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Scripture
Introduction
The new Catechism of the Catholic Church is heavily Scriptural, and loaded
with teachings of the Fathers of the Church. We are now to begin to make a
preliminary exploration of that Scriptural riches. Hence it is good for us to
open with a sketch of what the Catechism says about Scripture and Tradition.
1. A desire for God is written into the heart of man: God has made our hearts
too large, too demanding, to be filled with anything less than Him.
We begin to know Him and things about Him by reason. The Church teaches,
without endorsing any particular set of proofs, that we can by reason alone
be certain of His existence. And in seeing the manifold perfections of
creatures, we can know that these perfections exist in the highest degree,
and without alloy, in Him.
2. Even though we can know Him somewhat by reason, history shows that
even the best minds make so many errors in thinking about Him. Hence He
graciously has provided us with revelation about Himself. He revealed
Himself to our first parents, and right after their sin, He lifted up their hope
by the promise of a Redeemer in Genesis 3:15. After the deluge, He made a
permanent covenant with all humans. But soon He began to prepare for a
fuller revelation, in choosing Abraham and his descendants. But the full
revelation of Himself came in His own Son. This does not mean we do not
have specific truths about that Son, and about the Father. We do of course.
Christ confided His truths to the Apostles, and commissioned them to teach
others. Sacred Scripture and Sacred Tradition come from the one source, God
Himself. The Church by teaching and by its worship, perpetuates these truths
about Him to every generation.
In fact, it is only through this Church that we can know with certainty which
books are inspired and contain His revelation. There are 46 sacred books of
the Old Testament, and 27 of the New. The central part of these books is the
Gospels, for they speak to us of His Son. These sacred books contain what He
willed us to have for our salvation. This does not mean that other points may
be in error in them. No, everything that is asserted by the Sacred Writers is
asserted by the Holy Spirit. We need the action of that Spirit to fully
understand the deposit of faith.
Since the chief Author of all of Scripture is the Holy Spirit, we cannot assume
that one part of Scripture will clash with another. The unity of the divine
design means that the Old Testament prepared for the New, which fulfills the
Old. So, the two testaments shed light one another.
Chapter 1
A Revolution by Vatican II?
Has the Church in our times reversed many teachings about Scripture? This
claim is made about the Scriptural Encyclical Divino afflante Spiritu of Pius
XII, and still more about Vatican II, which is supposed to have revolutionized
theology. The answer is: Definitely no. But we should see the specifics.
We are going to see the chief positive aspects of Scripture study. But first we
must clear away some very serious objections.
We begin with Vatican II. The Constitution Dei verbum on Scripture had a
stormy history at the Council, and was not finally approved until November
18, 1964.
The peak of the problem came on October 2, 1964, when Cardinal Koenig of
Vienna rose and said that there are errors in Scripture in the matter of
history. (Cf. A. Grillmeier, in H. Vorgrimler, ed., Commentary on the
Documents of Vatican II, Herder & Herder, 1969, III, pp. 205-06). Sadly, many
Bishops chimed in with him, and there was at least no public correction by
Paul VI. Yet, the Holy Spirit was present. Really, considering the atmosphere
at Vatican II, our faith in Divine Providence should be stronger, for the final
documents left no trace of such unfortunate things (it is only the final texts
that are divinely protected: floor speeches and debates are not protected.
And the difference was evident at Vatican II, as also at the very first General
Council, Nicea, in 325 AD, when about 15 Bishops denied the divinity of
Christ).
We will answer every one of the specific cases Cardinal Koenig alleged
presently, and also the broader charges made today in New Jerome Biblical
Commentary which dares to assert, in reference to Cardinal Koenig's
intervention, "pre-voting debates show an awareness of errors in the Bible"
(p. 1169, 72:14 - which refers to other statements in 65:50 and 70-71 in the
same vein).
But first, let us get the setting from the preface to DV where the Council said:
"Following in the footsteps of the Councils of Trent and Vatican I, [this
Council] intends to present the true doctrine about divine revelation and its
transmission." This of course does not fit at all with an idea of reversal of
previous teaching or an acceptance of error in Scripture.
We begin with the specifics from Cardinal Koenig, and then we will meet the
broader charges just mentioned. There were three cases given by the
Cardinal:
1) In Mark 2:26 we read that David had entered the house of God "under the
High Priest Abiathar" and eaten the bread of the Presence. But really, 1
Samuel 21:1 ff. shows that it was not under Abiathar, but under his father
Abimelech (Cf. Grillmeier, p. 205).
Reply: The Greek text of Mk 2:26 has epi Abiathar archiereos. Now that Greek
preposition epi when used with the genitive case of the person can readily
have the generic time meaning, that is, "in the days of... ." (Cf. H. W. Smyth,
Greek Grammar for Colleges, American Book Co., NY, 1920, #1689, which
reports such usages in various authors, e.g., Thucydides 7. 86). So the
phrase really means "in the time of Abiathar". The reason for using
Abiathar's name for the time period rather than that of Abimelech was that
Abiathar was much more prominent and better known to readers of the Old
Testament than his father, because of his close association with David under
whom he became chief priest along with Zadok.
2) Matthew 27:9 says that in the fate of Judas, a prophecy of Jeremiah was
fulfilled. Really, said Cardinal Koenig, it was Zechariah 11:12 ff. that was
quoted (cf. Grillmeier, p. 205).
Reply: Even the hardly conservative original edition of the New American
Bible has a note on this passage which says that Matthew's free quotation of
Jeremiah 32:6-15 and Zechariah 11:13 shows that the Evangelist sees the
death of Judas "as a divine judgment." Actually it was not unusual at all for
the Rabbis to combine texts, and then give the name of the best known of
the authors: cf. M. De Tuya, Biblia Comentada, V. Evangelios, 3d ed. Madrid,
1977, p. 441.
3) The Cardinal also charged that in Daniel 1:1 we read that King
Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem in the third year of King Jehoiakim,
which the Cardinal says was 607 B. C., whereas the authentic chronicle of
the King that has been discovered shows that the siege must have taken
place three years earlier (Cf. Grillmeier pp. 205-06).
Reply: If we were reading a modern historical novel about the Civil War, we
would expect, and find, besides real history, also some fictional fill-ins.
Finding these does not cause us to charge the author with ignorance or
deception. No, that is the right way to write such a novel and we, as natives
of this culture, know how to take it. There are many other patterns of writing
in English, each with as it were, its own rules. But when we move into a very
different culture stream, namely, ancient Semitic, it is foolish to think they
used the same patterns. By accident they may at times, or may overlap. But
we need to check what patterns were actually in use in that ancient culture
at that time. Then and then only do we know how to take the various styles
of writing. We often call these patterns literary genres. Now in Daniel, all
agree there are two patterns or genres. One is apocalyptic - we will see
about it later on. The other seems to be the edifying narrative. It contains
much fact, but also free use of fill-ins, somewhat like what we know in the
modern historical novel. The passages that one might mistakenly think were
intended by the writer as our kind of history, are not such: they are the
edifying narrative genre. We know for certain that such a genre was in use in
the ancient Near East, e.g., in the story of Ahiqar.
Therefore, within such a framework, the author may or may not bother to
observe historical precision. What is important is this question: What does he
mean to assert? For example in our historical novel he does not assert that
the fictional fill-ins really happened. Nor does a writer using the edifying
narrative genre assert that all details are historical. In this vein, Pius XII, in
his great Divino afflante Spiritu (Enchiridion Biblicum # 559) told us the
ancient Semites often used more exaggeration than we do, and also, used
mere approximation. No man then would ask his wife to meet him downtown
at 4:15 PM. Such accurate time keeping then was out of the question.
But there is a different way, that is better. For there were two ways at that
time of dating the first year of a king. In the non-accession year system the
year in which a king actually began to reign was counted as his first year,
even if he began to reign later in that year. In that system, the first year of
Jehoiakim would be 608. This system was in use in Judah at the time (the
northern kingdom had used the accession year system, but that kingdom
came to an end with the fall of Samaria in 722.).
In the accession year system, the year in which the king actually began to
reign was called his first year. In Babylon the accession year method was in
use at this time. Thus in Babylonian reckoning the first year of Jehoiakim
would be 607 and his third year would have been 605, the year of the siege
of Jerusalem. So the problem vanishes if we suppose that Daniel, who was
writing from Babylon, used the Babylonian system.
So any competent Scripture scholar should have known that the objections
raised by Cardinal Koenig are all in vain.
The writers of NJBC focus on the clause at the end, which we have
underlined. They want to say that it means that ONLY things needed for
salvation are protected. There may be error in all else.
Reply: NJBC claims the clause is restrictive, which is not impossible, but it is
more normally taken as just descriptive. The charge is astounding, showing
complete neglect of all normal rules of interpretation:
Now it is completely obvious that if God is the principal author, there can be
no error of any type whatsoever. NJBC, p. 1169 comments that we now use
"an a posteriori approach". An a posteriori approach is contrasted with an a
priori approach. When we work a priori, we make a decision in advance, and
say what we have just said: since God is the author, there of course can be
no error. But the a posteriori approach would instead say: Look at the actual
text and see all the errors. Thomas A. Hoffman, in an article in CBQ, July,
1982, pp. 447-69, says Scripture is so full of errors that to try to answer them
all would be "basically patching holes on a sinking ship." In fact, he says that
would be a lack of faith. We wonder on what that faith is based, if Scripture is
so full of errors! He adds that when it is said that Scripture is inspired it
means "simply a writing in which they experienced the power, truth etc. of
the Spirit of Christ." Shades of Calvin, who said we know a book is inspired if
the Holy Spirit interiorly tells us so!
In contrast, Pius XII, in Divino afflante Spiritu, cited the words of Vatican I
which Vatican II cited, and said (EB # 538): "When certain Catholic authors,
contrary to this solemn definition of Catholic doctrine... dared to restrict the
truth of Holy Scripture to matters of faith and morals... our predecessor of
immortal memory, Leo XIII, in the Encyclical, Providentissimus Deus... rightly
and properly refuted those errors." So Pius XII, in an Encyclical greatly
praised by the leftists, called the statement of Vatican I, that God is the
Author of Scripture, which Vatican II quoted, a solemn definition. So the NJBC
would ask us to think that Vatican II intended to contradict a solemn
definition - and even referred us to that definition and quoted it!
Ironically such charges are made today when finally we have the new
techniques that allow us to handle successfully charges of error which earlier
in this century were insoluble. We will give some presentation of those
techniques in this book. For more details, cf. Wm. G. Most, Free From All
Error, Prow Books, Libertyville, IL, 2d ed. 1990.
DV # 11 also refers us to other older texts of the Magisterium, with the same
general thought. Especially significant are the words of Leo XIII (EB 124): "It
is altogether not permitted to either limit inspiration to only some parts of
Sacred Scripture, or to say that the sacred author himself was in error. Nor is
the method tolerable which, to get out of the difficulties just mentioned, does
not hesitate to say that divine inspiration pertains to matters of faith and
morals and nothing more... For all the books, the complete books, which the
Church receives as sacred and canonical, were written, with all their parts, at
the dictation of the Holy Spirit. It is so far from possible that any error could
underlie divine inspiration that it of itself not only excludes any error, but
excludes and rejects it as necessarily as it is necessary to say that God, the
Supreme Truth, is the author of no error at all." A clearer and flatter rejection
of the theory of NJBC could hardly be imagined -- yet Vatican II, in the very
same passage, DV # 11, refers us to this passage along with others!
By observing this qualification, we can easily see that no error at all, of any
kind, is possible.
With this approach - plus that of form and redaction criticism, which we will
see after a bit - things that seem like errors can all be solved. Early in the
20th century, and before, Scripture scholars, both Catholic and Protestant,
were well aware of many problems in Scripture, things that seemed like
errors or contradictions. They could solve some problems; but many they
could not. Yet they were men of faith, and lived and died saying: Even if we
cannot find the answer, there must be one. Today thanks to great progress in
techniques, we can solve the problems they could not solve. So it is
strangely ironic that at the very time when we have the means to solve the
formerly insoluble problems, so many today are claiming it is all hopeless. In
fact, they say some things are hopeless whose solution was known before,
e.g., as to the seeming contradictions in the three accounts of St. Paul's
conversion in Acts, it is said that in 9:7 the men with Paul heard the voice,
but saw no one, while in 22:9 it says they saw the light but did not hear the
voice. The answer is so easy: in Greek, akouein has a broad span of meaning
- so does English listen - so it can mean to perceive a sound, or to perceive it
and also understand it (cf. John 12. 28-29). Again it is noted that in 26:14 the
men all fell to the ground, while in 9:7 it says they stood amazed. One needs
no Greek to solve this one: first they fall to the ground, but as soon as they
could, scrambled to their feet and stood in amazement.
Our conclusion thus far: Vatican II is not guilty of the charge of contradicting
earlier documents.
Chapter 2
What is Inspiration - Which Books are Inspired?
Athenagoras, an apologist of the second century, said the Holy Spirit used
the human writer, "as if a flutist breathed into his flute" (Legation for the
Christians 9). Not much later, around 181 A.D., St. Theophilus of Antioch
wrote (To Autolycus 2. 10): "Moses... or rather, the Word of God, who used
him as an instrument, said, 'In the beginning God made heaven and earth. '"
These texts imply that God Himself is the chief Author. A more explicit
statement found in the Ancient Statutes of the Church (DS 325: 5th-6th
century) says the one who is to be ordained Bishop should be asked, "if he
believes that God is the one and same author of the New and Old
Testament."
Vatican I (DS 3006) taught: "The Church considers them [the books of
Scripture] sacred and canonical, not that they were written by mere human
diligence and then approved by her authority, nor only that they contain
revelation without error, but because being written with the Holy Spirit
inspiring them, they have God as their author, and as such were handed
down to the Church herself."
Pius XII in Divino afflante Spiritu (EB 556-- to which a note on DV # 11 refers
us) wrote: "The sacred writer in producing the sacred book is the organon,
that is, the instrument of the Holy Spirit, an instrument living and endowed
with reason... He, working under inspiration, still uses his own faculties and
powers in such away that all can easily gather from the book he produces
'the proper character, and as it were, the individual lines and characteristics,
'" of the human writer (internal quote is from Benedict XV, Spiritus Paraclitus
of 1920, EB 448).
This does not mean that God dictated the words as one would do to a
shorthand stenographer. Then the human being could not also be called the
author. And what could we do with the words of St. Paul in 1 Corinthians
1:14-18? First Paul says he is glad he baptized only Crispus and Gaius. Then
he adds - as his memory wakes up in stages - that he also baptized the
household of Stephanas. Still further, he adds that he is not sure if he
baptized any others. So clearly, this could not fit with a stenographic
dictation theory - such a theory was generally given up by the end of the
19th century.
We really have a remarkable picture. God can so employ the human writer as
His instrument that the writer will write all that God wills, and do so without
any error, but yet retain his own literary style and grammatical ability.
If we ask precisely how this can be, we must take refuge in divine
transcendence, that is, we know He is above and beyond all our categories
and classifications.
Some have wanted even so to say God knows things only by causing them. It
is true, He does cause all things. But St. Thomas Aquinas does not limit His
manner of knowing to that. Several times over, St. Thomas deals with the
problem of how God can know a future free decision, for example, one I will
make tomorrow at 10 AM. There are no causes lined up, which will, as it were
intersect at 10 AM and cause me to make that decision. Then it would not be
free. Further, the decision has not yet been made, and so it is non-existent.
St. Thomas explains (e.g., in Contra gentiles 1. 67; De Veritate 2. 12. c.; and
Compendium theologiae 1, 133 # 272) that God's duration is eternity - a life
in which there is no change at all. We creatures who live in time see ahead of
us a moment we call future - it quickly changes to present - then to past. But
since God cannot change, there is no past or future for Him. (Here is another
case of transcendence. We say He made the world - a past statement. But to
His eternal mind, creation is present. Again, we say Christ will return at the
end - but to God, that too is present).
We must not start out by saying: Ask the Church. For there could be a vicious
circle: believe the Church because the Gospels say so - believe the Gospels
because the Church says so.
To avoid such irrationality, we will indeed start with the Gospels, but we will
not at the start look on them as inspired. That is something still to be proved.
Rather, we look on them at first as merely ancient documents. There is no
doubt they are such.
We ask first: has the text come down to us substantially correctly? Textual
Criticism deals with this problem. It is especially easy with the Gospels. In the
case of pagan works, e.g., Julius Caesar's wars, there is a gap of nearly 1000
years between the copy he wrote or dictated, and the oldest manuscript we
have. But for the Gospels the gap is far less. The Sinai and Vatican Codices
each date from around 350 A. D. We have others, the Alexandrian Codex and
the Codex Bezae from around 400 A. D. We can narrow even this small gap.
We have papyri giving parts of the New Testament. The Chester Beatty
Papyrus II comes from the early 200s, and includes most of the Epistles of St.
Paul. Bodmer Payprus P 75 also comes from around 200, and has parts of
Luke and John.
