are forma unui patrulater cu
dimensiunile de 13,80 m/11 m. Donjonul are
o nlime de 19,85 m i o structur interioar
organizat pe trei nivele i un parter complet
nchis70. (Pl.19). Planeele din lemn cu grinzi
The medieval settlement and fortification are located on the south-western frame
of the hills of Banat, in an old corridor that
connected the Danube valley with the plain
of Banat rounding the mountainous area. The
tower from Vrac is situated on the Cula hill,
that dominates through its height the surrounding depresionary zone on a large area.
The flattened peak on which the fortification was placed measures 48/18 m69. (Pl.
18). The plan of construction is rectangular
with the dimensions of 13.80 m/11 m. The
donjon is 19.85 m in height. It has an interior structure organized on three levels and a
completely closed groundfloor70. (Pl.19). The
wooden floors with crossed beams delimited
Pesty, Szrenyi, p.80.

Engel, 1996, p. 407.
68
Drgan, 2000, p. 422.
69
Petrovi, 1976, p. 53.
70
Petrovi, 1976, p. 54.
66
67
Pesty, Szrenyi, p.80.

Engel, 1996, p. 407.
68
Drgan, 2000, p. 422.
69
Petrovi, 1976, p. 53.
70
Petrovi, 1976, p. 54.
66
67
51
aezate n cruce delimitau cele trei nivele, accesul ntre etaje se fcea prin scri interioare
din lemn. Accesul n fortificaie se fcea la
primul nivel unde n zidul vestic s-a practica
o deschidere cu dimensiunile de 1,70/1 m.,
nchis cu un arc semicircular71 (Pl.19/2; 3).
Nivelul al doilea al turnului a pstrat coul de
la instalaia de nclzit ce avea dou vetre. Coul zidit din crmid a avut diametrul de 0,70
m, fiind plasat pe colul sud-estic al nivelului72.
Turnul de la Vrac a fost zidit din piatr
cioplit, faadele avnd aadar un aspect ngrijit iar la coluri s-a folosit piatra ecarisat
(Fig.15). Acoperiul de form piramidal
proteja elementele defensive de pe platforma
deasupra nivelului al treilea (Pl.24 a).
Cercetarea arheologic recent a oferit
documentaie pentru cunoaterea topografiei
zonei fortificaiei, a amenajrilor ulterioare din
jurul donjonului fr a contribui cu informaii
la stabilirea momentului cronologic al ridicrii
donjonului73. Milleker n monografia istoric
consacrat oraului Vrac a plasat momentul
ridicrii fortificaiei de pe dealul Cul n epoca
lui Sigismund de Luxemburg. El consemna
n acelai context tradiia istoric srbeasc
ce lega zidirea fortificaiei n anul 1425 de
stpnirile n zon ale familiei Brankovi74.
n aceeai vreme, anterior anului 1427 plasa
momentul ridicrii turnului Marin Brmboli75.
Epoca de nceput a fortificaiei era aadar
plasat ntre anii 1411-145076, fiind ndeobte
legat de stpnirile lui tefan Lazarovi i
Djordje Brankovi. Istoria Vreului la nceputurile Evului Mediu se lega de integrarea
ei n stpnirile regatului arpadian n spaiul
de sud al Banatului. Identificarea domeniului
the three levels. The access among the floors

was done through interior wooden staircases.
The access in fortification was done at the
first level where an opening of 1.70/1 m was
achieved in the western wall. The opening was
closed with a semicircular arch71 (Pl.19/2; 3).
The second level of the tower preserved the
chimney from the heating instalation that had
two hearths. The brick chimney was 0.70 m
in diameter. It was placed on the south-eastern
corner of the level72.
The tower from Vrac was built of
carved stone. The facades had a neat aspect.
The squared off stone was used at the corners
(Fig.15). The pyramidal roof protected the
defensive elements on the platform above the
third level (Pl.24 a).
Recent archaeological investigations
provided documentation for the knowledge
of the topography of the fortification area,
of the subsequent constructions around the
donjon without contributing with information
at setting the chronological moment of the
donjon building73. Milleker, in the historical monograph dedicated to the Vrac town,
dated the moment of building the fortification
on the Cul hill to the epoch of Sigismund
of Luxembourg. He wrote down in the same
context the historical Serbian tradition that
related the building of fortification in 1425
to the Brankovi familys possessions in the
region74. In the same time, previously to 1427,
Marin Brmboli dated the moment of building the tower75. The epoch of beginning of the
fortification was placed between 1411-145076.
It was especially related to tefan Lazarovis
and Djordje Brankovis possessions. The history of Vrac at the beginning of the Middle
Ages was connected with its integration in
the possessions of the Arpadian kingdom in
the south of Banat. Identification of the royal
domain, and later of the Ersumlov fortifica-
Brmboli, 2009, p. 38.

Brmboli, 2009, p. 40.
73
Brmboli, 2009, p. 105.
74
Milleker, 2005, p. 34-35.
75
Brmboli, 2009, p. 53.
76
Petrovi, 1976, p. 56.
71
72
Brmboli, 2009, p. 38.

Brmboli, 2009, p. 40.
73
Brmboli, 2009, p. 105.
74
Milleker, 2005, p. 34-35.
75
Brmboli, 2009, p. 53.
76
Petrovi, 1976, p. 56.
71
72
52
regal i mai apoi al fortificaiei Ersumlov la

Vrac este deja un fapt unanim acceptat n
istoriografia recent77. Documentele veacului
al XIII-lea ncepnd cu actul din 1223 i pn
la 1292 cnd aprea nscris stpnirea regal
a zonei indic rostul important al aezrii ntr-o
zon de culoar spre sudul Dunrii i ntr-o epoc n care Regatul arpadian i concentra eforturile de extindere a controlului n sud-estul
european. Cetatea Ersomli apare consemnat
n acte n anul 132378. Donjonul de la Vrac
se identific aadar cu nucleul iniial al cetii
Ersomli i a fost o construcie regal. El a
fost ridicat cu siguran n perioada foarte de
nceput a secolului al XIV-lea. Amplasarea sa
n zona de culoar geografic i pe o direcie de
expansiune a puterii maghiare l face s aib
multe similitudini cu donjonul de la Mehadia.
tion at Vrac has been already an unanimously

accepted fact in recent historiography77. The
documents of the 13th century starting with
the act from 1223 till 1292 when the royal
domination of the region appeared recorded
indicates the important role of the settlement in
the corridor area towards the south of the Danube in an epoch when the Arpadian Kingdom
concentrated its efforts of control extension
on the south-east of Europe. The Ersomli
fortress is recorded in documents in 132378.
The donjon from Vrac is identified with the
initial nucleus of the Ersomli fortress. It was a
royal construction. It was certainly built in the
very beginning of the 14th century. Its location in the region of the geographical corridor
on a direction of expansion of the Hungarian
domination makes it to have many similitudes
with the donjon from Mehadia.
Halasi-Kun, 1976, p. 298; Gyrffy, 1987, III, p.

494.
78
Engel, 1996, p. 309.
77
Halasi-Kun, 1976, p. 298; Gyrffy, 1987, III, p.

494.
78
Engel, 1996, p. 309
77
53
Pl.10. Mehadia. Plan de situaie cu amplasarea donjonului.

Pl.10. Mehadia. Plan of situation with location of donjon.
54
Pl.11. Mehadia. 1. Vedere donjonului din anul 1885.

2. Vedere n starea actual.
Pl.11. Mehadia. 1. View of donjon since 1885;
2. View of donjon in the present state.
55
Pl.12. Mehadia. Donjon. Vedere i seciune.

Pl.12. Mehadia. Donjon. View and section.
56
Pl.13. Reia-Moroasa. Plan de situaie al curii feudale cu amplasarea donjonului.

Pl.13. Reia-Moroasa. Plan of situation of the feudal court with location of donjon.
57
Pl.14. Svinia. Plan de amplasare a turnurilor. Vedere a ruinelor din secolul XIX-lea.
Pl.14. Svinia. Plan of location of towers. View of ruins from the 19th century.
58
Pl.15. Turnu Ruieni. Planul donjonului (sec. XIV).

Pl.15. Turnu Ruieni. Plan of donjon (14th century).
59
Pl.16. Turnu Ruieni. Seciuni i reconstituire a donjonului.

Pl.16. Turnu Ruieni. Sections and reconstitution of donjon.
60
Pl.17. Vrac. Plan de situaie cu amplasarea donjonului (sec. XIV).

Pl.17. Vrac. Plan of situation with location of donjon (14th century).
61
Pl.18. Vrac. Plan, seciuni i vederi ale faadelor donjonului.

Pl.18. Vrac. Plan, sections and views of the donjon facades.
62
Fig. 1. Ciacova. Donjon.


Vedere faad.
View of facade.
63
Fig. 3. Ilidia- Oblia.

Turn locuin (sec. XII).
B. Socolari. Cetate.
Vedere de pe dealul Oblia.
Fig. 3. Ilidia-Oblia.
Dwelling-tower (12th century).
B. Socolari. Cetate.
View from the Oblia hill.
Fig. 4. Mehadia. Donjon.

64

Fig. 6. Mehadia. Vedere interioar a ferestrelor.

Fig. 6. Mehadia. Interior view of windows.
65
Fig. 7. Mehadia. Donjon. B. Valea Mare

Fig. 7. Mehadia. Donjon. B. Mare Valley
Fig. 8. Mehadia. Donjon. B. Valea Belareca.

Fig. 8. Mehadia. Donjon. B. The Belareca Valley.
66
Fig. 9. Mehadia. Detaliu de la paramentul turnului.

Fig. 9. Mehadia. Detail of the face of the tower walls.
Fig.10. Svinia. Turn locuin.

Fig.10. Svinia. Dwelling-tower.
67
Fig.11. Svinia-Tricule. Turnurile locuin.

Fig.11. Svinia-Tricule. Dwelling-towers.
Fig.12. Turnu-Ruieni. Donjonul.

Fig.12. Turnu-Ruieni. Donjon.
68
Fig.13. Turnu-Ruieni. Donjonul.

Fig.13. Turnu-Ruieni. Donjon.
Fig.14. Turnu-Ruieni. anul de aprare din jurul turnului.

Fig.14. Turnu-Ruieni. Defending ditch around the tower.
69
Fig.15. Vrac. Donjonul cetii Ersomlio.

Fig.15. Vrac. Donjon of the Ersomlio fortress.
Fig.16. Vrac. Vedere turn i cistern.

Fig.16. Vrac. View of tower and tank.
70
Fig.17. Vrac. Cetatea Ersomlio.

Fig.17. Vrac. Ersomlio fortress.
Fig 18. Novo Miloevo. Cetatea Galad.

Fig 18. Novo Miloevo. Galad fortress.
71
Fig.19. Novo Miloevo. Cetatea Galad. anul de aprare i amenajri interioare.

Fig.19. Novo Miloevo. Galad fortress. Defending ditch and interior constructions.
Fig.20. Cetatea Galad. Turnuri de col.

Fig.20. Galad fortress. Corner-towers.
72
FORTIFICAII MEDIEVALE
DIN BANAT
SECOLELE XIII-XVI
MEDIEVAL FORTIFICATIONS
FROM BANAT FROM THE 13TH16TH CENTURIES
Lista prescurtrilor
List of abbreviations
s = sat
c = comun
Or = ora
J = jude
Op. = Optina
v = village
c = commune
t = town
C = county
Op. = Optina
73
FORTIFICAII MEDIEVALE DIN

BANAT SECOLELE XIII-XVI
MEDIEVAL FORTIFICATIONS
FROM BANAT IN THE
13TH-16TH CENTURIES
ALMJ (jud.Cara-Severin, Romnia)

Cetatea Almj s-a aflat n Depresiunea
Almj sau Bozovici, de pe cursul mijlociu
al rului Nera. Un act din 1437 a consemnat
castra inferiora cisdanubiana Halmas, ntre
cetile de frontier din Banatul de Severin1.
Ea se afla la captul unor drumuri de munte,
ce fceau legtura ntre Valea Dunrii i depresiunea intramontan a Almjului, din aceast
perspectiv ea fcea parte din cetile de aprare ale regatului din Clisura Dunrii. A fost
zidit, probabil, odat cu o parte din cetile de
la Drencova, Peth, Liboradea i Pojejena din
prima jumtate a veacului al XV-lea, n vremea
lui Sigismund de Luxemburg. Documentele
din anul 1364 i cele ulterioare arat o stpnire n Almj a arhiepiscopului de Calocea, dar
nu pot fi un argument pentru existena cetii
n secolul al XIV-lea2. Cercetri mai vechi, dar
i cele recente din anul 2009, n-au identificat
n teren ruinele cetii medievale Almaj. Ea a
fost localizat n hotarul satului Dalboe, pe
dealul Grdite3.
Tradiia local care mi-a fost relatat i
n anul 2009, consemna existena unui turn
din crmid pe dealul Grdite la Dalboe.
Cercetrile de suprafa indic acum doar
existena unei fortificaii de pmnt cu an i
val de aprare i dou incinte ce aparineau,
probabil, epocii Latene4.
ALMJ (Cara-Severin County, Romania)

The Almj fortress was located in the
Almj or Bozovici Depression, on the middle
course of the Nera. An act dated to 1437 registered castra inferiora cisdanubiana Halmas,
among the frontier fortresses within Banat of
Severin1. It was situated at the end of some
mountain roads that tied the Danube Valley
by the Almj intramountainous depression.
From this point of view, it belonged to the
defensive fortresses of the kingdom from the
Clisura Dunrii. It was probably built in the
same time with part of the fortresses from
Drencova, Peth, Liboradea and Pojejena in
the first half of the 15th century during Sigismund of Luxembourgs rule. Documents from
1364 and the subsequent ones mention a rule,
in Almj, of the archbishop of Calocea, but
they can not be an argument for the existence
of the fortress in the 14th century2. Earlier
investigations, but also the recent ones from
2009, have not identified on the spot the ruins
of the Almaj medieval fortress. It was located
in the boundary of the Dalboe village, on the
Grdite hill3.
Local tradition about which I have
been informed also in 2009, registered the
existence of a brick tower on the Grdite hill
at Dalboe. The surface investigations have
indicated just the existence of an earthen fortification with defending ditch and wall and
two enclosures that probably belonged to the
La Tne period4.
Csnki, 1894, II, p.13.

Gyrffy, 1987, III, p.477; Engel, 1996, p.324.
3
Trpcea, 1969, p.33.
4
Cercetri, D. eicu, iunie 2009.
1
2
Csnki, 1894, II, p.13.

Gyrffy, 1987, III, p.477; Engel, 1996, p.324.
3
Trpcea, 1969, p.33.
4
Researches, D. eicu, June 2009.
1
2
74
BORZAF (j. Cara-Severin, Romnia)

Cetate regal situat pe cursul superior
al rului Brzava, dup cum i sugereaz i
numele, neidentificat nc pe teren. Apare
ntia oar consemnat ntr-un act din anul
1370 ce amintete de o aezare, satul lui
Petru, fiul lui Balc, pe pmntul ce ine de
Borzafeu5. Castelanii cetii sunt cunoscui
din documente emise ntre anii 1415 i 1452.
Pipo de Ozara a ndeplinit i funcia de castelan n anul 1415, iar anul 1418 Iacob de
Abel, implicat n judeci patrimoniale ivite
ntre cnezii din valea superioar a Brzavei6.
Acelai conflict, redeschis n anul 1433, era
gestionat de Petru de Kerestesz i Eberhard
Sax, ce ndeplineau atribuiile de castelani
ai cetii de pe cursul superior al Brzavei7.
Un document din 22 ianuarie 1452 nscria pe
Egidius, castellanus de Borza, ntre martorii
unui proces al districtelor romneti8.
Cetatea s-a aflat ntre anii 14291435
ntre fortificaiile cedate cavalerilor teutoni9.
S-a propus o localizare a cetii pe cursul
superior al rului Brzava. Milleker sugera,
pe temeiul toponimiei, identificarea acesteia
la Grdite, pe platoul Semenic10. Urma unor
ruine, pe dealul Ranchin, la Stupini, la est de
Reia, ar pleda pentru cutarea ei i n aceast
zon de pe cursul Brzavei11.
BORZAF (Cara-Severin County,

Romania)
The royal fortress situated on the superior course of the Brzava, as even its name
suggests it, still unidentified on the spot. It
was mentioned for the first time in an act since
1370 that reminds of a settlement, the village
of Petru, Balcs son, on the lang that belongs
to Borzafeu5. The fortress owners are known
from documents issued between 1415 and
1452. Pipo of Ozara fulfilled also the function of lord in 1415. In 1418, Iacob de Abel,
implied in patrimonial jugdements mentioned
among the knezes from the superior valley
of the Brzava6 was lord. The same conflict,
opened again in 1433, was run by Petru of
Kerestesz and Eberhard Sax, who fulfilled the
function of lords of the fortress on the superior
course of the Brzava7. A document dated to
January 22nd, 1452, mentioned Egidius, castellanus de Borza, among the witnesses of a
trial of the Romanian districts8.
The fortress was among the fortifications
given up to the Teutons between 1429 14359.
It was proposed a locating of the fortress on the
superior course of the Brzava. Milleker suggested, based on toponimy, its identification
at Grdite, on the Semenic plateau10. Trace of
vestiges, on the Ranchin hill, at Stupini, east
to Reia, would plead for searching it also in
this region on the Brzava course11.
BEEJ (Novi Beej, op. Zrenjanin,

Serbia)
Cetate situat pe malul Tisei, ce a fcut
parte din comitatul Torontal. Castrum Haznis,
sub forma n care apare n anul 1315 ntr-o
diplom, era o stpnire regal12. Documentul
din 1338 nscria cetatea sub ambele forme:
Haznas i Beche13. Ea a ajuns un domeniu
BEEJ (Novi Beej, op. Zrenjanin,

Serbia)
Fortress situated on the Tisa bank, that
belonged to the Torontal comitat. Castrum
Haznis, under the form in which it appeared
in 1315 in a diploma, was a royal possession12.
A document from 1338 mentioned the fortress
under both forms: Haznas and Beche13. It be-
DRH, C, XIII, p.770.

Pesty, Krass, III, p.284.
7
8
Pesty, Szreny, III, p.64.
9
Joachim, 1912, p.114.
10
Milleker, 1915, p.48.
11
eicu, 1996, p.25.
12
Engel, 1996, p.275.
13
Milleker, 1915, p.6; Engel, 1996, p.275.
5
6
DRH, C, XIII, p.770.

7
8
9
Joachim, 1912, p.114.
10
11
eicu, 1996, p.25.
12
Engel, 1996, p.275.
13
Milleker, 1915, p.6; Engel, 1996, p.275.
75
al despotului srb Stefan Lazarevi, nainte

de 1414, i apoi n stpnirea lui Brankovi.
Cetatea i trgul medieval Beche se aflau pe
o insul a Tisei, aa cum reiese din mrturia
unui act din anul 144014. Ruinele cetii se
identific la Novi Beej, n vecintatea cursului rului Tisa.
came a domain of the Serbian despot Stefan

Lazarevi, before 1414, and then it came into
Brankovis possession. The medieval Beche
fortress and borough were on an island of the
Tisa, as a document from 1440 mentioned14.
Ruins of the fortress are identified at Novi
Beej, in the vicinity of the Tisa course.
CARA (c. Caraova, j. Cara-Severin,

Romnia)
Cetatea Cara se afl amplasat pe un
promontoriu calcaros deasupra Cheilor Caraului. Ruinele fortificaiei sunt situate pe
dealul Grad la altitudinea de 480 m. i la o
distan de circa 2 km. nord-est de comuna
Caraova. Cetatea ce poart numele rului
Cara a suscitat discuii n istoriografie,
purtate pn de curnd, deoarece pe cursul
rului Cara au fost dou ceti ce au purtat
alternativ acest nume. Cetatea timpurie de la
vrsarea Caraului n Dunre este amintit n
documentele diplomatice maghiare din secolul
al XIII-lea cu numele de Cara, cu toate c a
fost consemnat n alte izvoare i cu numele
de Haram. Ea a fost atestat cu acest nume i
n secolul al XIV-lea. Cetatea, amplasat pe
cursul superior al Caraului, ale crei ruine se
vd nc la Caraova, numit n istoriografia
maghiar Krassfvr, a fost ridicat la nceputul perioadei angevine. Informaiile din
documentele secolului al XIII-lea referitoare
la cetatea Caraului (Krassvr) au fost foarte
adesea n istoriografia maghiar i romn
puse pe seama cetii angevine din secolele
XIV-XV de la Caraova. Au abordat problema
cetii Caraului Pesty Frygies, Csanki D.,
Milleker, Gyrffy, Istvan Bna, Fgedi Erich
i Engel Pl15. Cel care a adus clarificri n
aceast chestiune de geografie istoric a fost
istoricul Gy. Gyrffy16. Problema cetii timpurii a fost discutat de Istvn Bna. Scrierile
CARA (Caraova commune, CaraSeverin County, Romania)

The Cara fortress is located on a limestone promontory above the Cara Chei. The
ruins of the fortification are situated on the
Grad hill at the altitude of 480 m, at a distance
of about 2 km north-east to Caraova. The
fortress bearing the name of the Cara river
determined discussions in historiography by
soon because on the Cara course there were
two fortresses that alternatively bore the same
name. The early fortress from the Cara mouth
in the Danube is mentioned in diplomatic Hungarian documents of the 13th century under
the name of Cara, even if it was registered
also with the name Haram in other sources. It
was certified with this name also in the 14th
century. The fortress, located on the superior
course of the Cara, whose ruins can be still
seen at Caraova, named Krassfvr in
Hungarian historiography, was erected at the
beginning of the Angevin period. Information
from documents of the 13th century concerning the Cara fortress (Krassvr) were very
often in the Hungarian and Romania historiography assigned to the Angevin fortress from
the 14th-15th centuries at Caraova. Pesty
Frygies, Csanki D., Milleker, Gyrffy, Istvan
Bna, Fgedi Erich and Engel Pl dealt with
the problem of the Cara fortress 15. That one
who clarified that matter of historical geography was the historian Gy. Gyrffy16. The
problem of the early fortress was discussed
14
Csnki,1894, II, p.125.

Pesty, Krass, II, 1, p.205; Csnki,1894, II, p.96;
Milleker, 1915, p.49-50; Gyrffy, 1987, III, p.487488; Fgedi, 1977, p.128 Engel, 1996, p.353.
16
Gyrffy, 1987, III, p. 487; Bna, 1994, p.380;
Bna, 1998, p.26-27.
14
15
15
Csnki,1894, II, p.125.

Pesty, Krass, II, 1, p.205; Csnki,1894, II, p.96;
Milleker, 1915, p.49-50; Gyrffy, 1987, III, p.487488; Fgedi, 1977, p.128 Engel, 1996, p.353.
16
Gyrffy, 1987, III, p. 487; Bna, 1994, p.380;
Bna, 1998, p.26-27.
76
istorice romneti ale lui Th. Trpcea, t.

