Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
* I would like to thank William B. Taylor, Mary Kay Vaughan, Margaret Lavinia
Anderson, Silvia Arrom, Kathyrn Kish Sklar, Paul Ramrez, Jessica Delgado, Vera
Candiani, and the participants in the following seminars: the Miller History Center
seminar at the University of Maryland, the Mexican History seminar at the University
of Chicago, the Religion in the Americas seminar at Princeton University, the Berkeley
Latin American History working group, and the Latin American Historians of
Northern California (LAHNOCA) working group.
1
5http://inciclopedia.wikia.com/wiki/PAN4.
2
Raul Rivera L., 29 June 2006, at5http://kushkush.wordpress.com/about4.
3
Alfonso Maldonado, Atolito con el dedo, 22 Jan. 2007, at 5http://fraterlucis.
blogspot.co.uk/2007/01/atolito-con-el-dedo.html4.
4
Alberto Carbot, 15 Oct. 2005, at 5http://gentesur.com.mx/articulos.php?id_sec
1&id_art295&id_ejemplar494(no longer available).
Past and Present, no. 221 (Nov. 2013) The Past and Present Society, Oxford, 2013
doi:10.1093/pastj/gtt015
198 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
I
BACKGROUND AND ORIGINS OF THE VELA PERPETUA
Urban confraternities in colonial Mexico
The predecessor of lay associations like the Vela Perpetua was the
urban cofrada (confraternity), whose central purpose was to sus-
tain devotion to a particular saint or image of Christ or the Virgin
in the many churches in large towns and cities.10 This involved
8
The only work, which remains unpublished, is Luis Murillos The Politics of the
Miraculous: Local Religious Practice in Porfirian Michoacan, 18761910 (Univ. of
California, San Diego Ph.D. thesis, 2002), ch. 4.
9
William B. Taylor, Shrines and Marvels in the Wake of Mexican Independence,
in his Shrines & Miraculous Images: Religious Life in Mexico before the Reforma
(Albuquerque, 2010); Terry Rugeley, Of Wonders and Wise Men: Religion and
Popular Cultures in Southeast Mexico, 18001876 (Austin, 2001).
10
Urban cofradas were commonly referred to as cofradas de espanoles to distin-
guish them from the cofradas de indios. Indigenous cofradas shared some character-
istics with the urban or Spanish version, but functioned differently in light of the fact
that they were usually closely associated with the single church in a given village and
mapped closely onto the latters political hierarchies. Their economic bases also dif-
fered, generally consisting of cattle and sometimes ranches, rather than the urban
property and loan capital that supported most urban cofradas. On Mexican urban
(cont. on p. 200)
200 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
(n. 10 cont.)
cofradas, see Nicole von Germeten, Black Blood Brothers: Confraternities and Social
Mobility for Afro-Mexicans (Gainesville, 2002); Alicia Bazarte Martnez, Las cofradas
de espanoles en la ciudad de Mexico, 15261860 (Mexico City, 1989); Juan Jose
Pescador, De bautizados a fieles difuntos: familia y mentalidades en una parroquia
urbana. Santa Catarina de Mexico, 15681820 (Mexico City, 1992); Francis Joseph
Brooks, Parish and Cofrada in Eighteenth-Century Mexico (Princeton Univ. Ph.D.
thesis, 1976); Clara Garca Ayluardo, Ceremonia y cofrada: la Ciudad de Mexico
durante el siglo XVIII, in Rosa Mara Meyer Coso (ed.), Identidad y practicas de los
grupos de poder en Mexico, siglos XVIIXIX (Mexico City, 1999); D. A. Brading, Church
and State in Bourbon Mexico: The Diocese of Michoacan, 17491810 (Cambridge, 1994),
ch. 7; Brian Larkin, Confraternities and Community: The Decline of the Communal
Quest for Salvation in Eighteenth-Century Mexico City, in Martin Austin Nesvig
(ed.), Local Religion in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque, 2006); Rosa Mara Martnez de
Codes, Cofradas y capellanas en el pensamiento ilustrado de la administracion
borbonica, 17601808, in Mara del Pilar Martnez Lopez-Cano, Gisela Von
Wobeser and Juan Guillermo Munoz Correa (eds.), Cofradas, capellanas y obras
pas en la America colonial (Mexico City, 1998).
11
Cofradas also participated in processions and fiestas organized to mark civic
religious occasions, such as the birth of a royal personage or the transfer of nuns to a
new convent: Linda A. Curcio-Nagy, The Great Festivals of Colonial Mexico City:
Performing Power and Identity (Albuquerque, 2004).
12
Rugeley, Of Wonders and Wise Men: Religion and Popular Cultures in Southeast
Mexico, 74, based on his count for Informe que presento el Arzobispado de
Mexico, sobre las cofradas y hermandades de las iglesias y capillas de Nueva
Espana: Archivo General de la Nacion, Mexico City (hereafter AGN), Cofradas,
vol. 18, exp. 7, 257311.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 201
also a business manager to handle their complicated financial
affairs.13 They also developed a rather elaborate system of self-
government, with as many as twenty-four officers selected in
sometimes highly contested elections; indeed, the prestige of
cofrada office was one of the ways social hierarchies in the
urban context were maintained.14
By the mid eighteenth century, many of these functions of the
cofradas had come to be seen as incompatible with the new sen-
sibilities of the enlightened era, and beginning in the 1760s they
came under attack from both the Spanish State and the Church.
Reformers disapproved of the cofrada-sponsored rituals, fiestas
and processions, which they saw as wasteful, vice-ridden, and
characterized by uproar [and] puerile ostentation.15 Instead,
they favoured a more sedate and private devotional style in
Pamela Voekels words, they wished to create a new piety, or,
as Brian Larkin puts it, to redefine the balance in Catholic prac-
tice between ritual action and pious contemplation in favor of the
latter.16 Furthermore, reformers wanted to purify the Church by
13
To clarify, most licensed cofradas required a business manager. OHara found
many more cofradas in late eighteenth-century Mexico City than were identified in
the 1793 colony-wide cofrada census on which Rugeley based his count: Matthew D.
OHara, A Flock Divided: Race, Religion, and Politics in Mexico, 17491857 (Durham,
NC, 2010), esp. ch. 4.
14
Bazarte Martnezs Las cofradas de espanoles en la ciudad de Mexico is especially
strong on the social rewards of cofrada membership.
15
The words of Bishop Fray Antonio de San Miguel of Michoacan, quoted in D. A.
Brading, The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State,
14921867 (Cambridge, 1991), 495.
16
Pamela Voekel, Alone before God: The Religious Origins of Modernity in Mexico
(Durham, NC, 2002); Brian R. Larkin, The Very Nature of God: Baroque Catholicism
and Religious Reform in Bourbon Mexico City (Albuquerque, 2010), 8. Other discus-
sions of clerical and state efforts to modernize pious practices include D. A. Brading,
Tridentine Catholicism and Enlightened Despotism in Bourbon Mexico, Jl Latin
Amer. Studies, xv (1983), 11; Brading, Church and State in Bourbon Mexico: The Diocese
of Michoacan, ch. 8; Brian Conal Belanger, Secularization and the Laity in Colonial
Mexico: Queretaro, 15981821 (Tulane Univ. Ph.D. thesis, 1990); Margaret
Chowning, Convent Reform, Catholic Reform, and Bourbon Reform in
Eighteenth-Century New Spain: The View from the Nunnery, Hispanic Amer. Hist.
Rev., lxxxv (2005), 1; OHara, Flock Divided: Race, Religion, and Politics in Mexico. On
reforms of the Mexican church more generally, see N. M. Farriss, Crown and Clergy in
Colonial Mexico, 17591821: The Crisis of Ecclesiastical Privilege (London, 1968); Oscar
Mazn Gomez, Entre dos majestades: el obispo y la Iglesia del Gran Michoacan ante las
reformas borbonicas, 17581772 (Zamora, 1987); William B. Taylor, Magistrates of the
Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighteenth-Century Mexico (Stanford, 1996); Luisa
Zahino Penafort, Iglesia y sociedad en Mexico, 17651800: tradicion, reforma y reacciones
(Mexico City, 1996); Juvenal Jaramillo Magana, Hacia una iglesia beligerante: la gestion
episcopal de Fray Antonio de San Miguel en Michoacan, 17841804. Los proyectos
(cont. on p. 202)
202 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
(n. 16 cont.)
ilustrados y las defensas canonicas (Zamora, 1996); Carlos Herrejon Peredo, Del sermon
al discurso cvico: Mexico, 17601834 (Zamora, 2003). There is a larger literature on
State and Catholic reformism in eighteenth-century Spain.