There are major new finds. In the library of Magdalen College, Oxford there
are three small fragments of St. Matthew's Gospel. Carsten Thiede by careful
paleographic analysis dates them to the 60s AD. (in: Eyewitness to Jesus,
Doubleday, 1996). There is also a smaller fragment found at Qumran that is
said to be from Mark.
There are other checks too. The Old Syriac and Old Latin versions go back to
at least the late 100s. The Coptic and Sahidic versions come from the early
200s. Besides, the Fathers of the Church were quoting Scripture still earlier.
But really, no scholar at all worries about the accuracy of our texts, for the
variations between the manuscripts are mostly trifling. They surely have no
effect at all on the six key points we are going to be using soon.
A sad mistake was made by the famous scholar Norman Perrin of the
University of Chicago. In his Rediscovering the Teaching of Jesus, p.26 he
claimed "No ancient texts reflect the attitudes of the modern western world."
He clearly had not read much if anything of the ancient historians of Greece
and Rome. From 5th century BC. Herodotus (Preface 1) and Thucydides
(1.22) and Roman Livy (7.6.6) and Tacitus, Annals 1.1) and numerous others
we see that their chief aim was to record facts. They added interpretations
more than we do, but there is no harm in that. They also includes speeches,
which we do not do. But Thucydides explains he tried to get the actual text
or at least he wrote what seemed to fit. Since he so honestly tells us this, we
need not be deceived. Modern historians would give Thucydides and Tacitus
an "A" for facts (some think Tacitus is rather hard on Tiburius-- which is
debated today). Livy and Herodotus would rate a B.
Next we ask what genre of writing the Gospels are. It is evident, they mean
to give facts about Jesus, plus interpretations for the sake of faith. This is the
sort of writing we would expect, in the Jewish factual tradition.
The objection arises: can we tell the facts from the interpretations? Is there
any such thing as an uninterpreted report? The answer is: Many times it is
very possible. We need two conditions.
First the item in question should not be entangled with an ancient culture,
which might be hard to reconstruct. (Really this is hardly worth a mention,
for the Hebrew culture is known so well).
Second, some happenings are such that anyone present could pick up the
facts with eyes and ears, with no possibility of damage from bias. For
example, a leper stands before Jesus asking to be healed. He says: I will it:
be healed. Someone could fake the whole thing, but other than that, there is
no room for any effect from bias.
Would someone fake the basic facts about Jesus? Definitely no: the first
Christians believed their eternal fate depended on knowing about Him.
Someone will say: Muslims and others die for their beliefs. True, but that
proves only sincerity. In addition, we must see whether they have the facts.
Muhammed went into a cave, claimed revelations there. But there is no
check whatsoever on it.
So we must ask now: could the Evangelists have access to the facts? Very
definitely yes: (1)The First Epistle of Clement to Corinth is dated about 95 A.
D. The writer says Peter and Paul were of his own generation - that is
obvious, for Peter and Paul died around 66 AD. Clement became Pope in
either 88 or 92. We would expect he was around to hear them - as were
countless others still living later. (2)Quadratus, the earliest Greek apologist,
wrote around 123 AD. He says that in his day, some were still alive who had
been cured by Jesus or raised from the dead by Him. This need not be as late
as 123 of course. But it would surely cover the period 80-90 when leftists
think Matthew and Luke wrote (they think Mark wrote a bit before 70).
(3)Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis c. 130, and also the Antimarcionite Prologues
(late 2nd century) and St. Irenaeus (died c 200) all report Mark wrote from
the preaching of Peter. Even Martin Hengel of the University of Tubingen - the
source from which so many unsound critical and rationalistic views have
come -- believes these reports about Mark. There are still other sources, but
let us mention merely this: Jesus died around 30 or 33 AD. A person then in
his/her teens would be about 65 by the year 80, the period when some think
Matthew and Luke wrote. So there would be some still alive - as Quadratus
said - who had heard Jesus in person.
Up to this point we are able to gather this: The Gospels should be able to
give us at least a few of the very simple facts - not enmeshed with an
ancient culture, and such that there is no room for bias in the report unless
there was complete fakery, which their concern for their eternity ruled out.
So we look for and find six facts, all of which match this description:
1) There was a man called Jesus. This is obvious from all over the Gospels.
We have even pagan evidence. Tacitus, a Roman historian admired by
modern critics, comments in connection with Nero's persecution (Annals 15.
44): "The author of this name, Christ, was executed during the reign of
Tiberius, by the procurator Pontius Pilate."
3)He did enough to prove He was such a messenger not just by working
miracles, but miracles done in a framework where there is a tie between the
miracle and His claim, e.g., when He healed the paralytic let down through
the roof to prove He had forgiven the man's sins. As to the miracles
themselves - not even His enemies in His own day denied them - they just
said He did them by the devil or magic. (Incidentally, His miracles are in
continuity with the scientifically checked miracles of Lourdes, many worked
when the Blessed Sacrament passed in procession. This implies an abiding,
not just a transient Real Presence there - which no other church claims is
true).
4) We would expect this item: In the crowds He had a smaller group to whom
He spoke more.
5) We would also expect this: He told them to continue His work, His
teaching. We cannot imagine God sending a messenger with such power for
just one generation.
6) Again, knowing He is a messenger sent from God, and seeing His power so
often, we are not surprised when He promises God will protect their teaching:
"He who hears you hears me" (Luke 10:16). We notice that although He
identifies with the poor as poor, in this case He identifies with His teachers as
His teachers. Again: "If he will not hear the Church, let him be to you as a
heathen and a publican" (Mt. 18. 17).
Now, after this process, in which we did not appeal to faith at all, we have
before us a group - we could call it a Church - commissioned to teach by a
messenger sent from God, and promised God's protection on that teaching.
Now it is not only intellectually permissible, but mandatory - if we have
followed the reasoning - to believe what the group/Church says. It can then
tell us which books are inspired, it can tell us that the Messenger is divine; it
can tell us there is a Pope, and what authority he has. It can tell us many
more things about the Gospels, so we do not have to fight our way through
numerous incidents questioned by critics. We have made, with the six simple
facts, a bypass around all their worries.
We notice that there is no other way to determine which books are inspired.
Luther thought if a book preached justification by faith strongly, it was
inspired. But he did not prove that was the standard, and further, he could
write such a book, and so could I, and it would not be inspired. John Calvin
thought we know which books are inspired by the interior testimony of the
Spirit (Institutes I. 7). But that is hopelessly subjective.
There is no doubt that the great Scriptural Encyclical of Pius XII, Divino
afflante Spiritu, issued in 1943, was and has been a great encouragement
and help to Scripture study. But was it a real turn-about, so that Wilfred
Harrington was right in saying (The New Guide to Reading and Studying the
Bible, Enlarged Edition, Glazier, Wilmington, 1984, p. 32) that "the effect of
that document had changed Roman Catholic biblical studies beyond
recognition."
A major claim is that it was formerly forbidden to use the approach via
literary genres - some prominent scholars had been disciplined for being
rather free.
First a word about disciplinary actions - for we must carefully distinguish such
decrees from doctrinal decrees. Yes, some scholars did suffer, but the reason
was the need for precautions against two things: the new teaching of
evolution, and the widespread heresy of Modernism.
When Darwin first proposed evolution, it shook the faith of many, both
Catholic and Protestant. For although the Church had never taught a crude or
fundamentalistic view of the creation account in Genesis, so many thought it
had done so. In the minds of many, there was a tie-in, such that if they
accepted evolution, the whole faith would be gone. That never was true, but
the fact that people thought so, created a danger. We think of the story of a
little boy who came and said: "Mommy, I just found out there is no Santa
Claus. And I am going to look into this little Jesus story too!" Today, now that
that psychological danger is gone, the Church no longer hinders writings on
evolution, as Pope Pius XII explicitly said in Humani generis, in 1950 (DS
3896): "The Magisterium of the Church does not forbid that the theory of
evolution... be investigated and discussed by experts in both science and
theology... they are rash and go too far who act as if the origin of the human
body from preexisting and living matter... were certain and fully proved."
But at first there was the great danger mentioned. Hence there was need of
disciplinary action, to protect the faith of the many, until the passage of time
would remove the bad psychology. A fundamentalist view would say that God
made the world in 6 times 24 hours, that there were only 4000 years before
Christ, that God literally made a clay statue and breathed upon it, and similar
things. In others words, such people neglect the lesson of literary genres.
They do not ask what is the genre of Genesis 1-3. It is actually an ancient
story, made up to serve as a vehicle for teaching some things that really
happened, chiefly: God made all things, in some special way He made the
first pair (we leave room for possible theistic evolution, one that sees the
need of God's intervention every time higher being appears), that He gave
them some command (we do not know if it was about a fruit tree - that may
be stage dressing in the story, something not asserted), that they violated
His orders and fell from favor (= lost grace and so did not have it to pass on
to their children). Pius XII in the Encyclical Humani generis, in 1950 wrote (DS
3898) that, "the first chapters of Genesis, even though they do not strictly
match the pattern of historical writing used by the great Greek and Roman
writers of history, or of historians of our times, yet in a certain true sense -
which needs further study -do pertain to the genre of history." We have just
suggested in what way they do pertain to history, namely, in that they report
things that really happened, through the vehicle of a story.
Had the Church once taught a fundamentalistic view? First, to retell the story
of Genesis in the same or similar words, does not amount to an
interpretation. But further, the Fathers of the first centuries seldom tried to
find what the ancient author really meant to say (=asserted). We comment
that the words "literal sense" have two meanings, one which we have just
indicated, which tries to find what the author meant to assert, taking into
account genre, differences of language and culture etc. The other would
treat the text as though written by a modern American and ignore genre and
all such things. The Fathers instead preferred allegory, in which one thing
stands for another. When they did seek the proper literal sense, they often
were not at all fundamentalistic. For example, St. Augustine, in his De Genesi
ad Litteram 6. 12. 20 (Literal Sense of Genesis) wrote: "That God made man
with bodily hands from the clay is an excessively childish thought, so that if
Scripture had said this, we should rather believe that the writer used a
metaphorical term, than to suppose God is bounded by such lines of limbs as
we see in our bodies." St. John Chrysostom made a similar comment on the
episode of the creation of Eve from Adam's rib in Genesis 2:21-22. He said, in
his Homily on Genesis 22. 21: "See the condescendence [adaptation to
human weakness] of divine Scripture, what words it uses because of our
weakness. 'And He took', it says, 'one of his ribs.' Do not take what is said in
a human way, but understand that the crassness of the words fits human
weakness." St. John did not suggest what was the sober way to take the text.
A fine suggestion was made by Pope John Paul II in his Audience of November
7, 1979. He said putting Adam to sleep could stand for a return to the
moment before creation, so that man might reemerge in his double unity as
male and female.
What of the claim that the approach via literary genres had once been
forbidden? It is not really true. On June 23, 1905, the Biblical Commission
gave a reply: "Can that be accepted as a principle of sound interpretation
which holds that some books of Scripture that are considered as historical -
partly or totally - do not at times, give history strictly and objectively so
called, but instead, have just the appearance of history, so as to convey
something other than a strict literal or historical sense of the words?" The
reply was: "No, except in the case in which when the sense of the Church
does not oppose it, and subject to the judgment of the Church, it is proved by
solid arguments that under the appearance and form of history, the sacred
author intended to give a parable, an allegory, or a sense differing from the
properly literal or historical sense of the words." In the case of evolution,
there was danger from a false psychology. In the case of literary genres,
there was danger from Modernism, which radically reinterpreted everything,
so that Pius X called it the synthesis of all heresies. So the Church needed to
be careful while the danger was fresh. Yet even at the start, the reply of the
Biblical Commission did not really forbid the use of the genre approach, it
merely insisted on careful scholarship, restricting the genre approach to
things not against the sense of the Church, and requiring evidence for the
genre used.
Later, when the danger seemed to have abated, Pius XII could positively
encourage that which the Commission had only gingerly allowed. Even today
Vatican II insists on careful scholarship, says that all must be subject to the
Magisterium (DV #10) and adds that one must watch for the sense of the
Church and "the analogy of faith (DV # 12) - see if a proposal fits with the
whole body of teachings of the Church.
In addition, some say that the early decrees of the Pontifical Biblical
Commission were mostly reversed: those decrees had said: a) Moses was
substantially the author of the Pentateuch (first five books of Old Testament),
b) That the early chapters of Genesis were historical, c) That there was only
one author for the book of Isaiah, d) That Matthew was the first Gospel, e)
That Luke and Acts were written in the 60s, f) That Paul was the author of the
Epistle to the Hebrews. Let us look carefully at the evidence for each point.
But let us say at the outset that who was the author of a book of Scripture is
not a matter of faith, but of history. Even so, let us look at the claims:
The NJBC has pulled back from this position. It is believed by many that the
Pentateuch was put together out of four basic documents: Yahwist, Elohist,
Priestly Code, and Deuteronomist - hence the name JEPD for the
Documentary Theory. But that Documentary theory is not proved. Joseph
Blenkinsopp of Notre Dame in his review of R. N. Whybray, The Making of the
Pentateuch (Journal For Study of Old Testament Supplement 5. Sheffield,
1987) wrote (CBQ Jan. 1989, pp. 138-39): "It is widely known by now that the
documentary hypothesis is in serious trouble, with no viable alternative yet
in sight." He continues saying that Whybray has easily shown the fragility of
many of the arguments given for the theory, sometimes requiring an
unreasonable level of consistency within the sources, at other times not.
Further, Newsweek of Sept. 28, 1981, p. 59 reported that Yehuda Radday,
coordinator of the Technion Institute in Israel, fed the Hebrew text of Genesis
into a computer, and concluded: "It is most probable that the book of
Genesis was written by one person."
So we cannot be sure Moses was not the author of the Pentateuch in the
ancient sense.
b) historical nature of the first chapters of Genesis: We already cited Pius XII
saying that in some way the first eleven chapters pertain to history, even
though not a history of the type written by the great Greek and Roman
writers, or by modern writers. We take this to mean that the literary genre is
such that by the vehicle of a story, things that really happened substantially
are conveyed. We add now that the theory of evolution is far from proved
even today. The Research News section of Science, November 21, 1980 gives
a long report on a conference held at the Field Museum in Chicago, of
geologists, paleontologists, ecologists, population geneticists, embryologists,
and molecular biologists. The majority of the 160 participants decided
Darwin was wrong, in the sense that the fossil record does not show the
intermediate forms Darwin supposed. So they - still not willing to abandon
evolution - thought up a new theory of "punctuated equilibria" according to
which a species might stay the same for millions of years, and then by some
fluke, a much higher form, in the same type, would appear. If they had
evidence that this actually happened, the research report did not mention it.
The closest one could find to that would be the Grand Canyon, in which there
are high vertical layers exposed, with simple organisms such as Trilobites
down below, more and more complex things as one goes higher. But there
was no proof that any of the higher ones simply came from the lower. It
would take great faith - without basis -to suppose that. If one uses the
mathematics of factorials to calculate the chances of such a fluke, the odds
against it are enormous.
c) One Isaiah: It is now common to say that the Book of Isaiah had two or
even three authors. The reasons given are these: first Isaiah threatens
disaster, second Isaiah is addressed to exiles in Babylon; Jerusalem has been
deserted. Second Isaiah mentions the dynasty of David, but transfers its
privileges to the whole people (55:3-5). In Third Isaiah, Israel is back again in
her own land and the problems spoken of in chapters 1-39 are no longer
present. Similarly, the tone varies in the three parts - from threats - to sorrow
- to consolation.
It is quite possible that there were three authors, for this is a problem of
history, not of faith. However, the arguments given are inadequate. One
Isaiah could have been given a prophetic vision to see the exile and the
return. Really, the Deuteronomic pattern (threat, punishment, rescue) alone
would suggest that, for it too moved from threat to punishment, to
restoration. One wonders: was this theory of several authors originally
motivated by the conviction that there can be no real prophecies?
d) Matthew's Priority: For long most scholars have held that Mark wrote first.
That consensus is now weakening, several major works have called it into
doubt. For example: W. R. Farmer, The Synoptic Problem (Dillsboro, 1976);
Bernard Orchard, Matthew, Luke and Mark, (Manchester, 1977); E. P.
Sanders, The Tendencies of the Synoptic Tradition (Cambridge, 1969); John
M. Rist, On the Independence of Matthew and Mark (Cambridge, 1978);
Hans-Herbert Stoldt, History and Criticism of the Marcan Hypothesis
(Edinburgh, 1980). The ancient witnesses put Matthew first. However, they
were thinking of the Hebrew Matthew. We do not know the relation of our
Greek Matthew to the Hebrew. In any case, it is a respectable opinion today,
gaining in support, to deny that Mark wrote first.
The reasons for putting Mark first are not solid. They say that the prophecy of
the fall of Jerusalem, is not as clear, chiefly in 13:14, as it might have been.
So Mark wrote before 70. But then they think that Matthew and Luke used
Mark - since there is so much material similar in all three at many points: but
this does not prove which of the three wrote first. Further, they say, Matthew
and Luke are rather clear about the fall of Jerusalem, and so must have
written after it happened. Luke even speaks of an army surrounding
Jerusalem.