Pascu, t. Matei, D. eicu au luat n discuie
fortificaia de la Caraova, uneori cu confuziile
documentare amintite mai sus, ori discutnd
punctual uneori doar structura arhitectural
a monumentului17. Discuiile de pn acum
asupra cetii Caraului s-au purtat i se duc
nc pe baza planurilor ruinelor ntocmite de
t. Matei i D. eicu. (Pl.21; Fig. 35-36)
Observaiile noastre privind aceast fortificaie, publicate cu ceva vreme n urm i pe
care le vom relua n cele ce urmeaz, au avut
la baz planul topografic realizat la CaraovaGrad. Cetatea a fost investigat arheologic
n anii 1998-2001, n urma campaniilor fiind
publicate rapoarte de spturi i un studiu de
geografie istoric18. Informaiile livrate prin
aceste rapoarte nu au fost susinute, aa cum
era firesc i obligatoriu dealtminteri, de documente grafice i foto. Metoda de cercetare cu
seciuni foarte nguste i scurte a unei fortificaii medievale este printre cele mai nefericite
opiuni. Rapoartele de spturi vorbesc de mai
multe faze de amenajare a fortificaiei, de o
incint mai veche cu un traseu parial diferit
i mai scurt fa de incinta pstrat. Nu au fost
obinute arheologic materiale care s ofere repere pentru fazele de amenajare, pentru etapa
de construcie a incintei timpurii. Cronologia
monumentului de la Caraova propus n
urma spturilor arheologice este construit
pe informaia documentelor scrise materialul
arheologic fiind irelevant n aceast privin.
Ridic semne de ntrebare, dup opinia mea,
incinta de zid mai veche, construit din piatr
legat cu lut i atribuit perioadei medievale19.
n acest stadiu al acumulrii dosarului arheologic cu privire la monumentul de la Caraova,
pentru repertoriul arheologic ridicarea topografic publicat de noi i discuia pe marginea
elementelor de arhitectur pstrate, rmne
by Istvn Bna. Historical Romanian writings

of Th. Trpcea, t. Pascu, t. Matei, D. eicu
took into discussion the fortification from
Caraova, sometime with the documentary
confusions mentioned above, or punctually
discussing just the architectural structure of
the monument17. The discussions by now on
the Cara fortress have taken place on the base
of the ruins plans drawn by t. Matei and D.
eicu. (Pl.21; ; Fig. 35-36)
Our observations concerning this fortification, published a long time ago, and which
are going to be taken over on, were based on
the topographical plan done at Caraova-Grad.
The fortress was archaeologically investigated
in 1998-2001. As a result of the campaigns,
excavation reports and a study of historical
geography were published 18. Information
provided by these reports were not sustained
as it would have been naturally and obligatory, by graphical documents and photos. The
method of investigation with very narrow
and short sections of a medieval fortification
is among the unhappiest options. Excavation
reports present several phases of construction
of the fortification, an earlier enclosure with a
traject partly different and shorter in comparison with the preserved enclosure. There were
not obtained archaeological materials which
would offer reference points for the construction stages, for the construction stage of the
early enclosure. The chronology of the monument from Caraova proposed as a result of
the archaeological excavations is built on the
from information written documents because
archaeological material was irrelevant in this
concern. In my opinion, the earlier wall enclosure built of stone tied with clay and assigned
to the medieval period has raised many questions19. In this stage of accumulation of the
archaeological documentation concerning the
monument from Caraova, for the archaeological repertory, the topographical measurements
Trpcea, 1969, p.39; Pascu, Matei, 1982, p.115;

eicu, 1998, p.211; Rusu, 2005, p.41.
18
Oa, 1999, p.22-23; Oa, 2001, p.57-59.
19
Oa, 2001, p.58.
17
Trpcea, 1969, p.39; Pascu,Matei, 1982, p.115;

eicu, 1998, p.211; Rusu, 2005, p.41.
18
Oa, 1999, p.22-23; Oa, 2001, p.57-59.
19 Oa, 2001, p.58.
17
77
singura opiune rezonabil. Elementele externe ale cetii sunt cele dou anuri tiate n
stnca calcaroas. Ele au o lrgime msurat
pe fundul anului de 5-6 m. i o adncime ce
nu depete 2 m. Constructorii medievali au
adaptat planul fortificaiei la caracteristicile
terenului. Ea avut din aceast perspectiv
forma unui poligon neregulat, ce nchidea
accesul dinspre cele trei zone vulnerabile ale
promontoriului. Un zid de incint lung de circa
32 m. mrginea extremitatea nordic, n timp
ce zona vestic, din faa anurilor de aprare,
era nchis de un zid cu traseu uor curbat,
pstrat pe o lungime de 20 m. zidurile au fost
construite din piatr de calcar necat n mult
mortar. Ele au paramentul din blocuri cioplite.
Zona calcaroas a Cheilor Caraului, unde
este amplasat cetatea, a oferit din abunden
materie prim i var pentru zid. Momentul
nlrii acestei ceti se poate nc discuta,
n stadiul actual al documentaiei tiinifice,
numai prin apelul la documentele de cancelarie i el trebuie cutat la nceputul perioadei
angevine de la debutul veacului al XIV-lea20.
Fortificaia de la Caraova are de altfel extrem
de multe similitudini, n privina modului de
construcie, cu cetile de la Jdioara, Ilidia i
a ceea de la Boca.
published by us and the discussion refering to

the preserved elements of architecture have
remained the only reasonable option. The two
ditches dug in the limestone rock are external
elements of the fortress. They are 5-6 m in
width at the bottom of the ditch and they do not
surpass 2 m in depth. Medieval constructors
adapted the plan of the fortification at the land
characteristics. From this point of view, it had
the shape of an irregular polygon that closed
the access from the three vulnerable areas of
the promontory. An enclosure wall of about 32
m in length delimited the northern extremity
while the western area in front of the defending
ditches was closed by a wall with a slightly
curved traject, preserved on a length of 20 m.
The walls were built of limestone embed in
lot of mortar. They have the wall face made of
carved stone blocks. The limestone region of
the Cara Chei, where the fortress was located,
offered abundently raw material and lime for
the wall. The moment of building this fortress
can be still discused, in the actual stage of
scientifical documentation, only through the
appeal to the chancellery documents. It has to
be searched at the beginning of the Angevin
period of the 14th century20. The fortification
from Caraova has, otherwise, very many similitudes, as concerns the way of construction,
with the fortresses from Jdioara, Ilidia and that
one from Boca.
CHERI (c. Sacou Turcesc, j. Timi,

Romnia)
Cetate pustiit din comitatul Timi.
A fost consemnat n anul 1459 sub forma
castellum Chery in comitatu Temes, castrum
Chery 21 n anul 1473, iar castelanii cetii apar
n documente ntre anii 1440-1443. Populaia
colonizat i stabilit n trgul Cheri a fost cunoscut n acte din prima jumtate a veacului
al XV-lea. Astfel, ntr-un act din 1417 apar
hospes de Cheri, n anul 1453 sunt menionai
cives de Cheri22, n aceeai perioad aezarea
CHERI (Sacou Turcesc commune,

Timi county, Romania)
The ravaged fortress from the Timi comitat was registered in 1459 under the form of
castellum Chery in comitatu Temes, castrum
Chery 21 in 1473, and the fortress lords are
mentioned in documents between 1440-1443.
The colonized population established in the
Cheri borough was known in documents
since the first half of the 15th century. Thus,
in an act from 1417 they appear as hospes de
Cheri, in 1453 they are mentioned as cives de
Cheri22. In the same time period, the settlement
eicu, 1998, p.211.

Csnki,1894, II, p.11.
22
Csnki,1894, II, p.11, 17.
20
21
eicu, 1998, p.211.

Csnki,1894, II, p.11.
22
Csnki,1894, II, p.11, 17.
20
21
78
apare nscris sub forma oppidum Chery civitas Chery , iar cetatea este nscris la 1473
sub forma castrum Chery. n preajma cetii a
fost fondat, n jurul anului 1366, o mnstire
franciscan ce a fcut parte, alturi de centrele
de la Severin, Orova, Caransebe i Cuieti,
din custodia Bulgaria23. Se remarc faptul c
toate conventurile franciscane enumerate mai
sus se aflau lng ceti importante din Banat
din veacul al XIV-lea. Conventul franciscanilor observani din cetatea Cheri, nchinat
Sfintei Fecioare Maria, avea menirea evident
de convertire a populaiei ortodoxe romneti
din zona nvecinat cetii, din districtul Cheri.
Cetatea Cheri, n absena unor informaii
documentare concludente, a fost localizat pe
cursul inferior al Timiului, ori al Pogniului.
S-a cutat o identificare a ei undeva ntre Reca i Berini24, alteori n zona Uliuc25, Icloda.
Istoricul Engel Pl n contextul discutrii
informaiilor din defterele turceti din anii
1574-1579 a propus localizarea aezrii Stari
irin la Sacoul Turcesc26. Ea se afla pe malul
unui probabil afluent al Timiului de pe cursul
inferior, deoarece un act din 14 aprilie 1443
meniona c Therecus et habundentia aquarum castellum nostrum in Chery habitum omnino destruxit27. Zona Tramici de la Sacoul
Turcesc prezint urme cu ziduri din crmid,
unde au aprut materiale arheologice i urmele
unei necropole28.
was written down under the form of oppidum

Chery civitas Chery, and the fortress was
mentioned in 1473 under the form of castrum
Chery. In the vicinity of the fortress, in 1366,
there was founded a Franciscan monastery
that belonged, beside the centres from Severin, Orova, Caransebe and Cuieti, to the
custody of Bulgaria23. It is pointed out that all
the Franciscan convents enumerated above
were situated near important fortresses from
Banat in the 14th century. The Observant
Franciscan convent from the Cheri fortress,
dedicated to the Saint Virgin Mary, had the
evident mission to convert orthodox Romanian
population from the neighbouring region from
the Cheri district.
The Cheri fortress, in absence of any
conclusive documentary information, was
located on the inferior course of the Timi or
of the Pogni. It was searched its identification somewhere between Reca and Berini24,
other time in the area of Uliuc25, Icloda. The
historian Engel Pl, in the context of discussing the information from the Turkish defters
from 1574-1579 proposed to locate the Stari
irin settlement at Sacoul Turcesc26. It was
on the bank of a probable affluent of the Timi
on the inferior course, because an act since
April 14th, 1443 mentioned that Therecus
et habundentia aquarum castellum nostrum
in Chery habitum omnino destruxit27. The
area of Tramici from Sacoul Turcesc presents
traces of brick walls where archaeological materials and traces of a necropolis were found28.
CUIETI (or. Boca, j. Cara-Severin,

Romnia)
Cetate situat pe cursul mijlociu al rului
Brzava, la Boca-Buza Turcului. Dealul de la
Buza Turcului are forma unui promontoriu ce
nainta spre valea Brzavei, flancat de dou vi
adnci de o parte i de cealalt, accesul facil
CUIETI (Boca, Cara-Severin County, Romania)

The fortress is situated on the middle
course of the Brzava, at Boca-Buza Turcului. The hill from Buza Turcului was shaped
like a promontory that advanced towards the
Brzava valley, flanked by two deep valleys
eicu, 2007, p.83.

Suciu, II, 1968, p.310.
25
Karcsony, 1924, p.25.
26
Engel, 1996 a, p.41.
27
Dl 55253.
28
Ilieiu, Timi, III, p.541 (mss).
23
24
eicu, 2007, p.83.

Suciu, II, 1968, p.310.
25
Karcsony, 1924, p.25.
26
Engel, 1996 a, p.41.
27
Dl 55253.
28
Ilieiu, Timi, III, p.541 (mss).
23
24
79
spre culmea dealului se face dinspre nord i

nord-vest. El are o altitudine de circa 250 m.29.
(Pl.25-26, Fig. 32).
Cetatea are o form poligonal neregulat cu laturi de circa 10 m lungime, dimensiunile pe axele interioare fiind de circa 29
m/32 m. Zidurile de curtin s-au conservat mai
bine doar pe latura de nord, unde pstreaz
nlimea iniial de peste 10 m. Grosimea
zidului este de 1,70 m, doar n zona din colul
nord-vestic i a celui de nord-est el ajunge i
la o grosime de pn la 3 m. Materialul de
construcie utilizat a fost piatra de calcar. O
carier de unde s-a exploatat piatra de calcar
s-a aflat pe cursul Brzavei, la Colani, situat
la circa 7 km est de cetate. Structura interioar
a zidului a fost realizat din piatr de carier, necat n mult mortar. Faada zidului, n
schimb, era mbrcat n blocuri cioplite, tiate
n forme regulate, ceea ce confer un aspect
ngrijit zidului. Unghiurile de la coluri au fost
realizate cu mult grij din blocuri de calcar
ecarisate. (Pl.26-27)
Cercetarea arheologic sumar din anul
1986 a identificat elementele din structura
interioar a fortificaiei, confirmnd informaii
venite dintr-o cronic turceasc a veacului al
XVIII-lea ct i din pe cele din desenele generalului Luigi Ferdinando Marsigli din aceeai
vreme30. Adosat curtinei nordice cetatea a avut
un turn interior cu form ptrat cu dimensiunile de 4,50/4,30 m. (Pl.29). Zidul turnului a
avut o grosime de 3,20 m. Noi am interpretat
nc n momentul cercetrilor de acum zece
ani rostul acestui turn, amplasat n faa cii de
acces, drept turn de poart. Colul nord-estic al
poligonului fortificaiei pstreaz nc scrile
din piatr ce indic acolo prezena unui alt
turn. Cronica turceasc Nusretname, vorbind
despre asediul cetii din anul 1695, menioneaz turnul de poart al fortificaiei i un alt
turn interior31. Cetatea a fost distrus atunci
by each side. The easy access towards the hill

peak is done from the north and north-west.
It has an altitude of about 250 m29 (Pl.25-26,
Fig. 32).
The fortress is shaped like an irregular
polygon with sides of about 10 m in length.
The dimensions on the interior axes are of
about 29 m/32 m. The curtain walls are better
preserved only on the northern side where they
kept the initial height of over 10 m. The wall
is 1.70 m in thickness, only in the area of the
north-western corner and of the north-eastern
corner it gets also at a thickness of about 3
m. The used material of construction was the
limestone. A quarry from where the limestone
was exploited was located on the course of the
Brzava, at Colani, situated at about 7 km
east to the fortress. The interior structure of
the wall was made of quarry stone embeded
in mortar. The wall facade was covered by
carved blocks, regularly cut, that conferred a
neat aspect to the wall. The angles at corners
were carefully made of squred off limestone
blocks (Pl.26-27).
The summary archaeological investigation from 1986 identfied elements from the
interior structure of fortification confirming
information come from a Turkish chronicleof
the 18th century, as ell as those from the
drawings of the general Luigi Ferdinando
Marsigli from the same time period30. The
interior tower of the fortress backing on to the
northen curtain was square with dimensions of
4.50/4.30 m. (Pl.29). The tower wall was 3.20
m in thickness. We have interpreted even in the
moment of investigations from ten years ago
the purpose of this tower located in front of the
access way as a gate-tower. The north-eastern
corner of the polygon of the fortification still
preserves the stone staircase that indicates the
presence of another tower in that place. The
Turkish Nusretname chronicle, relating about
the siege of the fortress in 1695, mentions the
gate-tower of the fortification and another interior tower31. The fortress was destroyed more
eicu, 1996, p.21-22.

Sebestyen, 1984, p.46.
31
29
30
eicu, 1996, p.21-22.

31
Turkish chronicles, II, 1974, p.432.
29
30
80
n anul 1695 n cea mai mare parte. Desenele

pstrate n arhiva Marsigli, realizate n aceeai
vreme, confirm aceast structur intern a
fortificaiei de la Boca-Buza Turcului. (Pl.
25). Cetatea regal Cuieti apare menionat
n anul 1331 i mai apoi n anii 1349 i 1351,
cu satele din districtul romnesc din preajma
cetii Cuieti32. Castrul regal i zona munilor
metaliferi din preajma sa au ajuns nainte de
1395 n stpnirea nobililor din familia Chaak,
pentru scurt vreme33. Aflat pe hotar cu marele domeniu al familiei Himfy de Remetea,
de pe valea Brzavei, acest fapt a generat un
permanent conflict ntre castelanii i vicecastelanii cetii Cuieti i nobilii de Remetea.
Vicecastelanul de Cuieti Demetrius Parvus
n anul 1376 i Paulus de Zurchuk, castelan
al cetii n anul 1381, s-au aflat implicai n
conflicte cu domeniul nobililor Himfy34. n
preajma cetii s-a aflat un convent al franciscanilor observani, activ n a doua jumtate
a secolului al XIV-lea n acest sector al vii
Brzavei35.
than in 1695. The drawings preserved in the

Marsigli archives, made in the same period,
confirm this interne structure of the fortification at Boca-Buza Turcului. (Pl.25). The royal
Cuieti fortress is mentioned in 1331, and later
in 1349 and 1351, with the villages of the
Romanian district round the Cuieti fortress32.
The royal Roman camp and the region of the
metalliferous mounts around it came into the
possession of the nobles of the Chaak family
before 1395 for a short time33. Situated on the
boundary with the vast domain of the Himfy of
Remetea family, in the Brzava valley, this fact
generated a permanent conflict between the
lords and vicelords of the Cuieti fortress and
the nobles of Remetea. Vicelord of Cuieti,
Demetrius Parvus, in 1376, and Paulus of
Zurchuk, owner of the fortress in 1381, were
implied in conflicts with the domain of the
Himfy nobles34. Around the fortress, there
was a convent of the observant Franciscans
which was active in the second half of the 14th
century in this sector of the Brzava valley35.
DRENCOVA (c. Berzasca, j. Cara-Severin, Romnia)

Cetatea Drencova se afla pe malul Dunrii n depresiunea Liubcova. (Pl.30). Ruinele
acestei fortificaii se pstrau nc bine n anul
1969, nainte de a fi inundat de apele Dunrii, ceea ce i-a permis lui Theodor Trpcea s
poat face unele observaii mai ndeaproape36.
Fortificaia a avut o form patrulater, cu
dimensiunile se pare de 23/21m. Zidurile au
fost ridicate din piatr de carier necat n
mortar, n timp ce parametrul era realizat din
blocuri ngrijit cioplite. Prelund cu prudena
cuvenit informaiile lui Trpcea, zidurile
aveau grosimea de 1,5 m, pstrndu-se pn
la o nlime de 15 m. Probabil c fortificaia
s fi fost ntrit cu elemente exterioare, urma
unui an de aprare fiind vizibil cu trei patru
decenii n urm. Milleker, bun cunosctor al
DRENCOVA (Berzasca commune,

Cara-Severin County, Romania)
The Drencova fortress was on the Danube bank in the Liubcova Depression (Pl.30).
the ruins of this fortification were still well
preserved in 1969, before being flooded by the
Danube waters that allowed Theodor Trpcea
to do certain observations36. The fortification
was shaped like a quadrilater with dimensions
of 23/21m. The walls were made of quarry
stone embeded in mortar while the wall face
was built of carefully carved stone blocks.
Prudently taking over Trpceas information,
the walls were 1.5 m in thickness remaining
at the same thickness to a height of 15 m.
The fortification was probably fortified with
exterior elements because the vestiges of a
defending ditch was visible three-four decades
ago. Milleker, an expert of the archaeological
32
Engel, 1996, p.352.

Ortvay, 1896, p. 250-251.
34
eicu, 1996, p.24.
35
eicu, 2007, p.84.
36
Trpcea, 1969, p.25-26.
32
33
33
Engel, 1996, p.352.

Ortvay, 1896, p. 250-251
34
eicu, 1996, p.24
35
eicu, 2007, p.84
36
Trpcea, 1969, p.25-26
81
realitilor arheologice din sudul Banatului,

scria c fortificaia de la Drencova avea o
form patrulater37. (Fig. 21-22)
Cetatea Drencova a fost o fortificaie
ridicat imediat dup 1419, n vremea regelui
Sigismund de Luxemburg38. Ea a fcut parte
din sistemul de aprare creat pentru frontul
dunrean n aceast perioad, menit s preia o parte din presiunea puterii otomane. A
fcut parte n anii 1429-1435 din sistemul
de fortificaii din Banat, aflat sub controlul
cavalerilor teutoni39. Documentele consemneaz ncepnd cu anul 1439 i pn n anul
1457 cetatea Drencova, n stpnirea familiilor
nobile romneti Cerna i Bizere. Acetia s-au
implicat permanent n repararea i ntreinerea
fortificaiilor de pe linia Dunrii.
realities south to Banat, wrote that the fortification from Drencova had a quadrilater shape37.
(Fig. 21-22)
The Drencova fortress was a fortification erected immediately after 1419, during
the king Sigismund of Luxembourgs reign38.
It belonged to the defensive system created
for the Danube front in this time period in the
purpose to take over part of the pression of the
Ottoman power. It belonged to the system of
fortifications from Banat in 1429-1435, when
this reion was controlled by the Teutons39. The
documents registered, from 1439 to 1457, the
Drencova fortress in the possession of the
noble Romanian families Cerna and Bizere.
They permanently implied in reparation and
maintenance of the fortifications along the
Danube.
DUBOVAC (Dubovac, op. Pancevo,

Serbia)
Localitatea Dubovac se afl situat pe
malul Dunrii ntre Kovin i Stara Palanka.
Castrum Dombo apare consemnat din anul
1414, atunci cnd Pipo de Ozora ndeplinea
i funcia de castelan al acestei ceti40. Fortificaia se gsete acum sub apele Dunrii,
cercetrile recente ale lui Dimitrie Madas de
la Institutul pentru Protecia Monumentelor
Istorice din Panevo nu au reuit s identifice
urmele acesteia. Custodele muzeului din Bela
Crkva, istoricul Lenard Bhm, semnala n anul
1880 unul din zidurile n ruin ale fortificaiei,
fr a oferi alte detalii planimetrice41.
DUBOVAC (Dubovac, op. Pancevo,

Serbia)
The Dubovac locality was situated on
the Danube bank between Kovin and Stara
Palanka. Castrum Dombo was registered in
1414, when Pipo of Ozora fulfilled also the
function of lord of that fortress40. The fortification is nowadays under the Danube waters.
The recent investigations of Dimitrie Madas
from the Institute for Protection of the Historical Monuments from Pancevo have not
succeeded in identifying its traces. Custodian
of the museum from Bela Crkva, the historian
Lenard Bhm, pointed out in 1880 one of the
walls in ruin of the fortification without offering other planimetrical details41.
CARANSEBE vezi SEBE

ERSOMLIO vezi Vrac
CARANSEBE see SEBE
FGET (or. Fget, j. Timi, Romnia)

Fgetul, situat pe cursul superior al Begheiului, se afl n acelai timp pe o important
ERSOMLIO see Vrac

FGET (Fget, Timi County, Romania)
Fget, situated on the superior course
of the Beghei, was in the same time on an

Engel, 1977, p.168;Engel, 1996, p.204.
39
Joachim, 1912,p.108.
40
Engel, 1996, p.204.
41
Bhm, 1880, p.64-65; Milleker, 1915, p.18.
37
38
Milleker, 1915, p.48