17
Debates over the forced sale of church property began in the mid eighteenth
century, but legislation was not forthcoming until provoked by fiscal crisis. On the
forced sale of church property in Spain as of 1798, see Richard Herr, Rural Change and
Royal Finances in Spain at the End of the Old Regime (Berkeley, 1989), esp. ch. 3. On the
forced sale of cofrada property in Mexico beginning in 1804, see Gisela von Wobeser,
Dominacion colonial: la consolidacion de vales reales en Nueva Espana, 18041812
(Mexico City, 2003), 154 and 228.
18
For more on the Mexican reforms, see Brooks, Parish and Cofrada in
Eighteenth-Century Mexico; for a shorter summary, see Brading, Church and State
in Bourbon Mexico: The Diocese of Michoacan. On their conception and implementation
in Spain, see William Callahan, Confraternities and Brotherhoods in Spain, 1500
1800, Confraternitas, xii (2001), 17.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 203
social status, membership in eighteenth-century urban cofradas
averaged roughly 60 per cent female and 40 per cent male.19
The explanations for the large female component in eight-
eenth-century Mexican confraternities are complex, ambiguous
and beyond the scope of this article, but the female majorities are
relevant here because of their probable role in shaping the cre-
ation of a new lay association that was a direct predecessor of the
Vela Perpetua. The Real Congregacion del Alumbrado y Vela
Continua del Santsimo Sacramento was founded in Madrid in
1789 when two members of the court of Charles IV aware, they
said, of King Charles and Queen Luisas particular dedication to
the Blessed Sacrament decided to establish a congregation to
formalize perpetual all-day vigils over the Blessed Sacrament in
the royal chapel.20 The Real Congregacion had roots in the
Catholic reform movement described earlier. In fact, in the eyes
of reformers, it was an ideal new institution, a modern confra-
ternity.21 It was sacramental, it was parish-based, it was property-
less, and it was self-supporting in its simple financial structure.
Furthermore, the kind of piety its members expressed in their
simple vigils was also modern, in the sense that it was quiet,
tasteful, and oriented to pious contemplation, not to ritual activ-
ities or showy processions through the streets.22 The king was so
19
Full statistics and some explanation for female domination of the cofradas can be
found in my La femenizacion de la piedad en Mexico: genero y piedad en las cofradas
de espanoles. Tendencias coloniales y pos-coloniales en los arzobispados de Mexico,
Michoacan, y Guadalajara, in Brian Connaughton (ed.), Religion, identidad, y poltica
en Mexico en la epoca de la independencia (Mexico City, 2010). Since publication of that
work, I have collected new data from the archives of the bishoprics of Durango and
Oaxaca, but it does not affect these ratios significantly.
20
Tezontepec, El Sr. Cura sobre Velacion del Santsimo, 1876, Archivo Historico
del Arzobispado de Mexico, Mexico City (hereafter AHAMex), Base Siglo XIX, caja
106, exp. 20. This document presents the most complete history of the Vela. The
original documents and many of the written exchanges can be found in El Exmo y
Illmo S. Arzobispo sobre alumbrado perenne del Smo. 1793: AGN, Bienes
Nacionales, leg. 851, exp. 17.
21
The definition of a modern confraternity, as given by the reformist archbishop
Francisco de Lorenzana, is paraphrased by Belanger in Secularization and the Laity in
Colonial Mexico: Queretaro, 96: one devoted to the Santsimo Sacramento or
Animas, closely tied to the parish and providing financial support for the curate . . .
dedicated to the support of sacramental functions and the visitation of the sick . . . and
suffrage to the episcopacy, closely supervised and less wasteful . . . a way to draw the
laity away from the idea of one central church and toward fealty for a new local parish.
See also Larkin, Very Nature of God: Baroque Catholicism and Religious Reform in
Bourbon Mexico City, 151.
22
Larkin mentions a 1793 sermon almost certainly delivered on the occasion of the
founding of the Real Congregacion in Mexico City (though he does not identify it by
(cont. on p. 204)
204 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
(n. 22 cont.)
name), in which the preacher warned his listeners that . . . purely external piety failed
to serve and honor God: Larkin, Very Nature of God: Baroque Catholicism and Religious
Reform in Bourbon Mexico City, 1645.
23
Nominacion y aumento de oficiales de la Junta Primitiva: AGN, Bienes
Nacionales, leg. 851, exp. 17. Around half were members of the titled nobility.
24
Consulta del Provisor: AGN, Bienes Nacionales, leg. 851, exp. 17. The number
of female officers was half that of the male officers.
25
Archbishop Nunez de Haro to Viceroy Marques de Branciforte, 19 Sep. 1794:
AGN, Bienes Nacionales, leg. 851, exp. 17.
26
Evidence of female patronage and participation, as seen in alms collection lists, can
be found everywhere, but an especially large number of such lists was preserved in
Oaxaca: see Benjamin T. Smith, The Roots of Conservatism in Mexico: Religion, Society,
and Politics in the Mixteca Baja, 17501962 (Albuquerque, 2012). Women also played
important roles in more informal religious organizations, though this is perhaps particu-
larly true of indigenous women: see Paul Ramrez, Between Pestiferous Textiles, Torn
Families, and Bourbon Health Policy: The Tumulto and Smallpox Epidemic of Teotitlan
del Valle, Mexico, 17961797 (unpublished m.s.); Paul Ramrez and William B. Taylor,
Out of Tlatelolcos Ruins: Patronage, Devotion, and Natural Disaster at the Shrine of
Our Lady of the Angels, 17451781, Hispanic Amer. Hist. Rev., xciii (2013), 33; Smith,
Roots of Conservatism in Mexico: Religion, Society, and Politics in the Mixteca Baja.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 205
still functioning as late as 1812.27 We do not know how many
other churches followed the kings instructions to found a Real
Congregacion, but I have identified one other in Mexico (in the
cathedral of Durango), and it is almost certain that the Congre-
gacion was established in at least a few others, since the ladies who
formed the Vela in 1840 made a vague reference to their project as
imitating the vigil before the Blessed Sacrament as it was prac-
tised in other cities.28
Might we suppose from the experience of the Real Congrega-
cion that in the 1790s women were on a path to becoming non-
honorary officers in mixed-gender cofradas? Certainly the arch-
bishop recognized the importance of womens religious energy
and commitment when he insisted that the Mexican version of the
Real Congregacion have female officers, however subordinate
and powerless. But the ideological impediments to women gov-
erning men (as shown by the archbishops careful reassurances
that the presence of the Real Congregacions female officers was
intended simply to encourage other women to join, not that they
should lead) were probably too powerful to permit such a radical
innovation, barring catastrophe.
of large and small farms, textile factories, cattle ranches and other
commercial enterprises was dependent on the now stagnant
silver-mining economy, also based in the Bajo.30
The post-1810 depression greatly reduced the income of the
cofradas. Members fell into arrears on fee payments, alms were
hard to come by, debtors were unable to service their debts, and
tenants failed to pay their rent (especially when roofs leaked or
adobe walls collapsed due to long-standing maintenance prob-
lems).31 The account books of the Cofrada del Divinsimo Senor
Sacramentado in Piedragorda (Guanajuato) tell a typical story. In
1832, the pessimistic parish priest summarized the situation of the
cofrada: the income allocated to support its principal functions of
Holy Week, the Ascension and Corpus Christi, he wrote, was
entirely insufficient, and likely to remain so. Interest on three
outstanding loans had not been paid for over twenty-five years;
interest on three others had been paid only intermittently; and
the cofradas urban property was in ruins and produced no rent.
In sum, the report concluded, this confraternity only counts as
income 160 pesos a year, with which it must cover necessary ex-
penses of at least 600 pesos.32 The cholera epidemic of 1833 made
the cofradas situation even worse. Epidemics had always been hard
on cofradas because of their obligations to provide good deaths
30
The insurgency depressed the economy of Mexico in general, but the collapse of
the silver economy exacerbated its effects in the Bajo. See Brian R. Hamnett, Roots of
Insurgency: Mexican Regions, 17501824 (Cambridge, 1986); Margaret Chowning,
Wealth and Power in Provincial Mexico: Michoacan from the Late Colony to the
Revolution (Stanford, 1999); John Tutino, The Revolution in Mexican
Independence: Insurgency and the Renegotiation of Property, Production, and
Patriarchy in the Bajo, 18001855, Hispanic Amer. Hist. Rev., lxxviii (1998), 367;
Marta Eugenia Garca Ugarte, Hacendados y rancheros queretanos, 17801920 (Mexico
City, 1992); D. A. Brading, Haciendas and Ranchos in the Mexican Bajo, Leon, 1700
1860 (Cambridge, 1978); Sergio Valerio Ulloa, Historia rural jalisciense: economa
agrcola e innovacion tecnologica durante el siglo XIX (Guadalajara, 2003).