There is also the claim that Matthew seems not to know the debate which St.
Paul had with the Judaizers, in which he insisted we are free from the law,
while Jesus said (Mt. 5:17) that He came not to destroy but to fulfill. But there
is a good explanation. First, Matthew had a different purpose from Paul's.
Secondly, if we get the setting, we will see how it all happened. Some
Judaizers said that Christ is not enough - one must also keep the law. Paul
naturally replied that Christ is sufficient, we need not keep the law. But he
also made clear to all but Luther that if one violates the law he is lost: 1 Cor
6. 9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rom 3:31; Eph 5:5. Luther did not know what Paul
meant by the word faith, and thought it meant just the conviction that the
merits of Christ count for him ("taking Christ as personal Savior"). After that,
as Luther wrote to Melanchthon in Epistle 501: "Even if you sin greatly
believe more greatly." The volume, Justification by Faith: Lutherans and
Catholics in Dialogue VII, eds. H. G. Anderson, T. A. Murphy, J. A. Burgess
(Augsburg, Minneapolis, 1985) ## 24 & 29 admits that poor Luther was
scrupulous, he thought he was in mortal sin all or most of the time. He found
peace only by thinking it made no difference if he did sin mortally. He could
be all right if he just had faith that Christ had paid for his sins. But St. Paul
meant something quite different by faith, as even the Protestant
Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, Supplement, p. 333 admits. If God
speaks a truth, faith will believe mentally; if God makes a promise, faith will
have confidence; if God gives an order, faith will obey (cf. "obedience of
faith": Rom 1:5). All of this is to be done in love. Now, how could faith
dispense one from obedience, as Luther thought, when obedience is an
essential element of faith!
Briefly, Jesus said we must become like little children to enter heaven. Paul
said if we break the law we will not inherit. We inherit as children of our
Father and coheirs with Christ (Rom 8:17). So Jesus and Paul taught the
same. For one who believes in the fact that the same Holy Spirit is the chief
author of all books of Scripture, no difficulty at all could arise.
e) Luke and Acts written in the 60's: Objectors also claim Luke must have
written late, and did not know Paul because St. Paul, who was supposed to
be present at the Council of Apostles in Jerusalem, according to Acts 15,
seemed not to know of its decree, found in Acts 15:28-29 which said people
were free from the Mosaic law, but yet asked them to do a few things,
including abstention from food sacrificed to idols. Yet Paul in 1 Cor. chapter 8
said they could eat such meat, unless there would be scandal. But the
answer is simple: If the Vatican today sends an order to the Bishops of some
one area, it holds only in that area, not outside it. So Paul did preach the
decree within the area to which it was sent, Syria and Cilicia (cf. Acts 16:4.
For more details on the agreement of Acts and Paul's Epistles, cf. Wm. G.
Most, Free From All Error, Libertyville, Il, 1990, chapter 18).
It is easy enough to conclude that while the Encyclical of Pius XII was a real
impetus it was not a revolution, and surely did not reverse any previous
doctrinal positions. We add that it encouraged translations from the original
languages. There had been a misunderstanding from the fact that the
Council of Trent had declared the Vulgate "authentic". It meant merely that it
was a proper base for religious discussion. It did not mean to forbid
translations from the original.
Chapter 4
Using the Genre Approach to defend Inerrancy
In using the literary genre technique we are not being unfaithful to Scripture.
Rather, we are being completely faithful, and using a great means to defend
Scripture against attacks. For it is clear that we should try to find out what
the inspired writer really meant to say. To find that, we must ask: What did he
mean to assert? To ignore that is to impose our own ideas on Scripture. That
is being very unfaithful.
So the poor misguided Fundamentalists think they are respecting the sacred
text, but actually they are not. They are imposing their own ideas on
Scripture.
Exodus: The books that describe the departure from Egypt and the
wandering in the desert very probably use something like an epic genre. That
genre tells of the great beginnings of a people. The story is basically history,
yet has some fill-ins which are a bit fictional, which the writer does not assert
really happened. But in spite of this, it is clear that there was an exodus, and
not just a revolt of peasants in Canaan who never left there. The story of a
great people beginning in slavery is not likely to be invented.
But there are new discoveries. It is now certain that Sinai was in Midian--
when Moses had to flee Egypt he went to Midian, married the daughter of a
priest of Midian, and while watching sheep there saw the burning bush.
Wyatt Archeological Research, Presentation of Discoveries went to the real
Sinai, photographed the top of Sinai where the top rocks are still blackened
from the fire at the time of the Ten Commandments. They also found and
photographed the twelve pillars erected by Moses at the site. There are more
remarkable things in this video (More controversial: at the start of the video
we see the discovery by using radar that penetrates soil, of a large boat,
right dimensions for the ark. The problem is that a high Pentagon officer told
me he had been permitted to see the photos made by a U.S. satellite from
space, on which the ark is in the open, partly covered with snow, farther up
on Mt. Ararat). Also Larry Williams, in The Sinai Myth (Wynwood Press, NYC,
1990) visited the site of Mt. Sinai in Midian and photographed the blackened
top of Sinai and saw the twelve pillars of Moses. He also engaged the
services of George Stevens of Horizon Research who was able to study the
photos taken by the French satellite with infrared. He was able to see the
precise spot where Israel crossed the Gulf of Aqabah, and to trace other
parts of their movements in the area. (Further comments below in chapter
10).
Joshua vs Judges: These two books seem to contrast. Joshua tells of a great
triumphant sweep of conquest; Judges gives a lower key picture of much
struggle. The answer lies in the genres: Joshua is part of the epic style;
Judges is a more sober narrative on the whole.
What did the sacred writer intend - to write history, or a sort of extended
parable? There are difficulties against an historical view. The matter of the
fish swallowing Jonah is not too difficult. In February 1891 the ship Star of the
East caught an 80 foot sperm whale. But a seaman, James Bartley was
missing. After a search, he was presumed drowned. Yet the next day when
the whale was being cut up, they found Bartley inside, still quite alive. (Cf.
Wallechinsky & Wallace, People's Almanac, Doubleday: Garden City, NY,
1975, p. 1339).
Another inconclusive objection comes from the language of the text. It has
some words that are later than the supposed date. But we know that the
Jews sometimes deliberately updated the language of the ancient texts. So
the objection is not strong.
But there are more serious difficulties: Jonah 3:3 says, "Now Nineveh was an
exceedingly great city, three days' journey in breadth." The remains found
there do not show a city that size. A. Parrott (Nineveh and the Old Testament,
New York, Philosophical Library, 1971, pp. 85-86) suggests perhaps Nineveh
could have referred to a 26 mile string of settlements in the Assyrian
triangle. Or else, since people gathered at the city gates, Jonah would speak
there. And since there were many gates there, and Jonah would talk much at
each, it could have taken three days.
On the other hand, no matter what the genre of the book, it surely does
teach two major lessons. First, the Assyrians then were considered the
world's worst people, because of their deliberate terrorism in war. Yet God
showed concern for them. So He must love everyone. Second - and this is
not complimentary to us - when prophets went to the original people of God,
they had a hard time, suffered much. But the pagan Nineveh welcomes Jonah
readily. The Jews knew this: In the late 4th century Midrash, Mekilta de Rabbi
Ishmael (tr. Jacob Lauterbach, Jewish Publication Society of America,
Philadelphia, I. p. 7) we read words imagined as said by Jonah: "Since the
Gentiles are more inclined to repent, I might be causing Israel to be
condemned [by going to Nineveh]."
In Jonah 4:11 God says there are more than 120, 000 people who do not
know their right hand from their left. If one takes the expression to mean
babies, it would imply a huge populace. But it could merely mean they did
not know the basics of religion. Jonah 3:6 speaks of the king of Nineveh - not
the usual Assyrian expression. He was called king of Ashur. But Jonah might
not have used the Assyrian way of speaking. However, we do not know of a
king living in Nineveh at the time supposed in the story. Nineveh became the
capital under Sennacherib (704-681).
It may be objected that Jesus Himself referred to Jonah, and said He was
greater than Jonah. But to refer to a well-known story does not amount to
asserting the story happened. We could quote Alice in Wonderland to
illustrate things, and not think that tale was historical. Actually, this literary
use occurs elsewhere in the New Testament, e.g., in 1 Cor 10:4 and Jude 9.
Apocalyptic: Besides the narrative parts of the book of Daniel, there are parts
in the apocalyptic genre. This genre first appeared in full-blown form about 2
centuries before Christ, had a run of three or four centuries. In it the author
describes visions and revelations - not usually clear if he means to assert he
had them, or is just using the account as a way of making his points. There
are highly colored, bizarre images, secret messages. The original readers
knew better than to take these things as if they were sober accounts. (Sadly,
some today have taken some of the apocalyptic images about streams of fire
etc. as proof there were ancient astronauts who overawed the simple people
of the Hebrews. That was foolish, for we must recognize the genre). For a
very strong example of apocalyptic, please read Daniel chapter 7.
Touches of Apocalyptic: Now it happens at times that a writer will use some
touches of apocalyptic in a work that is on the whole of a different genre.
Thus Isaiah 13:10 includes some definitely apocalyptic language in speaking
of the fall of Babylon: "For the stars of the sky and their constellations will
not show their light, the sun will be dark when it rises, and the moon will not
give its light." In foretelling the judgment on Edom, Isaiah 34:4 said: "All the
stars will be dissolved, the sky will roll up like a scroll and all the host of the
skies will fall, like withering leaves from the vine, like shriveled figs from their
tree." Ezekiel 32:7-8 uses much the same language to prophesy the
judgment on Egypt: "When I blot you out, I will cover the skies and will
darken their stars. I will cover the sun in a cloud and the moon will not give
its light." We cannot help thinking of the language of Matthew 24:4. So we
gather that while God surely could make such signs happen at the face value
of the text, yet we cannot be sure that He intends to do it: the language of
Isaiah and Ezekiel shows such expressions can be merely apocalyptic.
The "rapture": This brings us to the question of "the rapture". St. Paul in First
Thessalonians 4. 13-17 is answering the concern of the people there: Would
it not be too bad if we should die before the return of Christ - then the others
would get to see Him before we would. Paul replies that it will be as follows:
Christ will descend from the sky with a blast of a trumpet. Then the dead in
Christ will rise, and after that, "we the living" will be taken to meet Christ in
the air. Many fundamentalists say that this event must be different from the
last judgment scene which we find in Matthew 25:21-46 in which Christ the
Judge is seated on the earth, and has before Him the sheep and the goats.
The fundamentalists say: the scene in First Thessalonians takes place in the
air - the scene of the last judgment takes place on the earth. So there must
be two separate events. So there is a separate rapture, when Christ will
suddenly snatch out all good people from this world, leaving only the evil.
The good will then reign with Him for 1000 years before the end.
The trouble is that they have neglected the genre, as usual. Both passages
are clearly using some apocalyptic language. For in the judgment, all persons
of all ages of the world must stand before Christ. The whole globe would not
give standing room for that. So it must mean some sort of spiritual revelation
of the just judgments of God at the final resurrection. In apocalyptic, we do
not make close comparisons, for the whole is loose.
So the bumper sticker is wrong, which said: "In case of rapture, this car will
be unmanned," and will crash into others. But no problem, only the bad
people are left!
Just incidentally, many who are not fundamentalist err in thinking that the
words "we the living", which come twice, show that Paul must have expected
to be alive at the end. So they reject his authorship of Second Thessalonians,
in which he very clearly shows he does not expect that. They do that
contrary to all the ancient witnesses who say both are by Paul. They reject
his authorship for the sake of an expression which is at most, ambiguous.
Really, many teachers will often say I or we to make something vivid, without
intending to give any information about themselves at all.
Wisdom literature: This genre is one the Hebrews had in common with other
ancient near Eastern peoples. With most peoples it is basically a group of
worldly wise counsels, especially for the young, on how to get along in this
life. Egypt was specially famed for it, and the Jews may well have gotten
ideas in their long stay there. The Egyptian Wisdom of Amenemopet has
many parallels to the Old Testament. For example, Proverbs 22:17-18 says:
"Incline your ear, and hear the words of the wise, and apply you mind to my
knowledge; for it will be pleasant if you keep them within you, if all of them
are ready on your lips." Amenemopet says: "Give thy ears. Hear what is said,
give thy heart to understand them. To put them in thy heart is worthwhile
(from ANET 421). Many texts of Proverbs and Amenemopet are given in
parallel columns in J. Finegan, Light From the Ancient Past, 2d ed. Princeton
Univ. Press, 1974, pp. 124-25.).
We must keep in mind in reading the wisdom literature that only some things
are meant as religious principles. Clement of Alexandria, head of the
catechetical school at Alexandria in late 2nd century, tried to set up a
counter attraction to the snob appeal of Gnosticism. So in books II and III of
his Paidagogos, he tried for a deeper knowledge of the rules of morality, and
gave very detailed rules for how a Christian should do everything: eat, drink,
sleep, dress, use sex, and so on. He sometimes supports his injunctions from
Scripture. He quotes Ecclesiasticus/Sirach 32:3 & 7, without understanding
the genre: In Paidagogos 2. 7. 58: "I believe that one should limit his speech
[at a banquet]. The limit should be just to reply to questions, even when we
can speak. In a woman, silence is a virtue, an adornment free of danger in
the young. Only for honored old age is speech good: 'Speak, old man, at a
banquet, for it is proper for you... Speak [young man], if there is need of you,
do it scarcely when asked twice."
Variant Traditions: There is another kind of seeming error that we can solve
by the use of genre and determining what is asserted.
In Exodus 14:21-25 we find: "Then Moses stretched out his hand over the
sea; and the Lord drove the sea back by a strong wind all night, and made
the sea dry land, and the waters were divided. And the people of Israel went
into the midst of the sea on dry ground, the waters being a wall to them on
their right and on their left."
We notice two different explanations: 1) a wind sent by God dried up the sea,
2) the water was like a wall on both sides of them. Clearly these two pictures
do not fit. A sea dried up by the wind would be just shallow water - and after
the drying, there would be no wall of water on left and right.
But we ask: What did the inspired writer really mean to assert? Let us picture
him sitting down to write. He has on hand two sources - written or oral - and
they do not fit. He has no means of knowing which is the right one. He
decides: "I will let the reader see both." But that means he does not assert
both. That cannot be done. What he does assert it this: I found two accounts,
and do not know which is it. Here they are.
Another similar case concerns how David came to meet and know King Saul.
In Chapter 16 of First Samuel, Saul is upset. He asks his servants to find a
man skilled at playing a harp to soothe him. They bring David (16:18) "son of
Jesse the Bethlehemite, who is skilled in playing, a man of valor, a man of
war, prudent in speech. "So David enters his service, and becomes armor-
bearer to Saul. Saul sends word to David's father saying he wants David to
stay in his service.
But in chapter 17 the picture is very different. David is feeding his father's
sheep. One day his father sent him to bring food to his brothers who were in
the army of Saul. David hears of the giant Goliath, and the great reward the
king offers to one who will kill Goliath. So David goes to Saul, boasts of
having killed lions and bears, offers to fight Goliath. Saul gives David armor,
but David is not used to wearing armor, and discards it. So he gets some
stones from the brook and a sling, and kills Goliath.
Clearly, the two accounts do not fit together. But we ask again: What did the
inspired writer mean to assert? He meant to assert only: I found these two,
and do not know which is right. But you can see both of them. He asserts no
more than that.
Poetic Genre: In any culture, poetry is apt to use fanciful images and
exaggerations. Scriptural poetry does the same. But if one does not
recognize that a passage is poetic, mistakes can result.
St. Justin Martyr, in Second Apology 5, shows he believes angels have bodies.
We do not blame lack of knowledge of genre for this: there was much
hesitation in the patristic age on angels. But in Dialogue with Trypho 57 he
says that angels have food in heaven since, "Scripture says that they [the
Hebrews in the desert] ate angels' food." Justin does not understand Psalm
78:24 which speaks of bread from heaven, referring to the manna in the
desert.
Isaiah 40:2 says Israel has received double for all her sins. Now of course
God would not punish twice as much as what was due: We need to recognize
Isaiah is a lofty poet, and/or take this as Semitic exaggeration.
Psalm 124. 3 has God saying: "All of them have turned, together they have
gone astray. There is no one doing good, not one". One might imagine this
could apply only to people of the time of composition, but St. Paul in Romans
3.10 cites it as meaning everyone. Again, we need to recall this is poetry.
Paul had a different reason for citing it. He was out to prove that if one tries
for justification by keeping the law, all are hopeless. To understand this, we
need to know St. Paul at times uses a sort of focused view in which as it were
he would say: The Law makes heavy demands, but gives no strength. To be
under heavy demands without strength of course means a fall. In the focused
view (a metaphor, as if one we were looking through a tube, and could see
only what is framed by the circle of the tube) one does not see the whole
horizon. Off to the side, in no relation to the law, divine help was available
even before Christ. If one uses it, then the result is quite different. (More on
focusing later on).