Engel, 1977, p.168;Engel, 1996, p.204.
39
Joachim, 1912,p.108.
40
Engel, 1996, p.204.
41
Bhm, 1880, p.64-65; Milleker, 1915, p.18.
37
38
82
arter ce leag Banatul de nord-est de Transilvania, prin valea Mureului. Cetatea de la

Fget apare consemnat trziu n documente,
n anul 159542. Un plan din arhiva Marsigli
red o incint interioar de form rectangular, desprit printr-un an cu ap de incinta
mare de form dreptunghiular43. Incinta mare
a cetii Fgetului a avut n exterior un val
de pmnt. Cercetrile din anii 1987-1988,
iniiate de Radu Popa, au confirmat planul
lui Marsigli din anul 1697. Cetatea interioar
de form rectangular a avut dimensiunile
exterioare de 26 m/29 m, fiind orientat
nord-nord-vest, sud-sud-est. Zidurile erau
din piatr de carier i piatr de ru legat cu
mult mortar44. Capacitatea de aprare a cetii
interioare era ntrit de un an de aprare
cu limi variabile, cuprinse ntre 20 i 28
m. Materialul arheologic gsit se ncadreaz
perioadei secolelor XVI-XVII45.
important arterial way that linked the northeastern Banatul by Transylvania, through the
Mure valley. The fortress from Fget was
registered late in documents in 159542. A plan
of the Marsigli archives rendered an interior
rectanglar enclosure separated through a ditch
of water by the large rectangular enclosure43.
The big enclosure of the Fget fortress had
a earthen wall exteriorly. The investigations
from 1987-1988, initiated by Radu Popa, confirmed Marsiglis plan from 1697. The inferior
rectangular fortress had exterior dimensions of
26 m/29 m, being oriented north-north-west,
south-south-east. The walls were made of
quarry stone and river stone tied with mortar44.
The capacity of defending of the interior fortress was fortified by a defending ditch with
variable widths between 20 and 28 m. The
found archaeological material is assigned to
the period of the 16th-17th centuries45.
GALAD (Novo Miloevo, op. Novi

Beej, Serbia)
Fortificaia de la Galad se afl la nord-est
de Novo Miloevo, la vest de Tisa. Un act de
la regele Matia Corvin din 1469 consemna aici
castellum cum propugnaculis, menibis, fossatis et aliis necesaris edificis46. Cercetrile
lui Milorad Giri au dezvelit, n parte, planul
unei fortificaii de form patrulater, prevzut
pe curtina sudic cu trei turnuri47.(Pl. 40). Aceleai investigaii au surprins anul de aprare
ale fortificaiei (Fig. 19-20).
GALAD (Novo Miloevo, op. Novi

Beej, Serbia)
The fortification from Galad is situated
in the north-east of Novo Miloevo, west to the
Tisa. An act issued by the king Matia Corvin
in 1469 recorded here castellum cum propugnaculis, menibis, fossatis et aliis necesaris
edificis46. Milorad Giris investigations
partly developped the plan of a rectangular
fortification endowed with three towers on
the southern curtain47.(Pl.40). The same investigations found the defending ditch of the
fortification (Fig.19-20).
HARAM (s. Stara Palanka, op. Vrac,

Serbia)
Cetatea Haram se identific la Stara
Palanka, n Banatul de sud, la confluena rurilor Nera i Cara cu Dunrea. Aici se afl
HARAM (s. Stara Palanka, op. Vrac,

Serbia)
The Haram fortress is identified at Stara
Palanka, in the southern Banat, at the confluence of the Nera and the Cara rivers with the
Suciu, I, 1967, p.225.

Sebestyen, 1984, p.48-49, fig.2.
44
Popa, Cpn, Rdulescu, Tomoni, 1991, p.32.
45
46
Milleker, 1915, p.6; Csnki, II, 1894, p.13.
47
Giri, 1996, p.146-148. Mulumirile noastre
colegului Giri pentru fotografiile puse la dispoziie
n anul 2007 despre cercetrile de la Novo Miloevo.
42
43
Suciu, I, 1967, p.225.

Sebestyen, 1984, p.48-49, fig.2.
44
45
46
Milleker, 1915, p.6; Csnki, II, 1894, p.13.
47
Giri, 1996, p.146-148. We thank to our colleague
Giri for the photos provided to us in 2007
concerning the investigations at Novo Miloevo.
42
43
83
un vechi vad de trecere al Dunrii utilizat

i aprat deopotriv din perioada roman i
pn n veacul al XVIII-lea, dup cum sugereaz ruinele fortificaiilor. (Pl.30). Ele se
afl pe insula Sapaja, din Dunre, unde a fost
cercetat un castellum din perioada roman
trzie. Fortificaia cu plan rectangular a avut
dimensiunile exterioare de 92/92m. Cercetarea
arheologic condus de Danica Dimitrievi a
stabilit c fortificaia din perioada medieval
este aproape identic cu planul fortificaiei
antice trzii. Au disprut turnurile interioare
din castellum, n schimb s-a amenajat un turn
n colul de sud-vest al fortificaiei48 (Pl.37).
Stratigrafia cu depuneri din secolele XIV-XV
confirm aceast utilizare a fortificaiei49. Documentaia arheologic publicat nu prezint
materiale arheologice din secolele X-XIII.
Descoperiri din aceast perioad sunt semnalate din alte puncte, de la Rudine bunoar,
la Stara Palanka. Cetatea Haram este atestat
n cronicile latine maghiare, o regsim la
Anonimus, dar i n cronicile bizantine din
veacul al XII-lea, cnd cetatea Chramon este
menionat cu ocazia conflictelor bizantinomaghiare din secolul al XII-lea 50. Sursele
diplomatice maghiare din secolul al XIII-lea
au consemnat cetatea de la vrsarea Caraului
n Dunre sub numele de cetatea Cara. Moii
i sate aparintoare cetii Cara, nscris sub
forma castrum Crassu, Carassu, Crassou apar
n documente din anii 1177, 1230 i 1241. Diplomele latine din secolul al XIV-lea amintesc
cetatea de la vrsarea Caraului n Dunre i
sub forma Haram51. Castelanii cetii Haram
apar menionai documentar ncepnd cu
anul 1330, cnd este documentat Szeri Posa.
Au ocupat aceast funcie Benedict Himfy n
Danube. Here there is an old passage ford of

the Danube used and defended from the Roman period till the 18th century, as the ruins
of the fortification suggest (Pl.30). They are
on the Sapaja island in the Danube where a
castellum dated to the late Roman period was
investigated. The fortification with rectangular
plan had exterior dimensions of 92 /92m. The
archaeological investigation led by Danica
Dimitrievi established that the fortification
from the medieval period is almost identical
with the plan of the late ancient fortification.
The interior towers within the castellum disappeared, but a tower was built in the southwestern corner of the fortification48 (Pl.37).
The stratigraphy with sediments from the
14th-15th centuries confirm this utilization of
the fortification49. The published archaeological documentation does not present archaeological materials from the 10th-13th centuries.
Discoveries from this time period are pointed
out in other sites, for instance from Rudine,
at Stara Palanka. The Haram fortress is certified in the Hungarian Latin chronicles. We
find it at Anonimus, but also in the Byzantine
chronicles from the 12th century, when the
Chramon fortress is mentioned by occasion of
Byzantine-Hungarian conflicts from the 12th
century50. The diplomatic Hungarian sources
from the 13th century registered the fortress
from the Cara mouth in the Danube under the
name of the Cara fortress. Estates and villages
belonging to the Cara fortress, written down
under the form of castrum Crassu, Carassu,
Crassou appear in documents from 1177, 1230
and 1241. The Latin diplomas from the 14th
century mention the fortress from the Cara
mouth into the Danube also under the form of
Haram51. The lords of the Haram fortress are
documentarily mentioned since 1330, when
Szeri Posa is documented. This function was
occupied by Benedict Himfy two times con-
Dimitrievi, 1984, p.60.

50
Bna, 1998, p.27.
51
Gyrffy, III, 1987, p.488; Iambor, 2005, p.68-69.
48
49

50
Bna, 1998, p.27.
51 Gyrffy, III, 1987, p.488; Iambor, 2005, p.68-69.
48
49
84
dou rnduri, Pipo de Ozora i Talloczi Frank

n anul 143752.
Cetatea de la vrsarea Caraului a fost
consemnat alternativ cu numele de Krassvr,
ct i cu cel vechi de Haram n documentele
secolelor al XIII-lea i al XIV-lea, ceea ce a
produs uneori confuzie n istoriografie, cu
numele cetii ridicate la nceputul secolului
al XIV-lea pe cursul superior al Caraului, n
hotarul actual al satului Caraova53.
secutively , Pipo of Ozora and Talloczi Frank

in143752.
The fortress from the Cara mouth was
mentioned alternatively with the name of
Krassvr, and with the earlier one of Haram
from the documents of the 13th century and
of the 14th century that produced sometimes
confusion in historiography with the name of
the fortress erected at the beginning of the 14th
century on the superior course of the Cara, in
the present boundary of the Caraova village53.
HODO (c.Darova, j. Timi, Romnia)

Aezarea de la Hodo se afl la 8 km.
sud-vest de Lugoj, pe hotar cu Darova i Boldur. Documentele amintesc de moia Hodo
aflat n stpnirea familiei Szeri Posa, un
castellum n anul 145654. Aezarea, ce avea
o parohie catolic n anul 1335, apare n anul
1428 sub forma oppidum Hodos, cnd este
nscris aici i fortificaia55.
HODO (Darova commune, Timi

county, Romania)
The settlement from Hodo is at 8 km
south-west to Lugoj, on the boundary with
Darova and Boldur. The documents remind
of the Hodo estate found in the possession of
the Szeri Posa family, a castellum in 145654.
The settlement, that had a Catholic parish in
1335, was mentioned in 1428 under the form
of oppidum Hodos, when the fortification was
also inscribed here55.
ILIDIA (sat Socolari, c. Sasca Romn,

j.Cara-Severin, Romnia)
Cetatea medieval Ilidia s-a aflat amplasat pe culmea dealului Cetate (656 m.) de la
nord est de satul Socolari, la circa 8 km sud-est
de curtea feudal de la Ilidia-Oblia. Dealul
de la Socolari-Cetate este un pinten calcaros
cu perei abrupi, ce trece pe alocuri de 200
m nlime vizibil aadar pe o mare suprafa
din valea Nerei i a Caraului. Culmea acestui
pinten calcaros, accesibil n panta dinspre
sud-vest, are o form oval alungit ce msoar
pe axe 180m/90m. Constructorii medievali
au nchis cu un zid de curtin singura zon
vulnerabil dinspre sud vest. Zidul de curtin
ridicat avea grosimea de 2,30m i o lungime
de 70m. Extremitile zidului erau flancate de
dou turnuri, din care cercetarea arheologic a
ILIDIA (Socolari village, Sasca Romn

commune, Cara-Severin county, Romania)
The medieval Ilidia fortress was situated
on the peak of the Cetate hill (656 m.) in the
north-east of the Socolari village, at about 8
km south-east to the feudal court from IlidiaOblia. The hill from Socolari-Cetate is a calcareous spur with abrupt slopes that surpasses
here and there 200 m in height visible on a
large surface in the Nera and the Cara valleys.
The peak of this calcareous spur accessible
in the slope from the south-west. It has an
elongated oval shape that measures 180m/90m
on the axes. Medieval constructors closed the
only vulnerable area from the south-west with
a curtain wall. The erected curtain wall was
2.30 m in thickness and 70 m in length. The
wall extremities were flanked by two towers, but only that one situated in the northern
Engel, 1996, p.324-325.

Gyrffy, III, 1987, p. 488; Bna, 1944, p.380;
Bna, 1998, p.27.
54
Csnki, II, 1894, p.13; Milleker, 1915, p.149.
55
Engel, 1996, p.327.
52
53
52 Engel, 1996, p.324-325.

53 Gyrffy, III, 1987, p. 488; Bna, 1944, p.380;
Bna, 1998, p.27.
54 Csnki, II, 1894, p.13; Milleker, 1915, p.149.
55 Engel, 1996, p.327.
85
investigat doar unul, pe cel situat pe marginea

nordic56. Turnul amplasat n interior a avut
dimensiunile de 5/3m (Pl.22; Fig. 30-31).
Zidurile au fost ridicate n tehnica opus
incertum, cu emplectoniul din piatr de calcar
i mortar, iar paramentul zidurilor a fost fcut
din piatr de carier cioplit. Se mai vd urmele unor tirani de incint pstrat (Fig.30).
Documentele de cancelarie i cercetarea arheologic sumar de la Socolari-Cetate aduc
puin lumin n privina nceputurilor cetii
medievale Ilidia. Istoricul Pl Engel a sugerat
c perioada de nceput a cetii trebuie fixat
n a doua jumtate a veacului al XIII-lea i
o lega de voievodul transilvnean Ladislau
Kn57. Voievodul Kn a fost prezent n spaiul
sudic al Banatului, la Ilidia n anul 1248, iar
fiul su a dobndit posesiuni n zon.
Documentele de cancelarie atest n anul
1312 districtul Ilidia, iar castelanii cetii sunt
cunoscui din anii 1317, 1319 i mai apoi din
132658. Structural fortificaia de la Socolari
are apropieri ce merg pn la identitate cu
fortificaiile de la Jdioara, Boca, Caraova.
margin was archaeologically investigated56.

The tower located inside had the dimensions
of 5/3m (Pl.22; Fig. 30-31).
The walls were built in the technique
opus incertum, with limestone and mortar
emplecton, and the face of the walls was made
of carved quarry stone. There still exist traces
of some tie beams of the preserved enclosure
(Fig.30). Chancellery documents and summary archaeological investigaton at SocolariCetate have brought less light as concerns
the beginning of the medieval fortress from
Ilidia. The historian Pl Engel suggested that
the beginning period of the fortress had to be
fixed in the second half of the 13th century.
He related it to the voivode Ladislau Kn of
Transylvania57. The voivode Kn was present
in the southern area of Banat, at Ilidia in 1248,
and his son gained possessions in the region.
Chancellery documents certified the
Ilidia district in 1312, and the fortress lords
were known since 1317, 1319, and then since
132658. Structurally, the fortification from Socolari has similitudes going to identity with the
fortifications from Jdioara, Boca, Caraova.
JDIOARA (c. Criciova, j. Timi,

Romnia)
Satul Jdioara este amplasat pe rama sud
vestic a munilor Poiana Rusci, la confluena
cu valea Timiului. Ea se regsete la circa 20
km. est de Lugoj, la vrsarea prului Ndrag
n Timi. Fortificaia se afl pe Dealul Cetii,
pe malul estic al Vii Ndragului, o zon cu
pante abrupte, sub forma unui promontoriu
accesibil doar pe latura sudic. (Pl.19; Fig.
23-27).
Cetatea Jdioara are un plan poligonal
neregulat, cu laturi rotunjite ce s-au adaptat
structurii terenului59. Ea msoar pe axele interioare 40m/22m. Se remarc latura de rsrit
a fortificaiei cu o form arcuit, ntlnit mai
JDIOARA (Criciova commune, Timi

county, Romania)
The Jdioara village is situated on the
south-western frame of Poiana Rusci Mounts,
at the confluence with the Timi valley. It is
located at about 20 km east to Lugoj, at the
Ndrag rivulet mouth in the Timi. The fortification is on the Cetii hill, on the eastern
bank of the Ndrag valley, an area with abrupt
slopes under the form of a promontory accessible only on the southern side (Pl.19; Fig.
23-27).
The Jdioara fortress has an irregular polygonal plan with rounded sides that adapted
to the land structure59. It measures 40m/22m
on the interior axes. It is noticed the eastern
side of the fortification with an arching shape,
eicu, 1998, p.210.

Engel, 1996, p.331-332.
58
Engel, 1996, p.332; Gyrffy, III, 1987, p. 485;
Fgedi, 1977, p.119.
59
Bejan, 1975, p.155.
56
57
eicu, 1998, p.210.

Engel, 1996, p.331-332.
58
Engel, 1996, p.332; Gyrffy, III, 1987, p. 485;
Fgedi, 1977, p.119.
59 Bejan, 1975, p.155.
56
57
86
rar la curtinele fortificaiilor bnene. Dou

turnuri cu plan ptrat erau amplasate n spaiul
sudic i vestic al zidului de incint. Turnul de
pe latura de vest era un turn interior de form
ptrat, cu latura de 5m. Zidurile turnului au
avut o grosime de 3-3,50m60. n spaiul de
sud-est al curtinei se afla un turn rectangular,
cu dimensiunile laturilor de 3,60 m/3,10m.
Zidurile acestui turn aveau o grosime de
1,50m. Materialul utilizat la construcia cetii
l constituie piatra de carier. Zidurile, cu o
grosime de 1,80m, au nucleul din piatr necat n mortar, iar pentru parament s-a utilizat
piatr cioplit.
Fortificaia de la Jdioara era o cetate
regal, construit cndva nainte de 1320,
cnd documentele l amintesc pe Szchy Dionisie castelan de Mehadia i Jdioara61. A fost
administrat n a doua jumtate a secolului al
XIV-lea de banii de Severin i de comitele de
Timi, ce ndeplineau i funcia de castelani de
Jdioara. Ea a ajuns n anul 1439 n posesiunea
familiei Hagyms din Beregsu, prin actul
de donaie al regelui Albert. Cetatea ajunge,
n urma unor schimburi din anii 1470-1478,
n stpnirea familiei Pongrcz ce se nrudea
cu familia Corvinetilor62. Engel Pl a considerat cetatea de la Jdioara centrul districtului
Lugoj63. Opinia noastr n aceast chestiune
lega cetatea de la Jdioara, un nucleu de putere
al regalitii maghiare n secolele XIV-XV, de
districtul Caran de pe valea Timiului64. Trgul
medieval Caran se identific la Cvran (azi
Constantin Daicoviciu).
more seldom found at the curtains of the fortifications from Banat. Two towers with square
plan were situated in the southern and western
area of the enclosure wall. The tower on the
western side was an interior square tower with
a side of 5 m. The tower walls were 3-3.50 m
in thickness60. In the south-eastern area of the
curtain there was a rctangular tower with the
side dimensions of 3.60 m/3.10m. The walls
of this tower were 1.50 m in thickness. The
material used at the contrucion of the fortress
was the quarry stone. The walls of 1.80 m in
thickness had the core made of stone embeded
in mortar. The carved stone was used for the
face of the wall.
The fortification from Jdioara was a
royal fortress built somewhen before 1320,
when the documents mention Szchy Dionisie
as lord of Mehadia and Jdioara61. It was run in
the second half of the 14th century by the bans
of Severin and by the comites of Timi, ho
fulfilled also the function of lords of Jdioara.
In 1439, it got into possession of the Hagyms
family from Beregsu, throuh the donation act
of the king Albert. The fortress became, as a
result of some changes in 1470-1478, a possession of the Pongrcz family that was related to
the Corvineti family62. Engel Pl considered
the fortress from Jdioara as the centre of the
district of Lugoj63. Our opinion in this matter
connected the fortress from Jdioara, a nucleus
of power of the Hungarian royalty in the 14th15th centuries with the Caran district in the
Timi valley64. The medieval Caran borough
is identified at Cvran (nowadays Constantin
Daicoviciu).
JEBEL (c.Jebel, j. Timi, Romnia)

Aezare situat pe rama estic a Cmpiei
Timiului avnd hotar cu Ciacova, Obad i
Voiteg. Ea a ajuns n stpnirea lui Nicolae
JEBEL (Jebel commune, Timi county,

Romania)
The settlement is situated on the eastern
frame of the Timi Plain in boundary with
Ciacova, Obad and Voiteg. It was possession
Bejan, 1979, p.203.

Pesty, Krass, II, 2, p.303 i urm.; Csnki, II, 1894,
p.15.
62
Engel, 1996, p.467; Drgan, 2000, p.290.
63
Engel, 1996, p.467.
64
eicu, 1998, p. 209.
60
61
60 Bejan, 1979, p.203.

61 Pesty, Krass, II, 2, p.303 and following; Csnki,
II, 1894, p.15.
62
Engel, 1996, p.467; Drgan, 2000, p.290.
63
Engel, 1996, p.467.
64
eicu, 1998, p. 209.
87
Pl.19. Jdioara. Planul fortificaiei (sec. XIV); Harta zonei cu amplasarea cetii.
Pl.19. Jdioara. Plan of fortification (14th century);
Map of the region with fortress location.
88
Pl.20. Caraova. Plan de situaie al zonei cu amplasarea ruinelor cetii Cara.

Pl.20. Caraova. Plan of situation of the region with location
of the Cara fortress ruins.
89
Pl.21. Caraova-Grad. Planul ruinelor cetii Cara (sec. XIV).

Pl.21. Caraova-Grad. Plan of the Cara fortress ruins (14th century).
90
Pl.22. Socolari-Cetate. Planul cetii Ilidia (sec. XIV).

Harta zonei cu amplasamentul cetii Ilidia.
Pl.22. Socolari-Cetate. Plan of the Ilidia fortress (14th century).
Map of region with location of the Ilidia fortress.
91
B
Pl.23. Planul cetii i oraului Caransebe (prima jumtate a secolului XVII).
B. Reconstituirea amplasamentului fortificaiilor medievale de la Timioara.
Pl.23. Plan of the Caransebe fortress and town (first half of the 17th century).
B. Reconstitution of location of medieval fortifications from Timioara.
92
Pl.24. Vrac-Cul. Planul cetii medievale Ersomli;

Propunere de reconstituire a cetii medievale Ersomlio (sec. XIV-XV).
Pl.24. Vrac-Cul. Plan of the medieval Ersomli fortress; Proposal of reconstitution of
the medieval Ersomlio fortress (14th-15th centuries).
93
Pl.25. Boca. Buza turcului. Planul cetii medievale Cuieti (sec. XIV).
Pl.25. Boca. Buza turcului. Plan of the medieval Cuieti fortress (14th century).
94
Pl.26. Cetatea Cuieti. Vedere cu anul de aprare i zidul de curtin.

Pl.26. Cuieti fortress. View of the defending ditch and of the curtain wall.
95
Pl.27. Cetatea Cuieti. anul de aprare i curtina nordic.

Pl.27. Cuieti fortress. Defending ditch and northern curtain.
96
Pl.28. Cetatea Cuieti. Ruina donjonului.

Pl.28. Cuieti fortress. Ruin of donjon.
97
Pl.29. Cetatea Cuieti. Turnul de poart.

Pl.29. Cuieti fortress. Gate-tower.
98
Pl.30. Drencova. Harta zonei cu amplasarea fortificaiei.