31
In the diocese of Michoacan, non-payment of interest was so common that,
beginning in 1823, some branches of the Church forgave interest that had not been
paid since 1810 and reduced mortgage rates for borrowers who were, as we have
learned to call them post-2008, under water. Margaret Chowning, The
Management of Church Property in Michoacan, Mexico, 18101856: Economic
Motivations and Political Implications, Jl Latin Amer. Studies, xxii (1990), 459. On
the broader effects of non-payment of ecclesiastical interest, see Francisco J.
Cervantes Bello, La piedad en la catedral angelopolitana: capellanas, aniversarios
y misas, 18301840, in Manuel Ramos Medina (ed.), Memoria del I coloquio historia de
la iglesia en el siglo XIX (Mexico City, 1997).
32
Notisia que el Cura de Piedragorda remite a la Sria del gob Diocesano de las
cofradas legalmente erectas en la Parroquia de su cargo, segun orden de 1832, y sus
rendimientos: AHAMich, Parroquial, Disciplinar, Constituciones, caja 818, exp. 9.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 207
for their members and pay out benefits to their survivors and of
course costs went up when a disproportionate number of members
died.33 Now, despite widespread reluctance on the part of members
and officers to sell off income-producing property, many cofradas
were forced to sell houses, inns and parcels of land.
The available records do not permit us to measure with any pre-
cision the effect of these financial problems on membership levels
in the confraternities. But they do allow us to ask whether or not the
gender balance changed after 1810.34 Indeed it did, tipping even
further in the direction of female majorities, a trend that held
throughout the country and not just in the Bajo. In Morelia in
1840, for example, the Archicofrada de Nuestra Senora de la
Merced had 771 female members (82 per cent of the total mem-
bership of 836); in the same year the Archicofrada del Rosario had
525 members, of whom 435 (83 per cent) were women; and the
Cofrada de Nuestra Senora del Transito had fifty-four male
members and 133 female members (71 per cent female).35 Of
the fifty-five members of the Cofrada del Santsimo Sacramento
in Aguascalientes who joined after 1815, forty (73 per cent) were
women.36 The elite Cofrada de la Concordia del Sr. S. Jose in
Mexico City had 182 female members and forty-one male mem-
bers in 1813. In the 1750s female membership of this cofrada had
33
On how epidemics strained cofrada stability even before the extra burden of the
independence wars, see Susan Schroeder, Jesuits, Nahuas, and the Good Death
Society in Mexico City, 17181767, Hispanic Amer. Hist. Rev., lxxx (2000), 43.
34
Neither patentes (certificates of membership) nor account books are good sources
for studying changing membership levels. In the former case, the size of each bundle of
patentes in the archives is a function of the archival habits and length of career of the
treasurer, not the absolute number of deaths (much less the absolute number of join-
ers). Account books reflect the particular territories covered by collectors over a lim-
ited span of years, making them an excellent snapshot of a neighbourhood, but limiting
their usefulness for gauging overall levels of membership. Membership lists may the-
oretically give us some insight into change over time, but there were very few cases in
which I was able to compare lists within a single cofrada before and after 1810. All
three of these sources, however, can be used to generate gender ratios, since they
typically include hundreds of names of members, which are almost always easy to
identify as men or women.
35
Lista de los actuales cofrades en la Archicofrada de N.S. de la Merced, 1840:
AHAMich, Parroquial, Disciplinar, Cofradas, Informes, caja 834, exp. 51; Lista de
los cofrades de esta Archicofrada del Santsimo Rosario: AHAMich, Parroquial,
Disciplinar, Cofradas, Informes, caja 834, exp. 53; Lista nominal en donde constan
los hermanos de esta cofrada de N.S. del Transito: AHAMich, Parroquial,
Disciplinar, Cofradas, Informes, caja 834, exp. 53.
36
Cuentas de la Cofrada del Santsimo Sacramento, Aguascalientes, 181550:
AHAG, Gobierno, Cofradas, caja 15 (180915), exp. 1815.
208 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
II
FOUNDING OF THE VELA PERPETUA
The first town to come up with an institutional innovation that
addressed the crisis of the cofradas was the Bajo city of San
Miguel de Allende (Guanajuato). San Miguel was typical of the
many smallish Hispanic towns that dominated the landscape of
44
More traditional practices seem to have remained popular among rural and in-
digenous populations. On the ways in which modern elements of Catholic practice or
doctrine were selectively embraced by both liberals and conservatives, see OHara,
Flock Divided: Race, Religion, and Politics in Mexico; Brian Connaughton, Ideologa y
sociedad en Guadalajara, 17881853 (Mexico City, 1992); Pamela Voekel, Liberal
Religion: The Schism of 1861, in Martin Austin Nesvig (ed.), Religious Culture in
Modern Mexico (Lanham, 2007); Brian Connaughton, Conjuring the Body Politic
from the Corpus Mysticum: The Post-Independent Pursuit of Public Opinion in
Mexico, 18211854, The Americas, lv (1999), 459; Gustavo Santillan, La secular-
izacion de las creencias: discusiones sobre tolerancia religiosa en Mexico, 18211827,
in Alvaro Matute, Evelia Trejo and Brian Connaughton (eds.), Estado, iglesia y sociedad
en Mexico, siglo XIX (Mexico City, 1995); Enrique Marroqun, La genesis del estado
liberal, 18241835, and Luis Ramos, Ascenso liberal: intervencion francesa.
Consolidacion del estado mexicano, 18401876, both in Mara Alicia Puente
Lutteroth (ed.), Hacia una historia mnima de la iglesia en Mexico (Mexico City,
1993); Ruben Ruiz Guerra, Los dilemas de la conciencia: Juan Bautista Morales y
su defensa liberal de la iglesia, and Jean-Pierre Bastian, La lucha por la modernidad
religiosa y la secularizacion de la cultura en Mexico durante el siglo XIX, both in
Medina (ed.), Memoria del I coloquio historia de la iglesia en el siglo XIX; Pablo Mijangos
y Gonzalez, The Lawyer of the Church: Bishop Clemente de Jesus Mungua and the
Ecclesiastical Response to the Liberal Revolution in Mexico, 18101868 (Univ.
Texas at Austin Ph.D. thesis, 2009).
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 211
the Bajo: it was closely connected to the silver economy, and over
the years silver wealth had funded the construction of churches
and convents, as well as the establishment of many cofradas.45
Among these pious Bajo towns, San Miguel had a particular
reputation for piety, with more cofradas per capita than any
other town in the bishopric of Michoacan.46 But as we have
seen, many of them were dysfunctional by mid century. As the
San Miguel priest, Jose Alejandro Quesada, wrote: In happier
times this city abounded in residents who were as devout as they
were wealthy, and they formed various cofradas that manifested
their piety. The Revolution of 1810 caused them to lose much of
their fortunes and now, with the passage of time, the situation is
very different . . .47 The town was particularly ripe for a solution
to this situation.
In April 1840, a petition signed by thirty-two ladies of San
Miguel was sent to their parish priest, Licenciado D. Jose
Manuel Fernandez. It began: We who sign below desire to pro-
mote in this City the cult of Jesus in the Most Blessed Sacrament
with a continuous Vigil . . .48 What the ladies proposed was de-
ceptively simple. Thirty-one senoras would be dubbed cabezas de
da. Each cabeza would be responsible for one day of the month,
and would sign up two people to keep vigil over the consecrated
host for every half hour, beginning at 6 a.m. and continuing until
6 p.m. (In other words, each of the thirty-one cabezas had to
recruit forty-eight people to fill her day.) The cabezas would
elect a hermana mayor and a treasurer (and, later, most Velas
added a secretary). Men could join; they would hold vigil
on Holy Thursday. All vigil-sitters would pay half a real
45
For more on San Miguel and on the differences between the patterns of settle-
ment and urbanization in the Bajo and in the more indigenous parts of Mexico, see
John Tutino, Making a New World: Founding Capitalism in the Bajo and Spanish North
America (Durham, NC, 2011).
46
On the piety of San Miguel, see Tutino, ibid.; Francisco de la Maza, San Miguel de
Allende (Mexico City, 1939), 58; Margaret Chowning, Rebellious Nuns: The Troubled
History of a Mexican Convent, 17521863 (New York, 2005). On the number of con-
fraternities in Michoacan, see Brading, Church and State in Bourbon Mexico: The
Diocese of Michoacan, 135.
47
Jose Alejandro Quesada to Licenciado D. Jose Maria Arizaga, Srio del Gobierno
Diocesano, 12 Feb. 1845: AHAMich, Diocesano, Justicia, Procesos Legales,
Cofradas, caja 689, exp. 41.