Isaiah 64:5 said: "All the deeds we do for justification are like filthy rags."
Some, not seeing the poetic nature of the passage, thought all our good
deeds are sinful. It is true, there is imperfection in most good things we do.
Yet not everything is a mortal sin. St. Paul says in Philippians 3:6 that before
his conversion he kept the law perfectly. Luke 1:6 says the parents of John
the Baptist were keeping all the commandments without blame. 2 Timothy
4:6-8 looks forward to a merited crown from the Just Judge.
Chapter 5
How to Interpret Inspired Scripture
We saw from our sketch of how to find which books are inspired that it is the
Church alone that can tell us. We commented too that we really would
expect that a messenger sent from God, with such a mission and such
powers as He displayed, would arrange to protect the teachings of those He
sent out. He did it, e.g. ,"He who hears you hears me."
Some today are claiming that in order to find the truth, they must be free of
any outside authority - including the Church. What impossible folly! They
discard the very prime means of gaining the most absolute certitude of the
truth, including the meaning of Scripture. They also claim "Academic
Freedom." Really, it belongs only to a properly qualified professor teaching in
his own field. Now among the things needed to be properly qualified is, of
course, that the professor know and use the method that is correct in his
field, as called for by the very nature of the material. Theology starts with
the sources of revelation - Scripture and Tradition - but when something
appears in them that is not obvious in meaning: How does he decide? If he is
Catholic, the final word comes from the teachings of the divinely protected
Church. Vatican II, in spite of misrepresentations of its teachings, did say in
DV #10: "The task of authoritatively interpreting the word of God, whether
written or handed on [Scripture or Tradition], has been entrusted exclusively
[underline added] to the living teaching office of the Church, whose authority
is exercised in the name of Jesus Christ." We notice the Council appeals to
precisely the same thing as we did in our sketch of apologetics, namely the
authority given by the Divine Messenger, Jesus Christ.
Therefore, any professor who would not use the proper Catholic method is
not a Catholic theologian and as such, has no claim at all to academic
freedom. Imagine a professor of natural science who wanted to go back to
the poor medieval methods of science. He would be laughed off the campus,
not protected by academic freedom. He would be called a quack, and
deserve it.
Now for #12, which opens saying: "Since however in Sacred Scripture, God
has spoken through men in human fashion, the interpreter of Sacred
Scripture, to see what He intended to communicate with us, must investigate
attentively what the sacred writer really intended to convey, and what it
pleased God to manifest by their words." We underlined the word and
because of its special importance. Some have argued that since two things
are mentioned, namely, what the human writer meant to convey, and what it
pleased God to manifest, therefore the text indicates that God might intend
to say more than what the human writer saw. (This is the theory of the "fuller
sense", sensus plenior). The Theological Commission at Vatican II (cf.
Grillmeier, p. 220) reported that if the text had used the connector -que
instead of et, the Council would have settled the question in the affirmative,
meaning: Yes, there is a fuller sense. (The connector -que is much closer than
et. Both mean and).
Even though the Council at that point did not see fit to explicitly affirm the
fuller sense, yet the Council itself, in LG # 55 actually used it: "These
primeval documents [thinking chiefly of Genesis 3:15 and Isaiah 7:14], as
they are read in the Church, and are understood in the light of later and full
revelation, gradually bring before us the figure of the woman, the Mother of
the Redeemer. She, in this light, is already prophetically foreshadowed in the
promise, given to our first parents when they had fallen into sin, of victory
over the serpent (cf. Gen 3, 25). Similarly, she is the Virgin who will conceive
who will conceive and bear a Son whose name will be called Emmanuel (cf. Is
7, 14)."
It is clear that the Council did not want to say flatly that the human writer of
Genesis and Isaiah saw all that the Church now, after fuller light, gradually
has come to see. Hence, at the request of some Bishops, the two instances
of cf were added, and hence we underlined them. So it was making use of
the idea that the Holy Spirit could intend more than what the human writer
saw - really, not a surprising thing.
DV #12 continues: "To discover the intention of the sacred writers, among
other things, one must look to the literary genres. For truth is proposed and
expressed different ways in texts that are in different ways historical, or
prophetical, or poetical, or other types of speaking. So it is necessary that
the interpreter seek out the senses which the sacred writers wanted to
express and did express in determined adjuncts, in accordance with the
conditions of his time and culture, and by means of the literary genres used
at that time. To rightly understand what the sacred writers meant to assert
[underline added] in writing, one must pay due attention both to the usual
native ways of thinking, speaking, and narrating, which were in use at the
time of the sacred writer, and to those which in his age were commonly used
in people's dealings with one another."
Here the Council strongly insisted that it is not just legitimate, but necessary,
to check the literary genre. This needs to be done not just for each book of
Scripture, but for each part of each book. For example, we already saw that
in the Book of Daniel, we have both apocalyptic and edifying narrative
genres.
We note with pleasure that the Council stressed the matter of what the writer
mean to assert.
The Council indicated what Pius XII brought out still more clearly (EB 558):
Real research is needed into what genres were actually in use at the time of
writing. It would be very wrong to just use our imaginations, and suppose we
know. This is what the Biblical Commission also insisted on, as we saw before
(in EB 161).
Failure to know Hebrew could lead to horrid consequences, e.g., St. Paul who
knew Hebrew, in Romans 9:13 quoted Malachi 1:2 in which God said: "I have
loved Jacob, but hated Esau." But poor St. Augustine thought this meant God
really hated Esau! and destined him to hell without even looking to see how
he would live (Ad Simplicianum 1. 14). But at the bottom is a Hebrew way of
speaking. Hebrew and Aramaic both lack the degrees of comparison, such
as: good, better, best, or, clear, clearer, clearest. Not having such forms,
when they have such ideas, they are forced to use other devices. One of
them is to speak of hate vs. love. In our language we would say: I love one
more than the other. In Luke 14:26 Jesus says we must hate our parents. But
that is the same Semitic pattern. Matthew 10:37 softened it, using the
western way of speaking, and said: "He who loves father or mother more
than me, is not worthy of me." We recall that we saw earlier some striking
texts from Isaiah 13:9-0 and 34:4 as well as Ezekiel 32:7-8 in which the
apocalyptic way of speaking could be very misleading if one did not
recognize the genre.
Another feature of the Hebrew way is this: they regularly attribute to the
direct action of God things He only permits. Thus in 1 Samuel 4:3 (literal
version of the Hebrew) after a defeat by the Philistines, the Hebrews said:
"Why did the Lord strike us today before the face of the Philistines?" They
knew of course it was the swords of the Philistines that did it. Again, in the
account of the ten plagues in Egypt, at times we read that Pharaoh hardened
his own heart. But we also read, and often, that God hardened his heart.
A study of the Targums and Rabbinic writings can contribute much. The
Targums are ancient Aramaic versions of the Old Testament. We have them
for nearly all the Old Testament, and in the Pentateuch, have more than one.
They are mostly free versions with fill-ins, which show how they understood
the text of Scripture. Unfortunately, many scholars today ignore the Targums
- the NJBC has a rather good essay on them in the back part of the volume,
but fails to use them at all in explaining the Messianic prophecies one by
one.
The plea is that we do not know the date of composition. But we do know
that they were made without hindsight - without seeing them fulfilled in
Christ. For they hated Christ when He came. Hence they surely reflect
ancient Jewish understanding of the Messianic prophecies. Further, Jacob
Neusner of Brown University, one of the greatest of Jewish scholars today, in
his Messiah in Context (Fortress, Philadelphia, 1984) made an exhaustive
study of all Jewish literature after the fall of Jerusalem up to and including the
Babylonian Talmud (completed 500 to 600 A. D. ). He found that before the
Talmud there was no interest in the Messiah. Within the Talmud, interest
revives, but they take up only one of the classic prophecies: He will come of
the line of David. Now the Targums see messianic prophecies in so many
places. (For a fine study, cf. Samson Levey, The Messiah: An Aramaic
Interpretation, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, 1974), it is inconceivable
that the parts on the Messianic prophecies could have been written in the
centuries in which there was no interest in the Messiah. So the Targums must
have been composed (at least orally) before the fall of Jerusalem. Some
scholars think they go back to the time of Ezra.
Another example of the need of Hebrew is the way the translations deal with
Hebrew hesed. It means the bond between those who have made a
covenant, such that each has rights and duties, and should act as kinsmen
toward each other. (We can see an implication for the sprinkling of the blood
in Exodus 24:8. It meant the people were becoming kinsmen of God).
Unfortunately, Greek had no word for hesed. So they usually translated by
eleos, which means mercy. There is partial truth in that translation. For if we
ask why God gives good things under the covenant, the answer comes on
two levels. On the most basic level, He made a covenant and gives things
under it out of unmerited, unmeritable generosity. No creature by its own
power can establish a claim on Him. All is basically mercy. Yet on the
secondary level, given the fact that He did make a covenant, if the people do
what He prescribed, He owes it to Himself to give favor (or punishment for
disobedience). Incidentally, this twofold sense explains the difficult text of
Romans 2;6 where Paul says God will repay each one according to his works.
That is part of a quote from Psalm 62:12 which says, in the full text: "You, O
God, have hesed, for you will repay each one according to his works." Many
English versions unfortunately render it to say: "You O Lord have mercy, for
you will repay...." Mercy and repayment do not go together.
In a similar way, the beautiful little Psalm 117 (which used to be used at the
end of Benediction) is hardly understood in the usual translations. It should
be: "For His hesed [observance of His covenant] towards us is great, and the
fidelity of the Lord [to His covenant] is forever."
Hebrew berith means only covenant, but the Greek version was diatheke,
which had two meanings: covenant, or testament. A study of the ancient
Hittite treaties reveals that they required the subordinate king to "love" his
overlord. In context, it means obey. We see from John 14:15 & 21 that in
practice, love towards God means obedience. For love towards all others
besides God means willing good to them for their sake. We cannot wish that
God have any good, He is infinite goodness. But yet Scripture pictures Him as
pleased when we obey, displeased when we do not. It is not that He gains
anything from our obedience. No, but for two reasons He wants us to obey:
1) He loves everything that is right and good. It is right that creatures should
obey their Creator, children their Father. 2) He wants to give us good things -
it is in vain if we are not open to receive. His commandments tell us how to
be open. They also steer us away from the penalties for sin that lie in the
very nature of things (cf. St. Augustine, Confessions 1. 2: "Every disordered
soul is its own punishment"). Cf. also 2 John 6: "this is love, that we walk
according to His commandments."
Often too, when we read a Greek word in St. Paul, we need to ask what is the
Hebrew word in his mind. For example, know often reflects Hebrew yada,
which is much broader than the English know, and takes in both mind and
will. Justice reflects Hebrew sedaqah, which is the virtue inclining one to do
all that morality requires.
Still another feature of that culture was approximation and hyperbole, as Pius
XII (Divino afflante spiritu, EB 559) points out. St. Paul in Galatians chapters
1-2 tells of his conversion and subsequent activities. He speaks of three
years, and fourteen years, without making clear the point at which the
periods begin to run. In 1 Cor 10:8, St. Paul says that 23, 000 fell in the
incident described in Numbers 15:1-9. Numbers says 24, 000 fell.
Approximation would not mind that difference.
The heart of the section is the following: "But since Sacred Scripture is to be
read and interpreted by the same Spirit by which it was written, to rightly
determine the sense of the sacred texts, one must look not less diligently to
the content and unity of the whole of Scripture, taking into account the living
Tradition of the whole Church, and the analogy of faith."
The expression in the first part which says Scripture must be interpreted "by
(or: "in") the same Spirit by which it is to be written is open to more than one
interpretation. It is certain that the Holy Spirit in giving faith, gives the
context in which Scripture is to be read. We think too of the words of St. Paul
in 1 Cor 2. 10-16 where he explains that just as only the spirit or soul of a
person knows his depths, so only the Spirit knows the depths of God. And he
adds: the merely natural man - the one who has not received the Spirit
dwelling in him by grace - does not understand the things of the Spirit. But
the spiritual man does. So one who does not have the Spirit dwelling in his
soul by faith will fail to understand many things even though the words are
there, and their sense, objectively, is at hand to be seen. It is true, further,
that the farther one advances in the spiritual life and follows the lead of the
Holy Spirit more fully, the greater is his understanding of spiritual things, by
what we might even call a sort of connaturality.
It is also certain that the words of Scripture seem to have a special kind of
power, which ordinary explanations alone do not have.
Next the text of DV # 12 tells us we must take into account the unity of all of
Scripture. Since it all has the same chief Author, the Holy Spirit, there can be
no contradictions. Some today, in noticing that one Evangelist, for example,
may have a different scope and slant than another, have gone so far as to
say that one contradicts another. For example, they will say that Mark 3. 21-
35 paints Our Lady as not believing in Jesus, while the annunciation scene in
Luke shows her as wonderfully believing. So such a contradiction is to be
ruled out. Again, some love to say that Job 14. 13-22 raises the possibility of
a survival after death, but then denies it. This of course contradicts so many
things in Scripture, and so cannot be true (we will see details on these two
passages later on).
Still further, we must consider the living Tradition of the whole Church. Again,
the Church praises Our Lady for her faith, and would shrink in horror from a
statement from a prominent scholar that at the annunciation she boldly
opposed her human will to the will of God. So the statement that she did
such a thing is terribly false. The Church follows, always has followed the
words of Elizabeth at the visitation (Lk 1:45): "Blessed are you who have
believed!"
In regard to following the "analogy of faith," the sense is similar. Pius XII in
Divino afflante Spiritu had said (EB 565) that there are few texts whose
meaning the Church has declared, and similarly, few for which we have
unanimous teaching of the Fathers. This is obviously true. But the same Pope
also explained (EB 551) that we must follow the analogy of faith. That is, any
interpretation that we might consider accepting must be checked with the
whole body of the truths of faith, with the teachings of the Church. If it would
clash even by implication, it is to be dropped. So even though there are few
explicit teachings on the sense of individual texts, yet indirectly, by means of
this analogy of faith, we know exceedingly many things about the meanings
of parts of Scripture. For example, the teachings of the Council of Trent
against Luther's errors settle the sense of many things in St. Paul.
Some today have gone so far as to say, contrary to Pius XII that there are no
texts whose meaning the Church has defined. They claim that where it
seems we do have a definition, the text of Scripture is cited only to illustrate.
But this is not realistic, if we examine individual texts of the Magisterium. For
example, the Council of Trent gave us the following definition in Canon 2 on
the Mass (DS 1752): "If anyone shall say that by those words, 'Do this in
commemoration of me' Christ did not establish the Apostles as priests, or did
not ordain them so that they and other priests might offer His flesh and
blood, let him be anathema." It takes some strange mental contortions to say
that the Council cited "Do this in commemoration of me" only to "illustrate."
Not at all, it says that when Jesus said those words, He really did ordain the
Apostles.
There is also a third level of teaching, of which Pius XII wrote in Humani
generis in 1950 (DS 3885): "Nor must it be thought that the things contained
in encyclical letters do not of themselves require assent of the mind on the
plea that in them the pontiffs do not exercise the supreme power of their
magisterium. These things are taught with the ordinary magisterium, about
which it is also true to say, 'He who hears you, hears me. '(Lk 10:16)". This
really means that the Pope alone, in as much as he speaks for the whole
Church, can do alone what a Council can do, as described in the second
level. He can bring something under the promise "He who hears you, hears
me." Of course that promise of Christ cannot fail. So the teaching is infallible.
This does not mean that everything in an encyclical is infallible. No, Pius XII
went on to specify the conditions in which this will come true: "If the
supreme pontiffs in their acta expressly pass judgment on a matter debated
until then, it is obvious to all that the matter, according to the mind and will
of the same pontiffs, cannot any longer be considered a matter open for
discussion among theologians." For the Pope has shown he is making a
definitive decision on something currently being debated. A special case of
this came in the Encyclical on the Mystical Body by Pius XII. The modern
discussion and tendency to claim ignorance in the human mind of Jesus
began with P. Galtier in his book, L'unite de Christ in 1939. Precisely in that
context, Pius XII taught, in that Encyclical of 1943, that the human soul of
Jesus, from the first instant of conception, had the vision of God, in which all
knowledge is available. As we recall his words in Humani generis, cited
above, it is clear he intended to close the debate. But it did not close, so he
complained about that in Sempiternus Rex of Sept 8, 1951 (DS 3905). Again,
in Haurietis aquas of May 15, 1956 (DS 3924) he explicitly restated the
teaching about that vision. Still further, the Congregation for the Doctrine of
the Faith, on July 14, 1966, with the approval of Paul VI, again complained of
theologians in error in this point. Even the first text of 1943, as we said,
showed the intention to settle the debate. And the repeated teachings by
two Popes shows the repetition which by itself makes a teaching infallible.