Pl.30. Drencova. Map of region with location of fortification.
99
Treutul, care avea aici n anul 1402 un castellum65. Fortificaiile din lemn deinute de
Nicolae Treutul n anul 1402 la Ohad, Jobag
i Jebel trebuiau distruse i pmntul nivelat.
Lemnul de la castelul din Jebel trebuia transportat n cetatea de la Timioara pentru construcia unor case, conform aceluiai act din
1402, invocat mai sus66. Se pare c fortificaia
a rmas intact pentru c la Jebel, n anul 1425
este consemnat un castello fortissimum de
ligno factum67. Tradiia local, neverificat de
cercetri arheologice, consemnat de Nicolae
Secar, fixa urma unor ruine n locul numit
Comoar din hotarul satului.
of Nicolae Treutul, who had a castellum here

in 140265. The wooden fortifications possessed
by Nicolae Treutul in 1402 at Ohad, Jobag
and Jebel had to be destroyed and the land
was levelled. The wood from the castle from
Jebel had to be transported in the fortress from
Timioara for building houses according to
the same act since 1402, invoked above66. It
seems that the fortification remained intact
because at Jebel, in 1425 it was recorded a
castello fortissimum de ligno factum67. Local
tradition, that was not checked by archaeological investigation, recorded by Nicolae Secar,
set the trace of some ruins in the place named
Comoar in the village boundary.
JOBAG (j. Timi, Romnia)

Aezare disprut ce a fcut parte din
arhidiaconatul catolic de Timi n anii 1333133568. Ea a ajuns alturi de alte moii din
aceast zon a cmpiei joase a Timiului,
naintea anului 1400, n stpnirea lui Nicolae
Treutul. Actul din 1402 emis de voievodul
Transilvaniei Nicolae Chaak l obliga pe acesta
s demoleze castelele din lemn din Jobagy,
Ohat i Jebel69. Castelul din Jobagy era ridicat
chiar n preajma bisericii. Aezarea disprut
a fost localizat lng Tolvadia, alteori n
apropiere de Obad sau chiar identificat cu
Obadul70.
JOBAG (Timi county, Romania)

The disappeared settlement belonged to
the Catholic archdeaconate of Timi in 1333133568. It got beside other estates from this
region of the low plain of the Timi, before
1400, in the possession of Nicolae Treutul.
The act since 1402 issued by the voivodeof
Transylvania, Nicolae Chaak, obliged him to
demolish the wooden castles from Jobagy,
Ohat and Jebel69. The castle from Jobagy was
built even round the church. The disappeared
settlement was located near Tolvadia, some
other times close to Obad or it was even identified to Obad70.
KOVIN (op. Panevo, Serbia)

Cetate de la Dunrea de Jos apusean, la
un vechi vad de trecere al Dunrii, pe malul
sudic al fluviului aflndu-se gura de vrsare
a rului Morava. Fortificaia medieval suprapune, n parte, o fortificaie din perioada
roman trzie, din secolul al IV-lea, care a
supravieuit migraiilor. Cetatea din vremea
ducelui Glad este pomenit n cronica latin
a lui Anonimus. Alturi de alte posesiuni, n
KOVIN (op. Panevo, Serbia)

The fortress from the western Low
Danube, at an old passage ford of the Danube,
on the southern bank of the river being the
Morava mouth. The medieval fortification
superposes, partly, a fortification from the
late Roman period, from the 4th century, that
would outlasted to migrations. The fortres
from the time of the duke Glad is mentioned
in Anonimus Latin chronicle. Beside other
Csnki, II, 1894, p.64; Milleker, 1915, p.151.

Ortvay, 1896, p.317-318.
67
Engel, 1996, p.430.
68
eicu, 2007, p.179.
69
Ortvay, 1896, p.317-318.
70
Csnki, II, 1894, p.43; Milleker, 1915, p.149;
Engel, 1996, p.334.
65
66
Csnki, II, 1894, p.64; Milleker, 1915, p.151

Ortvay, 1896, p.317-318.
67
Engel, 1996, p.430.
68 eicu, 2007, p.179.
69 Ortvay, 1896, p.317-318.
70 Csnki, II, 1894, p.43; Milleker, 1915, p.149;
Engel, 1996, p.334.
65
66
100
anul 1885 cetatea Keve a fcut parte din dota

primit de Margareta, fiica regelui Bela al
III-lea, la cstoria cu mpratul bizantin Isac
II Angelos. Actul papal din 1223 reconfirm
aceast situaie de la sfritul secolului al
XII-lea71. Castelanii cetii sunt cunoscui
documentar ncepnd din anul 1362, mai apoi
la 1382 i 1388-1390, fiind atestai castelani
n cursul veacului al XIV-lea. Cetatea a ajuns
un domeniu al despoilor srbi, prin donaie,
cndva nainte de 1458, cnd a fost predat
fr lupt turcilor72. n preajma cetii de la
Kovin a luat fiin, n jurul anului 1368, un
convent franciscan73. Mnstirea ortodox de
la Kovin cunoscut dintr-un act din 1579, se
pare c a fost zidit dup 1458, cnd cetatea a
ajuns un domeniu al despoilor srbi74.
Fortificaiile succesive din epoca roman trzie i de la nceputurile evului mediu au fost amplasate pe un promontoriu de
form rectangular ce nainteaz spre fluviu,
cu dimensiunile de 150/130m. Acoperit de
construcii moderne, de un hotel i parcri, el
a fost cercetat parial n anii 1968 i 198675.
Colegul Dimitrie Madas a fcut cercetri de
mic amploare n anii din urm pe terasa de la
Kovin-Grad. Materialul arheologic i numismatic descoperit aparine perioadei secolelor
XI-XIII i secolelor XIV-XVI. Planul fortificaiilor se cunoate dup desenele realizate
de Marsigli. (Pl.38). Cercetarea arheologic
modern n-a oferit pn n stadiul actual o
documentaie pe msura importanei aezrii
i fortificaiei de la nceputurile evului mediu
de la Kovin-Grad.
possessions, in 1885, the Keve fortress was

part of Margarets dowry, who was daughter
of the king Bela III, at her marriage with the
Byzantine emperor Isac II Angelos. The papal
act since 1223 reconfirm this situation at the
end of the 12th century71. The fortress lords
are documentarily known since 1362, then
in 1382 and 1388-1390. They were certified
as lords during the 14th century. The fortress
became a domain of the Serbia despots y
donation somewhen before 1458, when it
was surrendered fightlessly to the Turkish72.
A Franciscan convent was founded around
the fortress from Kovin about in 136873. The
Orthodox monastery from Kovin known from
an act dated to 1579, seems to have been built
after 1458, when the fortress became a domain
of the Serbian despots74.
The successive fortifications from the
late Roman period and from the beginning of
the Middle Ages had been located on a rectangular promontory with dimensions of 150/130
m that advanced towards the river. Covered by
modern constructions, by a hotel and parking
places, it was partially investigated in 1968
and 198675. Our colleague Dimitrie Madas led
less ample investigations on the terrace from
Kovin-Grad in the recent years. The archaeological and numismatical material discovered
here belonged to the 11th-13th centuries and
to the 14th-16th centuries. The pla of fortifications is known due to Marsiglis drawings
(Pl.38). modern archaeological investigation
has not offered by now a documetation conforming to the importance of the settlement
anf of the fortification from thebeginningof
the Middle Ages at Kovin-Grad.
LIBORAJDEA
Aezarea Liborajdea este situat la gura
vii cu acelai nume din Clisura Dunrii, la est
LIBORAJDEA
The Liborajdea settlement is situated at
the mouth of the valley with the same name
DIR, C, sec. XI-XII-XIII, p.197.

Engel, 1996, p.340-341.
73
Karcsony, II, 1924, p.109; Gyrffy, III, 1987,
p.318.
74
Engel, 1996 a, p.80; eicu, 2007, p.102.
75
Brukner, Medovi, 1968, p.184-188; Bna, 1998,
p.28; Koszta, 1994, p.347; Iambor, 2005, p.68.
71
72
71 DIR, C, sec. XI-XII-XIII, p.197.

72 Engel, 1996, p.340-341.
73 Karcsony, II, 1924, p.109; Gyrffy, III, 1987,
p.318.
74
Engel, 1996 a, p.80; eicu, 2007, p.102.
75
Brukner, Medovi, 1968, p.184-188; Bna, 1998,
p.28; Koszta, 1994, p.347; Iambor, 2005, p.68.
101
de Coronini i la vest de Liubcova. Cetatea

apare nscris ntr-un document din 1437 ce
niruie cetile de la Dunrea de Jos apusean,
ea fiind amintit alturi de cetatea Drencova,
Pech i Sfntul Ladislau76. A fcut parte din
structura de aprare cedat ntre anii 1429
-1435 cavalerilor teutoni de regele Sigismund
de Luxemburg77. Documentele otomane din
anii 1554-1579 au identificat doar satul Liborajdea78. Urmele cetii nu au fost identificate
n zona de confluen cu Dunrea.
from the Danube Clisura, east to Coronini and

west to Liubcova. The fortress is mentoned
ina document from 1437 that enumerated the
fortresses from the western Low Danube. It
was mentioned beside Drencova, Pech and
Saint Ladislau fortresses76. It was part of the
defending structure given up to the Teutons
between 1429 -1435 byb the king Sigismund
of Luxembourg77. theOttoman documents
from 1554-1579 identified only the Liborajdea village78. Ruins of the fortress have not
been identified in the confluence area with
the Danube.
LIPOVA
Fortificaie aezat pe cursul Mureului
care controla o cale important i veche de acces spre Transilvania. Ruinele acesteia distruse
n epoca modern, sunt cunoscute astzi n parte, numai din planurile trzii de la finele veacului al XVIII-lea79. Cercetarea istoric modern
n-a reuit identificarea incintei medievale a
cetii, ori a altor elemente ale fortificaiei80.
Un plan din 1697 din arhiva Marsigli ofer
indicii despre structura fortificaiei. Nucleul
vechi al cetii, anterior secolului al XVI-lea,
avea o form rectangular81.
Cetatea regal se pare c a fost ridicat
n veacul al XIV-lea. Documentele din veacul
al XV-lea, ncepnd din 1456, au consemnat
castelanii cetii82. n jurul acestei fortificaii
s-au creat complicaii patrimoniale ntre urmaii familiei Hunedoretilor i cei ai familiei
Bnffy pe tot parcursul veacului al XV-lea.
LIPOVA
The fortification settled on the Mure
course controlled an important old approach
way to Transylvania. Its ruins destroyed in the
modern epoch, are known partly nowadays
only from the late plans fro the end of the
18th century79. Modern historical research
has not succeeded in identifying the medieal
enclosure of the fortress or other elements of
the fortification80. A plan dated to 1697 from
the Marsigli archives provides clues about
the fortification sructure. The ancient core of
the fortress previous to the 16th century was
rectangular81.
The royal fortress seems to have been
built in the 14h century. Documents from the
15th century, since 1456, recorded the fortress lords82. Around this fortification, there
appeared patrimonial complications between
the successors of the Hunedoreti family and
those of the Bnffy family along the whole
15th century.
LUGOJ
Fortificaia medieval de la Lugoj,
cunoscut prin foarte puine informaii documentare medievale i mai puin prin cele
LUGOJ
The medieval fortification from Lugoj,
known from few documenary medieval information and less from the archaeological infor-
Dl 13137; Arch. Kz, XII, p.137.

Joachim, 1912, p.108.
78
Engel, 1996 a, p.85.
79
Rusu, Hurezan, 1999, p.59.
80
81
82
Engel, 1996, p.361.
76
77
Dl 13137; Arch. Kz, XII, p.137.

Joachim, 1912, p.108.
78
Engel, 1996 a, p.85.
79
80
81
82
Engel, 1996, p.361.
76
77
102
arheologice a suscitat poziii contradictorii n

istoriografie83. Castelanul acestei ceti a fost
consemnat doar ntr-o diplom din anul 138684.
Atestrile din 1390 comitatus Lugas i cele din
1391 i 1418, ce au menionat provincia Lugas
i districtus Lugas, vin s confirme existena
unei ceti n jurul creia s-a organizat un
district, care a suprapus o form mai veche
de organizare romneasc. O nsemnare din
secolul al XVII-lea a cltorului turc Evlia
Celebi descrie cetatea interioar a Lugojului
sub forma unei amenajri solide din piatr
cu o singur poart85. Un plan al Lugojului
din arhiva Marsigli red nucleul vechii ceti
sub o form rectangular, amplasat pe malul
Timiului86. Cercetrile arheologice recente
de mic amploare n-au putut s identifice
structurile medievale ale oraului.
mation provoked contradictory positions in

historiography83. The lord of this fortress was
recorded only in a diploma dated to 138684.
The attestations from 1390 comitatus Lugas
and those from 1391 and 1418, that mentioned
provincia Lugas and districtus Lugas, confirm
the existence of a fortress around which a district was organized that superposed an older
form of Romanian organization. A note from
the 17th century of the Turkish traveller Evlia
Celebi described the interior fortress of Lugoj
as a solid stone construction with one gate85.
Aplan of Lugoj from the Marsigli archives
renders the core of the old fortress under a
rectangular shape located on the Timi bank86.
Recent less ample archaeological investigations could not identify the medieval structures
of the town.
MACEDONIA (Ciacova, j. Timi,

Romnia)
Aezare din Cmpia Timiului, situat
pe hotar cu Ciacova, Gad, Petroman i Obad,
care avea n anii 1333-1335 o parohie, ce fcea
parte din arhidiaconatul de Timi87. Familia
nobiliar de Macedonia apare n acte de cancelarie n anul 1363, fiind mereu consemnat
timp de un secol i jumtate88. n jurul anului
1400 aici era ridicat o fortificaie din lemn.
Nicolae, fiul lui Donch de Macedonia cere surorii sale Ecaterina, soia lui tefan de Remetea n jurul anului 1410, lemn pentru repararea
castelului din Macedonia (pro reformatione
castelli seu fortalicijii)89.
MACEDONIA (Ciacova, Timi county,

Romania)
The settlement in the Timi Plain was
situated on the boundary with Ciacova, Gad,
Petroman and Obad. It had a parish, part of the
archdeaconate of Timi in 1333-133587. The
noble family of Macedonia is recorded in the
chancellery acts in 1363, being permanently
registered for a century and a half88. About
in 1400, there was a wooden fortification in
that place. Nicolae, Donch of Macedonias
son, required to his sister Ecaterina, tefan
of Remeteas wife, in 1410, wood to repair
the castle from Macedonia (pro reformatione
castelli seu fortalicijii)89.
MEHADIA (c. Mehadia, j. Cara-Severin, Romnia)

Fortificaia de la Mehadia s-a dezvoltat
n secolele XIV-XV n jurul nucleului iniial,
MEHADIA (Mehadia commune, CaraSeverin county, Romania)

The fortification from Mehadia developped in the 14th-15th centuries around the
initial nucleus constituted by the donjon on the
Rusu, 2005, p. 552-553; Sebestyen, 1984, p.44-45;

Engel, 1996, p.363.
84
Csnki, II, 1894, p.13.
85
Cltori strini, VI, 1976, p.534.
86
87
eicu, 2007, p.188.
88
Engel, 1996, p.363.
89
Ortvay, 1896, p.301.
83
Rusu, 2005, p. 552-553; Sebestyen, 1984, p.44-45;

Engel, 1996, p.363.
84
Csnki, II, 1894, p.13.
85
Foreign travellers, VI, 1976, p.534.
86
87
eicu, 2007, p.188.
88
Engel, 1996, p.363.
89
Ortvay, 1896, p.301.
83
103
constituit de donjonul de pe dealul Grad.

Promontoriul ngust i alungit a fost nchis cu
ziduri groase de 1,50 m., prevzute cu turnuri
de aprare. Latura de vest era aprat de un
turn rectangular, de mici dimensiuni, i pe
latura de vest a fost amplasat un turn similar
dezvoltat n interior (Pl.10). Un turn cilindric,
adosat curtinei estice, domina vrful promontoriului. Turnul cilindric avea diametrul de
2,20 m i grosimea zidurilor de 2,10 m. Turnul
de poart, cu plan rectangular, a fost amplasat
n spatele anului de aprare, ce demarca spre
nord promontoriul dinspre Grad. Ridicarea
acestor curtine s-a fcut, dup opinia lui tefan
Matei, ntr-o singur etap, foarte probabil n
deceniile patru-cinci ale secolului al XV-lea.
Cetatea de la Mehadia a avut un rol esenial, alturi de cetile de la Dunre, n cursul
veacului al XV-lea n frontul antiotoman creat
pe linia fluviului n vremea regelui Sigismund
de Luxemburg. Era situat pe o arter vital
de comunicaii spre centru Banatului i spre
Transilvania. A ajuns n stpnirea cavalerilor
teutoni ntre anii 1429-1435 i avea la momentul respectiv capacitatea de aprare bine evaluat90. Cetatea Mehadia s-a aflat n anul 1439
n stpnirea lui Iancu de Hunedoara, implicat
n organizarea defensivei de pe Dunre91.
Grad hill. The narrow elongated promontory

was closed with walls of 1.50 m in thickness
endowed with defending towers. The western
side was defended by a rectangular tower of reduced dimensions. A similar tower developped
inside was placed on the western side (Pl.10).
A cylindrical tower, backing on to the eastern
curtain, dominated the promontory peak. The
cylindrical tower was 2.20 m in diameter. The
walls were 2.10 m in thickness. The gate-tower
with rectangular plan was placed behind the
defending ditch delimiting the promontory
from Grad towards the north. Those curtains
were built, in tefan Mateis opinion, in one
stage, very probably in the 4th-5th decades of
the 15th century.
The fortress from Mehadia played an
important role, beside the fortresses along the
Danube, dring the 15th century in the antiOttoman front created along the river during
the king Sigismund de Luxembourgs reign.
It was situated on vital artery of communications towards the centre of Banat and towards
Transylvania. It entered the possession of the
Teutons between 1429-1435. At that moment,
it had a well estimated defending capacity90.
The Mehadia fortress was in possession of
Iancu of Hunedoara in 1439, implied in organizing the defensive along the Danube91.
OBAD (c. Ciacova, j. Timi, Romnia)

Aezare cu o parohie catolic n anii
1333-1335, situat ntre Jebel i Ciacova. A
ajuns n stpnirea lui Nicolae Trentul nainte de 1400, care a ridicat aici un castel din
lemn92. El era obligat n anul 1402, conform
unei scrisori a voievodului Transilvaniei Nicolae Chaak, s demoleze castelele din Jobag,
Obad i Jebel93.
OBAD (Ciacova commune, Timi

county, Romania)
The settlement had a Catholi parish in
1333-1335. it was situated between Jebel
and Ciacova. It became possession of Nicolae Trentul before 1400, who erected here a
wooden castle92. In 1402, according to a letter from the voivode of Transylvania Nicolae
Chaak, he was obliged to demolish the castles
from Jobag, Obad i Jebel93.
OROVA (or. Orova, j. Mehedini,

Romnia)
Cetate regal atribuit epocii arpadiene.
OROVA (Orova, Mehedini county,

Romania)
The royal fortress was assigned to the
Joachim, 1912, p.109, 114, 115.

Engel, 1996, p.367.
92
Csnki, II, 1894, p.54.
93
Engel, 1996, p.380.
90
91
Joachim, 1912, p.109, 114, 115.

Engel, 1996, p.367.
92
Csnki, II, 1894, p.54.
93
Engel, 1996, p.380.
90
91
104
Informaiile din documente amintesc n anul

1349 Orova n contextul unui privilegiu
comercial eliberat negustorilor genovezi.
Fortificaia a fost reparat n anul 1372 sub
conducerea lui Benedict Himfy, fostul ban al
Bulgariei94. Aezat la confluena Cernei cu
Dunrea ea a jucat un rol important n veacul
al XV-lea n strategia rzboiului defensiv de
pe Dunre, purtat de regele Sigismund de Luxemburg i Iancu de Hunedoara. S-a remarcat
n anii 1429-1435 ntre fortificaiile dunrene
cedate cavalerilor teutoni. Cetatea a suportat
reparaii i lucrri de ntreinere n anii 14391440 alturi de fortificaiile dunrene de la
Severin i Mehadia, reparaii susinute financiar de Iancu de Hunedoara i de ali nobili95.
Ea este nscris dealtminteri n anul 1457 ntre
stpnirile familiei hunedoretilor. Fortificaia
medieval nu a fost identificat i cercetat pe
teren. Petru Iambor, fcnd recurs la planurile
lui L. F. Marsigli i Fr. J. Rutendor, sugera
c aceast cetate medieval s-a ridicat peste
ruinele castrului roman din secolul al IV-lea,
suferind adugiri i refaceri pn n secolul
al XVIII-lea96. Cltorul turc Evlia Celebi
descria fortificaia de la Orova cu plan ptrat,
avnd turnuri i ziduri din piatr. Refolosirea
cetii romane trzii de tip quadriburgium
de la Orova, alturi de alte fortificaii de pe
culoarul dunrean, precum cele de la Covin i
Haram, a fost susinut cu argumente arheologice i topografice i de Istvn Bna97.
Arpadian epoch. The information from documents mention, in 1349, Orova in the context
of a commercial privilege issued to the Genoese traders. The fortification was repaired in
1372 under the rule of Benedict Himfy, ex-ban
of Bulgaria94. Settled at the confluence of the
Cerna with the Danube, it played an important
role in the 15th century in the strategy of the
defensive war between the king Sigismund of
Luxembourg and Iancu of Hunedoara along
the Danube. In 1429-1435, it was pointed out
among the Danube fortifications given up to
the Teutons. The fortress suffered repairings
and maintenance workings in 1439-1440
beside the fortifications on the Danube from
Severin and Mehadia. The repairings were
financially supported by Iancu of Hunedoara
and by other nobles95. Otherwise, in 1457, it
was part of the possessions of the Hunedoreti
family. The medieval fortification has not been
identified and investigated yet. Petru Iambor,
appealing to L. F. Marsiglis and Fr. J. Rutendors plans, suggested that the medieval
fortress was built over the ruins of the Roman
camp of the 4th century suffering modifications and being rebuilt till the 18th century96.
The Turkish traveller Evlia Celebi depicted the
fortification from Orova with a square plan
and with stone towers and walls. Reusing the
late Roman fortress of quadriburgium type
from Orova, beside other fortifications along
the Danube corridor, as for example those
from Covin and Haram, was sustained with
archaeological and topographical arguments
also by Istvn Bna97.
PETH
Informaiile documentelor scrise au lsat
deschis discuia n legtur cu aceast cetate
de la Dunre. Dou documente invocate, o
list a fortificaiilor inventariate n 1430 de
cavalerii teutoni i un act din 1438, amintesc
n spaiul Dunrii de Jos apusene dou fortifi-
PETH
Information from the written documents
have not closed the discussion concerning this
fortress on the Danube. Two invoked documents, a list of the fortifications catalogued
in 1430 by the Teutons and an act dated to
1438, mention two fortifications with identical names in the area of the western Low
Suciu, II, 1968, p.20; Engel, 1996, p.383.

Pesty, Szreny, III, p.40, 42.
96
Iambor, 2005, p.64.
97
Bna, 1998, p.25.
94
95
Suciu, II, 1968, p.20; Engel, 1996, p.383.