48
Morelia, 1840. Sobre ereccion de la Congregacion del Alumbrado y Vela
Continua del Santsimo Sacramento en la Parroquia de San Miguel Allende:
AHAMich, Diocesano, Gobierno, Parroquias, Informes, caja 237, exp. 134.
212 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
49
Promotor Fiscal (Licenciado Pelagio Antonio de Lavastida) to Bishop Portugal,
8 May 1840: AHAMich, Diocesano, Gobierno, Parroquias, Informes, caja 237,
exp. 134.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 213
the church every hour of the day, and to do so without the need for
overworked priests to cajole or organize.
The provisor could not decide. Why not, he must have thought,
buy some time by sending the petition to the civil authorities?
Hence his decision: Notwithstanding the opinion of the
Promotor, he wrote, contradicting that advisors positive recom-
mendation, the Recopilacion de Indias as well as . . . the Nueva
Recopilacion make it clear that before any Cofradas . . . can be
founded, no matter how pious the purpose . . . they must be
approved by the Civil Authority.50 In this way the provisor
passed the buck to the Department of Guanajuato, requiring
the ladies of San Miguel to re-submit their request to the gov-
ernor. They did so. The governor, apparently also torn, decided
to appoint a special departmental junta to discuss the case.
Finally, the matter was decided when the junta evaluated the
Vela petition positively. Their reasoning went thus: both the
priest and the prefect, individuals who inspire our confidence,
approved; the Vela did not mix the spiritual with the political or
civil; it did not threaten to disturb the peace; and the idea of a
congregation dedicated to perpetual vigil had precedent.51 And
so the Vela Perpetua, in its modern, female-led form, was born.
This complicated set of delays and the confusion on the part of
the church hierarchy make it clear that the Vela was recognized as
different to anything that had come before. But once it was
approved, the San Miguel Vela became a model for the future.
The administrative run-around was never repeated. When, after a
dozen or so Velas had been founded in the diocese of Michoacan,
they spread to that of Guadalajara in July 1843, the prior approval
of the bishop of Michoacan smoothed the path for the bishop of
Guadalajara. Eventually, when in 1848 Senora Salvadora Garca
de Vara proposed the first Vela Perpetua for the sagrario of Mexico
City Cathedral, she made a point of stating that she had modelled
her constitution on that of the Vela in Guanajuato which had in
turn been modelled on the San Miguel Vela.52 The path to the
50
Provisor y Vicario General (Licenciado Mariano Rivas) to Bishop Portugal, 23
May 1840: AHAMich, Diocesano, Gobierno, Parroquias, Informes, caja 237,
exp. 134.
51
Junta Departamental to Bishop Portugal, 27 Jun. 1840: AHAMich, Diocesano,
Gobierno, Parroquias, Informes, caja 237, exp. 134.
52
Sobre que se establezca la Vela Perpetua en el Sagrario. 1848: AHAMex, Base
Siglo XIX, caja 77, exp. 12.
214 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
funnel down to the parish level, as had been the case with the new
pious practices (simple funerals, individual prayer) promoted by
the reforming bishops of the eighteenth century.
Both the priests and the ladies of the parish stood to gain from
their new collaboration. From the priests point of view, the Vela
brought enthusiasm and energy to parish organizations, and, as
we will see, it provided a new source of much-needed funds. From
the ladies point of view, the Vela Perpetua offered opportunities
to deepen their faith by contemplating the miracle of the
Eucharist outside of the mass. Vigil-sitters, unlike participants
in the mass, could think of themselves as visiting Jesus, keeping
him company when the church (especially in small provincial
towns) might otherwise be empty, and thinking of him as a
friend.60 There was also, however, the clubbiness of the frequent
meetings, the snob appeal of the company of other elite and
middle-class women, the social interaction that was part of the
rather daunting task of organizing an all-day, every-day vigil, the
challenge of good management and professional record-keeping,
the pride that came from funding parish projects, and the pleasing
sense of self-importance that arose from being given the respon-
sibility to protect and accompany the Blessed Sacrament on a
daily basis, an honour previously entrusted only to men and
only on special occasions. (This complex mix of faith, sociability
and the opportunity for women to exercise their talents and am-
bitions also characterized many womens motivations for entering
convents, as many students of female monasticism have attested.)
By 1858, at least ninety-three Velas had been founded in the many
small Hispanic cities and towns that were the dominant forms
of settlement in the dioceses of Michoacan and Guadalajara
60
The chaplain of the cathedral of Durango, in support of the Real Congregacion,
observed that vigils allowed Jesus to be mas acompanado, and in 1873 a new devotion
was founded explicitly to accompany the Blessed Sacrament during siesta time, when
Jesus would otherwise be alone. Chaplain of Durango Cathedral to Sr. D. Jose Merlo,
12 Aug. 1793: AHAD, roll 183, frames 5435; El Capellan de la encarnacion sobre
que la Asociacion del Santsimo . . . se agregue a la de Santa Clara, 1884: AHAMex,
caja 163, exp. 47 (this document includes the reglamento of the 1873 Guardia del
Santsimo). The nature of the relationship between Jesus and the vigil-sitters is
emphasized in a devotional tract specifically approved for members of the Vela
Perpetua, in which it was suggested that vigil-sitters meditate on a poem entitled
La amistad de Jesus Sacramentado (The Friendship of Jesus in the Eucharist):
Miguel Mara Zavala, El tiempo precioso, o sea, modo de emplear mas provechosamente
la media hora que estan delante de Nuestro Sr. Jesucristo Sacramentado, las personas que
pertenecen a la Vela Perpetua (Queretaro,1868).
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 217
(about one-third of the towns where Velas were founded had
populations of less than six thousand and almost all of them
had fewer than twenty thousand inhabitants). There was simply
no precedent in the history of Mexican cofradas for the enthusi-
asm with which the Velas were received or the rapidity with which
they proliferated.
III
THE VELA PERPETUA IN OPERATION
How did the key innovation of the Vela its female leadership
work in practice? As we have seen, the Velas required that their
officers and the cabezas were women.61 The original San Miguel
regulation had specifically permitted men to join, but limited
their participation as veladores (vigil-sitters) to Holy Thursday.
Later Velas in Michoacan, however, had both male and female
daily veladores, under the governance of the cabezas de da and the
hermana mayor. The two-by-two pairs were never mixed, and it
became quite common for men to serve as veladores from 6 p.m. to
9 p.m.: this was welcomed by the women as a way to extend the
devotion into the evening hours. Most of the Velas did not record
the names of all the people who signed up to sit vigil (they were
required only to record the names of the cabezas de da), but in
1843 the Vela in Morelia did so, and the list of approximately
1,350 people included some 960 women and 390 men (about
the same percentage of women as was the average for the post-
1810 cofradas: 71 per cent). Dona Josefa Juarez, for example, had
signed up thirty-five women and eleven men to fill the hours for
which she was responsible on Day One of every month.62
It is striking how easily the men who became members of the
Vela Perpetua appear to have accepted female leadership. I have
not turned up a single complaint by male veladores against the
women who governed them, and I have found several cases in
61
In one case the constitution appears to have been misinterpreted: in 1847 in
Cotija, Michoacan, twenty-one senoras and ten senores were listed as cabezas de da,
and they elected a man, Jose Mara Oseguerra, as treasurer: Cotija, 1847. Alumbrado
y Vela perpetua del Santsimo Sacramento: AHAMich, Parroquial, Disciplinar,
Cofradas, Informes, caja 835, exp. 89.
62
Licenciado Manuel Tiburcio Orozco, Canonigo, Provisor y Vicario Gral inter-
ino, por el Sr. D. Juan C. Portugal, aprobacion de la fundacion del alumbrado y vela
perpetua en honor del SS en varias parroquias de este obispado . . . 29 July 1843:
AHAMich, Parroquial, Disciplinar, Asociaciones, caja 817, exp. 1.
218 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
which men seem to have gone out of their way to express not just
acceptance, but admiration for their female leaders. In San Diego
del Bizcocho (Guanajuato), for example, an 1853 complaint
against the priest (for charging too much for his services) was
signed by eight men who identified themselves as members of
the Vela Perpetua. It read:
Ever since this holy devotion was established in this place . . . it has been
embraced by all of the parishioners with the greatest enthusiasm, and
people of both sexes enlisted with great passion and good will . . . The
Senora who is in charge of the funds employs and distributes them with
complete dedication to the devotion.63
The Michoacan model of a single, mixed-sex Vela with female
officers, however, continued to make some clerics nervous, as it
had when the San Miguel foundation was originally proposed.