We said that in that vision all knowledge is "available." The reason is this: the
human soul of Jesus, being created, cannot as it were contain infinite
knowledge. But it did know, as St. Thomas Aquinas said (III. 10. 2. c): "All
things that in any way are, or will, or were done or said or thought by
anyone, at any time. And so it is to be said that the soul of Christ knew all
things in the Word."
There is also a fourth level of teachings of the Magisterium that are not
definitive, but still provide moral certitude. Canon 752 of the New Code
makes this aspect clear: "Not indeed an assent of faith, but yet a religious
submission of mind and will must be given to the teaching which either the
supreme pontiff, or the college of bishops [with him] pronounces on faith and
morals when they exercise the authentic magisterium, even if they do not
intend to proclaim it by a definitive act." Vatican II in LG # 25 had said the
same thing: "Religious submission of mind and of will must be shown in a
special way to the authentic magisterium of the Roman Pontiff even when he
is not defining, in such a way, namely, that the judgments made by him are
sincerely adhered to according to his manifested mind and will, which is clear
either from the nature of the documents, or from the repeated presentation
of the same doctrine, or from the manner of speaking." [emphasis added].
We must, in other words, look to see if a thing is presented as definitive or
not.
How can we believe something which is not infallible? In daily life we do it.
Routine opening of a can will not detect Botulism, a deadly food poisoning.
Yet we do not send each can to a lab to be checked. We know there is a
remote chance, but take it. Life would be unworkable without doing so. The
chances of an error on this level by the Church is even more remote. Only
the Galileo case, in 2000 years, comes close. Even there, the Pope himself,
Urban VIII, stated in 1624 as to the theory that the earth went around the
sun, that "the Holy Church had never, and would never, condemn it as
heretical, but only as rash."
Some scholars today dare to assert that the Church has very little ability to
tell us what a text of Scripture meant originally - it can usually just tell us
what it means to people today. To know the original sense, we must depend
on scholars! This is a clear contradiction of DV #10, cited above, which says
that the task of interpreting belongs exclusively to the Magisterium.
Chapter 6
The 1964 Instruction of the Biblical Commission
The most important feature of the document is what it has to say about Form
and Redaction Criticism.
1) The actions and words of Christ. We notice He would adapt His wording to
the current audience. Any good speaker does that.
2) The way the Apostles and others of the first generation reported and
preached what He did and said. Again, we would expect them to adapt the
wording to the current audience. Therefore it is not necessary to suppose
they used always the same words Jesus had used. But they would keep the
same sense.
Before going ahead, we inject the comment: In this way we see that the
Church has something more basic than the Gospels, its own ongoing
teaching. For the Gospels are just part of that teaching, written down under
inspiration.
The critics would like to find at which of the three stages the text we now
have took its present form. In this way they hope to find out some helpful
things.
The study of the first two stages is called Form Criticism. The study of the
third stage is called Redaction Criticism.
Thus far there can be no quarrel with this type of study. But problems begin
to arise when we attempt to take the next steps.
The work begins with two things. First we try to classify each unit in the
Gospels according to the literary form. This is much like literary genre, but
attempts a more detailed classification. We might even speak of minigenres.
The critics think each passage in the Gospels is made up of several of these
units.
In the early days of Form Criticism, the critics commonly said the Evangelists
were not authors at all. They were just "stringers of beads." Various people
who had heard Jesus were reporting each just one thing He did or said. The
Evangelists merely put these together in a string. Today the pendulum has
swung far: now the critics see very remarkable artistry in the work of the
Evangelists. (We recall that inspiration does not affect the literary style of an
author one way or another).
The second thing the critics watch in order to separate out the various units
is what they call Sitz-im-Leben. It merely means the life situation in which
each form or unit arose, which called for the type of form. At this point
already the critics begin to show their great subjectivity.
The two great pioneers who first applied this technique to the Gospels are R.
Bultmann and M. Dibelius. (Still earlier, Hermann Gunkel [1862-1932] used
the technique in the Old Testament).
First, Bultmann and Dibelius disagree on how to classify the minigenres. For
Bultmann the two chief major forms are the Sayings and the Narratives.
Sayings include apothegms and dominical sayings. The apothegms are brief
sayings of some importance. They include controversy dialogues, scholastic
dialogues (where the inquirers are sincere) and biographical sayings. Dibelius
uses the name paradigms instead of apothegms. Dibelius thinks only eight
out of eighteen paradigms are pure in form.
The critics commonly assert that the primitive community was "creative."
That is, it made things up. So Bultmann thought the controversy dialogues
were creations of the Church. We could visualize it thus: two groups in the
Church are disputing. Group A has no saying of Jesus to prove its point, so it
makes one up. Group B does the same.
But on the contrary, the concern these Christians had for their own eternity
would prevent such fakery. St. Ignatius of Antioch was sent to Rome to be
eaten by the wild beasts, around 107 A.D. He was eaten. He wrote a heroic
letter to Rome, which we still have, in which he says he wants to die for
Christ. If one of the Christians there might have influence, and could get him
off, Ignatius still wants to die! Now if anyone is tempted to think the
community was creative, let him take a copy of Ignatius' letter to Rome to
the zoo, and read it in front of the lions' den and ask himself if a man about
to be eaten would be creative and indulge in fakery.
Not strangely, in view of the alleged creativity, the critics find it hard to be
sure of anything. They propose four criteria to see if a thing is genuine: 1)
Double dissimilarity or irreductibility: This means that if an idea is unlike the
emphases of both ancient Judaism and early Christianity, it may come from
Jesus; 2) Multiple attestation: if we find the same idea coming in different
literary forms, it is more likely to be genuine; 3) Coherence: If the item fits
with material we already know is authentic by other criteria, it is likely to be
genuine. 4) Linguistic and environmental tests:. If the material does not fit
with the languages spoken or the environment of Jesus we reject it. But if it
does fit, it is not enough to prove it is authentic.
It is obvious that such criteria, especially the first, would rule out many
things that are genuine. We saw earlier that we can make a bypass around
these worries of critics by means of apologetics, using only six very simple
things from the Gospels.
The leftists love to quote the fact that this 1964 Instruction does say Catholic
scholars may use these techniques. This is correct, for the method can be
used well and be helpful. But many like to forget the warnings in the
Instruction: "Certain followers of this method, led astray by the prejudices of
rationalism, [1] reject the existence of a supernatural order and the
intervention of a personal God in the world as taught by revelation properly
so called and, [2] they reject the possibility and actual existence of miracles
and prophecies. [3] Others start with a false notion of faith, as if faith does
not care about historical truth or is even incompatible with it. [4] Still others
deny, as it were in advance, the historical value and character of the
documents of revelation. [5] Others, finally, think little of the authority of the
Apostles as witnesses of Christ, and of their role and influence on the
primitive community, while they extol the creative power of this community.
All these things are not only opposed to Catholic doctrine, but also lack a
scientific foundation, and are foreign to the right principles of the historical
method." [We added numbers for convenience in reference].
Of course persons like Bultmann have these prejudices. In regard to ##1 &2,
Bultmann wrote that today "nobody reckons with direct intervention by
transcendent powers" (Jesus Christ and Mythology, Charles Scribner's Sons,
N.Y., 1958, p.36). On p.15 of the same book he says that the whole
conception of the world supposed in the New Testament is mythological. In
his Kerygma and Myth (ed. H. W. Bartsch, tr. Reginald H. Fuller, N.Y. Harper &
Row Torchbooks, 1961, 2nd ed. I. p. 5) he says that anyone who has seen
electric light and the wireless cannot believe in spirits and miracles.
Some Catholics have taken similar attitudes today. Thus R. E. Brown once
wrote (in: "The Myth of the Gospels without Myth" in St. Anthony's
Messenger, May 1971, pp.45-46) that to accept all the miracles in the Gospel
would be fundamentalism, and adds that no respectable scholar, Catholic or
Protestant would do that today. It is good to be able to say that now the NJBC
(pp.1320-21), which espouses some unfortunate views on errors in Scripture,
still admits that extraordinary deeds like exorcisms and cures by Jesus were
never denied in ancient times, not even by the enemies of Jesus - they would
instead attribute them to magic or the devil.
The third criticism of the Instruction says that some start with a false notion
of faith, as if faith would not care about historical truth. Patrick Henry, in a
broad survey of conditions at the time of writing (New Directions in New
Testament Study, Westminster, 1979, pp.252-53) reports various views:
"Much more important is the Bible's own portrayal of the 'piety of doubt', the
'faithfulness of uncertainty." And a writer in Catholic Biblical Quarterly (July
1982,pp.447-69) after saying Scripture is full of errors, says that to want to
answer charges of error shows a lack of faith, and is "a kind of idolatry that
gives a certitude that trespasses upon the true Christian faith-relationship
with God." Shades of Bultmann, who in the article cited from Kerygma and
Myth said, on pp. 211 and 19 that it is illegitimate and sinful to want to have
a basis for faith!
The Instruction does grant what we said before, that the Gospels do not
always use the same words, but adapt them to their audience: "The fact that
the Evangelists report the words or deeds of the Lord in different order does
not affect at all the truth of the narrative, for they keep the sense, while
reporting His statements, not to the letter, but in different ways."
Of course, this does not mean they invented things or falsified things. For
example, the Gospels still portray the Apostles as slow to understand and
weak in character. They had not understood His prophecies of His death and
resurrection, since their minds were filled with the false notion that He would
restore the kingship to Israel - just before the ascension one of them asked if
that was the time for it (Acts 1:6). And after the multiplication of the loaves,
they had not understood that either, as Mark 6:52 reports.
Again, they did not understand His predictions of His death and resurrection
at the time they were given. Later, in the light of the glorious events, they
did understand, and preached correctly and wrote appropriately in the
Gospels, without, however, presenting themselves as having understood at
the time.
Fuller found no objection to units 1 and 4. But He thought units 2 and 3 were
faked by the Church. Jesus had never said He was Messiah. Later the Church
was embarrassed, and so invented scenes in which the subject would come
up, and Jesus would tell them to keep quiet about it. This notion is really the
result of the work of Wilhelm Wrede, The Messianic Secret (tr. J. C. C. Greig,
James Clarke Co., Cambridge and London, 1971, 3rd edition). Wrede gave
several instances in the Gospels, in which this happened. He said his
strongest case was the raising of the daughter of Jairus, after which Jesus
called for silence. But, exclaimed Wrede: anyone could see the girl was alive.
So this was faked by the Church.
The reply is extremely simple: Jesus went into the house with only the
parents, and Peter, James and John. He raised the girl, and called for silence.
If the crowds found out, they might seize Him and proclaim Him king
Messiah, with a false notion of Messiahship. But how long did He need to
keep it quiet? Just long enough for Him to slip out quietly and get on His way
to the next village.
In the third unit Jesus predicts His death and resurrection. But, when these
things happened, the Apostles acted as if they had never heard about them.
So, the critics conclude: The Church faked this unit.
Again, the answer is simple: If someone has a fixed framework of ideas in his
mind, and something that would clash tries to get in, it usually does not get
in. For example, in the 19th century, one of the three discoverers of germs
(along with Pasteur and Lister) was Dr. Semmelweis in Hungary. He therefore
told the other Doctors to use antiseptic precautions - which they had never
heard of. So they put him into an insane asylum for the rest of his life!.
(Scientists can be rougher on science than the Church!).
Again, the answer is easy. All three synoptics put this line just before the
Transfiguration, so that could be what they would see. But better, many
scholars admit (e.g., John L. McKenzie, Dictionary of the Bible, p.481; R. E.
Brown, in The Churches the Apostles Left Behind, p. 52 - cf. also his
Responses to 101 Questions on the Bible, p. 12) that often in the Synoptics
the Church is called the Kingdom of God. Thus in the end of the parable of
the wicked tenants, Jesus says (Mt 21:43): "The kingdom will be taken from
you and given to a people who will bring fruit." It meant that the Pharisees
would be out of the People of God, and others would take their place (the
gentiles). The implication is similar in the parable of the net and the parable
of the weeds in the wheat, as well as in other places.
So they will see the kingdom, the Church, and it will be coming with power.
Power in the Greek is dynamis. That word in the plural means displays of
power, i.e., miracles. So they will live to see the Church being spread with
miracles. As to the form in Matthew, they will see the Son of Man, Christ,
coming in His kingdom. It means visiting, taking care of His Church by His
power (the concept of Hebrew paqad, taking care of it). Luke's reading, "the
kingdom" is of course no problem, makes no clash. So Perrin was not really
"forced" by form criticism to give up on the Gospels. He had a mental
framework, in which there was no room for the facts on this text.
So Fuller's analysis fails since he did not succeed in showing units 2 and 3 to
be false, faked by the Church. But if we, since it is interesting, imagine he
had proved it, then he would read units 1 and 4: Jesus asks the Apostles who
they say He is. Peter says: The Messiah. "Get behind me satan". He angrily
rejects the title of Messiah.
This false analysis has been a large root of the claims of ignorance in Jesus.
Then there is the strange case of Teilhard de Chardin, who thought that just
before the return of Christ at the end, most people would be joined together
in a wonderful unity, like a totalitarian state, but not painful: it would be love
that would bind them. He must have read Luke 18:8: "When the Son of Man
comes, do you think He will find faith on the earth?" or 2 Thessalonians 2.3
which also predicted a great falling away from the faith. Or Matthew 24:12:
"Because sin will reach its peak, the love of most people will grow cold.
Chardin too had a fixed framework of ideas, and so could not see.
But as we said, this technique can be used well. For example, Mark 13:30
says: "This generation will not pass away before all these things take place."
Form criticism helps us here, by pointing out that things are sometimes put
into different settings, so that it is likely that the original context of this verse
was one of the fall of Jerusalem. Still further, Hebrew dor can mean
generation, but can also mean a time period - here - the Christian regime -
and so the sense could be that the Christian regime is the last phases of
God's dealings with our race. It is never to be replaced as the Old Testament
was. DV 4 assures us this is the case.
One more example. When Jesus says that if anyone would come after Him,
he must take up his cross. Now the cross in the literal sense was known to all
the people of his land and time. But He meant it in a modified sense, in the
sense of imitating him by self-denial and acceptance of providential
sufferings. We gather then, that it is not very likely that Jesus used these
words about taking up one's cross, though He expressed the same thought in
another way. It would be only later, when the Church had meditated on this
point, that such language would be understood by most persons.
Form and Redaction criticism today is under some attack. Reginald H. Fuller,
a chief critic, and author of the analysis of the scene at Caesarea Philippi we
just saw, has now charged that Form criticism is bankrupt, and that the
bankruptcy should be overcome by feedback from the believing community!
Fuller showed bad judgment twice. First there was bad judgment when he
and others were so very confident they had scientifically proved things, when
really the whole historical critical method (of which Form Criticism is a part,
as also the approach via literary genres) seldom gives conclusive proof of
anything, since it relies mostly on internal evidence (e.g., the claim that Luke
wrote the prophecy of the fall of Jerusalem after 70 AD since he spoke of any
army surrounding Jerusalem). Internal evidence by its nature seldom gives
more than probability. Fuller shows bad judgment a second time in throwing
out the baby with the bath, for these techniques really are useful if only one
uses them with keen awareness of their limitations.
But to blame merely or chiefly the Romans is to make a lie of St. Johns
gospel, and parts of Matthew as well. John pictured Pilate as knowing the
innocence of Jesus and of trying to get Him off.
The retrojectors like to blame most of this on the Romans, and say that later
in the century, when hostility between Jews and Christians became hot, the
Christians invented, retrojected, the claims of His clash with the Jews.
To say that is to make the Gospels a lie. Sadly, not only some Jews but even
some Catholics, even priests and Bishops, charge this retrojection.
Commentators on Daniel very often say that his book contains prophecies
made after the event--that is, it was written after the time of Antiochus IV of
Syria, and retrojected to the 6th century. Would such a retrojecton be
illegitimate? No in this special case, for the genre is apocalyptic, in which
fanciful things can be said without deception.
In similar ways and by the abuse of form and redaction criticism, the pseudo-
scholars are having a field day, vying as it were with each other to see who
can say the most outrageous things. Then the media call them heralds of
new knowledge. But those who follow what we have just explained need not
be misled.
We need to notice too that Semites are apt to use approximation, as Pius XII
reminded us in his Encyclical. Especially is this the case on numbers. Thus
the Hebrew of Jonah says God will destroy the city in 40 days. But the Greek
LXX makes it 3 days. In Galatians 1-2 Paul says that after his conversion he
went to Arabia, and then after three years went to Jerusalem. We do not
know where to start counting the three years. Also he says in 2.1 that after
14 years he went to Jerusalem again-we do not know where to start counting
the 14 years. And in Numbers 25.1 we read that 24,000 Jews fell--but Paul in
1 Cor 10.8 gives only 23,000.
H. B. Witter in 1711 suggested that the variation in names for God (Elohim/
Yahweh Elohim) pointed to different documents.