Pesty, Szreny, III, p.40, 42.
96
Iambor, 2005, p.64.
97
Bna, 1998, p.25.
94
95
105
caii cu nume identice98. Inventarul teutonilor

amintete o fortificaie Peczsch ntre cetile
Orova i Svinia i o alt cetate Peczsch, fapt
menionat chiar n acest fel, undeva n apropiere cetii Sfntul Ladislau de la Coronini99.
Engel Pl accept mrturia acestor izvoare i
plaseaz n reconstituirea propus dou fortificaii cu acest nume la Dunrea de Jos apusean, una aparinnd Banatului de Severin,
cealalt aparintoare de comitatul Cara100.
Geografia istoric a lui Csanki, invocnd un
document din 1528, menioneaz ntre cetile de la Dunre, Orova, Sfntul Ladislau i
Liborajdea, dou ceti Pedt101. S-a propus o
localizare a cetii n apropiere de Coronini,
undeva ntre Sfnta Elena i Moldova Veche.
Cealalt localizare a cetii Peth a fost fixat
la Dubova. Harta lui Lazarus Secretarius din
anul 1528 confirm informaiile din cele dou
documente invocate mai sus din anii 14301438. Sunt redate pe aceast hart n culoarul
dunrean dou ceti cu nume identic. Cetatea
Pedt a fost amplasat ntre cea de la Sfntul
Ladislau i Liborajdea iar cealalt cetate nscris sub forma Petie se afl ntre Liborajdea
i Severin. Informaiile cartografice i cele din
izvoare diplomatice din secolul al XV susin
n egal msur existena a celor dou ceti
peth pe culoarul dunrean
Cercetrile arheologice n aceast zon
din anii 1970-1971, conduse de D. V. Rosetti,
n-au adus clarificrile ateptate ale relaiei
dintre ruinele semnalate pe dealul ucaru Mare
i fortificaia de pe malul Dunrii, acum sub
ape, de la Petera Piskabara102.
Danube98. The Teutons inventory mentions a

fortification Peczsch between the Orova and
Svinia fortresses and another Peczsch fortress
in the vicinity of the Saint Ladislau fortress at
Coronini99. In the proposed reconstitution, Engel Pl accepted the testimony of these sources
and placed two fortifications with this name
at the western Low Danube, one belonging to
Banat of Severin, the other one belonging to
the Cara comitat100. Csankis historical geography, invoking a document from 1528, mentioned two Pedt fortresses amog the fortresses
along the Danube, Orova, Saint Ladislau and
Liborajdea101. It was proposed a locating of the
fortress in the vicinity of Coronini, somewhere
between Sfnta Elena and Moldova Veche.
The other location of the Peth fortress was established at Dubova. Lazarus Secretarius map
from 1528 confirm the information from the
two documents invoked above dated to 14301438. Two fortresses with identical name are
rendered on that map in the Danube corridor.
The Pedt fortress was settled between that one
from Sfntul Ladislau and Liborajdea, and the
other fortress written down under the form of
Petie was between Liborajdea and Severin.
The information from maps and those from
the diplomatic sorces from the 15th century
uphold, in an equal measure, th existence of
the two Pedt fortresses in the Danube corridor.
Archaeological investigations in this region done in 1970-1971, led by D. V. Rosetti,
did not bring the expected clarifications of the
relation betwee theruins pointed out on the
ucaru Mare hill and the ortification on the
Danube bank, nowadays under waters, from
the Piskabara cave102.
POJEJENA (c. Pojejena, j. Cara-Severin, Romnia)

Satul Pojejena este situat n extremitatea
vestic a zonei depresionare Moldova Veche
POJEJENA (Pojejena commune, CaraSeverin county, Romania)

The Pojejena village is situated in the
western extremity of the Moldova Veche
Joachim, 1912, p.108-109; Dl 13137.

Joachim, 1912, p.109.
100
Engel, 1996, p.391.
101
Csnki, II, 1894, p.96.
102
Rosetti, 1978, p.146-153; Rusu, 2005, p.564;
98
99
Joachim, 1912, p.108-109; Dl 13137.

Joachim, 1912, p.109.
100
Engel, 1996, p.391.
101
Csnki, II, 1894, p.96.
102
Rosetti, 1978, p.146-153; Rusu, 2005, p.564;
98
99
106
de la Dunre. (Pl.31). Cetatea de frontier de

pe linia Dunrii a fost ridicat n vremea lui
Sigismund de Luxemburg, dup 1419. S-a aflat
ntre anii 1429-1435 ntre cetile cedate de
Sigismund de Luxemburg cavalerilor teutoni
pentru a apra frontul dunrean mpotriva Imperiului Otoman103. Ruinele fortificaiei, acum
acoperite complet de apele Dunrii, s-au aflat
n locul numit Zidina. Ele erau grav deteriorate
de apele fluviului nc n anul 1880, cnd au
fost cercetate de L. Bhm, care a lsat o descriere sumar i un desen104. (Pl.32/B). Cetatea a
avut o form rectangular, asemntoare celei
de la Drencova. Se pstra la momentul 1880
doar unul din zidurile fortificaiei, lung de 16m
i nalt de 8m.
depressionary region at the Danube (Pl.31).

The frontier fortress on the Danube line was
erected during Sigismund of Luxembourgs
rule, after 1419. It was among the fortresses
given up by Sigismund of Luxembourg to the
Teutons between 1429-1435 to defend the
Danube front against the Ottoman Empire103.
The ruins of the fortification, completely
covered by the Danube nowadays, were in he
place named Zidina. They were badly deteriorated by the river waters even since 1880,
when they were investigated by L. Bhm, who
made a summary description and a drawing104.
(Pl.32/B). The fortress was rectangular similar
to that one from Drencova. In 1880, only one
of the fortification walls was maintained. It
was 16 m in length and 8 m in height.
RECA (or. Reca, j. Timi, Romnia)

Recaul este situat la confluena Cmpiei
Timiului cu prelungirile sud vestice ale dealurilor Lipovei. Aezarea a ajuns trg n anul
1470105. Nobilii romni Nicolae i Vasile de
Cerna mpreun cu Musina i Sandor de Densu i Nicolae Bizere, pentru implicarea lor
precuniar n repararea i ntreinerea cetilor
de la Dunre, au primit n anul 1443 moia
Reca106. Castelul din Reca a fost consemnat
documentar n anul 1476 i 1479107.
RECA (Reca, Timi county, Romania)

Reca is situated at the confluence of
the Timi Plain with the south-western prolongations of the Lipova hills. The setlement
became a borough in 1470105. The Romanian
nobles Nicolae and Vasile of Cerna together
with Musina and Sandor of Densu and Nicolae Bizere, for their financial implication in
repairing and maintaining of the fortresses
on the Danube, received the Reca estate in
1443106. The castle from Reca was documentarily recorded in 1476 and 1479107.
SARAD ( jud. Timi, Romnia )

Aezarea Sarad este cunoscut documentar din anul 1330 108. Ea a ajuns un trg
din comitatul Timi, aprnd n documente
aceast form administrativ n anul 1479.
Castellum Sarad i satele aparintoare apar
menionate n actul din 17 aprilie 1479 emis
de cancelaria regal a lui Matia Corvin109.
SARAD (Timi county, Romania )

The Sarad settlement is documentarily
known since 1330108. It became a borough
from the Timi comitat. This administrative
form apeared in documents in 1479. Castellum Sarad and the belonging villages appear
mentioned in the act dated to April 17th 1479
issued by the royal chancellery of Matia Corvin109.
Csnki, II, 1894, p.97; Engel, 1977, p.143; Engel,

1996, p.393.
104
Bhm, 1880, p.64.
105
Suciu, 1968, II, p.73.
106
107
Millleker, 1915, p.150.
108
Suciu, II, 1968, p.399.
109
Pesty, Krass, III, p.449, 458.
103
Csnki, II, 1894, p.97; Engel, 1977, p.143; Engel,

1996, p.393.
104
Bhm, 1880, p.64.
105
Suciu, 1968, II, p.73.
106
107
Millleker, 1915, p.150.
108
Suciu, II, 1968, p.399.
109
Pesty, Krass, III, p.449, 458.
103
107
SNGEORGE (Gtaia, jud. Timi,

Romnia)
Aezare situat pe cursul inferior al
Brzavei, n Cmpia Timiului. A fcut parte
din stpnirile familiei Jnki de Ndlag care
au ridicat aici un castel anterior anului 1427.
Castelul i locul de vam peste Brzava ajung
n stpnirea familiei Nagymihlyi. Iancu de
Hunedoara a demolat castelul n anul 1445,
care a fost cumprat n prealabil de la familia
Nagymihlyi110. F. Milleker a propus localizarea castelului pe malul Brzavei, undeva
la est de satul Sngeorge, unde se mai vede
traseul unui an circular 111.
SNGEORGE (Gtaia, Timi county,

Romania)
The settlement is situated on the inferior course of the Brzava in the Timi Plain.
It belonged to the possessions of the Jnki of
Ndlag family who built a castle here before
1427. the castle and the custom-place over
the Brzava became part of the possession of
the Nagymihlyi family. Iancu of Hunedoara
demolished the castle in 1445, when it was
purchased from the Nagymihlyi family110. F.
Milleker proposed a locating of the castle on
the Brzava bank, east to the Sngeorge village, where the traject of a circular ditch can
be still seen111.
SEBE (Caransebe, jud. Cara-Severin, Romnia)

Oraul modern Caransebe a acoperit
complet structurile medievale ale trgului
Sebe, incluznd aici i nucleul cetii medievale Sebe. Bisericile medievale, mnstirea franciscan, cetatea medieval se afl
sub fundaia oraului recent i doar prin descoperiri fortuite, n absena unor cercetri de
arheologie urban, au ieit la lumin ruinele
unora din monumentele medievale112. Cetatea medieval apare n documente din anul
1325, dei aezarea Sebe era consemnat ntr-un act din 1290113. Identificarea nucleului
iniial al cetii regale din secolele XIII-XIV
s-a fcut pe baza unor documente cartografice trzii din secolele XVII-XVIII, ceea ce a
generat discuii n istoriografie pn la momentul actual114. (Pl.23A). Istoricul Pl Engel
a propus localizarea acesteia la Turnu Ruieni,
ceea ce n opinia noastr este inacceptabil115.
Documentele cartografice din a doua jumtate a secolului al secolului XVII ct i descri-
SEBE (Caransebe, Cara-Severin

county, Romania)
The modern town of Caransebe completely covered the medieval structures of
the Sebe borough, including here also the
nucleus of the medieval Sebe fortress. The
medieval churches, the Franciscan monastery, the medieval fortress are under the
foundation of the recent town. Only through
fortuitous discoveries, in lack of investigations of urban archaeology, the ruins of some
medieval monuments were uncovered112. The
medieval fortress appears in documents since
1325, even if the Sebe settlement had been
recorded in an act from 1290113. Identification of the initial nucleus of the royal fortress
from the 13th-14th centuries was achieved
on the base of some late cartographic documents from the 17th-18th centuries, that generated discussions in historiography by the
present moment114. (Pl.23A). The historian
Pl Engel proposed to locate it at Turnu Ruieni, what is unacceptable in our opinion115.
Cartographic documents from the secod half
of the 17th century, as well as the description
Engel, 1996, p.426.

Milleker, 1915, p.48-49.
112
Bona, 1993, p.101.
113
DIR, C, XIII, 2, p.316.
114
Anghel, 1972, p.119; Bona, Gum, Groza, 1990,
p.34-36; Popa, 1989, p.361-362.
115
Engel, 1996, p.407.
110
111
Engel, 1996, p.426.

Milleker, 1915, p.48-49.
112
Bona, 1993, p.101.
113
DIR, C, XIII, 2, p.316.
114
Anghel, 1972, p.119; Bona, Gum, Groza, 1990,
p.34-36; Popa, 1989, p.361-362.
115
Engel, 1996, p.407.
110
111
108
erea cltorului turc Evlia Celebi ofer puinele informaii la care putem astzi raporta
discuia despre castelul regal de la Sebe.
Astfel, conform descrierii cltorului turc,
cetatea avea un plan n cinci laturi, fiind solid
construit. Documentele cartografice prezint o fortificaie poligonal cu zece laturi, cu
un turn rectangular adosat unei laturi116.
of the Turkish traveller Evlia Celebi provided

few information to which we can report our
discussion concerning the royal castle from
Sebe. Thus, according to the Turkish travellers description, the fortress had a five sidedplan. It was solidly built. Cartographic documents present a ten sided-fortification with a
rectangular tower backing on to one side116.
STANILOWCZ
Cetate regal ridicat la nceputul secolului al XV-lea, cndva imediat dup 1419.
S-a numrat ntre fortificaiile cedate cavalerilor teutoni de ctre regele Sigismund de
Luxemburg ntre anii 1429-1435117. George
Desew de Stanylowcz apare consemnat ca
martor n anul 1451 ntr-un proces de proprietate118. A fost localizat n Valea Dunrii, undeva ntre Svinia i Drencova, dei
toponimia nu i-a pstrat amintirea. A existat
o fortificaie din zid la Stncilova pe rama
de sud-vest a Depresiunii Almj , care a
fost demantelat n jurul anilor 1971-1972.
Stncilova este situat pe un vechi drum de
legtur, care unea Depresiunea Oravia, prin
Valea Nerei, cu Depresiunea Almj, fcnd
n acelai timp legtura cu Valea Dunrii pe
Valea Boneagului.
STANILOWCZ
The royal fortress was built at the beginning of the 15th century, immediately after 1419. It was among the fortifications given up to the Teutons by the king Sigismund of
Luxembourg between 1429-1435117. George
Desew of Stanylowcz was recorded as a witness in a process of property in 1451118. It
was located in the Danube valley, somewhere
between Svinia and Drencova, even if toponimy does not mention it. There was a wall
fortification at Stncilova on the south-western frame of the Almj Depression, that was
dismantled in about 1971-1972. Stncilova
is situated on an ancient connection way that
tied the Oravia depression, through the Nera
valley, to the Almj depression, making, in
the same time, the connection with the Danube valley along the Boneag valley.
SVINIA (com. Dubova, jud.

Mehedini, Romnia)
Documentele din prima jumtate a veacului al XV-lea nscrie cetatea Svinia n linia
de aprare a Dunrii, alturi de fortificaiile
de la Orova, Peth, Drencova, Zenthlaszovar
i Pojejena. A fost sub controlul cavalerilor
teutoni n anii 1429-1433. Documentele cunoscute din aceast perioad nu aduc informaii despre extinderea sau evoluia acesteia
fa de perioada anterioar 119. Actul din 12
martie 1443 face dovada eforturilor pecuniare ale nobililor romni Mihail i Vasile de
SVINIA (Dubova commune,

Mehedini county, Romania)
Documents from the first half of the
15th century include the Svinia fortress in
the defending line of the Danube beside the
fortifications from Orova, Peth, Drencova,
Zenthlaszovar and Pojejena. It was under the
control ofthe Teutons in 1429-1433. the documents from this time period do not brong
information concerning its development and
evolution in comparison with the anterior period119. The act dated to March 12th 1443 is
proof of the financial efforts of the Romanian
Anghel, 1972, p.119; Popa, 1989, p.363; Rusu,

2005, p.507.
117
Csnki, II, 1894, p.14; Milleker, 1915, p.56; Engel, 1996, p.435.
118
Pesty, Szreny, III, p.65-66.
119
Joachim, 1912, p.108.
Anghel, 1972, p.119; Popa, 1989, p.363; Rusu,

2005, p.507.
117
Csnki, II, 1894, p.14; Milleker, 1915, p.56;
Engel, 1996, p.435.
118
119
Joachim, 1912, p.108.
116
116
109
Cerna, andru de Densus i Nicolae Bizere

pentru repararea i ntreinerea cetilor dunrene Severin, Gewryn, Orova, Peech, Svinia, Caransebe i Mehadia 120.
nobles Mihail and Vasile of Cerna, andru

of Densus and Nicolae Bizere to repair and
maintain the Severin, Gewryn, Orova,
Peech, Svinia, Caransebe and Mehadia fortresses120.
EMLACU MARE (oraul Gtaia, jud.

Timi, Romnia)
Informaiile din izvoarele diplomatice medievale aduc n conul de lumin dou
aezri i fortificaii medievale cu nume foarte asemntoare, Erdsomlio i Mezsomlyo,
ceea ce a provocat adeseori confuzii n scrierile istorice. Aezarea Erdsomlio, numit mai
trziu i Vrac se identific n hotarul actual al
oraului Vrsac, n timp ce Mezsomlyo medieval s-a aflat pe malul Brzavei. S-au purtat
n istoriografie opinii diverse chiar n ceea ce
privete localizarea aezrii i a cetii medievale Mezsomlyo n hotarul actual al satelor
emlacu Mare i emlacu Mic121. Aezarea
de la Mezeusumlov, care ajunge n secolul al
XIV-lea centrul de ntrunire al congregaiilor
nobiliare ale comitatului Cara avea deja n
anul 1152 o biseric nchinat regelui tefan,
o mnstire, capel i alte posesiuni regale.
Cetatea regal a fost ridicat la o dat anterioar anului 1319, castelanii acestuia fiind
consemnai n cursul secolului al XIV-lea122.
Actul din 22 august 1386 nscria Somlya i
Ersomlyo alturi de cetile din Lugoj i Sebe123. A ajuns n stpnirea familiei Huniade
cndva nainte de 1454, cnd Iacob Pongrcz
era castelan al cetiilor Jdioara i Sumlow124.
A existat aadar n aceast zon a Cmpului
umigului, care este o cmpie subcolinar,
aezarea medieval atestat la 1370 Civitas
Mezeusumpylio i cetatea regal. Ruinele cetii medievale sunt plasate pe dealul umig,
unde Milleker a mai vzut naintea anului
1915 o groap adnc circular, probabil un
turn, ai crei perei erau zidii125. Dealul u-
EMLACU MARE (Gtaia , Timi

county, Romania)
Information from medieval diplomatic
sources present two medieval settlements and
fortifications with similar names, Erdsomlio
and Mezsomlyo, that often determined confusions in the historical writings. The Erdsomlio settlement, later named also Vrac, is
identified in the actual boundary of the Vrsac
town, while medieval Mezsomlyo was situated on the Brzava bank. There have been
different opinions in historiography even as
concerns location of the medieval Mezsomlyo settlement and fortress within the actual
boundary of the emlacu Mare and emlacu
Mic villages121. The settlement from Mezeusumlov, which became the meeting centre
of the noble congregations of the Cara comitat in the 14th century, had already had a
church dedicated to the king tefan in 1152,
a monastery, a chapel and other royal possessions. The royal fortress was erected before
1319. Its lords were recorded during the 14th
century122. The act since August 22nd 1386
mentioned Somlya and Ersomlyo beside the
fortresses from Lugoj and Sebe123. It became
possession of the Huniade family before
1454, when Iacob Pongrcz was lord of the
Jdioara and Sumlow fortresses124. Thus, the
medieval settlement certified Civitas Mezeusumpylio in 1370 and the royal fortress existed in this region of the umig Plain, which
is a plain at the foot of a hill. The ruins of the
medieval fortress are located on the umig
hill, where Milleker discovered, before 1915,
also a deep circular pit, probably a tower,

Pesty, Krass, II, 2, p. 175; Csnki, II, 1894, p. 97;
Milleker, 1915, p.52-55.
122
Engel, 1996, p.342.
123
124
125
120
121

Pesty, Krass, II, 2, p. 175; Csnki, II, 1894, p. 97;
Milleker, 1915, p.52-55.
122
Engel, 1996, p.342.
123
124
120
121
110
mig este un con bazaltic situat n nord-estul

Cmpului umigului cu o nlime de 198m.
Zona de la poala dealului se numete umiga126. Fortificaia medieval n-a fost cercetat
arheologic i nu exist un raport topografic
ntre aezarea medieval i fortificaia din secolul XIV-XV. Toponimia local ofer singurele repere n aceast privin, emlacu Mic
fiind numit Vrsomlyo, ceea ce a dus la localizarea fortificaiei n aceast zon127.
whose walls were built125. The umig hill is

a basalt cone situated in the north-east of the
umig Plain with a height of 198 m. the area
at he foot of the hill is named umiga126. The
medieval fortification has not been archaeologically investigated and there is not a topographic report between the medieval settlement and the fortification from the 14th-15th
centuries. The local toponiy offers the oly
reference points, emlacu Mic being named
Vrsomlyo, that determined the locatingof
the fortification in this region127.
TIMIOARA
Aezat ntr-o zon mltinoas, Timioara medieval a suferit transformri radicale n secolul al XVIII-lea, la introducerea administraiei austriece, pe de o parte prin asanrile fcute i n egal msur prin amenajrile urbane introduse de austrieci. Topografia
medieval a Timioarei a fost reconstituit pe
temeiul planurilor cartografice din anul 1596
i a celor austriece128. Cercetrile de arheologie urban mai vechi, ori cele recente din anii
2006-2009 au adus puine elemente, unele
nc n curs de prelucrare129. (Pl. 23/B).
Astfel n zona actual a Muzeului Banatului s-au identificat urme de construcii
atribuite epocii lui Carol Robert i alte ziduri
plasate n vremea lui Iancu de Hunedoara130.
S-a sugerat nc de Borovsky i istoriografia
pozitivist existena unei ceti de pmnt,
de form rectangular, care a fost socotit
castrul iniial i amplasat la nord de Muzeul
Banatului131
Privit cu suspiciune, aceast amenajare iniial a arhitecturii de fortificaii de la
Timioara poate fi asimilat castrului regal
arpadian ridicat aici132. A doua etap reconstituit grafic n amenajrile de fortificaii era
plasat n vremea regelui Carol Robert, care
TIMIOARA
It is situated in a swampy region. Medieval Timioara suffered radical transformations in the 18th century during the Austrian
administration when they did sanitations and
urban constructions. Medieval topography
of Timioara was reconstituted on thebase of
the cartographic plans from 1596 and of the
Austrian plans128. The investigations of urban
archaeology, earlier or later from 2006-2009,
have brought few elements, part of them still
being analyzed129. (Pl. 23/B).
Thus, in the actual area of the Museum
of Banat, traces of constructions assigned to
Charles Roberts epoch and other walls assigned to Iancu of Hunedoaras period were
identified130. The existence of a rectangular
earthen fortress, considered to be the initial
Roman camp located north to the Museum of
Banat, was suggested even by Borovsky and
the positivist historiography131.
Regarded suspiciously, this initial construction of architecture of fortifications from
Timioara can be assimilated to the royal Arpadian castrum erected here132. The second
stage graphically reconstituted in the constructions of fortifications was placed during
Ardelean, Zvoianu, 1979, p.25; Crean, Fril,

2007, p.55-57.
127
Engel, 1996, p.342.
128
Rusu, 2005, p.538 ; Opri, 2007, p.26.
129
Draoveanu et ali.
130
Iambor, 2005, p.71-72; Petrovics, 2008, p.33.
131
Opri, 2007, p. 26.
132
Rusu, 2005, p.538; Iambor, 2005, p. 71.
126

Ardelean, Zvoianu, 1979, p.25; Crean, Fril,
2007, p.55-57.
127
Engel, 1996, p.342.
128
Rusu, 2005, p.538 ; Opri, 2007, p.26.
129
Draoveanu et ali.
130
Iambor, 2005, p.71-72; Petrovics, 2008, p.33.
131
Opri, 2007, p. 26.
132
Rusu, 2005, p.538 ; Iambor, 2005, p. 71.
125
126
111
a zidit aici un castel situat la sud n raport cu

castrul iniial133 .
Castelanii de Timi sunt atestai n acte
ncepnd din 1322, cnd a fost consemnat
Nicolae Trentul134.
the king Charles Roberts rule, who built here

a castle situated in the south compared with
the initial Roman camp133 .
The lords of Timi are certified in acts
since 1322, when Nicolae Trentul was registered134.
THORNISTA
Aezare pustiit i cetate din comitatul
Keve. A fost o cetate din sistemul de aprare
al Dunrii, organizat ntre Severin i Panevo
la nceputul secolului al XV-lea. Cetatea apare ntre fortificaiile Keve i Belgrad n documentul din 1437, care niruie fortificaiile de
la Dunrea de Jos apusean. Nu se cunoate
localizarea ei pe teren135.
F. Milleker, pornind de la informaia toponimiei, a sugerat cutarea ei pe malul Dunrii, la sud de Banatski Brestovac , n locul
numit Trnavista Bara, unde se afla o movil
ce ar putea acoperii ruina cetii pustiite136.
THORNISTA
The devastated settlement and fortress
was situated in the Keve comitat. It was a fortress of the defending system of the Danube
organized between Severin and Panevo at
the beginning of the 15th century. The fortress appears among the Keve and Belgrad
fortifications in the document from 1437, that
enumerates the fortifications from the western Low Danube. Its location on spot has not
been known135.
F. Milleker, starting from the information of the toponimy, suggested to search it
on the Danube bank, south to Banatski Brestovac, in the site named Trnavista Bara,
where there was a mound that could cover
the ruin of the ravaged fortress136.
VRAC (Vrac, op. Vrac, Serbia)

Cercetrile arheologice recente ale lui
Marin Brmboli au stabilit planimetria cetii Ersumlio, dezvoltat n cursul veacului
al XIVlea n preajma nucleului iniial reprezentat de donjonul de la Vrac137. Platoul pe care a fost ridicat donjonul are forma
unui promontoriu ce msoar 58 m/2 km,
el fiind nchis cu ziduri de curtin. Un turn
semicircular se afl la vest de donjon. El a
avut diametrul de 10m, cu ziduri din roc i
mortar groase de 1,60 m. Donjonul i turnul
semicircular sunt unite cu zid de curtin la
nord i la sud, nchiznd n felul acesta spaiul platoului138. Spaiul interior al cetii este
compartimentat n dou structuri printr-un
zid ce unete cele dou curtine. Cisterna este
VRAC (Vrac, op. Vrac, Serbia)

The recent archaeological investigations done by Marin Brmboli established
the planimetry of the Ersumlio fortress, developed during the 14th century around the
initial nucleus represented by the donjon
from Vrac137. Plateau on which the donjon
was erected had the shape of a promontory
measuring 58 m/2 km, closed with curtain
walls. A semicircular tower was west to donjon. It was 10 m in diameter. The tower had
rock walls and mortar of 1.60 m in thickness. The donjon and the semicircular tower
are tied with curtain wall in the north and in
the south closing the plateau area138. The interior area of the fortress is divided in two
structures through a wall that ties the two
Opri, 2007, p.26, fig. 10.2.