Though ecclesiastical authorities had tolerated the upending of
the principle of gender hierarchy that was implicit in the consti-
tutional structure of the Michoacan Vela, four years later, in the
town of Lagos in the bishopric of Guadalajara, the first separate
Vela for men was founded, creating a constitutional model that
avoided what one priest in Mexico City (writing about a later
female-dominated organization) called the very improper and
very inconvenient spectacle of women governing men.64 Over
time in the bishopric of Guadalajara, the separate Velas de
Senoras and Velas de Senores model came to dominate, and
it was increasingly adopted in Michoacan as well.65 The Vela de
Senoras remained the more central institution, since its obliga-
tion was to hold vigil during the hours that the church was open,
from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. The Vela de Senores operated as a kind of
mens auxiliary, extending the vigil from 6 p.m. to 9 p.m., as the
63
Queja de algunos vecinos de San Diego del Biscocho contra el Parroco D.
Esiquio Degollado. 1853: AHAMich, Parroquial, Disciplinar, Cofradas, Subserie,
Fundaciones, caja 829, exp. 11.
64
D. Manuel Monsuri sobre aprobacion del reglamento de la Asociacion de la Sma
Virgen de los Dolores, Agosto 1887: AHAMex, Base Labastida, caja 189, exp. 24.
65
Though less of a challenge to the gender hierarchies so embedded in Catholic
doctrine and practice than the early Michoacan Velas, the creation of separate mens
and womens Velas represented almost as much of a break with colonial tradition.
Cofradas that were single sex by constitution were relatively uncommon in Mexico in
the late colonial period. The principle of gender inclusiveness was reiterated in Micho-
acan just ten years before the first Vela was founded: an 1829 circular insisted that all
cofradas should be open to ambos sexos, as well as all castes (calidades). Constituciones
Generales para todas las Cofradas del Obispado de Michoacan . . . 1829: AHAMich,
Parroquial, Disciplinar, Cofradas, Constituciones/Consultas/Correspondencia, caja
818, exp. 6.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 219
male members of the Velas had done in Michoacan, though there
they had done so under the leadership of women, not as a separate
organization.
The functioning of the Velas in the diocese of Guadalajara
allows us to compare the popularity and the organizational effect-
iveness of the separate Velas for men and women. As they had in
Michoacan, women clamoured to join. Although only two
women were required to fill each shift, in Lagos in the 1840s
four or five women at a time were keeping vigil, giving rise to
anxiety that all five would not earn the indulgences that were
automatically granted to the two mandatory veladoras. (Com-
plaining that the women had refused to listen to him, the priest
requested that the bishop reassure them that everyone who sat vigil
would earn the indulgence.)66 The Vela in the city of Guadalajara
also attracted more veladoras than were required by its constitu-
tion, and on top of their monthly fees, members of this Vela seem
almost to have competed with each other to contribute items,
ranging from the expensive to the modest, to adorn the chapel
where the Blessed Sacrament was displayed.67 The inventory that
was passed from one treasurer to the next in 1850 went on for
several pages, with careful annotations of what each member had
given and how much it was worth. The items included numerous
candelabra, a 250-peso rug brought from Mexico City, orna-
mented wooden chests and tables, a German clock that was in
constant need of repair, crystal vases, numerous altar cloths and
embroidered linens, and many arrangements of artificial
flowers.68
Several of the womens Velas were singled out for praise by the
bishop for their efficient organization. Of the Guadalajara Vela,
for example, Bishop Diego de Aranda wrote: The efficacy in the
management of [the societys] interests and the orderly presenta-
tion of documents that support the account books . . . reflect the
66
AHAG, Gobierno, Parroquias, Lagos, caja 3 (18429), exp. 1844.
67
Libro en que se lleva la cuenta de las limosnas colectadas para el culto Divino en
la Cofrada de la Vela Continua del Santissimo Sacramento de la Yglecia de la
Universidad de Guadalajara, y de su imbercion, desde 1 de julio de 1843: AHAG,
Gobierno, Cofradas, Vela Perpetua (18431907).
68
Inventario general de entrega que hago de las cosas pertenecientes a la vela del
Santissimo Sacramento en representacion de la Sra. mi Madre Da. Maria Ygnacia
Ortiz de Alba, ya difunta, Hermana Mayor que fue de dicha vela; Vela Perpetua en la
Universidad, julio de 1843: AHAG, Gobierno, Cofradas, Vela Perpetua, caja 1
(18431907), exp. 1850.
220 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
73
Zapotlan el Grande, visita por el Ilmo Sor. Aranda: AHAG, Visitas Pastorales,
caja 10 (1871), libro 3.
74
Rafael Herrera to Sras Cabezas de Dia, 22 Aug. 1863: AHAMich, Parroquial,
Disciplinar, Cofradas, Informes/Patentes, caja 836, exp. 124.
222 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
has been put in charge of the veladoras, but she has not been put in charge
of the Church.75
In another case, this time involving the socially prominent
ladies of the Patzcuaro Vela, the hermana mayor, Dona Mara de
la Luz Sierra, threatened to resign over the issue of who controlled
the funds of the Vela. She argued her case in a lengthy and well-
crafted letter to the priest, Victoriano Trevino. The disinterested
and politic manner with which Trevinos predecessor had pro-
moted the Vela, she wrote, had allowed it not only to cover its
costs but also to undertake the ambitious work of rebuilding the
church, rescuing it from its miserable and abandoned state and
transforming it into the beautiful building we see today. But now
Trevino, who had previously offended the ladies of the Vela by
calling them impertinent old women, wanted to dictate which
projects the Vela would pay for. He demanded that instead of
paying for the repair of the roof of the sacristy, the Vela should
finance repairs on the roof of the baptistry. As the ladies saw it, the
sacristy roof repair would prevent a large part of the wall of the
church from falling into ruin, whereas the baptistry roof repair
only serves to protect a corridor that is of little use other than as a
place for you to drink your chocolate and distract your imagination
with the agreeable vistas that the location presents. I do not
consider myself capable of sustaining a harmonious relationship
with you, Dona Luz wrote, and so I have decided to relieve
myself of the task of leading the Vela in order to perform the
other tasks that by reason of my sex are indispensable. Trevino
backed down.76
Priests and lay leaders often clashed over issues of autonomy
(indeed, the late colonial reforms of the cofradas were in part
intended to re-establish control over lay organizations), but the
disputes between priests and officers of the Vela had an unmistak-
ably gendered quality, reminiscent of contests between ecclesias-
tical authorities and convent officers defiant, educated women
in leadership positions who had a certain class confidence. In my
research on a convent rebellion in eighteenth-century Mexico, for
example, the epithets directed by the authorities at the nun who
75
Jose de Jesus Robledo to Sr. Provisor Jaral, 10 Oct. 1850: AHAMich, Justicia,
Procesos Legales, Cofradas, caja 690, exp. 47.
76
Victoriano Trevino to Sra. Hermana Mayor de la Vela Perpetua, 3 Sep. 1850; Da.
Mara de la Luz Sierra to Victoriano Trevino, 5 Sep. 1850: AHAMich, Diocesano,
Justicia, Procesos Legales, Cofradas, caja 690, exp. 47.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 223
led the dissident faction (despot, caudillo) were similar to those
used against the Vela ladies.77 But female leadership in the Vela
Perpetua opened up a much broader terrain than the cloistered
world of the convent, on which complicated relationships
between priests and elite women could play out.
IV
THE VELA PERPETUA AND ITS PROGENY AFTER 1875
New Velas continued to be founded after the consolidation of lib-
eral rule in the 1870s, but they were now part of an increasingly
top-down process in which bishops, looking to rebuild grassroots
support for the Church after pro-Catholic conservatives had twice
been defeated in war, promoted simple lay associations like the
Vela that did not run afoul of liberal legislation against property-
holding cofradas. During his visitas in the 1870s, for example,
Guadalajaras archbishop Pedro Loza strongly encouraged every
priest whose parish did not already have a Vela to establish one as
soon as possible.78 When he next visited in the early 1880s, Velas de
Senoras, and sometimes Velas de Senores as well, had been estab-
lished in twenty-three of the twenty-seven parishes. In Michoacan,
an 1896 parish questionnaire shows that fifty-four of the sixty-four
reporting parishes had a Vela Perpetua. This ubiquity in
Michoacan and Guadalajara is not surprising given the Velas
early history there, but this was also the period during which the
Vela became a national institution. A parish census from the 1890s
shows it to have been one of the most common pious associations
in the archbishopric of Mexico.79 It was less widespread in Oaxaca,
where a similar questionnaire in 1896 registered seven Velas out of
thirty-one responding parishes, but most of the larger Hispanic
towns in that strongly indigenous archbishopric did have a
Vela.80 By the mid 1880s there were also Velas in a number of
77
Chowning, Rebellious Nuns: The Troubled History of a Mexican Convent; see in
particular Bishop Sanchez de Tagle to Licenciado Agustn de Aguera, 16 Feb.