The Yahwist document (J) prefers the name Yahweh, it stresses events after
the Patriarchs as the fulfillment of the promises God made to them. It speaks
of God in human terms - anthropomorphisms - and speaks of God as angry
and regretting that He had made man, and as coming down to see the tower
of Babylon. The Elohist document (E) prefers the name Elohim, and is much
less inclined to use anthropomorphisms. The Priestly Code (P) is noted for its
special interest in cultic things and religious laws. Thus the Book of Leviticus
would be entirely P. The Deuteronomist (D) is found especially in
Deuteronomy, with influence from that view also seen in Joshua, Judges, 1
and 2 Samuel, 1 and 2 Kings. The Deuteronomist document (D) tends to be
oratorical or homiletic in tone, and stresses the importance of fidelity to
God's laws, resulting in reward or punishment.
Many others today are strongly rejecting the theory. A major example
appeared in R. N. Whybray, The Making of the Pentateuch (JSOT
Supplements 5, Sheffield, 1987). It was very favorably reviewed in CBQ of
Jan. 1989, pp. 138-39 by Joseph Blenkinsopp who said that it is clear that the
hypothesis is "in serious trouble, with no viable alternative yet in sight."
Whybray, according to the review easily showed the fragility of many of the
arguments given for the theory, showed that the criteria used to tell one
source from another require "an unreasonable level of consistency" in the
sources themselves, so that it has been necessary to suppose a multitude of
subsidiary sources. Yet the same consistency was not supposed to be found
in the redactors. Whybray himself suggested the Pentateuch came from a
single genius, no earlier than 6th century B.C., who used many sources, not
all of them ancient. But this idea does not take into account the long
development of the legal tradition in Israel.
However, these special features may be due to a well known Hebrew pattern
of using concentric circles in narratives: the story begins, after a bit, it goes
back to the beginning, is retold with other details. This may go on for two or
three rounds. Further, Kenneth A. Kitchen, of the University of Liverpool, in
Ancient Orient and Old Testament (InterVarsity Press, Downers Grove IL,
1966. pp. 112-21) has discovered similar patterns of repetition in documents
from Urartu and Egypt.
Those who favor the Documentary theory also point to stylistic differences:
the style of the Yahwist has unified scenes bound together by a continuous
thread. He prefers the concrete, is good at character portraits. The Elohist
lacks the picturesque manner, has less dramatic vigor. The Yahwist goes in
for anthropomorphisms, the Elohist does not. But we reply: The reasoning is
in part a vicious circle: the alleged documents were differentiated on the
basis of the styles - then the styles are used to prove different documents.
Again, Kitchen helps us (p. 125) by showing that style variations are common
in the Near East. He mentions the biographical inscription of an Egyptian
official Uni (c 1400 B.C. ), which contains flowing narrative, summary
statements, a victory hymn, and two different refrains repeated at suitable
but varying intervals. A similar phenomenon is found in the royal inscriptions
of the kings of Urartu.
To sum up: we have not disproved the Documentary theory, but we have
shown that its proponents are far from proving it too.
One further question for now: Could we believe that some of the names and
facts were really transmitted orally for centuries? We know definitely that
such a thing is possible. For example, the first name on the Assyrian King List
is King Tudia. For long it was thought he was only a legend. But now the
picture has changed: An Italian archaeologist, Paolo Matthiae, began
excavations at Ebla (about 35 miles south of Aleppo in Syria), in about 1963
and uncovered a major ancient civilization, almost unknown up to that date.
In 1969 he showed an inscription to epigrapher Giovanni Pettinato, who
quickly recognized the name of King Ibbit-Lim of Ebla. Pettinato dates the
clay tablets from Ebla at about 2500 B.C. Pettinato further has found a text of
a treaty between the King of Ebla, and King Tudia, founder of the first
dynasty of Assyria. So we now are certain that Tudia is not legendary but
historical - the Assyrian king list giving the name of Tudia dates from about
1000 B.C., while the tablet from Ebla shows Tudia made that treaty around
2350 B.C. So memory preserved correct data on Tudia for about 13 centuries.
(Cf. G. Pettinato, The Archives of Ebla, Doubleday, 1981, pp. 103-05 also 70
& 73).
Roland E. Murphy, one of the editors of the NJBC (p. 4) says that today there
is a tendency to think more in terms of an expansion of J, especially from E,
which provided added traditions to insert, but which may have never existed
independently on its own.
Finally, we should mention some current terminology that one may meet in
reading. Tradition History means a study of the various stages a unit went
through before being incorporated into the present form. The study of the
final form is called Redaction Criticism.
Our first move is to try to determine the literary genre of Genesis. Here we
clearly must distinguish between chapters 1-11 and the rest of Genesis.
We saw too the remarkable statement of 160 major scientists that the form
of evolution proposed by Darwin was false, since the fossil record simply did
not support it. They proposed instead an unsupported supposition of
"punctuated equilibria" that is, that a species might stay the same for
millions of years, and then by a sudden fluke, leap up to something much
higher in the same category.
It is good to add some modern scientific work that bears on polygenism - the
theory that our race came from more than one pair. Pius XII, in Humani
generis in 1951 after saying that we may consider evolution provided it is not
atheistic, added that we are not so free about polygenism "since it is by no
means clear how such a view could be reconciled with what the sources of
revelation and the actions of the Magisterium tell us about original sin, which
comes from a sin really committed by one Adam, and which is passed on to
all by generation, and is within each one as his own" (DS 3897). On reading
these words, some say that polygenism is completely ruled out. Others, who
mean to be loyal to the Church, notice the Pope said we may not hold
polygenism since it is by no means clear how it can fit with Scripture and the
Magisterium. They notice - what is true - that papal texts are framed with
extreme care. And they say that the Pope may have meant to leave door
open, to say that if a way should be found to reconcile polygenism with
revealed truth, the objection would drop.
John Paul II, in a General Audience of Oct 1, 1986 clarified the concept of
original sin. He said that it "has not the character of personal guilt. It is the
privation of sanctifying grace," that is, it is the lack of something that should
be there, not a positive presence. So the transmission by heredity really
means that grace is not transmitted. In the audience of Oct 8, 1986 he added
that when we say our mind is darkened and our will weakened, this refers to
a "relative, and not an absolute deterioration." That is, we are put down no
lower than we would have been had God created our race with no added
gifts beyond essential humanity. Such a nature, having many drives within it,
each operating blindly, would need mortification to tame it. This disorder
would make the mind relatively less clear, and the will relatively weaker.
From the cleverly designed story of Genesis, it is evident that God had given
our first parents what could be called a coordinating gift, that is, a gift to
make it easy to keep all the drives in their proper place. (This has often been
called the Gift of Integrity). When God called, "Adam, where are you?" Adam
said: "I hid myself for I was naked." God said: "How did you find that out, if
you did not eat the forbidden fruit?" In other words, before and after the fall,
Adam was naked. But it formerly did not bother him - he had the
coordinating gift. Afterwards, without that gift, it did bother him.
Did the Hebrews see original sin in the Genesis story? Surely, they did not
talk much about it. There are just a few doubtful texts in the Old Testament
that could, but need not, refer to it: (Job 14:4; Psalm 51:5; Sirach 25:23;
Wisdom 2:23-24 and 10:1-2). There are just a few places in the
intertestamental literature (Jewish writing after the end of the Old Testament)
in which we might see original sin: IV Ezra 3. 20 and 7. 46-49 (prob. late 1st
century AD); II Baruch 18. 2; 23. 4; 48. 42-43; 54. 15-16; 56. 5-6 (early 2nd
century AD); Testament of Adam 3.3 (2nd -5th century AD); Pseudo Philo
62.5 (prob. 1st century AD).
However, even if the Jews did not notice it, it is clearly implied in Genesis. For
God had given to Adam and Eve the gift of grace, His favor. They lost it - or
rather, cast it away by sin -and so could not pass it on to their descendants.
To be born out of God's favor is to lack grace. And that is what original sin is.
We need to notice as to the word favor, if we meant merely that God as it
were smiles at us, but gives us nothing, we would do good by our own
powers: the heresy of Pelagianism. So in practice, to lack His favor means to
lack what He gives us, His grace.
There are other things brought out by that well-designed story, chiefly: God
made all things - in some special way (leaving room for theistic evolution) He
made the first human pair - He gave them some sort of command (we do not
know if it was or was not about a fruit tree - that may be stage dressing)
-they violated His orders and fell from favor. In addition the story tells us the
psychology of every sin. For Eve knew God had said they would die if they
ate it - but she believed the tempter who said that they would instead
become like gods - and she looked at the fruit, and as it were said: "God may
know what is good in general - but right now, I know better! I can see for
myself!" So pride is the essence of every sin.
What of the names Adam and Eve? We do not know if they used those names
- but that does not mean we should say there was no Adam and Eve. There
was a first pair, regardless of the names they used.
Some scholars today think the writer of Genesis used some then current
stories, probably from Mesopotamia. We would not have to rule out such a
possibility in advance, for we have said that Genesis uses stories to convey
things that really happened. We add that Vatican II (LG # 55) said, having in
mind chiefly Genesis 3:15 and Isaiah 7:14: "These primeval documents, as
they are read in the Church, and are understood in the light of later and full
revelation, gradually bring before us the figure of the Mother of the
Redeemer. She, in this light, is already prophetically foreshadowed in the
promise, given to our first parents who had sinned, of victory over the
serpent (cf. Gen 3, 15)."
It is evident, especially from the use of the cf. before Gen 3:15 in the
parenthesis, that the Council did not want to say flatly that the human writer
understood all that the Church, in the light of later and full revelation,
gradually came to understand. So we could conceive of the inspired writer of
Genesis as using secular stories to make his point, without understanding all
that we now see in them. Yet it is beyond doubt that he did see a first sin, a
fall, and some kind of promise of enmity. And elsewhere - DV #3 - the Council
seemed to take a more optimistic view of what that writer understood:
"Moreover, after their fall, by promising redemption, He lifted them up into
the hope of salvation (cf. Gen 3:15)." Now they could not be lifted up into
hope without understanding some promise of rescue.
But if we turn to the stories that scholars favor, the chances of use by the
writer of Genesis go far down. The Babylonian epic, Enuma elish, often called
a creation story, shows some strong similarities in the order of things created
on each day (Cf. Alexander Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis, Univ. of Chicago,
1951, pp. 128-29). However, as Heidel himself admits ,"the differences are
far too great and the similarities far too insignificant" to make us suppose
that the Enuma elish contributed much to Genesis.
Something much closer is the creation account found at Ebla (Pettinato, op.
cit., pp. 144 and 159): "Lord of heaven and earth, the earth was not, you
created it, the light of day was not, you created it, the morning light you had
not [yet] made exist." However, Pettinato's translation was promptly
challenged by Archi, his successor as epigrapher of Ebla (BAR Nov. -Dec.
1980, p. 42).
What is the genre of the deluge account? Is it just part of the sequence of
ancient tales to bring out things, or is it basically historical this time? In favor
of saying it is historical is the fact that flood traditions are found all over the
globe. And especially the king lists of Sumer are significant. Those lists go
back to at least 2000 B.C. They say there were 8 kings before the flood,
reigning in five cities, a total of 432, 200 years. Among them was Enmenlu-
Anna who ruled 43,100 years. After the flood, the kings became short-lived!
Twenty-three kings ruled for a total of only 24,510 years, 3 months and 3 1/2
days. (Lists can be seen in ANET 265-66). Of course, such numbers were
never intended to be taken at face value. What was intended we do not know
- perhaps symbolic numbers? They make the great ages in Genesis 5 seem
slight.
However, our interest is other. The land of Sumer, between the Tigris and
Euphrates, had annual floods in those times. To speak of the flood in such a
context surely stands for a king sized flood.
The Babylonian story is found in the Epic of Gilgamesh, and probably goes
back to at least 2000 B.C. In both stories, there is a hero who is to be saved -
Noah in Genesis, Utnapishtim in Gilgamesh. Each is told to build an ark, with
detailed specifications. Then comes the cataclysm. The ark finally rests on a
tall mountain. Both Noah and Utnapishtim release series of birds to see if the
water has gone down. Each account mentions a dove and a raven. Each hero
offers sacrifice, but there are great differences: The biblical flood is a
punishment for sin; there is no motive given by the gods in the Babylonian
version, it is mere caprice. In the Babylonian text, the gods cowered in fear
of the flood. When Utnapishtim offered sacrifice after the flood, they came
down and "swarmed like flies" around the sacrifice - the gods needed
sacrifices for food. The gods admit Utnapishtim to the ranks of the gods, he
becomes immortal. (The complete text of the Gilgamesh epic can be found in
Alexander Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels,
University of Chicago, 1949.
We do not know the relation of the two. Perhaps the writer of Genesis took
the Babylonian account, purified it of polytheistic elements, and used it. On
the other hand, the two accounts could have been independent accounts of a
historical flood.
But there are new discoveries today, which make the deluge certain. A high
pentagon official told me he had been permitted to see high resolution
photos taken from our satellite, which show the ark up on Mt. Ararat. At some
seasons is it largely covered with snow. He told me further the army had sent
soldiers up to the ark. They had entered it, had seen the animal stalls, and
had founds its measurements are those found in Genesis.
Another set of claims is this: The Turkish government today has set up a
Noah's Ark Park farther down. Ron Wyatt and associates discovered there a
buried ship, of the same measurements. Using subsurface radar --with
trained expert operators-- he found there is a pattern of regularly occurring
spots, which he takes to be metal brackets in a pattern of lines from stem to
stern, and also going crossways.
There can be no reasonable doubt about the ark seen from space. What
Wyatt found is something real, but different. Though not highly trained
himself, he did employ radar specialists. He has published a video showing in
detail the explorations and the results (Wyatt Archaeological Research,
Nashville, TN).
As to the Babylonian tower, we note that temple towers were common in
ancient Babylonia. We cannot judge the historical character of this account.
But we notice the clever play on words with popular etymology: Gen 11:6
speaks of it as Babel, the place where the Lord confused tongues, playing on
Hebrew babel, "confusion". Yet Babylonian bab-ili meant "gate of the gods."
The writer of Genesis may have been making fun of the "gate of the gods".
Genesis 12-50
Here we seem to leave the realm of mere ancient stories contrived to bring
out some things that really happened. We now have the history of the
patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. Even so, we ask about the genre.
Many today think it is something like epic. As we have seen, epic genre was
around in those days. An epic will have a strong core of history, but yet work
in some fanciful elements.
Naturally, we begin with the great patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. To
what age do they belong, if to any? T. L. Thompson, in The Historicity of the
Patriarchal Narratives, (Berlin, 1974) would virtually drop archaeological
evidence, and date the patriarchs to the first millennium B.C. - since there is
no room for them historically at such a point, it amounts to a denial.
Similarly. J. Van Seters, Abraham in History and Tradition, (New Haven, 1975)
drops archaeology, wants to date patriarchs in first millennium.
Some would make the patriarchs mere eponymous ancestors, persons from
whom the names of later tribes were derived.
Chapter 10
The Book of Exodus
The genre of this book is most likely epic, though some today would
completely deny that there was an Exodus at all. Hershel Shanks, editor of
Biblical Archaeology Review, in the March-April issue of 1991, reports on the
1990 joint meeting of the American Academy of Religion, the Society of
Biblical Literature, and the American Schools of Oriental Research. On p. 66
he says the mood of the whole session was almost entirely negative. He said
there was a "widespread negative fad" as to what could be said about Israel
before the time of the monarchy. He added they would like to deny the
existence of Israel before the monarchy. In fact, he said, almost bitterly, they
would like to say that Israel did not exist before the time of the kings, and
would do that if it were not for the Stele of Pharaoh Merneptah who made a
punitive raid into Canaan around 1220, and said Israel was laid waste. It
speaks of Israel as a people, not as a nation. This reminds us of the comment
of Pope Leo XIII, in his Providentissimus Deus of 1893. In it (EB 123) the Pope
complained that those who are willing to see all sorts of errors in Scripture -
the report mentioned says the negative people "can dispose of [the Bible]
easily", yet they accept ancient secular documents as if there could be no
hint of error in them. Actually, we know the boastfulness of ancient kings. No
Pharaoh ever lost a battle, if we believe the inscriptions.
We could, however, say that the purpose of the writing was didactic, to teach
God's power and justice as against the failures of His people. Then not every
event in the book need be fully historical.
Those who would deny an exodus at all are apt to say there was merely a
peasant revolt in Canaan.
But for the above reasons we do hold there was an Exodus. We add that
Exodus itself (12:38) tells us that a crowd of mixed ancestry went out of
Egypt with the Israelites.
When did the Exodus take place? There are chiefly two kinds of opinions:
1) the most favored view begins with Exodus 1:11 which says that the
Israelites built for the Pharaoh two cities, Pithom and Raamses. Raamses
may be the same as Avaris-Tanis (But this identification is controverted: Cf.
John J. Bimson, Redating the Exodus and Conquest, Sheffield, 1978, pp. 35-
48). Avaris was deserted after 1500, and was reestablished by Seti I who
reigned until around 1300 - there is much disagreement about precise
Egyptian chronology. Rameses II began to reign right after Seti. It is known
that Rameses carried on extensive building projects, which fits with the use
of Hebrews for slave labor. He also moved the capital to the delta region.