Engel, 1996, p.441.
135
Engel, 1996, p.446.
136
137
Brmboli, 2007, p.22-23.
138
Brmboli, 2007, p.22-24.
133
134
Opri, 2007, p.26, fig. 10.2.

Engel, 1996, p.441.
135
Engel, 1996, p.446.
136
137
Brmboli, 2007, p.22-23.
138
Brmboli, 2007, p.22-24.
133
134
112
zidit n colul de sud-est al curii interioare,

imediat sub donjon. A avut o form circular
cu diametrul de 6,50 m, avnd o adncime de
2,20 m139. De-a lungul curtinei sudice a fost
identificat o construcie de form dreptunghiular, cu dimensiuni de 18,70 m/5,20 m.
Ea ocup spaiul sudic ntre cistern i zidul
median al curii, intrarea fcndu-se printr-un
spaiu pe latura de nord. Aceast construcie
cu rol rezidenial, avea n interior o camer
de mai mici dimensiuni140. (Pl.24; Fig. 16-17)
Cetatea de la Vrac cu structurile sale
interioare i gsete analogii n fortificaiile din secolul al XV-lea de pe linia Dunrii.
Curtinele, cu turnul semicircular i palatul
interior au fost ridicate, n opinia lui M. Brmboli, la scurt vreme dup nlarea donjonului, fiind ns evident o etap distinct n
amenajarea fortificaiei de pe dealul Cul de
la Vrac. Materialul arheologic gsit nu ofer repere pentru datarea celor dou etape de
construcie. Datarea fortificaiilor s-a fcut
prin recursul la sursele scrise n perioada de
nceput a secolului al XV-lea, cndva nainte
de 1439 i a fost opera despotului Brankovi141. Fortificaia de la Vrac se identific cu
cetatea Ersomlio din comitatul Cara, ai crei
castelani cunoscui au fost consemnai n acte
ncepnd cu anul 1323142. Cetatea Ersumlia
de la Vrac a fost construit la nceputul secolului al XIVlea, la foarte scurt vreme dup
zidirea donjonului. Opinia noastr pornete
de la informaiile documentelor de cancelarie referitoare la castrul Ersomlio din primele
decenii ale secolului al XIV-lea. Ea controla un vechi culoar de legtur ce pornea din
Haram de pe Dunre, pe Valea Caraului i a
Ciornovului spre Timioara.
Cetatea Ersumlia a ajuns n patrimoniul familiei despoilor srbi Brankovi ante
1431, recuperat pentru scurt vreme de Ian-
curtains. The tank is built in the south-eastern corner of the interior yard immediately
under the donjon. It was circular with a diameter of 6.50 m and a depth of 2.20 m139.
along the southern curtain a rectangular construction with dimensions of 18.70 m/5.20 m
was identified. It occupies the southern area
between the tank and the median wall of the
court. The entrance was done through a space
in the northern side. This construction with
residential role comprised a smaller room inside140. (Pl.24; Fig. 16-17)
The fortress from Vrac with its interior
structures finds analogies with the fortifications from the 15th cenury on the Danube line.
The curtains, with semicircular tower and interior palace were erected, in M. Brmbolis
opinion, at short time after building the donjon. It was obviously a distinct stage in the
fortification construction on the Cul hill
from Vrac. The found archaeological material does not provide referenc points for dating the two stages of construction. Dating of
the fortifications was done through the appeal to the written sources at the beginning of
the 15th century, sometime before 1439 and
it was the work of the despot Brankovi141.
The fortification from Vrac is identified with
the Ersomlio fortress from the Cara comitat, whose known lords were recorded in acts
starting from 1323142. The Ersumlia fortress
from Vrac was built at the beginning of the
14th century, at hort time after building the
donjon. Our opinion is determined by the information from the chancellery documents
concerning the Ersomlio castrum in the first
decades of he 14th century. It controlled an
old connecting corridor starting from Haram
on the Danube, on the Cara valley and of the
Ciornovului valley towards Timioara.
The Ersumlia fortress entered the patrimony of the family of the Serbian despots
Brankovi ante 1431, recuperated for a short
Brmboli, 2007, p.52-53.

Brmboli, 2007, p.49, fig. 25.
141
Brmboli, 2007, p.124.
142
Gyrffy, III, 1987, p.493; Engel, 1996, p.309.
139
140
Brmboli, 2007, p.52-53.

Brmboli, 2007, p.49, fig. 25.
141
Brmboli, 2007, p.124.
142
Gyrffy, III, 1987, p.493; Engel, 1996, p.309
139
140
113
cu de Hunedoara i din nou redat la 1448

familiei Brankovi143.
time by Iancu of Hunedoara and given again

to the Brankovi family in 1448143.
ZENTHLAZLOVARA (com. Coronini, jud. Cara-Severin, Romnia)

Cetatea Coronini de pe malul Dunrii
se identific cu fortificaia medieval ce purta
numele regelui Sfntul Ladislau, fiind menionat n documente ncepnd din anul 1430
sub diverse forme: Zenthlerzlowara, Zenth
Lazlovara, Sand Ladislaem, Santus Ladislaus144. (Pl.33). Ea a jucat un rol strategic de
prim importan n sistemul defensiv de pe
Dunre, conceput n vremea regelui Sigismund de Luxemburg. Cercetarea arheologic
a confirmat dealtminteri c fortificaia de la
Coronini, alturi de cea de la Severin, reprezint elemente defensive majore ale liniei de
aprare a Dunrii la mijlocul secolului al XVlea. Incinta din veacul al XV-lea a fost amplasat pe vrful mamelonului, racordat fiind la
fortificaia mai veche din veacul al XIII-lea,
amplasat la baza platoului de la Cul. Incinta exterioar a reprezentat un zid din piatr
cu o grosime de 2,80-3 m. El are un traseu
elipsoidal care nconjoar, la baz, platoul
de pe dealul Cul. (Pl.34). A fost ridicat din
piatr de calcar de carier, cu faade de blocuri ngrijit lucrate. Observaiile stratigrafice
au evideniat o cantitate apreciabil de arsur
ce proveneau de la suprastructura din lemn a
incintei. Capacitatea de aprare a fost ntrit cu un an de aprare pe zona de nord i
nord-est a incintei exterioare. Incinta elipsoidal din zid de la Coronini a fost construit la
jumtatea secolului al XIII-lea. Ea nchidea
o suprafa ce msura pe axe 190 m / 100 m.
n interiorul acestei suprafee, pe culmea platoului de la Cul, s-a ridicat n anul 1428 o
fortificaie din zid de dimensiuni mai mici,
n vremea regelui Sigismund de Luxemburg.
Fortificaia are un plan poligonal neregulat,
ZENTHLAZLOVARA (Coronini c.,

Cara-Severin County, Romania)
The Coronini fortress on the Danube
bank identifies with the medieval fortification
that bore the name of the king Saint Ladislau, mentioned i documents since 1430 under different forms: Zenthlerzlowara, Zenth
Lazlovara, Sand Ladislaem, Santus Ladislaus144. (Pl.33). it played a strategical role
of main imortance in the defensive system
on the Danube, conceived during the rule of
the king Sigismund of Luxembourg. The archaeological investigation confirmed that the
fortification from Coronini, beside that one
from Severin, represent major defensive elements of the defensive line of the Danube at
the middle of the 15th century. The incincts
from the 15th century was situated onthe
peak of the rounded hillock, being related to
the earlier fortification from the 13th century
placed at the base of the plateau from Cul.
The exterior incincts represented a stone wall
that was 2.80-3 m in thickness. It had an ellipsoidal traject that surrounds, at base, the
plateau on the Cul hill. (Pl.34). it was built
of quarry limestone with facades of blocks
carefully worked. Stratigraphical observations pointed out an appreciable quantity of
burning coming from the wooden superstructure of the incincts. The defending ability
was strehngthened with a defensive ditch in
the northern and north-eastern area of the exterior incincts. The ellipsoidal wall incincts
from Coronini was built at the middle of the
13th century. It closed a surface measuring
on axes 190 m / 100 m. Within this surface,
on the peak of the plateau from Cul, a wall
fortification of reduced dimensions was built
in 1428 during the rule of the king Sigismund
of Luxembourg. The fortification has an irregular polygonal plan endowed with five
Engel, 1996, p. 309.

Csnki, II, 1894, p.96; Pesty, Krass, II, 2, p.208211.
143
144
Engel, 1996, p. 309.

Csnki, II, 1894, p.96; Pesty, Krass, II, 2, p.208211.
143
144
114
prevzut cu cinci turnuri de interior i turnuri

de flancare145. (Pl.34-35; Pl.32A; Fig. 38-40)
Latura de nord a platoului, care era dealtminteri i cea mai expus, celelalte laturi
ale fortificaiei fiind protejate natural de pantele foarte abrupte spre Dunre, a fost ntrit
cu trei din cele cinci turnuri. Ea este flancat
de un turn ptrat i un turn cilindric masiv.
Acesta din urm are zidurile groase de 5 m
i diametrul interior de 5m. Turnul de form
ptrat are dimensiunile interne de 3,45/3,25
m. Latura de nord a fost ntrit i cu un turn
poligonal de la exterior. Marginea sudic a
fortificaiei, ntre turnul cilindric i cel din
colul sud-vestic, a fost ocupat cu cldiri
pe dou nivele ce serveau pentru garnizoan, castelani i ali oficiali aflai n incint.
Beciurile aflate sub aceste ncperi erau nvelite cu boli din crmid. Zidurile incintei
au fost ridicate din piatr de calcar, aflat din
abunden n pereii calcaroi care strjuiesc
aceast zon de strmtori ale Dunrii. Un document al regelui Sigismund de Luxemburg
din 1430 dovedete c fortificaia de la Coronini a fost ridicat n vremea sa n anul 1428.
Cavalerii teutoni au preluat fortificaia ntre
anii 1429-1435146.
145
146
interior towers and flanking towers145. (Pl.3435; Pl.32A; Fig. 38-40)

The northern side of the plateau, which
was otherwise the most exposed, the other
sides of the fortification being naturally protected by the very abrupt slopes towards the
Danube, was fortified with three of the five
towers. It is flanked by a square tower and
a massive cylindrical tower. The latter has
walls of 5 m in thickness and the interior diameter of 5 m. The square tower has intern
dimensions of 3.45/3.25 m. The northern side
was fortified also with a polygonal tower to
the exterior. The southern margin of the fortification, between the cylindrical tower and
the south-western tower, was occupied with
two leveled buildings that served for the
garison, lords and other officials found in the
enclosure. The basements under these rooms
were covered with brick vaults. The enclosure walls were built of limestone which
was abundently in the calcareous walls that
guarded this region of gorges of the Danube.
A document of the king Sigismund of Luxembourg from 1430 proves that the fortification from Coronini was built during his rule
in 1428. The Teutons took over the fortification between 1429-1435146.
Matei, Uzum, 1973, p.154.

Joachim, 1912, p.109; Engel, 1996, p.427.
Matei, Uzum, 1973, p.154.

146 Joachim, 1912, p.109; Engel, 1996, p.427.
145
115
Pl.31. Pojejena. Harta zonei cu amplasarea fortificaiei.

Pl.31. Pojejena. Map of region with location of fortification.
116
Pl.32. Coronini. Ruina turnului de la cetatea Sfntul Ladislau;

Pojejena. Ruina zidului cetii (1885).
Pl.32. Coronini. Ruin of tower of the Saint Ladislau fortress;
Pojejena. Ruin of the fortress wall (1885).
117
Pl.33. Coronini. Harta zonei Dunrii cu amplasarea cetii Zenthlaszlovr.

Pl.33. Coronini. Map of the Danube region with location
of the Zenthlaszlovr fortress.
118
Pl.34. Coronini. Plan de situaie al fortificaiei.

Pl.34. Coronini. Plan of situation of fortification.
119
Pl.35. Propunere de reconstituire a cetii Zenthlaszlovr de la Coronini.

Pl.35. Proposal of reconstitution of the Zenthlaszlovr fortress from Coronini.
120
Pl.36. Stara Palanka. Plan din arhiva Marsigli.

Planul fortificaiilor de la Sapaja, din anul 1716, arhiva Mercy.
Pl.36. Stara Palanka. Plan from Marsigli archives.
Plan of fortifications from Sapaja, in 1716, Mercy archives.
121
Pl.37. Sapaja A. Zidul fortificaiei 1. faza antic; 2. refacerea medieval.

B. Planul fortificaiei n epoca medieval.
Pl.37. Sapaja A. Wall of fortification 1. ancient phase; 2. medieval rebuilding.
B. Plan of fortification during the medieval period.
122
Pl.38. A. Planul minelor fortificaiei din arhiva Marsigli .

B. Amplasarea cercetrilor din 1968 i 1986.
Pl.38. A. Plan of mines of fortification from Marsigli archives .
B. Location of investigations in 1968 and 1986.
123
Pl.39. Novo Miloevo. Planul cetii Galad.

Pl.39. Novo Miloevo. Plan of Galad fortress.
124
Pl.40. Ciacova. Fereastr de la donjon, plan i vederi.

Pl.40. Ciacova. Donjon window, plan and views.
125
Pl.41. Turnu Ruieni. Fereastr. Plan i seciuni.

Pl.41. Turnu Ruieni. Window. Plan and sections.
126
Pl.42. Turnu-Ruieni. Vedere a strii donjonului din anul 1910.

Pl.42. Turnu-Ruieni. View of donjon in 1910.
127
Pl.43. Turnu-Ruieni. Vederi cu contraforturile donjonului.

Pl.43. Turnu-Ruieni. Views of donjon buttresses.
128
Pl. 44. Turnu-Ruieni. A. Vederea faadei nordice a donjonului.

B. Vedere dinspre sud-vest a turnului.
Pl. 44. Turnu-Ruieni. A. View of the northern facade of donjon.
B. View from south-west of tower.
129
Fig.21. Drencova.
Fig.21. Drencova.
Fig.22. Ruinele cetii Drencova aflate n Dunre.

Fig.22. Ruins of the Drencova fortress in the Danube.
130
Fig.23. Jdioara. Cetatea sec. XIV.

Fig.23. Jdioara. Fortress of the 14th century.
Fig.24. Jdioara. Vedere exterioar a curtinei estice.

Fig.24. Jdioara. Exterior view of eastern curtain.
131
Fig.25. Jdioara. Curtina estic.

Fig.25. Jdioara. Eastern curtain.
Fig.26. Jdioara. Curtina nordic.

Fig.26. Jdioara. Northern curtain.
132
Fig.27. Jdioara. Vedere dinspre nord i nord-est a curtinei.

Fig.27. Jdioara. View from the north and north-east of curtain.
Fig.28. Jdioara. Curtina de vest i nord.

Fig.28. Jdioara. Western and northern curtain.
133
Fig.29. Socolari. Dealul Cetii.

Fig.29. Socolari. Cetii hill.
Fig.30. Socolari. Zidul de incint.

Fig.30. Socolari. Enclosure wall.
134
Fig.31. Socolari. Dealul Cetii. Vederea incintei.

Fig.31. Socolari. Cetii hill. View of enclosure.
Fig.32. Boca. Buza-turcului. Cetatea Cuieti.

Fig.32. Boca. Buza-turcului. Cuieti fortress.
135
Fig.33. Boca. Curtina de nord i urmele scrilor de la turnul interior.

Fig.33. Boca. Northern curtain and vestiges of the staircase of interior tower.
Fig.34. Boca. Valea Brzavei; Zidul nordic de curtin al cetii Cuieti.

Fig.34. Boca. The Brzava Valley; Northern wall of curtain of the Cuieti fortress.
136
Fig.35. Caraova-Grad. Zidurile de incint ale cetii Cara (sec.XIV-XV).

Fig.35. Caraova-Grad. Enclosure walls of the Cara fortress (14th-15th centuries).
Fig.36. Caraova-Grad. Vedere dinspre nord-vest a curtinei cetii Cara.

Fig.36. Caraova-Grad. View from the north-west of curtain of the Cara fortress.
137
Fig.37. Caraova-Grad. Curtina de sud-est a cetii.

Fig.37. Caraova-Grad. South-eastern curtain of fortress.
Fig.38. Coronini. Turnul circular al fortificaiei din secolul al XV-lea.

Fig.38. Coronini. Circular tower of fortification from the 15th century.
138
Fig.39. Coronini. Turnurile de nord i nord-vest ale curtinei.

Fig.39. Coronini. Northern and north-western towers of curtain.
Fig.40. Coronini. Cetatea Zenthlaszlovr.

Fig.40. Coronini. Zenthlaszlovr fortress.
139
PROBLEME ALE CETILOR MEDIEVALE DIN BANAT
PROBLEMS OF MEDIEVAL FORTRESSES IN BANAT
I Arhitectura de fortificaii medievale

ntr-un spaiu de frontier
I. Architecture of medieval fortifications in a frontier area
Repertoriul fortificaiilor medievale din

Banat a identificat circa 37 de ceti i castele
atestate de izvoarele scrise i cele arheologice
din secolele XII-XVI. Ele sunt dispuse inegal
ntr-un spaiu de circa 29.000 km2. Repartiia
teritorial delimiteaz n zona montan i
deluroas a Banatului un numr de 24 de fortificaii. Ele aparineau de structura administrativ a fostului comitat Cara i a Banatului
de Severin1. Alte 13 fortificaii se regsesc n
spaiul de cmpie al Banatului2. Dispunerea
spaial a fortificaiilor, cu precdere a celor
din sudul provinciei, ct i volumul n ansamblu al cetilor din cadrul acesteia trebuie privite i nelese prin prisma poziiei geografice
a Banatului n cadrul Regatului Maghiar medieval. Banatul a fost pe tot parcursul perioadei
medievale un spaiu de frontier la Dunrea
de Jos apusean. Tema frontierei medievale
i spaiilor de frontier au o lung tradiie n
istoriografia european i american a ultimei
jumti de veac. Temele abordate au vizat
chestiuni diverse, conceptuale ct i practice
legate de istoria medieval. Sunt abordate aici
teme legate de funciile militare ale spaiilor de
frontier, de expansiunea militar i frontier,
activitatea misionar n spaiile de frontier,
confruntrile confesionale i liberti colective
dobndite n aceste spaii3. Raporturile militare
i confesionale la frontiera Banatului, Caransebeului i Lugojului, frontiera i nobilimea
Repertory of medieval fortifications

in Banat identified about 37 fortresses and
castles certified by written and archaeological
sources from the 12th-16th centuries. They are
unequally arranged within an area of about
29,000 km2. Territorial dividings delimited
24 fortifications in the mountainous and hilly
region. They belonged to the administrative
structure of the ex-comitat of Cara and of
Banat of Severin1. Other 13 fortifications were
found in the plain of Banat2. Spatial arrangement of the fortifications, especially of those
from the south of the province, as well as the
general volume of fortresses within it should
be regarded and understood from the angle
of geographical position of Banat within the
medieval Hungarian Kingdom. The region of
Banat was, along the whole medieval period,
a frontier area at the western Low Danube.
The theme of the medieval frontier and of the
frontier areas has long tradition in the European and American historiography of the last
half century. The approached themes aimed
at different conceptual and practical matters
related to medieval history. We approached,
in this work, themes referring to the military
functions of the frontier area, to the military
and frontier expansion, to the missionary
activity in the frontier area, confessional confrontations and collective liberties acquired in
those areas3. Military and confessional rapports at the frontier of Banat, Caransebe and
Csnki, II, 1894, p.95-96; 115.

Csnki, II, 1894, p.11-15.
3
Toubert, 1992, p.9-15; Berend, 2002, p.7 i urm.
1
2
Csnki, II, 1894, p.95-96; 115.