1770: AHAMich, Diocesano, Gobierno, Religiosas, Capuchinas, caja 209, exp. 23.
78
Visita por el Ilmo arzobispado Pedro Loza: AHAG, Visitas Pastorales, caja 10
(1871).
79
Bundles of parish questionnaires: AHAMex, cajas 103, 105, 108, 159, 160.
80
Multiple questionnaires located in the Archivo Historico del Arzobispado de
Oaxaca (Oaxaca City) (hereafter AHAO), Diocesano, Gobierno, Parroquias, cajas
747 and 748. I thank Edward Wright-Rios for sharing his detailed notes on this ques-
tionnaire, on which I base my count.
224 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
V
CONCLUSION
In a recent article that carries his extensive research on colonial
devotionalism into the first half of the nineteenth century,
William B. Taylor makes a powerful, archivally based, where-pos-
sible-quantified case for a post-independence increase in pilgrim-
ages to shrines throughout Mexico.87 Taylor sees this as evidence
of both the continuity of faith (against an older secularization
narrative) and the continuity of certain kinds of religious beliefs
(especially the belief that divinity inhered in the physicality of the
miraculous images). The most important change he detects after
1810 is the laicization of religious practices, as the loss of clerical
personnel compromised the Churchs ability to direct and control
the practice of faith, and laypeople increasingly began to take the
veneration of sacred images into their own hands.
Although both the laypeople who are Taylors main subjects
(the predominantly rural and indigenous visitors to shrines, of
both sexes) and the mode of their devotionalism (the occasional,
collective act of pilgrimage) are obviously quite different from
those of the Vela (with its mainly female, urban, Hispanic partici-
pants and its tightly scheduled acts of individual prayer and medi-
tation), there are nonetheless some interesting parallels between
these two changing versions of Catholic devotionalism in nine-
teenth-century Mexico. Most obviously, the rapid spread of the
Vela, like the increase in visits to shrines, helps to undermine any
all-encompassing secularization narrative. The Vela also repre-
sents a kind of laicization. The founding ladies did not reject or
ignore the need for ecclesiastical sanction, but their actions clearly
demonstrated lay initiative, lay creativity, and the breaking
of traditional gendered boundaries with regard to laywomens
leadership of lay associations. This last point, I have argued, rep-
resented a major disjuncture between the colonial period and the
mid nineteenth century, as the Church not only allowed
87
Taylor, Shrines and Marvels in the Wake of Mexican Independence.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 227
laywomen to lead new mixed-sex institutions, but, after initial
misgivings, actually encouraged them.
Clearly there is much room for further research on nineteenth-
century Mexican devotionalism, but at this point it appears that
while certain dichotomies (unstructured, bureaucratic; baroque,
reformed; traditional, modern; rural, urban; indigenous,
Hispanic; male, female) are helpful for an appreciation of the
extent to which the Vela was innovative, the most compelling
way to put my work and Taylors in conversation with each
other is to see the Vela as adding exciting new elements to the
existing repertoire of religious practices: new ways to grow closer
to God, new pious associations, new practitioners and new lea-
ders. The operative word is adding. It is important not to leap
from the novelty of the Vela to the conclusion that religious mod-
ernity in Mexico was some kind of zero-sum game, that trad-
itional practices such as those embraced by Taylors shrine
visitors were being displaced by new practices like those of the
Vela.88 However tempting it may be to see parish ladies as the
vanguard of religious modernity, taking over where the top-down
reformist project of the eighteenth-century bishops left off, mod-
ernization in religion, as in other dimensions of nineteenth-
century life, is a concept that must be used quite carefully and
with close attention to context.
In accounting for the emergence of new pious associations in
the Bajo and new roles for women in this process, I have drawn
particular attention to the financial and leadership crisis of the
colonial cofradas in that region in the decades after the outbreak
of the Wars for Independence in 1810. This is a strongly Mexico-
centric interpretation of nineteenth-century devotional history
and womens roles in the Church. But women also became
more prominent in both Catholic and Protestant churches else-
where in the Western world in the nineteenth century. How
should we take these other Western stories into account here?
88
On this point, Robert Orsi argues that we must find ways at a theoretical level to
escape the antitheses offered by liberal historiography where religion is concerned:
Robert A. Orsi, Abundant History: Marian Apparitions as Alternative Modernity,
Historically Speaking: Bull. Hist. Soc., ix (2008), 12. The handful of studies on late
nineteenth- and early twentieth-century popular religion in Mexico suggest that trad-
itional and modern elements continued to cross-fertilize religious practices. See, for
example, Wright-Rios, Revolutions in Mexican Catholicism: Reform and Revelation in
Oaxaca; Paul Vanderwood, The Power of God against the Guns of Government: Religious
Upheaval in Mexico at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century (Stanford, 1998).
228 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
89
On the definitional fuzziness of the term feminization of religion, see Caroline
Ford, Religion and Popular Culture in Europe, Jl Mod. Hist., lxv (1993), 152. For
objections to the term, see Ann Braude, Womens History Is American Religious
History, in David G. Hackett (ed.), Religion and American Culture: A Reader (New
York, 1995); David S. Reynolds, The Feminization Controversy: Sexual Stereotypes
and the Parodoxes of Piety in Nineteenth-Century America, New Eng. Quart., liii
(1980), 96. See also the useful historiographical appendix in Karin E. Gedge, Without
Benefit of Clergy: Women and the Pastoral Relationship in Nineteenth-Century American
Culture (New York, 2003); David F. Holland, A Mixed Construction of Subversion
and Conversion: The Complicated Lives and Times of Religious Women in America,
Gender and History, xxii (2010), 189; Janet Moore Lindman, Women, Gender, and
Religion in the Early Americas, Hist. Compass, viii (2010), 197.
90
Ann Douglas, The Feminization of American Culture (New York, 1977); Mark C.
Carnes, Secret Ritual and Manhood in Victorian America (New Haven, 1989); Cecilia
Morgan, Public Men and Virtuous Women: The Gendered Languages of Religion and
Politics in Upper Canada, 17911850 (Toronto, 1996).
91
Michael B. Gross, The War against Catholicism: Liberalism and the Anti-Catholic
Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Ann Arbor, 2005).
92
Yves-Marie Hilaire, Une chretiente au XIXe sie`cle? La vie religieuse des populations
du dioce`se dArras, 18401914 (Villeneuve-dAscq, 1977); Gerard Cholvy and Yves-
Marie Hilaire, Histoire religieuse de la France contemporaine, 3 vols. (Toulouse, 1985), i,
18001880; Yvonne Turin, Femmes et religieuses au XIXe sie`cle: le feminisme en religion
(Paris, 1989); Claude Langlois, Le Catholicisme au feminin: les congregations francaises a`
superieure generale au XIXe sie`cle (Paris, 1984); Jo Ann Kay McNamara, Sisters in Arms:
Catholic Nuns through Two Millennia (Cambridge, Mass., 1996), esp. chs. 17, 18, 19;
Caroline Ford, Divided Houses: Religion and Gender in Modern France (Ithaca, 2005);
Marina Caffiero, From the Late Baroque Mystical Explosion to the Social
Apostolate, 16501850, and Lucetta Scaraffia, Christianity Has Liberated Her
and Placed Her Alongside Man in the Family: From 1850 to 1988 (Mulieris
Dignitatem), both in Lucetta Scaraffia and Gabriella Zarri (eds.), Women and
Faith: Catholic Religious Life in Italy from Late Antiquity to the Present (Cambridge,
Mass., 1999); Mary Peckham Magray, The Transforming Power of the Nuns: Women,
Religion, and Cultural Change in Ireland, 17501900 (New York, 1998); Harry S. Stout
and Catherine A. Brekus, Declension, Gender, and the New Religious History , in
Philip R. VanderMeer and Robert P. Swierenga (eds.), Belief and Behavior: Essays in the
New Religious History (New Brunswick, 1991); Mary P. Ryan, Cradle of the Middle
Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 17901865 (Cambridge, 1981). On
the beginnings of this trend in eighteenth-century churches, see Michel Vovelle, Piete
(cont. on p. 229)
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 229
exception of the studies on nuns (whose numbers increased
throughout Catholic Europe in the nineteenth century) and
some of the more quantitatively oriented studies within the
third approach, most of the scholarly treatments of feminization
are not centred squarely on that theme; rather, they take up the
question of women in the Church in the course of pursuing a
different research agenda. To appreciate what the Vela can add
to our understanding of the feminization of the Western
Church, it makes sense to look at the institution from the
perspective of three better-developed literatures: the nine-
teenth-century devotional revolution in the Catholic world;
the masculinization of the public sphere in the late eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries in the West as a whole; and the
growing importance of women in letters, the professions, religion
and politics as the century progressed.