This fits with the fact that the sister of Moses could easily run to her mother's
house when the daughter of Pharaoh found the infant Moses in the river (Ex
2:5- 8). Also the many visits of Moses to the Pharaoh suggest a short
distance. Still further when the angel of God slew all the firstborn of Egypt,
Pharaoh could call for Moses in the middle of the night, and give orders to
leave at once.
Also, toward the end of the reign of Rameses, Egyptian power declined
notably, which would make it easier for the Israelites to engage in their
attempts to conquer Canaan, than when Thutmose III (1490-36 BC) was on
the throne. He conducted extensive campaigns in Canaan.
2) The other theory begins with the fact that 1 Kings 6:1 says that Solomon
began to build the temple in the 480th year after the Exodus, in the fourth
year of his reign. Since he probably began to reign about 961, the Exodus
would come around 1437 BC.
One problem with this view is the fact that 480 looks very much like a round
or symbolic number: 12 generations of 40 years each.
If we compare the proposed dates with the time the Israelites spent in Egypt,
we come up with confusion. The Hebrew text of Exodus 12:40 says they
spent 430 years there. But the Septuagint says that "the dwelling of the sons
of Israel which they spent in Egypt and in Canaan [was] 430 years". This fits
with Galatians 3:17 which gives 430 years for the period between the
promise to Abraham, and the giving of the law on Sinai. That would mean
only about 215 years in Egypt.
There are other problems about 430 years in Egypt: Moses and Aaron,
according to 1 Chron 5:27-29 were fourth generation descendants of Jacob's
son Levi. That would mean three generations with an average of 143 years
each. That would clash further with 1 Chron 7:20-27 which says Joshua, the
younger associate of Moses, was a 12th generation descendant of Levi's
brother Joseph. Then we would have 11 generations from Joseph to Joshua
averaging 39 years each. However, to the problems of this paragraph we
reply that ancient genealogies were not always like ours, merely family trees.
R. Wilson, in Genealogy and History in the Biblical World (Yale, 1977, p. 166)
shows that genealogies often were artificial in the ancient world, to bring out
relations other than family lines.
As to these figure we can also notice that Pius XII, in Divino afflante Spiritu
(EB 559) speaks of Semitic approximation. He is right, the Semites cared
little for our precision in dating. We can see that in the way in which St. Paul
reports his own activities in Galatians 2:1, where he says he went to
Jerusalem again after 14 years - with no indication of whether he counted
that from his conversion, from his return from
Arabia, or something else. And the Hebrew of Jonah 3:4 has Jonah
threatening destruction to Nineveh in 40 days. But the Septuagint of the
same text said three days. Apparently the symbolic or broad usage made
both seem equivalent to the translators of the Septuagint.
It is usual to suggest that Joseph won readier acceptance in Egypt during the
time of the foreign rule by the Hyksos, which began around 1720 BC, since
they probably included some Semites. But this overlooks the fact that
Joseph's acceptance was basically due to divine help in giving him the
interpretation of the king's dreams. The Israelites, according to Exodus 1:8,
began to have trouble when a new king came on the throne, who did not
know Joseph. But any change of dynasty - and there were many - could give
the same effect.
Some recent efforts favor the earlier date for the Exodus. John J. Bimson,
Redating the Exodus and Conquest (cited above) puts the Exodus at about
1470. This solves many problems of archeology about the cities conquered
by Joshua, leaving a problem chiefly about Ai and Heshbon. Bimson replies
(pp. 215-25) that the later village of Ai may not be the one destroyed by
Joshua - for there was often site shift in ancient cities - and adds (p. 69) that
Heshbon need not have been a fortified site at the time of Joshua.
The Israelites are supposed to have lived 38 years at Kadesh- Barnea, the
largest oasis in N. Sinai, with many acres today of fruit and nut trees. But no
remains have been found there other than three ancient fortresses, the
earliest probably from the time of Solomon. Cf. "Did I excavate Kadesh-
Barnea" by Rudolph Cohen, in BAR, May-June, 1981, pp. 21-33. He is
uncertain if he found the site, found no remains there. However, it is
probable that the Israelites were really in Midian at that time - many remains
found there. Midian is where Moses fled from Egypt, where he married, where
he saw the burning bush.
Kenneth Kitchen (The Bible in Its World: The Bible and Archaeology Today,
Intervarsity Press, Downer's Grove, IL, 1977, pp. 10-15) offers still more
considerations. Commonly a site is not completely excavated, for it is very
costly. By 1977 only 1, 1/2 acres of Ashdod had been excavated - it covers 70
acres of lower city and another 10 acres of acropolis. Only 1/10 of the site of
Et-Tell, which some think was Ai, had been excavated by the same time.
Before the Exodus, God appeared to Moses at the burning bush, and
revealed His name, Yahweh. The meaning of the name is debated, it is most
likely a verbal form of haya (originally perhaps hwy), meaning "to be". Some
would take it as a hiphil form of the verb, meaning "cause to be." So the
meaning would be either I am, or I am He who causes things to be.
There is a problem from the fact that in Gen 4:26 we read that "people began
to call upon the name of Yahweh." But in Exodus 6:3 God told Moses that he
did not reveal His name Yahweh to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. A possible
solution: M. Dahood, in a long afterword to Archives of Ebla, pp. 276-77,
suggests the name was known to northern tradition early on, but only later
came to be known to the Egyptian tradition. It is also possible we have an
updated form anachronistically inserted at Gen 4:26. It is also possible the
name was first known and later forgotten by the time of Abraham.
The word Jehovah is merely a mistake. After the Exile, the Jews developed so
great a respect for the sacred name, that the ordinary person never would
pronounce it. Instead he would say Adonai, Lord. When the Masoretes
centuries later invented the vowel points, they used the points for Adonai
with the consonants for Yahweh, so no one by forgetting would pronounce
the sacred name. If someone foolishly reads the word as written, it does
come out as Jehovah.
About the plagues before the Exodus - some of these things are known to
have happened by natural causes before. However, the fact that they
happened at specific times in response to the commands of Moses is
supernatural.
At what point did the Israelites cross the sea? The Hebrew is yam suph which
may mean Reed Sea. However, when these words occur elsewhere they refer
to the Red Sea or at least to the Gulf of Aqaba (cf. 1 Kings 9:26). The matter
is complicated by the probable presence of variant traditions, which we saw
in chapter 4.
Were the Israelites a people before the Exodus and covenant? Their own
traditions make Abraham the father of all of them. However, it is clear that
these two great experiences did contribute much to a sense of being a
special people. (By then other elements had joined themselves to them, as
we saw above: Ex 12. 38.
The route they took in the whole period in the desert is likewise uncertain:
Exodus does give names, but the location of many of these is uncertain.
At Mt. Sinai they were taught great reverence: Exodus 19:9-15 forbade the
people to even touch the mountain - if they did, they must be put to death.
(Interesting contrast on the lack of reverence on the part of some today
towards the Blessed Sacrament!).
Then God manifested His presence by thunder, lightning, and trumpet blasts
and smoke. The people in fear (Ex 20:19) begged that God might speak only
through Moses, and not directly to them.
Then the great covenant was made. Through Moses, God spoke (Ex 19. 5): "If
you really obey my voice and keep my covenant, you shall be my special
possession, more so than all people."
Many commentators try to say this covenant was unilateral, not bilateral.
They mean God imposed obligations on His people, but did not take any on
Himself. They forget that God said, in effect, in 19:5, "If you do this, I will do
that." God cannot give His word and then not keep it. So even though
technically He does not owe anything to creatures, yet He does owe it to
Himself to keep His word. The prophets in the OT often compared God's
relation to His people to that of marriage. Thus in Hosea 2:18-25: "And it
shall come to pass on that day, says the Lord, you shall call me 'my husband'
and never more 'my Baal'... I will betroth you to me forever. '" Again, He said
through Jeremiah 2:2 "Go and cry in the ears of Jerusalem; I remember the
covenant-devotedness [hesed - more on this word presently] of your youth,
the love of your espousal." (cf. also Jer 3:1; Ez 16:8; Is 50:1; 62:5). The
language of Deuteronomy 26:17-18 is so bold that most versions do not dare
to render it literally. The Hebrew uses the causative hiphil form of the verb
twice here: "You have caused the Lord today to say He will be a God to you...
and the Lord has caused you today to say you will be to Him a people, a
special possession... and to keep all His commandments." Such language
seems to put God and His people both on the same plane! In spite of their
reverential great fear, they also did understand He was their Father. In Is
63:16: "You are our Father. [Even if] Abraham would not know us, and Israel
not acknowledge us: you, O God, are our Father, our redeemer is your name
from everlasting." Here for redeemer the Hebrew has goel, which means the
next of kin who in time of need has both the right and the duty to rescue his
family members who are in difficulty. So God by the covenant becomes as it
were a member of the family. Cf. Roland de Vaux, Ancient Israel (tr. J.
McHugh, McGraw Hill, NY, 1961, pp. 21 & 22). The word hesed, which we saw
in Jer 2:2, which means the covenant relationship does express precisely that
concept. The blood ceremony in which Moses sprinkled the book and people
with the blood of the sacrifice indicates the belief they were becoming as it
were kinsmen of God: Ex 24:3-8. (Cf. the blood transfusion we now have in
the Holy Eucharist).
But there is no place in the Old Testament in which all of these provisions are
found in that order. Rather, the material is spread out a bit. Dennis J.
McCarthy, in Treaty and Covenant, (Biblical Institute, Rome, 2nd ed. 1978,
esp. pp. 241-76), pointed out correctly that similar situations in different
cultures can call forth similar responses.
The covenant does have a legal form, but it was a work of love. For to love is
to will good to another for the other's sake. God spelled out what things were
needed, in the nature of things, to make the people to open and capable of
receiving what He so generously wanted to give. Otherwise, they would run
into the evils present in the nature of things for wrongdoing.
Exodus also contains the Ten Commandments and a large body of other laws.
Joseph Jensen (op. cit., p. 86) says that the tradition that represents Moses as
the great lawgiver in Israel "is undoubtedly an accurate one." But then as
society developed, new laws were needed for new situations. However they
all kept the same relation to the covenant. This was not deception, it was a
way of saying that these things came under the basic authority of Moses.
Much later, the oral law, very large, was also attributed to Moses. When we
recall the kind of language we saw in chapter 4 from apocalyptic passages in
Isaiah and Ezekiel, we will not be surprised at such a way of speaking as that
which we see for Moses and laws.
What of the fact that many laws closely resemble older codes, such as that
of Hammurabi (c 1725 BC)? The remark of Dennis McCarthy on covenant,
cited above, that similar situations call forth similar responses applies here -
that is, these laws were framed to cover the same kind of circumstances as
those envisioned by Hammurabi's Code. Some laws were given in flat form,
and are called apodictic; others were in case law form:... if someone does
thus... then.... It is the case laws that most resemble the Code of
Hammurabi.
Some are surprised at the talion law - eye for eye etc. - in Ex. 21:23 ff. The
answer is that it was actually a means of holding down much more severe
measures apt to be taken.
Most scholars would not agree with such extreme radicalism. P. Kyle McCarter
Jr. in the chapter on the Patriarchal Age, in the symposium, Ancient Israel,
(ed. Hershel Shanks) published by the Biblical Archaeology Society in 1988
says on p. 16: "Most [scholars] remain convinced that the stories about
Abraham, Isaac and Jacob contain a kernel of authentic history." We already
suggested something like epic genre for Genesis 12-50. And we think there is
more than just a kernel of real history, even though the ambitious attempts
of the school of W. F. Albright (including especially E. A. Speiser and G. Ernest
Wright) to use archaeology to validate Genesis have not stood up completely
against the attacks of subsequent criticism.
There is too much evidence to deny basic reality to the patriarchs. We cannot
imagine why Israelites would invent the claim that Abraham's wife was his
half-sister (cf. Gen 20:12) or that Jacob married two sisters (29:15-30).
Leviticus 18:9 prohibits marriage with a half sister, and Leviticus 18:18
prohibits marrying the sister of one's wife, and 18. 29 calls both an
abomination.
Nor would they invent some other things, such as the shameful way Jacob
bought the birthright from his brother Esau and then lied to get his father's
blessing. Also, the jealousy of the brothers of Joseph, and their selling him as
a slave are disgraceful things.
Kitchen (op. cit, pp. 49-50 shows that seasonal occupation of the Negeb
region on the SW border of Palestine is archaeologically attested from the
21st to the 19th centuries, but not for the thousand years earlier or for 800
years afterwards. Abraham and Isaac spent time in this area and were
keepers of flocks and herds, and at times grew grain. So they would fit best
in the period about 2100- 1800 B.C.
Especially significant is the fact that Joseph was sold as a slave (Gen 37:28)
for 20 shekels. That is the correct average price for a slave in about the 18th
century B.C. Before that, as shown in the Code of Hammurabi and in Mari
documents, slaves cost from 10 to 15 shekels. Later they rose steadily in
price (cf. Kitchen, pp. 52-52).
St. Paul often appealed to the faith of Abraham as the model of the faith we
must have (Galatians 3:6; Romans 4). Indeed it was remarkable, not only
when he believed go that he, at age 99, and his sterile wife Sarah, at age 90,
would have a son Isaac, through whom he would be the father of a great
nation, but even more so when without asking any question Abraham obeyed
God's order to sacrifice Isaac when Isaac was still a little boy, too young to
start the fulfillment of God's promise about a great posterity through him.
The picture of Abraham's faith corresponds exactly with St. Paul's idea of
faith. Pauline faith includes four elements: belief in God's word (cf. 1 Ths
2:13), confidence in God's promise (cf. Gal 5:5), obedience to God's
commands (cf. Rom 1:5), all to be done in love (Gal 5:6). Abraham did
believe God's word, had confidence in His promise even when that seemed
voided by the command to sacrifice, and his obedience was so great as to be
willing to sacrifice his dear son, thereby, as we said, seeming to cut off the
promise of a great posterity - in which he was yet required to believe.
We note in passing how different this concept of faith is from Luther's, who
held faith meant merely the conviction that the merits of Christ applied to
himself. The standard Protestant reference work, Interpreter's Dictionary of
the Bible, Supplement, p. 333, gives precisely the same picture of Pauline
faith as we have just done. Luther thought if one had his version of faith, he
could disobey God's laws with impunity (Epistle 501). But Luther did not see
that faith includes obedience -- so faith does not dispense from obedience.
Three of the four the Targums see Genesis 3:15 as Messianic, even though
they cloud the picture somewhat by inserting some allegory. They say the
sons of the woman will be at war with the serpent. When the sons of the
woman study the Torah, they will be victorious. The serpent will strike at their
heel, but the sons of the woman will smite the serpent on the head. There
will be a remedy for the sons of the woman, but none for the serpent. Both
will make peace in the days of King Messiah. (Cf. Samson Levey, The
Messiah: An Aramaic Interpretation, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, 1974).
All Targums see Genesis 49:10 as messianic. We translate in the light of the
Targum - most modern versions seem not to utilize them: "The scepter will
not depart from Judah, nor the ruler's staff from between his feet, until he
comes to whom it belongs [or: until Shiloh comes], and his shall be the
obedience of the peoples".
Jacob Neusner, in the book just mentioned, on p. 242 says: "It is difficult to
imagine how Gen 49:10 can have been read as other than a messianic
prediction." So a fine Jewish scholar can see it, while so many Catholic
scholars cannot. They say that the word shiloh is grammatically feminine,
while the verb with it has a masculine ending. So they say the text is corrupt,
they must emend it. But Shiloh is masculine in sense, even though feminine
in grammatical form. And besides, there are other cases in the Old Testament
where the same mixture occurs, and the same scholars do not worry about
those: Jer 49:16 and Ez 1. 5-10. The pattern becomes common in Mishnaic
Hebrew. Levey (op. cit. p. 8) comments that other rabbinic sources, Midrashic
and Talmudic, take the passage as Messianic.
The fulfillment of this prophecy was graphic: the Jews really did have some
sort of ruler from the tribe of Judah until the time of the Messiah. Then in 41
BC Rome imposed on them Herod, who was not of that tribe, was by birth
half Arab, half Idumean. At first he had the title of Tetrarch, in 37 BC. got the
title of King. If the Jews had not been so greatly unfaithful to God so many
times over, the fulfillment probably would have been more glorious, with
great kings of the line of David, all the way to 41 BC.
Chapter 11
The Books of Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy
Leviticus
Leviticus interrupts the narrative of the Exodus. It is almost entirely laws. The
Old Testament contains 613 commandments, of which 247 are in Leviticus. If
that seems a great number we could think of the output of the U. S.
Congress.
The chief things that are not laws are the description of the ordination of
Aaron and his sons, and the deaths of sons of Aaron.
Chapter 8 describes the ordination ceremony for Aaron and for his sons. On
the octave, the 8th day after the ordination, a special sacrifice was offered.