Csnki, II, 1894, p.11-15.
3
Toubert, 1992, p.9-15; Berend, 2002, p.7 and
following.
1
2
140
romneasc n secolul al XV-lea sunt cteva

din temele recente abordate n istoriografia
romneasc4. Cel mai amplu discurs pe tema
frontierei medievale n spaiul medieval
romnesc a fost propus de erban Turcu5.
Problema spaiului de frontier n lumea medieval romneasc, instituiile agregate n
acest teritoriu de frontier, apelul frecvent la
situaii de caz din lumea cretin central i vest
european confer discursului istoric propus
de Turcu consisten i credibilitate6. El a
integrat, n acest fel, o problem romneasc
ntr-o dezbatere global, de mare amploare, a
scrisului istoric contemporan.
Problema fortificaiilor medievale trebuie circumscris din aceast perspectiv
problemei spaiului de frontier al Banatului
medieval. Aezat pe culoarul dunrean, spaiul
bnean a avut din vechime rolul unei plci
turnante, care a fcut legtura ntre spaiul
central european, cel al sud-estului Europei i,
n egal msur, cu spaiul pontic. Dunrea,
de-a lungul limitei sudice a provinciei, i-a
fierestruit n lanul carpatic o cale extrem de
anevoioas, cu zone de strmtoare alternnd
cu cele depresionare, care au creat n acelai
timp un vad de trecere al fluviului. Dunrea
nu a fost hotar, a fost mai degrab o punte de
legtur cu spaiul sud est european7. Aceste
vaduri ale Dunrii, de la confluena Caraului
i Nerei, a rului Cerna, cele din depresiunea
Moldova i Liubcova, prin care se stabilea
legtura cu depresiunile intramontane i cu
zona de cmpie din nord, au fost controlate
cu ceti, unele ridicate la nceputurile evului
mediu, altele la nceputul secolului al XV-lea,
n vremuri de criz militar profund. Documente emise de cancelaria regal maghiar
recunosc dealtminteri n mod explicid rostul
unora din cetile medievale bnene. Cetatea
de la Mehadia, aezat ntr-o zon strategic
Lugoj, frontier and Romanian nobles in the

15th century are few of the recent themes approached in Romanian historiography4. The
amplest speech on the theme of the medieval
frontier within the medieval Romanian area
was proposed by erban Turcu5. The problem
of the frontier area in the medieval Romanian
world, the institutions aggregated in this frontier territory, the frequent appeal to case situations from the Christian world of the central
and western Europe confers consistency and
credibility to the historical speech proposed
by Turcu6. He integrated, in this way, a Romanian problem in an ample global debate of
the historical contemporaneous writing.
Problem of medieval fortifications has
to be circumscribed, at this prospect, to the
problem of the frontier area of medieval Banat.
Situated in the Danube corridor, Banat had,
from ancient times, the role of a turning point
that did connection among the central European area, the south-east of Europe, and, in an
equal measure, the Pontic area. The Danube,
along the southern limit of the province, cut
an extremely difficult way in the carpathian chain, with gorges areas alternating with
depressionary areas, that created, in the same
time, a passage ford of the river. The Danube
was not a boundary, it was rather a link with
south-eastern European space7. Those fords
of the Danube, at the confluence of the Cara
and of the Nera, of the Cerna, those from the
Moldova depresion and Liubcova, through
which it was established the connection with
intramontane depressions and the plain region
from the north, were controlled with fortresses
which had been built either at the beginning
of the Middle Ages or at the beginning of the
15th century, in times of profound military
crisis. The documents issued by the royal Hungarian chancellery recognized explicitely the
purpose of certain of medieval fortresses from
Banat. The fortress from Mehadia, located in
Achim, 2006, p.31; igu, 1999, p.240; Drgan,

2000, p.295-296.
5
Turcu, 2001, p.132-144.
6
Turcu, 2001, p.142-144.
7
Vslan, 1926, p.3-6; Vslan, 1928, p.1-2.
4
Achim, 2006, p.31; igu, 1999, p.240; Drgan,

2000, p.295-296.
5
Turcu, 2001, p.132-144.
6
Turcu, 2001, p.142-144.
7
Vslan, 1926, p.3-6; Vslan, 1928, p.1-2.
4
141
extrem de sensibil, ce i-a pstrat aceast caracteristic pn n vremurile foarte recente, a

fost ridicat pentru a sta mpotriva bulgarilor,
a lui Basarab, voievodul transalpin, a regelui
schismatic al Rasciei i a ttarilor ce nvleau
nencetat cu dumnie, atacnd hotarele regatului nostru, dup mrturia unui document din
anul 1329, ce l-am invocat adeseori. Donjonul
de la Mehadia, ridicat n deceniul al optulea
al secolului al XIII-lea, dup opinia lui PL
Engel, ori numai la nceputul secolului al XIVlea, dup cum sugereaz materialul arheologic
gsit, a avut de la bun nceput rostul unei
ceti de grani ntr-un spaiu de frontier.
Ea i-a pstrat pe tot parcursul evului mediu
aceast destinaie, iar n deceniul al patrulea
al secolului al XV-lea aceast dimensiune
strategic a fortificaiei a fost amplificat prin
adugarea unei curtine i a unui turn cilindric
de flancare. Fortificarea spaiului de frontier
al Banatului este evident odat cu veacul al
XIII-lea, cnd regalitatea arpadian a creat n
sud estul provinciei o formaiune militar de
grani Banatul de Severin8.
Provincie de frontier a Regatului
arpadian, Banatul de Severin ilustreaz n
mod extrem de convingtor aciunea politic,
militar i confesional n direcia sud est
european. Pierderea frontierei dunrene de
ctre Imperiul Bizantin n anul 1185 a creat
premisele prelurii controlului asupra acestui
segment al fluviului de ctre Regatul arpadian.
Disputa cu nou creatul stat romno-bulgar al
Asanetilor va confirma rolul de mare putere
jucat n cursul veacului al XIII-lea de regatul
Sfntului tefan9. Fortificaiile ridicate de-a
lungul frontierei maghiare a Dunrii n secolul al XIII-lea au rspuns aciunii militare i
confesionale n direcia sud estului european
promovat de regii arpadieni.
Fortificaiile din secolul al XIII-lea
amenajate la Severin, Orova, Coronini, Stara
Palanka i Kovin dovedesc controlul celui mai
important culoar european i, n egal msur,
8
9
an extremely sensible strategical region, that

maintained that characteristic till the very recent times, was erected to stand against the
Bulgarians, against Basarab, the transalpin
voivode, of the schismatic king of Rascia
and against the Tatars who were unceasingly
invading by attacking the boundaries of our
kingdom, according to a document dated to
1329, that was often invoked. The donjon from
Mehadia, built in the 8th decade of the 13th
century, in PL Engels opinion, or only at the
beginning of the 14th century, as the found
archaeological material suggested, had the
purpose, from the very beginning, of a frontier
fortress within a frontier area. It maintained
that destination along the entire Middle Ages.
In the 4th decade of the 15th century, this
strategical dimension of the fortification was
amplified by adding a curtain and a cylindrical flanking tower. The fortification of the the
frontier area of Banat became evident from the
13th century, when Arpadian royalty created a
military frontier formation Banat f Severin
in the south-east of the province8.
A frontier province of the Arpadian
Kingdom, Banat of Severin illustrated very
convincingly the political, military and confessional action in the south-eastern European
direction. The lost of the Danube frontier
by the Byzantine Empire in 1185 created
the premises of taking over control on this
river segment by the Arpadian Kingdom. The
dispute with the newly created RomanianBulgarian state of the Asaneti would confirm
the role of important power played during the
13th century by the Saint tefans kingdom9.
The fortifications built along the Hungarian
frontier of the Danube in the 13th century answered to the military and confessional action
in the direction of the south-eastern Europe
promoted by the Arpadian kings.
The fortifications from the 13th century built at Severin, Orova, Coronini, Stara
Palanka and Kovin prove the control of the
most important European corridor and, in an
Achim, 2006, p.31-33.

Achim, 2006, p.31.
8
9
142
Achim, 2006, p.31-33.

Achim, 2006, p.31.
ilustreaz modul de organizare a frontierei

sud estice a Regatului apostolic ungar. Militarizarea spaiului de frontier se regsete
de altfel ntre temele cel mai des dezbtute n
abordrile istoriografice pe temele frontierei10.
Chestiunea trebuie nuanat, pe de o parte, i
reconstituirea trebuie fcut secvenial, pe
spaii geografice bine delimitate i pe intervale cronologice clar alese. Funcia militar
a spaiilor de frontier a generat, nu de puine
ori, opinii divergente, apelul la document
fiind ,n opinia mea, esenial11. Rmnnd
cu discuia in domeniul evoluiei arhitecturii
ntr-un spaiu de frontier constatm, n cazul
Banatului, adoptarea de regalitatea arpadian
a unor soluii ingenioase, apelul la tradiie, la
ruine de fortificaii antice bine conservate i
reactivate la nceputurile evului mediu. S-a
adoptat aceast soluie pe culoarul dunrean
la Turnu Severin, Orova, Sapaja, lng Stara
Palanka i la Kovin. Ruinele castrelor romane
bine pstrate ce au supravieuit migraiilor,
bine poziionate la vaduri ale Dunrii, de la
Visegrad, Orova, Haram, Gyr i pn la Alba
Iulia, pe Mure, au oferit soluia ideal pentru constructorii medievali de la nceputurile
evului mediu, din Regatul arpadian12. Recursul
la tradiie, la fortificaiile antichitii trzii n-a
fost o noutate deoarece n acelai spaiu al
Dunrii de Jos apusene Imperiul bizantin n
momentul stabilirii frontierei sale nordice pe
Dunre a recurs la aceeai situaie neutiliznd
i reamenajnd fortificaiile antichitii trzii
ori cele paleobizantine. Cercetrile recente cu
privire la fortificaiile bizantine din secolele
XI-XII de la Dunre ale lui Marko Popovi
au dovedit acest fapt. Arheologia medieval
are un aport nu prea consistent la cunoaterea
arhitecturii de fortificaii din spaiul de frontier al Dunrii de Jos apusene, n ciuda marilor
ateptri n aceast privin, uneori motivate
equal measure, they illustrated the way of organization of the south-eastern frontier of the
apostolic Hungarian Kingdom. Militarization
of the frontier area has been among the most
debated themes in the historiographical approaches on the frontier themes10. The problem
has to be moderated, on one side, and reconstitution has to be done sequentially on well
delimited geographical areas and on clearly
chosen chronological intervals. The military
function of the frontier areas generated, not
for few times, divergent opinions. The appeal
to documents was, in my opinion, essential11.
Continuing on the discussion in the domain
of evolution of architecture within a frontier
area we notice, in the case of Banat, that the
Arpadian royalty adopted some ingenuous
solutions, appeal to tradition, to well preserved
ruins of ancient fortifications and reactivated
at the beginning of the Middle Ages. This
solution was adopted in the Danube corridor
at Turnu Severin, Orova, Sapaja, near Stara
Palanka and at Kovin. The ruins of the well
preserved Roman camps outlasted to migrations. They were well positioned in the fords
of the Danube from Visegrad, Orova, Haram,
Gyr and to Alba Iulia, on the Mure. Those
ruins offered the ideal solution for the medieval builders at the beginning of the Middle
Ages of the Arpadian Kingdom12. The appeal
to tradition, to the fortifications of the late
antiquity was not something new because, in
the same area of the western Low Danube,
the Byzantine Empire resorted to the same
situation in the moment of establishment of
its northern frontier on the Danube. It did
not use, but rebuilt the fortifications of the
late antiquity or of the paleo-Byzantine ones.
Recent investigations led by Marko Popovi
concerning the Byzantine fortifications at
the Danube from the 11th-12th centuries
proved this fact. Medieval archaeology has
had not very consistent contribution to the
knowledge of architecture of fortifications in
the frontier area of the western Low Danube
Berend, 2001, p.8.

Berend, 2001, p.9-10.
12
Bna, 1998, p.24-30.
10
11
Berend, 2001, p.8.

Berend, 2001, p.9-10.
12
Bna, 1998, p.24-30.
10
11
143
chiar naional. Se remarc aici cercetrile de

avengur i valorificarea lor pe msur de la
castrul roman de pe insula Sapaja din Dunre
ale Daniei Dimitrievi13. O oportunitate ratat au reprezentat-o cercetrile de la Orova
derulate n perioada de construire a barajului
de la Porile de Fier. Se cunoate doar planul
castrului din veacul al IV-lea, asemntor celui
de la Gornea, care a fost refolosit i reparat n
perioada medieval. Descoperiri monetare din
secolul al X-lea i din secolul al XI-lea, odat
cu revenirea frontierei Imperiului Bizantin pe
culoarul Dunrii, aduc puine mrturii despre
reluarea vieii la Orova la nceputurile evului
mediu14.
Fortificaiile de pe malul Dunrii de la
Turnu Severin, investigate n repetate rnduri de Grigore Tocilescu, Grigore Florescu,
Alexandru Brccil i, mai recent, de Miu
Davidescu, au suscitat discuii privitoare la
cronologia lor, la momentul zidirii unora dintre
ele i a direciei impulsului ce a determinat
apariia lor n aceast zon a Dunrii15. Dosarul
cercetrii arheologice la cetatea Severinului
cuprinde o descriere sumar a unei fortificaii
din lemn i pmnt mai veche dect prima
incint de piatr a acesteia, fr o plasare cronologic adecvat. Momentul ridicrii incintei
de zid a cetii Severinului i construirii acesteia au generat poziii contradictorii n scrisul
istoric, ele fiind plasate n secolele XIII-XV
i atribuite cavalerilor ioanii, stpnirii bulgreti ori a celei ungare16.
Fortificaia poligonal amenajat ntre
ruinele castrului roman de la Severin, prin
materialul arheologic gsit, a fost atribuit
veacului al XIII-lea. Amenajarea fortificaiei
este legat de momentul organizrii Banatului
despite of great expectations in this respect,

sometimes even nationally motivated. We
observed the far-reaching investigations and
their corresponding valuation done by Danica
Dimitrievi in the Roman camp on the Sapaja
island of the Danube13. A failed opportuniy
represented the investigations from Orova
developed during the period of construction
of the barrage from the Iron Gates. Only the
camp plan from the 4th century is known. It
was similar to that one from Gornea, that was
reused and repaired in the medieval period.
Monetary discoveries from the 10th century
and the 11th century, when the frontier of the
Byzantine Empire was again on the Danube
coridor, have brought few accounts about
life at Orova at the beginning of the Middle
Ages14.
Fortifications on the Danube bank at
Turnu Severin, investigated in repeated times
by Grigore Tocilescu, Grigore Florescu, Alexandru Brccil and, more recently, by Miu
Davidescu, determined discussions concerning their chronology, the moment of building
part of them and direction of the impulse that
determined their appearance in this region
of the Danube15. The records of the archaeological investigation from the Severin fortress
comprised a summary description of a wooden
and earthen fortification older than its first
stone enclosure without an adequate chronological position. The moment of construction
of the wall enclosure of the Severin fortress
and of its building generated contradictory
positions in the historical writing. They were
placed to the 13th-15th centuries and assigned
to the Ioanit knights, to the Bulgarian domination or to the Hungarian one16.
The polygonal fortification built among
the ruins of the Roman camp at Severin,
through the found archaeological material,
was assigned to the 13th century. The construction of the fortification is related to the
Dimitrievi, 1984, p.59-60.

Iambor, 2005, p.66.
15
Cantacuzino, 1981, p.81.
16
Cantacuzino, 1981, p.95; Rusu, 2003, p.63.
13
14
Dimitrievi, 1984, p.59-60.

Iambor, 2005, p.66.
15
Cantacuzino, 1981, p.81.
16
13
14
144
de Severin n veacul al XIII-lea17. S-a adoptat n cazul Severinului utilizarea n parte a

fortificaiei antice romane, soluie folosit
n vremea arpadienilor din secolul al XIIIlea la cetile de la Haram, Keve i Orova.
Monedele gsite mpreun cu arme n turnul
circular din interiorul fortificaiei poligonale
din colul sud-vestic al castrului roman de la
Turnu Severin, de la Ioan Asan II (1218-1241)
i de la Andronic II Paleologul (1295-1327),
ofer jaloane pentru cronologia fortificaiei18.
Cetatea de la Coronini este amplasat
la extremitatea vestic a depresiunii Moldova
Veche din Clisura Dunrii. Dealul Cul, unde
a fost amplasat fortificaia din secolul al
XIII-lea, domina zona depresionar ct i cea
de strmtoare, care exist n valea fluviului
n acest loc. soluia adoptat n acest caz de
constructorii medievali a fost aceea a amenajrii unei incinte de zid dublat de un an de
aprare. Fortificaia de la Coronini-Cul, din
veacul al XIII-lea, poate fi pus ntr-o conexiune direct cu amenajarea frontierei sud-estice
a Regatului arpadian n aceast perioad, cu
promovarea unei politici ofensive n direcia
sud-estic a continentului.
Politica ofensiv a Regatului arpadian la
sfritul secolului al XIII-lea a fost marcat pe
de o parte de acutele contradicii interne i n
mod evident de presiunea extern exercitat de
invaziile mongole repetate. Scderea influenei
ungare n regiunile de la sud i est de Carpai
urmate de agregarea formaiunilor romneti
n forme statale vor duce la reorientarea politicii ungare sub noua dinastie angeviv n
cursul veacului al XIV-lea.
Documentele de cancelarie de la nceputul secolului al XIV-lea relev o nou dimensiune a arhitecturii de fortificaii n spaiul
provinciei. Apar acum n conul de lumin prin
consemnarea castelanilor, a districtelor din jurul cetilor de la Jdioara, Sebe, Cuieti, Ilidia
17
18
moment of organizing Banat of Severin in

the 13th century17. In the case of Severin, it
was adopted utilization of part of the ancient
Roman fortification. This solution was used
during the Arpadian rule in the 13th century at
the fortresses from Haram, Keve and Orova.
The coins found together with weapons in the
circular tower inside the polygonal fortification in the south-western corner of the Roman
camp from Turnu Severin, from the time of
Ioan Asan II (1218-1241) and of Andronic II
the Paleologue (1295-1327), provide milestones for the fortification chronology18.
The fortress from Coronini is located at
the western extremity of the Moldova Veche
depression in the Danube Clisura. The Cul
hill, where the fortification of the 13th century
was placed, dominated both the depressionary region and the gorges region that existed
in the river valley in that place. The solution
adopted in this case by the medieval builders was that of constructing a wall enclosure
doubled by a defending ditch. The fortification
from Coronini-Cul, from the 13th century,
can be put in direct connection with drawing
the south-eastern frontier of the Arpadian
Kingdom in that period by promoting an offensive policy in the south-eastern direction
of the continent.
The offensive policy of the Arpadian
kingdom at the end of the 13th century was
marked, on one side, by the accute internal
contradictions, and evidently by the external
pression exerted by the repeated Mongol invasions. Decreasing of the Hungarian influence
in the regions south and east to the Carpathians
followed by the aggregation of the Romanian
formations in statal forms would lead to reorientation of the Hungarian policy under the new
Angevin dinasty in the 14th century.
Chancellery documents from the beginning of the 14th century point out a new
dimension of the fortification architecture
in the province. There were recorded lords,
districts around the fortresses from Jdioara,

17
18
145

i Cara. Castelanii de la Jdioara i Mehadia

apar consemnai n documente n anul 1320,
cei de la Caransebe n 1325, de la Beej n
anul 1315, iar districtul cetii Ilidia este cunoscut dintr-un document din 131219. Cercetarea arheologic a fortificaiilor a surprins n
puine cazuri momentul apariiei noii generaii
de ceti din zid n veacul al XIV-lea. S-a acumulat n aceast privin o documentaiemai
consistent cu privire la planimetria i arhitectura monumentelor de la Vrac-Ersumlio,
Ilidia, Caraova, Mehadia i Jdioara. Cetile
cunoscute, ridicate n aceast etap, au fost
amplasate pe cursurile superioare ale rurilor,
pe promontrorii aprate natural, de obicei cu
o singur cale de acces, care a fost fortificat.
Se plaseaz n astfel de poziii cetile de la
Caraova, Socolari, Jdioara i cea de la Vrac.
Zidurile au un aspect ngrijit, cu paramentul
din blocuri cioplite din piatr de carier i
emplectonul realizat din piatr brut necat
din abunden n mortar (Fig.23, 30). Acolo
unde fortificaia a avut un plan poligonal, la
mbinarea zidurilor de cutin, constructorii
au utilizat piatr de carier ecarisat, ceea
ce conferea un aspect ngrijit i chiar elegant
construciei. ntlnim o astfel de situaie bunoar la curtina nordic a cetii Cuieti (Pl.25).
Carierele pentru materialele de construcie i
piatra de var s-au gsit n apropierea cetilor.
Zona calcaroas din sudul Banatului a oferit,
n aceast privin, resurse bogate. Cariera
de la Colani, de pe valea Brzavei, aflat
la 7 km est de Boca, a oferit materia prim
pentru piatra de construcie, dar i pentru
var. Constructorii medievali au beneficiat de
resurse i mai apropiate n cazul cetilor de
la Socolari i Caraova, amplasate direct pe
masive calcaroase, ce au fost exploatate pe loc.
O situaie identic se regsete la Mehadia, iar
la Vrac s-au utilizat gnaisurile locale. Zidurile
fortificaiilor au grosimi cuprinse ntre 1,70 m,
la Boca bunoar, i pn la 2,30 m ntlnii
la cetatea Ilidia, de lng Socolari. Doar n
19
Sebe, Cuieti, Ilidia and Cara. The lords

from Jdioara and Mehadia were recorded in
documents in 1320, those from Caransebe
in 1325, those from Beej in 1315, and the
district of the Ilidia fortress is known from a
document dated to 131219. The archaeological
investigation of the fortifications surprised in
few cases the moment of appearance of the
new generation of wall fortresses in the 14th
century. It was gathered more consistent documentation concerning planimetry and architecture of monuments from Vrac-Ersumlio,
Ilidia, Caraova, Mehadia and Jdioara. The
known fortresses built in this stage, were
located on the superior courses of the rivers,
on promontories naturally defended usually
with one way of access, that was fortified. The
fortresses from Caraova, Socolari, Jdioara
and from Vrac are located in such positions.
The walls have a neat aspect, with the face
made of blocks of carved quarry stone, and the
emplecton was made of raw stone abundantly
embeded in mortar (Fig.23, 30). There where
the fortification had a polygonal plan, at the
fixed joining of the walls with the curtain, the
builders used squared off quarry stone that
confered a neat and even elegant aspect to the
construction. We found such a situation, for
instance, at the northern curtain of the Cuieti
fortress (Pl.25). Quarries for the construction
materials and the lime stone were discovered
closed to the fortresses. The calcareous region
in the south of Banat provided, in this respect,
rich resources. The quarry from Colani, in the
Brzava valley, at 7 km east to Boca, provided
the raw material for the construction stone, but
also for the lime. Medieval builders benefited
of much closer resources in the case of the
fortresses from Socolari and Caraova, placed
directly on calcareous massifs, that were exploited right there. An identical situation was
at Mehadia. At Vrac there were used local
gneisses. The walls of the fortifications were
1.70 m in thickness, at Boca for instance, and
to a thickness of 2.30 m at the Ilidia fortress
near Socolari. Only in more vulnerable areas
eicu, 1998, p.208.
19
146
eicu, 1998, p.208.
zonele mai vulnerabile de la mbinri, zidurile ajung la grosimi de pn la 3 m. Turnurile

interioare de la poart sunt masive cu ziduri
groase de 3 m, ntlnite la Boca i la cetatea
Jdioara (Pl.29, 19).
Elementele externe de aprare care puteau s mreasc capacitatea de rezisten se
ntlnesc la cetile de la Boca, Caraova, Mehadia i Jdioara. Aceastea au de obicei forma
unui an de aprare dispus de-a lungul cilor
de acces. anul de aprare al cetii Cuieti, de
la Boca taie transversal promontoriul pe care
este amplasat cetatea. El are o lime cuprins
ntre 15-20 m i o adncime de 4 m; secionnd n acest fel calea de acces amenajat pe
curtina de nord unde se afla turnul de poart.
Promontoriul de la Mehadia a fost tiat de un
an de aprare le nord de donjon. O situaie
identic ntlnim la cetatea Jdioara unde anul
de aprare a fost spat la vest de fortificaie.
Cetatea Caraului de pe dealul Grad avea dou
anuri de aprare tiate n stnca calcaroas.
Ruinele pstrate ori dosarul de sptur puin
consistent ofer puine elemente din structura
interioar ce pot fi identificate i delimitate.
Cetatea Ersumlio de pe dealul Cul de la Vrac
ofer n aceast privin documentaia cea mai
consistent, recent publicat. A fost delimitat
curtea interioar, palatul, cisterna de ap20.
Puuri de ap de plan circular la Caraova i
rectangular la Socolari se delimiteaz n structura interioar a cetilor. Planimetria a dou
turnuri interioare a putu fi stabilit la cetatea
Cuieti (Pl.28).
Perioada de nceput a secolului al XVlea, marcat de personalitatea activ i implicat a regelui Sigismund de Luxemburg,
va marca etapa de reorganizare a frontierei
dunrene a Regatului maghiar. Au fost ridicate
ceti noi, acum la nceputul secolului al XVlea, la Pojejena, Liborajdea, Peth, la Drencova,
la Stanilwocz , i s-au reparat i extins cetile
de la Orova, Mehadia i Almj. Militarizarea
spaiului de frontier bnean a atins apogeul
n prima jumtate a veacului al XV-lea. Dunrea a devenit un front european vreme de un
20
of joinings, the walls were to 3 m in thickness.