The devotional revolution in the nineteenth-century Catholic
world is a difficult-to-date phenomenon, characterized by the
increasingly rapid spread over the course of the century of popular
and accessible extra-liturgical devotions, such as venerating the
Sacred Heart of Jesus, reciting the Rosary, wearing the
Miraculous Medal, and pilgrimaging to approved shrines such
as Lourdes.93 Although the concept of devotional revolution, as
(n. 92 cont.)
baroque et dechristianisation en Provence au XVIIIe sie`cle (Paris, 1978); Philip T.
Hoffman, Church and Community in the Diocese of Lyon, 15001789 (New Haven,
1984); Stout and Brekus, Declension, Gender, and the New Religious History ;
Richard D. Shiels, The Feminization of American Congregationalism, 17301835,
Amer. Quart., xxxiii (1981), 46.
93
The phrase is from Emmet Larkin, The Devotional Revolution in Ireland, 1850
1875, Amer. Hist. Rev., lxxvii (1972), 625. Historians who have studied devotional
change in the nineteenth century largely within the devotional revolution framework
include: Ralph Gibson, A Social History of French Catholicism, 17891914 (London,
1989); Ann Taves, The Household of Faith: Roman Catholic Devotions in Mid-Nineteenth-
Century America (Notre Dame, 1986); Jay P. Dolan, The American Catholic Experience:
A History from Colonial Times to the Present (Garden City, 1985); Brian P. Clarke, Piety
and Nationalism: Lay Voluntary Associations and the Creation of an Irish-Catholic
Community in Toronto, 18501895 (Montreal, 1993). Others who are less reliant on
this framework, but who also highlight devotional changes in the second half of the
century, include Ruth Harris, Lourdes: Body and Spirit in the Secular Age (London,
1999); William A. Christian, Jr., Person and God in a Spanish Valley (New York, 1972);
Jonathan Sperber, Popular Catholicism in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Princeton,
1984); Raymond Grew, Liberty and the Catholic Church in Nineteenth-Century
Europe, in Richard Helmstadter (ed.), Freedom and Religion in the Nineteenth
Century (Stanford, 1997); William J. Callahan, Church, Politics, and Society in Spain,
17501874 (Cambridge, Mass., 1984); Thomas A. Kselman, Miracles and Prophecies in
(cont. on p. 230)
230 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
(n. 93 cont.)
Nineteenth-Century France (New Brunswick, 1983); Mary Heimann, Catholic Devotion
in Victorian England (Oxford, 1995); David Blackbourn, Marpingen: Apparitions of the
Virgin Mary in Nineteenth-Century Germany (New York, 1994); Patricia Londono-
Vega, Religion, Society and Culture in Colombia: Antioquia and Medelln, 18501930
(Oxford, 2002); Elizabeth W. Kiddy, Blacks of the Rosary: Memory and History in
Minas Gerais, Brazil (University Park, 2007); Ralph Della Cava, Miracle at Joaseiro
(New York, 1970).
94
Muscular is used by Dolan in American Catholic Experience: A History from
Colonial Times to the Present, 232; Braude, Womens History Is American Religious
History, 173; and Reynolds, Feminization Controversy: Sexual Stereotypes and the
Parodoxes of Piety, 99, presumably borrowing the term from the late nineteenth-
century muscular Christianity movement, which positively associated Christianity,
manhood and sports. Sugary, saccharine, and riddled with emotionalism and sen-
timentalism are used by, respectively, Callahan, Church, Politics, and Society in Spain,
276; Gibson, Social History of French Catholicism, 182; and Dolan, American Catholic
Experience: A History from Colonial Times to the Present, 231. Besides the scholars of
devotional change listed above, other historians who detect a rupture between liberal
Catholicism and ultramontane Catholicism include: Nicholas Atkin and Frank
Tallett, Priests, Prelates and People: A History of European Catholicism since 1750 (New
York, 2003); Austen Ivereigh (ed.), The Politics of Religion in an Age of Revival: Studies in
Nineteenth-Century Europe and Latin America (London, 2000), editors intro.; Dolan,
American Catholic Experience: A History from Colonial Times to the Present; John T.
McGreevy, Catholicism and American Freedom: A History (New York, 2003); Jon
Gjerde, Catholicism and the Shaping of Nineteenth-Century America, ed. S. Deborah
Kang (Cambridge, 2012). While all three of the books on the US emphasize the
intellectual tradition of liberal or republican Catholicism, McGreevy, at 29, writes
that the division between liberal and ultramontane Catholics was never as clear in the
US as in France and Germany.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 231
practise: no priest was needed, it was not necessary to be literate,
and they did not impose a great time commitment making
them appropriate for women. Third, the emphasis of the devo-
tions on Gods love and an intimate relationship with Jesus and
Mary was especially appealing to women, as set against the
harsher, more distant and judgmental (masculine) God of pun-
ishments and threats.95
What does the Vela Perpetua add to the picture drawn in this
literature? Despite its strong female profile, its large number of
active participants, the relative ease with which its activities could
be performed, its demonstrative or performative elements (the
constant display of piety on the part of pairs of veladores, all day
and into the night), and its embracing of a close and companion-
able relationship with Jesus, the Vela fails to conform to the out-
lines of the devotional revolution narrative in several important
ways. First, the Velas social origins and primary participants were
not the stereotypically poor and illiterate women who are asso-
ciated with the devotional revolution. Second, its foundation in
1840 pre-dates most of the cases of devotional change in the
literature, and it certainly pre-dates the papacy of Pius IX, who
is closely associated with the promotion of the new devotions.
Third, its origins were local (an alliance of women and parish
priests), not papal or episcopal.96 The history of the Vela
Perpetua, then, warns us against a too-facile association of nine-
teenth-century devotional changes with papal assertiveness and
lay passivity, and against seeing devotional change as the popular
manifestation of the doctrinal aggressiveness that was embedded
in the proclamation of the doctrine of Immaculate Conception
(1854), the Syllabus of Errors (1864), and the declaration of
95
See, especially, Taves, Household of Faith: Roman Catholic Devotions in Mid-
Nineteenth-Century America, but see also Gibson, Social History of French
Catholicism, and Dolan, American Catholic Experience: A History from Colonial Times
to the Present. Although the nineteenth is the quintessential century of feminization,
the emphasis on a loving God, as Taves observes, came to prominence in the eight-
eenth century with the teachings of Alphonsus de Liguori. Thinking of Jesus as an
intimate friend rather than a judge also began to take hold among Protestants (for
example John Wesley) in the eighteenth century: Ted A. Campbell, The Religion of the
Heart: A Study of European Religious Life in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
(Columbia, 1991).
96
Not until 1870 were the indulgences granted to the Real Congregacion traced
back to papal briefs and connected to the contemporary Vela Perpetua: Sumario de las
indulgenias concedidas a los congregantes de la Vela Perpetua del Santisimo Sacramento [en
la] Parroquia de S. Sebastian (Mexico City, 1870).
232 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
99
The historians of Europe and the US who address the masculinization of the
public sphere and its connection to political and economic changes in the late eight-
eenth and early nineteenth centuries are too numerous to list. Key works include: Joan
B. Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca,
1988); Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the
English Middle Class, 17801850 (London, 1987); Nancy F. Cott, The Bonds of
Womanhood: Womans Sphere in New England, 17801835 (New Haven, 1977);
Linda K. Kerber, Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary
America (Chapel Hill, 1980). The historians who link these processes to religious
change are fewer, though still more than I can list here. For France, the seminal
work is Olwen Hufton, The Reconstruction of a Church, 17961801, in Gwynne
Lewis and Colin Lucas (eds.), Beyond the Terror: Essays in French Regional Social
History, 17941815 (Cambridge, 1983). See also Suzanne Desan, Reclaiming the
Sacred: Lay Religion and Popular Politics in Revolutionary France (Ithaca, 1990);
Ford, Divided Houses: Religion and Gender in Modern France; Grew, Liberty and the
Catholic Church in Nineteenth-Century Europe; Paul Seeley, O Sainte Mere:
Liberalism and the Socialization of Catholic Men in Nineteenth-Century France, Jl
Mod. Hist., lxx (1998), 862; Bonnie G. Smith, Ladies of the Leisure Class: The
Bourgeoises of Northern France in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, 1981); Ryan,
Cradle of the Middle Class; Stout and Brekus, Declension, Gender, and the New
Religious History ; Morgan, Public Men and Virtuous Women: The Gendered
Languages of Religion and Politics in Upper Canada; Barbara Welter, The
Feminization of American Religion, 18001860, in Mary S. Hartman and Lois
Banner (eds.), Clios Consciousness Raised: New Perspectives on the History of Women
(New York, 1974); Gail Bederman, The Women Have Had Charge of the Church
Work Long Enough: The Men and Religion Forward Movement of 19111912 and
the Masculinization of Middle-Class Protestantism, Amer. Quart., xli (1989), 432;
Marilyn J. Westerkamp, Women and Religion in Early America, 16001850: The Puritan
and Evangelical Traditions (London, 1999); Terry D. Bilhartz, Sex and the Second
Great Awakening: The Feminization of American Religion Reconsidered, in
VanderMeer and Swierenga (eds.), Belief and Behavior: Essays in the New Religious
History; Brian Clarke, The Parish and the Hearth: Womens Confraternities and
the Devotional Revolution among the Irish Catholics of Toronto, 185085, in
Terrence Murphy and Gerald Stortz (eds.), Creed and Culture: The Place of English-
Speaking Catholics in Canadian Society, 17501930 (Montreal, 1993).
100
For an interesting twist on this story, emphasizing the ways in which women who
socialized their sons into Catholicism often succeeded, producing a Catholic male
bourgeoisie by the later part of the century, see Seeley, O Sainte Mere: Liberalism
and the Socialization of Catholic Men in Nineteenth-Century France.
234 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
up much interest in the women who were left behind after this
feminization by subtraction, have told this as a story of secular-
ization or even declension.101
In some ways I have made a similar argument for what hap-
pened in Mexico. Elite and middle-class men drifted away from
impoverished church organizations that could no longer provide
them with prestige, social connections or material benefits, and
into new civic associations that could. They may or may not have
rejected Catholicism most probably did not but they did in
effect hand over to women the lions share of responsibility for
keeping the churches full and the faith tended to at the commu-
nity level.102 My emphasis, however, has been on what happened
after men subtracted themselves. Following Braude, I argue that
the Vela Perpetua reveals the importance of paying close attention
to the various ways in which both women and the Church
responded and adjusted sometimes in a defensive and reac-
tionary way, but sometimes with imagination, flexibility and cre-
ativity to male abandonment of the institutions and practices
they had once proudly led. The feminization of the Church, in
short, is not what was left when men found more self-advancing
or more modern associations to join; rather, it is an important
story in its own right.
Finally, a third literature relevant to the question of feminiza-
tion deals with the ways in which women, having been relegated to
the domestic sphere in the early republican era, were beginning by
mid century to enter the public sphere in new and powerful ways.
This literature tends to see the feminization of the Church as a
subset of the feminization of public life that is, as part of the
process by which women, benefiting in particular from greater
educational opportunities, became more vocal and visible,
moving into multiple public spaces, including the Church, and
cashing in on the moral authority that had been assigned to them
earlier. Where the increasingly public relationship between
101
Important critics of this declensionist narrative and the way it diminishes the
historical significance of women include Braude, Womens History Is American
Religious History; and Stout and Brekus, Declension, Gender, and the New
Religious History .
102
For Mexico, Voekel, Liberal Religion: The Schism of 1861 and Voekel, Alone
before God: The Religious Origins of Modern Mexico are persuasive on the subject of
continued religiosity on the part of anti-clerical liberals. Regarding France, the point
has frequently been made that anti-clericalism did not necessarily mean a rejection of
Catholicism.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 235
women and the Church is concerned, the story has been told very
well for the Protestant women of the United States, where histor-
ians have emphasized womens alliances with male clergy to
launch reform movements such as temperance or abolition.103
For Catholic women, however, stereotypes associated with the
devotional revolution literature that women who acted in
defence of the Church were compliant pawns of the priests,
either nuns or wives whose primary contribution was to nag
their husbands over the dinner table to defend the Church
have stood in the way of appreciating the ways in which women
used their religious leadership as a springboard to enter the public
sphere more broadly.104
The Velas history helps us overcome those stereotypes. It
shows, to my knowledge for the first time, provincial Catholic
women in the middle of the nineteenth century forming and lead-
ing mixed-sex pious associations not just heading charitable
organizations, for which female leadership was imaginable, but
governing men in cofrada-like associations, which had always
been led by men in the past. It thus opens up for analysis a range of
103
For the US, see Kathryn Kish Sklar, Catherine Beecher: A Study in American
Domesticity (New Haven, 1973); Daniel S. Wright, The First of Causes to our Sex: The
Female Moral Reform Movement in the Antebellum Northeast, 18341848 (New York,
2006); Kathryn Kish Sklar, The Throne of my Heart: Religion, Oratory, and
Transatlantic Community in Angelina Grimkes Launching of Womens Rights,
18281838, in Kathryn Kish Sklar and James Brewer Stewart (eds.), Womens
Rights and Transatlantic Antislavery in the Era of Emancipation (New Haven, 2007);
Mary Ryan, A Womans Awakening: Evangelical Religion and the Families of Utica,
New York, 18001840, Amer. Quart., xxx (1978), 602; Jane Rendall, The Origins of
Modern Feminism: Women in Britain, France, and the United States, 17801860
(Basingstoke, 1985); Barbara Leslie Epstein, The Politics of Domesticity: Women,
Evangelism, and Temperance in Nineteenth-Century America (Middletown, 1980);
Anne M. Boylan, The Origins of Womens Activism: New York and Boston, 17971840
(Chapel Hill, 2002); T. Gregory Garvey, Creating the Culture of Reform in Antebellum
America (Athens, Ga., 2006).
104
Gibson, Social History of French Catholicism, 57, 153, is particularly insistent that
women were under the thumb of the cure, and would accept male authority, in a way
that men would not. Exceptions are Hufton, Reconstruction of a Church, and
Desan, Reclaiming the Sacred: Lay Religion and Popular Politics in Revolutionary
France, who see Catholic women as taking on influential public roles during and in
the immediate aftermath of the French Revolution, acting where men wouldnt in
public defence of the church. But they also see female leadership and female public
religious roles as fading relatively quickly and failing to establish an enduring base for
female leadership in religious matters. Other exceptions are Smith, Ladies of the Leisure
Class: The Bourgeoises of Northern France in the Nineteenth Century, and Margaret
Lavinia Anderson, Practicing Democracy: Elections and Political Culture in Imperial
Germany (Princeton, 2000), which credit Catholic women with leadership roles in
the Church, but for a later time period.
236 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 221
actors and processes that has largely been hidden from view, and
allows us to think of the Vela Perpetua as a possible incubator for
womens entry into public life. The experience of lay leadership,
including learning how to confront and bargain with bossy
priests, seems likely to have emboldened Catholic women to
enter not just parish politics, but national politics. We know
that as early as the late 1840s Mexican women were intervening
in political debates concerning the Church (especially in petition
drives protesting freedom of religion) not just as residents of a
town or city, but as female residents of a town or city (las senoras
de Morelia, las senoras de Guadalajara).105 In this light, the
implied dichotomy in the European and US literature between
Catholic women who were docile and in thrall to the priest, and
reforming women who stormed onto the political stage in alliance
with Protestant ministers, seems exaggerated. It also militates
against subsuming the feminization of the Church into the
broader feminization of public life. A too-wide lens may cause
us to lose focus on an important element of womens public
lives in the nineteenth century: that when they penetrated the
public sphere, they did so as Catholic women who had been not
just politicized but also socialized into politics by the earlier ex-
pansion of their role in the Church.
The history of the Vela Perpetua, in sum, encourages us to look
more closely at the ways in which women actively helped the
Catholic Church craft survival and revival in a difficult century,
and at the ways in which the Church came to accept its need for
this help. The Church did not set out to entrust its lay associations
to women, nor did women take on these leadership roles in the
expectation that they would be able to translate the skills they
gained and the responsibilities they shouldered into political
action, even a kind of citizenship. But that is what happened.
Much of the scholarship that touches on the feminization of
the Church does so in a way that lacks analytical rigour at best,
and at worst is dismissive of the importance of studying Catholic
105
See the multiple petitions penned by women in the period 184956 arguing
against religious freedom in Mexico, in Antonio Martnez Baez, Representaciones
sobre la tolerancia religiosa (Mexico City, 1959). There were also protests by women
against the expulsion of bishops in the 1850s and 1860s, against the expropriation of
clerical property, against the liberal prohibition on accompanying the Host to the
houses of the moribund, and against the closing of the convents, all cited in Voekel,
Liberal Religion: The Schism of 1861.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE VELA PERPETUA 237
women. Indeed, from the perspective of the present, the Vela
Perpetua may seem trivial or even risible, but its history shows
that there are complex and telling stories about the persistence of
Catholic political power in Mexico (and elsewhere) that can be
extracted from this most unlikely vein.