The interior towers from the gate were massive
with thick walls of 3 m, found at Boca and at
the Jdioara fortress (Pl.29, 19).
The external defending elements that
could increase the capacity of resistance are
found at the fortresses from Boca, Caraova,
Mehadia and Jdioara. They usually were
shaped like a defending ditch arranged along
the ways of access. The defending ditch of the
Cuieti fortress from Boca cut transversally
the promontory on which the fortress was
settled. It is 15-20 m in width and 4 m in depth.
It sectioned the way of access constructed on
the northern curtain where the gate-tower was.
The promontory from Mehadia was cut by a
defending ditch north to the donjon. An identical situation is at the Jdioara fortress where the
defending ditch was dug west to the fortification. The Cara fortress on the Grad hill had
two defending ditches cut in the calcareous
stone. The preserved ruins or the little consistent excavation records provided few elements
of the interior structure that can be identified
and delimited. The Ersumlio fortress on the
Cul hill from Vrac offers, in this respect,
the most consistent documentation that has
been recently published. The interior court,
the palace, the water tank were delimited20.
Water wells of circular plan at Caraova and
of rectagular plan at Socolari were delimited
in the interior structure of the fortresses. The
panimetry of two interior towers could be established at the Cuieti fortress (Pl.28).
The period of beginning of the 15th
century, marked by the active and implied
personality of the king Sigismund of Luxembourg, would mark the stage of recognition
of the Danube frontier of the Hungarian kingdom. New fortresses were built at Pojejena,
Liborajdea, Peth, at Drencova, at Stanilwocz
at the beginning of the 15th century, and the
fortresses from Orova, Mehadia and Almj
were repaired and extended. Militarization of
the frontier area of Banat came to a head in
the first half of the 15th century. The Danube
Brmbolici, 2009, p.22-23.
20
147
Brmbolici, 2009, p.22-23.
secol i jumtate, pn la prbuirea acestei

linii de aprare i integrarea unei pri a Banatului n frontierele Imperiului Otoman la 1551.
Confruntrile militare ale Regatului
maghiar cu Imperiul Otoman au nceput
nc de la finele veacului al XIV-lea. Aflat
pe frontiera sud-estic, Banatul a cunoscut
efectele confruntrii militare cu otomanii
nc din anul 1392, cnd a fost consemnat o
expediie otoman n sudul Banatului. Cetatea
Timioarei a fost expus unui atac otoman n
anul 1397, acestea cunoscnd o amploare i un
ritm crescut la nceputul secolului al XV-lea21.
Rolul cetii ntr-un spaiu de frontier aflat
ntr-un permanent conflict a devenit esenial.
Trecerea n stpnirea otoman a cetilor
Turnu i Giurgiu, n urma confruntrilor din
anii 1394-1395 i acelei din 1405, a pus n
eviden vulnerabilitatea frontului cretin din
acest segment al Dunrii de Jos rsritene.
became an European front for a century and a

half till the breaking down of that defending
line and integration of one part of Banat in
the frontiers of the Ottoman Empire in 1551.
The military confrontations of the Hungarian kingdom with the Ottoman Empire
started at the end of the 14th century. Situated
on the south-eastern frontier, Banat knew the
effects of the military confrontation with the
Ottomans even since 1392, when an Ottoman
expedition was recorded in the south of Banat.
The Timioara fortress was exposed to a Ottoman attack in 1397. The attacks developed
and knew an increased rhythm at the beginning
of the 15th century21. The role of the fortress
in a frontier area which was in a permanent
conflict became essential. The passage under
the Ottoman domination of the Turnu and
Giurgiu fortresses, as a consequence of the
confrontations from 1394-1395 and of that
one from 1405, emphasized vulnerability of
the Christian front from this segment of the
eastern Low Danube.
II. Nobilitate i confesiune n frontiera

bnean a veacului al XV-lea
II. Nobility and confession in the frontier

of Banat in the 15th century
Spaiile de frontier aflate de obicei la

periferia statului, ndeprtate de nucleul central al puterii, au beneficiat de liberti mai
mari, care nu se ntlnesc de obicei n alte
spaii. Aceste liberti erau exercitate n mod
colectiv i pentru meninerea lor se invocau
riscurile pe care i le asumau ce-i ce triau n
spaiile de frontier. Cetenii i oaspeii din
trgul Caran, aflat n depresiunea Caransebeului, au invocat ntr-un proces cu episcopia
Cenadului riscurile asumate i sacrificiile pe
care le fac ntr-un spaiu de frontier pentru
care au beneficiat de anumite faciliti fiscale
i care vor s le fie respectate22.
Documentele de cancelarie relev efortul
financiar fcut de Iancu de Hunedoara, dar
i de nobilii romni din Banatul montan n
deceniile al treilea i al patrulea din secolul al
XV-lea pentru ntreinerea i repararea cetilor de la Dunre. Actul din 21 septembrie 1437
21
22
The frontier areas usually at the purlieus

of the state, far from the central nucleus of the
power, benefited of liberties that were not usually encountered in other areas. Those liberties
were collectively exerted. To maintain them,
there were invoked risks assumed by those
who were living in the frontier areas. The
citizens and guests from the Caran borough, in
the Caransebe depression, during a trial with
the Cenad diocese, invoked the risks assumed
and the sacrifices that they did to benefit of
certain fiscal facilities that they wanted to be
respected on22.
The chancellery documents pointed
out the financial effort done by Iancu of
Hunedoara, but also by the Romanian nobles
from mountainous Banat in the 3rd and 4th
decades of the 15th century for maintenance
Milleker, 1914, p.2 i urm.

Pesty ,Szreny, III, p. 129-131.
21
22
148
Milleker, 1914, p.2 and following.

Pesty ,Szreny, III, p. 129-131.
recunoate eforturile precuniare ale lui Iancu

de Hunedoara, care a cheltuit 4000 florini
aur pentru ntreinerea cetilor de la Dunre,
primind n schimb districtul Icu. Un document al regelui Albert din 1438 recunoatea
efortul aceluiai aprtor al cauzei cretine,
Iancu de Hunedoara, care a cheltuit 2757 de
florini pentru ntreinerea trupelor din cetile
de la Severin, Orova i Mehadia23. Eforturile
nobililor romni Nicolae de Bizere, Mihail
Vasile Cerna Muina i Sandu de Densu, care
au cheltuit 5000 florini aur pentru aprarea
cetilor Severin, Orova, Mehadia i Sebe,
au fost recunoascute printr-un act din 12
martie 144324. Puinele informaii din actele
de cancelarie de mijlocul secolului al XV-lea
sugereaz totui ferm faptul c gesturile de
loialitate i curaj militar din spaiul de frontier
au fost recompensate de regalitate. S-a nscut
n aceeai vreme o condiionare evident a
accederii la nobilitate, a recunoaterii unor stpniri funciare mai vechi, deinute de cnezii i
nobilii romni din Banat. Condiionarea dintre
serviciul militar i nobilitatea romneasc n
spaiul de frontier de la Dunrea de Jos apusean a veacului al XV-lea a fost evident25.
Spiritul de sacrificiu i loialitate se manifest cu mult mai mult pregnan n spaiul
de frontier, unde strile conflictuale i rzboiul creaz premisele manifestrii curajului i
loialitii. Documentele emise de cancelaria
regal n vremea lui Sigismund de Luxemburg
i a urmilor si au recunoscut curajul, vrsarea de snge i loialitatea nobililor bneni
participani alturi de rege i ali demnitari la
luptele din spaiul de frontier n prima jumtate a veacului al XV-lea. Diploma regelui
Sigismund de Luxemburg din 19 octombrie
1428 reconfirm nobililor de Mcica stpnirea unor moii nscrise n elitele militare,
spiritul de sacrificiu de care au dat dovad
Roman i Mihail de Mcica, mori pentru
and repairing the Danube fortresses. The act

dated to September 21st, 1437 recognized the
financial efforts of Iancu of Hunedoara, who
spent 4000 golden florins for maintenance of
the Danube fortresses receiving in exchange
the Icu district. A document of the king Albert from 1438 recognized the effort of the
same defender of the Christian cause, Iancu of
Hunedoara, who spent 2757 florins for maintenance of the troops from the fortresses from
Severin, Orova and Mehadia23. The efforts
of the Romanian nobles Nicolae of Bizere,
Mihail Vasile, Cerna Muina and Sandu of
Densu, who had spent 5000 golden Florins
to defend the Severin, Orova, Mehadia and
Sebe fortresses, were recognized through an
act from March 12th 144324. The few information from the chancellery acts from the middle
of the 15th century firmly suggested that the
loyalty and military courage gestes within the
frontier area were rewarded by the royalty. In
the same time, an evident conditioning of acceding to nobility, of recognition of some older
landed possessions held by Romanian knezez
and nobles in Banat appeared. Conditioning
between the military service and Romanian
nobility in the frontier area from the western
Low Danube of the 15th century was evident25.
The spirit of sacrifice and loyalty was
manifested more pregnantly within the frontier area where the conflictual states and the
war created the premises of manifestation of
courage and loyalty. The documents issued
by the royal chancellery during Sigismund
of Luxembourgs rule and of his successors
recognized courage, bloodshed and loyalty of
nobles from Banat who had been participants,
beside the king and other high officials, in the
fights within the frontier area in the first half
of the 15th century. The diploma of the king
Sigismund of Luxembourg dated to October
19th 1428 confirmed again to the Mcica
nobles the possession of some estates part of
the military elites, the spirit of sacrifice proved
by Roman and Mihail of Mcica, dead for

25
Drgan, 2000, p.401-403.
23
24

25
Drgan, 2000, p.401-403.
23
24
149
salvarea regelui n btlia din acel an de la

Goluba26. Actul invocat recunoate serviciul
de fidelitate al nobililor romni din familia
Mcica. Aflat n noiembrie la Caransebe
regele Sigismund recunoate actele de curaj
i fidelitate ale nobililor din familia Bizere,
de pe valea Bistrei, de care au dat dovad n
conflictele sngeroase din acelai an de la cetatea Golubului27. Actul din 9 mai 1439, prin
care se confirma stpnirile nobililor Mihail i
Vasile de Cerna asupra unor moii de pe valea
Cernei, meniona fidelitatea acestor nobili,
faptele de curaj i sngele vrsat n luptele cu
turcii pentru aprarea credinei cretine ( cum
sanguinis eorum effusione non modica )28.
Implicarea nobilimii romne din Banat
n aprarea frontierei Regatului maghiar n
secolul al XV-lea a fost evident i deseori
discutat n istoriografie29. Sngele vrsat, loialitatea de care au dat dovad, mereu invocate
n actele de recunoatere a unor stpniri, au
avut consecine att individuale, pentru familiile nobile implicate ct i consecine colective.
Menionm n aceast privin diploma din
anul 1457 prin care regele Ladislau al V-lea
a confirmat privilegiile celor opt districte romneti din Banat.
Spaiul de frontier bnean a cunoscut
manifestri specifice i n plan confesional.
Constatm n aceast privin o dualitate a
raporturilor fa de puterea central regal.
Presiunea politic i militar din vremea
regelui Ludovic I (1340-1382) a fost dublat
i de una confesional, exercitat asupra blocului ortodox romnesc din sudul Banatului.
Regele a sprijinit n anii 1366-1369 activitatea
clugrilor franciscani n spaiul de frontier
bnean, patronnd nfiinarea unor conventuri ale franciscanilor.
Sedii ale franciscanilor se regsesc n a
doua jumtate a secolului al XIV-lea n preajma cetilor de la Severin, Orova, Caransebe, Haram i Kovin. Privilegiile obinute n
saving the king in the battle from that year

at Goluba26. The invoked act recognized the
fidelity service of the Romanian nobles of
the Mcica family. Being at Caransebe in
November, the king Sigismund recognized
the acts of courage and fidelity of the nobles
of the Bizere family, in the Bistra valley, that
they proved in the bloody conflicts from the
same year at the Golub fortress27. The act
from the 9th of May 1439, that confirmed the
possessions of the nobles Mihail and Vasile
of Cerna over some estates in the Cerna valley, mentioned those nobles fidelity, acts of
courage and the blood sheded in the fights
against the Turks for defending the Christian
faith (cum sanguinis eorum effusione non
modica)28.
Implication of the Romanian nobility
from Banat in defending the frontier of the
Hungarian Kingdom in the 15th century was
evident and often discussed in historiography29. The sheded blood, loyalty that they
proved, always invoked in the acts of recognition of some possessions, had both individual
consequences for the implied noble families,
and collective consequences. We mention in
this respect, the diploma from 1457 through
which the king Ladislau V confirmed the privileges of eight Romanian districts from Banat.
The frontier area from Banat knew
specific manifestations also on confessional
plan. We see, in this respect, a duality of the
rapports towards the central royal power. The
political and military pression during the king
Ludovic Is rule (1340-1382) was doubled
also by a confessional one exerted over the
Orthodox Romanian block from the south of
Banat. The king supported, in 1366-1369, the
activity of the Franciscan monks within the
frontier area of Banat, patronizing foundation
of Franciscan convents.
Residences of the Franciscans were
found in the second half of the 14th century
26

Pesty, Szreny, III, p. 23.
28
29
Drgan, 2000, p.402; Motogna, 1944, p.460-472.
26
27
27

28
29
Drgan, 2000, p.402; Motogna, 1944, p.460-472.
150
vremea regelui Ludovic vor fi confirmate i de

Sigismund de Luxemburg spre sfritul domniei sale. Constatm totodat faptul c n prima
jumtate a secolului al XV-lea i fac apariia,
n acelai spaiu de frontier, mnstiri ortodoxe. Documentele otomane de la mijlocul
secolului al XVI-lea au consemnat mnstiri
ortodoxe la Svinia, la Sirinia, la Moldova Veche, la Mraconia, la Bazia n spaiul Dunrii
de Jos apusene. Plasarea lor geografic, n
preajma unor ceti medievale, nu credem c
poate fi ntmpltoare. Clugrii constructori
au adus aici, venind din mediul monahal srbesc, planul triconc la bisericile mnstirilor
amintite mai sus30. Privilegiile mnstirii Vodia, confirmate prin actele regelui Sigismund
de Luxemburg n anii 1418 i 1428, denot o
stare de relaxare n raport cu mnstirile lumii
ortodoxe din sudul Banatului31.
Reconstituirea habitatului medieval presupune cercetarea fortificaiei, alturi de vatra
propriu zis a aezrii, necropola i biserica
parohial. Interesul pentru cetile medievale
ale Banatului a fost limitat. Reconstituirea
istoriei medievale a acestei provincii, una de
frontier, nu poate fi realizat n ntregul ei fr
o cercetare de ansamblu, coerent i de lung
durat a cetilor medievale. Biserica i cetatea
au reprezentat elementele eseniale, dominante, ale peisajului medieval. Geneza acestor
dou categorii de monumente la nceputurile
evului mediu a avut loc sub determinarea
factorilor de putere zonal i local i, nu n
ultimul rnd, de poziionarea geografic a provinciei bnene la Dunrea de Jos apusean.
30
31
around the fortresses from Severin, Orova,

Caransebe, Haram and Kovin. The privileges
gained during the king Ludovics rule would
be confirmed also by Sigismund of Luxembourg to the end of his rule. We ascertain,
in the same time, that Orthodox monasteries
appeared in the same frontier area in the first
half of the 15th century. Ottoman documents
from the middle of the 16th century registered
the Orthodox monasteries from Svinia, at
Sirinia, at Moldova Veche, at Mraconia, at
Bazia in the area of the western Low Danube.
Their geographical location, around some
medieval fortresses, was not fortuitous. The
builder-monks brought there, coming from
the monachal Serbian area, the triconc plan
at the churches of the monasteries mentioned
above30. Privileges of the Vodia monastery,
confirmed through the acts of the king Sigismund of Luxembourg in 1418 and 1428,
denoted a relaxing state in comparison with
the monasteries of the Orthodox world in the
south of Banat31.
Reconstitution of the medieval habitat
supposes investigation of the fortification,
beside the core of the settlement, necropolis
and the parish church. Interest in the medieval
fortresses of Banat was limited. Reconstitution of the medieval history of this province,
one of frontier, can not be achieved entirely
without a general coherent and long-termed
investigation of medieval fortresses. The
church and the fortress represented dominant
essential elements of the medieval scenery.
Genesis of these two categories of monuments
at the beginning of the Middle Ages took place
determined by the factors of regional and local power, and, not finally, by geographical
positioning of the province of Banat along the
western Low Danube.
eicu, 2007, p.34.

eicu, 2007, p.34.
30
31
151
eicu, 2007, p.34.

eicu, 2007, p.34.
Lista prescurtrilor bibliografice

List of bibliographical abbreviations
I. Periodice / Journals
AAASH = Acta archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungariae, Budapesta
Acta MN = Acta Musei Napocensis, Cluj-Napoca
Acta TS = Acta Terrae Septemecastrensis, Sibiu
Arh. Preg. = Arheoloki Pregled, Belgrad
AM = Arheologia Medieval, Reia
AO = Arhivele Olteniei, Craiova
BMI = Buletinul Monumentelor Istorice, Bucureti
BR = Budapest Rgisgei, Budapesta
CA = Cercetri Arheologice, Bucureti
CCA = Cronica Cercetrilor Arheologice, Bucureti
CCAR = Cronica Cercetrilor Arheologice din Romnia, Bucureti
IBI = Internationales Burgen-Institut Bulletin, Mnchen
KMTL = Korai Magyar Trtneti Lexicon (9-14 szzad), Budapesta, 1994 red. Gyula Krist

Pl Engel, Ferencz Makk
MIOGF = Mitteillungen des Instituts fr stereichische Geschichttsforschung, Innsbruck
RMM-MIA = Revista Muzeelor i Monumentelor. Monumente istorice i de art, Bucureti
RMNM = Revista Muzeului Militar Naional, Bucureti
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157

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ceti medievale din banat

Patrimoniul arheologic i etnologic al Banatului

Relevee i reconstituiri: arh. Drago Zipfl

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei

Contribuii la geografia istoric a Banatului medieval

Izvoarele i istoriografia problemei

Turnuri locuin din Banat

Fortificaii medievale din Banat secolele XIII-XVI

Probleme ale cetilor medievale din Banat

Lista prescurtrilor bibliografice

Surse pentru ilustraii

The work Medieval Fortifications in

trecutul acestei provincii de frontier. Aceste

dealt with the past of this frontier province.

evoluie se leag de istoria central european,

dup normele europene pentru monumente.

norms for monuments. Implementation of

Reia, 20.07. 2009

Reia, 20.07. 2009

Banatul a beneficiat de o publicare a

Banat has benefited of the publication

Pesty, Krass, III-IV, 1882-1883.

Pesty, Krass, III-IV, 1882-1883.

domeniul acesteia, ori a districtului romnesc

its domain or the Romanian district in which

Fenean, 1981; Fenean, 2007

Fenean, 1981; Fenean, 2007

one gate9. The medieval castrum from Lugoj

Cltori strini, VI, 1976, p.534-535.

Cltori strini, VI, 1976, p.534-535.

i ale fortificaiei noi de la Orova, Panevo,

of ancient fortresses and of new fortifications

Krischan, 1996, p.335.

Krischan, 1996, p.335.

tria monumentelor i etapele de amenajare a

concerning planimetry of monuments and

Matei, 1982, p.114-119.

Matei, 1982, p.114-119.

ment al unui arheolog debutant, ce-i cuta o

and has remained an experiment of a beginner

Oa, 1999, p.22-23; Oa, 2001, p.57-59.

Oa, 1999, p.22-23; Oa, 2001, p.57-59.

eicu, 1998, p.35 i urm.

eicu, 1998, p.35 and following.

and Dealul Petri, all linked to the name of

legate de numele cetii i amintirea acesteia

Pesty, Krass, II, 1, p.65.

monumentele sale de arhitectur medieval,

proach, but extremely solid in the same time,

absence of archaeological information about

Secar, 1971, p.157-162; Secar, 1975, p.167-180,

Secar, 1971, p.157-162; Secar, 1975, p.167-180,

Popa au fost valorificate tiinific punctual53.

Fget led by Radu Popa were scientifically

Popa, Cpn, Achim, 1987, p.12 i urm.; Popa,

Popa, Cpn, Achim, 1987, p.12 and following.;

al secolului trecut pe ntreg spaiul bnean,

the last century on the whole Banat, gradually