But in chapter 10 the sons of Aaron offered profane fire, fire that was not
holy, to the Lord. Then fire came forth from the presence of the Lord, and
slew them. This was to teach the absolute holiness of the Lord: everything
must be perfect. Then, remarkably, in chapter 16, God tells Moses that even
though Aaron is the High Priest, he must not go freely whenever he wishes
into the sanctuary beyond the veil. He must do it only once a year, with the
proper ritual, on the day of Atonement.
The most remarkable commands in the book are in chapter 4, which, deals
with the concept of sheggagah, involuntary sin. Today people are apt to say:
If a person acts in good faith, that is all right, do not bother. But Scripture,
both Old and New Testaments, takes a different attitude.
Chapter 4 deals with several types of cases in which someone - the priest,
the whole community, the prince, a private person - violated a command of
God without realizing at the time that he was doing it. When he finds out,
reparation must he made by offering a sacrifice of the prescribed type. The
NJBC at this point (p. 64) comments well that any sin - whether voluntary or
not - is a violation of the covenant relationship. Hence the wrong had to be
righted. It was the Holiness of God who loves all that is right in itself that
willed this. A text of Rabbi Simeon ben Eleazar (from c. 170 A.D., but citing
Rabbi Meir, early in the same century, in Tosefta Kiddushin 1:14) says: "He
[anyone] has committed a transgression. Woe to him! He has tipped the
scale to the side of debt for himself and for the world." The Holiness of God
wants this scales rebalanced. A sinner can begin to rebalance by giving back
stolen goods, or by giving up a pleasure he could have had, to replace a
stolen pleasure. But only a divine Person incarnate could fully rebalance the
scale for even one mortal sin. The Father was not obliged to provide this, but
He willed to do so. (The concept that sin is a debt is common in the Old
Testament, intertestamental literature, in the New Testament - the Our Father
- and in Rabbinic and Patristic literature. Pope Paul VI, in his Constitution
Indulgentiarum doctrina, of Jan 9, 1967, explicitly taught this need of
rebalance. Cf. our comments on debt in chapter 5).
For a sin committed be yad ramah, with a high hand, the Old Testament
provided no atoning sacrifice: cf. Numbers 15:30. We think too of the Epistle
to the Hebrews 10:4: "It is not possible for the blood of bulls and goats to
take sins away."
Genesis 12:17 reports that God struck Pharaoh and his household with
severe blows because, in good faith, he had Abram's wife Sarai. Tobit's wife
had been given a gift of a goat by her employer, but Tobit (2:13) insisted she
give it back, since he merely suspected it was stolen. Psalm 19:12-13 says:
"Even though your servant is very careful in keeping them [the
commandments], yet: Who can detect his unknown transgressions
[shegioth]? Purify me from my unknown faults."
Our Lord Himself in Luke 12:47-48 says: "The slave who knew his master's
will and did not get ready to fulfill it will get a severe beating. But the one
who did not know it but did things [objectively] deserving blows will get off
with fewer blows." In the picture of the last judgment in Matthew 15:44,
those on the left plead ignorance - their plea is rejected. In 1 Cor 15:9 St.
Paul calls himself the least of the apostles for persecuting the Church - which
he did in ignorance, thinking he was zealous for God. In 1 Cor 4:4 Paul says:
"I have nothing on my conscience, but that does not mean that I am
innocent." He means he may have committed sins without realizing it.
Patristic literature has many instances. Pope St. Clement I, in his Epistle to
Corinth 2:3 "You stretched out your hands to the almighty God, begging Him
to be propitious, in case you had sinned at all unwillingly." Clement of
Alexandria (Stromata 6:6) says if one repents, God will forgive sins of
ignorance. The Eastern Rite Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom has a prayer
before the Epistle: "Forgive us every offense, both voluntary and
involuntary."
Numbers
Numbers takes up again the narrative of Exodus, with some additional laws
interspersed, usually in some relation to the matter of the narrative. At the
end of the book, the Israelites are opposite Jericho.
Miriam and Aaron oppose the authority of Moses in chapter 12. They said it
was not only through Moses that God spoke: He also spoke through them too
(What a modern picture!). God rebuked them at the meeting tent. When He
left, Miriam was a leper. Moses prayed for forgiveness; God ordered her to be
confined outside the camp for seven days, and then she was cured.
In the next chapter, 13, spies are sent out to look over the land. After 40
days they returned, and said the land indeed flowed with milk and honey, but
the people were giants, and the cities strongly fortified. The people believed
the report, and wanted to return to Egypt. Moses and Aaron fell prostrate in
prayer. Joshua and Caleb, who had been among the scouts, told the truth
about the land. God gave the others a punishment: Only Joshua and Caleb
would be allowed to enter the land. The rest must turn back to the desert,
and remain 40 years until all would have died off, except Joshua and Caleb.
Another revolt, in chapter 16, was led by Korah, joined by Dathan and Abiron.
Moses challenged them to a test: they were to take their censers to offer
incense; Aaron would do the same. Then he called on God to make known
His will. The earth opened and swallowed up Korah and the men who
belonged to him. Then fire came forth and killed 250 who were part of the
revolt.
With incredible hardness, the next morning the people murmured that Moses
had killed the people of the Lord!. So God sent a plague that consumed
14,700 people. Aaron offered incense, and the plague stopped.
When they came to Kadesh (chapter 20), Miriam died. the people murmured
again, for lack of water. Moses and Aaron at God's order assembled them
before a rock. Moses struck the rock twice, and water came out. God told
them because they were not faithful - perhaps a lack of faith in striking the
rock twice, when once was enough - neither Moses nor Aaron would enter
the promised land.
Moses sent a request to the King of Edom to allow them to pass through -
Edom was descended from Esau, brother of Jacob. Edom refused, so the
Israelites detoured. When they came to Mount Hor, Moses took away the
priestly robes of Aaron and put them on his son Eleazar. Then Aaron died.
Soon the people murmured again. God sent saraph serpents which bit them,
so that they died. Moses prayed for help. God told him to make a bronze
serpent and put it up on a pole. Anyone bitten who would look at the serpent
would live.
This of course was a prefiguration of the cross, which brings salvation to all.
Some have worried that the first commandment forbade making images -
and here Moses made one, by order of God. But we must notice that the
command was not against all images, but only forbade making images to
worship. After some victories by the Israelites, Balak, King of Moab, sent for a
pagan seer, Balaam, and offered him pay to curse the Israelites. God warned
Balaam not to do so, and he refused the king's offer. The princes of Moab
came a second time. God told Balaam he might go with them, but had to do
what God ordered. Balaam's ass balked at going, and Balaam beat the ass.
Then God opened the mouth of the ass, and the ass protested at the beating.
Balaam said he would have killed the ass if he had had a sword. Then an
angel appeared to Balaam, told him to go ahead, but speak only what God
willed. So, Balaam blessed the Israelites. The King of Moab protested.
Balaam then blessed Israel again. Balak again protested. But Balaam gave
an oracle saying: "I see him, but not now; I behold him, but not near. A star
shall come forth out of Jacob, and a scepter out of Israel. It will crush the
brow of Moab and the skulls of the sons of Sheth. Edom shall be conquered,
and Seir conquered... but Israel shall grow strong."
Soon many Israelites worshipped Baal of Peor in Moab, and had illicit
relations with the women there as part of the worship. God ordered them
executed for this. Twenty-four thousand died.
Deuteronomy
The name Deuteronomy comes from the Greek title, which means "second
law". It is essentially a resume of the previous story of the Exodus and the
desert years.
Second Kings 22-23 reports that in about 622 B.C. during the reign of Josiah
King of Judah, a law book was discovered in the temple. When Josiah heard it,
he said the Lord must be angry, for they were not fulfilling it. So he had it
read in the temple before all, and renewed the covenant, and carried out a
religious reform. Many think the book found was Deuteronomy, perhaps only
the second address of Moses, which is 4:44 to 26:19. The same account is
given also in 2 Chronicles 34-35. That version seems to say the reform began
even before the finding of the book. But when we consider the genre of these
works, such a difference is not significant. The great purpose of the books is
to teach that fidelity to God brings reward, infidelity brings punishment.
Many examples are given to bring out and underscore this theme.
Some think that when the northern kingdom fell with the fall of Samaria in
721, Levites fled south carrying deuteronomic traditions. Such a circle would
have been present during the time of the good king Hezekiah (715- 687).
Hezekiah made a reform anticipating that of Josiah. But then the evil king
Manasseh went back to pagan practices and even persecuted those loyal to
God: cf. 2 Kings 21. So the loyal went underground, and put their traditions
into a book, the one found under Josiah. We should notice that when the
Israelites were under Assyria, they would be required by Assyria to put the
worship of Assyrian gods into Jerusalem.
In chapter 4, Moses strongly urges the people to keep the Law, for then the
other nations will say: This is really a wise and intelligent people for having
such a law. Psalm 119 is nothing but an extended praise of the law. Later
Judaism highly praised wisdom, and even personified it, e.g., in Wisdom 9:9-
18: "With thee is wisdom, who knows thy works, and who was present when
thou didst make the world... Send her forth from the holy heavens... For she
knows and understands all things... For the reasoning of mortals is
worthless... for a perishable body weighs down the soul, and this earthly tent
burdens the thoughtful mind."
The idea that the law contains wisdom is wonderfully true. For God does not
give His commands just to exercise authority: our obedience does Him no
good. Yet He wants us to obey for two reasons: 1)His Holiness loves all that is
right and good, and it is right and good that creatures obey their Creator;
2)He, being Generosity, loves to give us abundant good things. But His giving
is all in vain if we are not open to receive. His commandments explain what
is needed to be open to receive. They also steer us away from the evils we
would encounter in the very nature of things if we did not obey. For example,
after a drunk comes a headache; after much premarital sex, there is great
danger of a loveless marriage. For to love is not a feeling - even though
feelings tend to go along with it - rather it is to will good to another for the
other's sake. To use another's body for sensory pleasure, thereby putting
him/her into a state such that if death came, they would be miserable
forever - this is not willing good, it is closer to the opposite. Hence St.
Augustine wrote well, in Confessions 1. 2: "Every disordered soul is its own
punishment."
The Shema is found in Dt. 6:4-5: "Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is one
Lord. You must love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your
soul, and with all your strength." Every Israelite would recite this daily. As we
learned from the Hittite treaties, to love God meant to obey Him.
The same sad and frightening threat appears again in almost the same
words in Jeremiah 22:4-9. Finally Our Lord Himself wept over Jerusalem (Lk
19:41- 44): "And approaching it, and seeing the city, He wept over it saying:
"If you yourself had known in this day the things that are for your well-being.
But now, they are hidden from your eyes. For the days will come upon you
and your enemies will surround you with a palisade and will straiten you on
every side and will cast you down to the ground, you and your children in
you, and will not leave a stone upon a stone, because you did not know the
time of your visitation."
In Dt. 5:2-3 Moses told them that God made the covenant not just with their
fathers, but was making it with them that day. Since the covenant is a two-
sided pact, this is clear: God wanted them to ratify the same covenant He
had once made with their ancestors (cf. Ex. 19:5).
In Dt. 5:9-10 we meet the mysterious promise of God to punish the iniquity
of the fathers down to the third or fourth generation, but to bless the good
for a thousand generations. How does this fit with the later words of God to
Jeremiah, in 31:29-30, saying that they must reject the proverb: the Fathers
ate sour grapes, and the teeth of the children are set on edge. Rather, each
one will suffer only for his own iniquity?
Some are shocked at the severity of the ban (Hebrew herem), a theme found
in many places, e.g. in Dt. 7:1-5, where God ordered them to destroy the
nations in the land of Canaan, without mercy. Two things are to be noticed.
First, God wants them to be free of the temptation - which later experience
showed was fatal - of joining in the idolatrous worship of those nations.
Second, God is the supreme Lord of life. If He wills to end the lives of any
persons, that is His right. And we recall that in Genesis 15:16 God promised
to give them the land, but not until after the fourth time-span (Hebrew dor,
which can mean either generation or period of time). He said He would wait,
because the sins of the Amorites had not yet reached their fullness. For even
one mortal sin, a person merits death. If his sins reach their fullness, go the
limit, this is all the more fully true. As to the deaths of children: life is a
moment to moment gift from God. If He just stops giving, or uses a human
instrument to end it, there is nothing wrong.
Joshua
It is common today to say that the book of Joshua had a complex history. This
means not only the use of the sources JEP, but also of other old traditions. A
major reason for this claim is the fact that there are so many parallels
between Moses and Joshua: both sent out spies to investigate; both crossed
waters miraculously; both held a special Passover celebration; both had a
vision tell him to remove shoes, because he was standing on holy ground;
both supported the victory of the army by holding up hands or a rod; both
gave farewell discourses to the people.
But really, here we see another case of the weakness of mere internal
evidence for a favored position. Of course, those parallels exist. But is it so
unlikely that the events were real in both cases? There is nothing very
remarkable about any or all of the cases, given the fact that both men are
special delegates of God. In the opening part of the book, at 1:5 God tells
Joshua: "As I was with Moses, so will I be with you." The very last lines of
Deuteronomy record that Moses laid his hands on Joshua and so Joshua was
filled with the spirit of wisdom.
Then there are the archaeological problems of cities said to have been
conquered by Joshua. We saw above, in chapter 10, that new research now
seems to solve the chief problem, that about Jericho.
Another problem city is that of Ai, which Joshua is said to have destroyed
(8:1-29). It has been usual to identify Ai with Et-Tell, where no ruins have
been located at a time suitable for the Exodus (let us recall from chapter 10
that the date of the Exodus is far from settled). John J. Bimson (Redating the
Exodus and Conquest, Sheffield, 1978, pp. 215-25 gives impressive, even if
not conclusive evidence, to show that the real location is at Beitin, still to be
excavated. (cf. also the article by J. Bimson and D. Livingston, in BAR, Sept-
Oct, 1987, pp. 40ff, and attacks in BAR Nov- Dec. 1987, and BAR Mar-April,
1988, and reply by D. Livingston in BAR Jan- Feb. 1989. The language of the
two attacking articles is so intemperate as to damage the reader's
confidence in the attackers. Thus the article of Mar-April, 1988 says that even
the slashing attack in Nov-Dec. 1987 "does too much honor to the 'lunatic
fringe' growing around the archaeology of Palestine").
Actually a 15th century date - Bimson has proposed 1460 - fits better with
the archaeological evidence than a 13th century date, which is the more
favored one. The archaeological evidence fits well with the following cities
with a 15th century date: Jericho, Bethel, Hazor, Debir, Lachish, Hebron,
Hormah, Dan. We have already commented on Ai, and we noted above that
the base for the 13th century theory is not as solid as some think.
Near the end of the book, at 24:16-28, Joshua made a renewal of the
covenant at Shechem. An interesting question arises here. There is no
mention in the book of a conquest of Shechem by Joshua. If the city was at
the time inhabited - which is debated - would there have been some special
arrangement needed to let Joshua conduct this large ceremony there? Some
think Shechem was already Israelite centuries before. They appeal to
Genesis 48:22 where the dying Jacob gives Shechem to Joseph.
Judges
In a way the genre of Judges seems quite different from that of Joshua. And it
surely is different. Yet, as we saw, Joshua 13:1 admits Joshua did not conquer
all the land.
A major judge was the woman Deborah. As punishment for false worship,
God had let the Israelites fall into the hands of King Jabin of Hazor. At that
time Deborah was functioning as a sort of judicial judge, sitting under a palm
tree and hearing cases. She sent for Barak and told him God commanded
that he fight against Jabin. Barak was unwilling to do so unless she would
come with him. The king's general Sisera came out with 900 iron chariots.
The Lord put Sisera to rout. He fled to the tent of Jael, wife of the Kenite
Heber, and rested there. But when Sisera went to sleep: Jael drove a tent peg
through his head and killed him - in violation of the sacred rule of hospitality.
In the next chapter we read the Canticle of Deborah, which recounts
basically the same event.
The next judge was Gideon. God had handed over the Israelites to Midian for
seven years. The Midianites made it almost impossible for Israel to have
food, for they came and took whatever they had. While Gideon was beating
out wheat in the wine press to save it from the Midianites, an angel of the
Lord appeared to him, told him he would save his people. God gave Gideon
two miraculous signs to assure him He was with Him. At first Gideon had over
30, 000 troops. God insisted he must reduce them to only 300 men - to show
that it was by God's power, not theirs, that victory would come. Gideon
employed a clever stratagem, and did win the victory.
In this account we see for the second time a remarkable pattern of speech.
At times the text says an angel of God spoke to Gideon; at other times, it is
God Himself who speaks. We saw the same thing in chapter 2. This pattern
has led many to say that the words "angel of the Lord" are only a literary
device: that there are no separate beings called angels. We agree the
pattern could suggest that. However, it become abundantly clear from later
parts of the Old Testament, and throughout the New Testament, that angels
are separate beings. Since it is a general rule that we must understand
Scripture with the eyes of the original readers, we must admit there are
angels. The fact that the angels often appeared in human form, e.g., to Tobit,
led to hesitation among the Fathers of the Church. But finally it became clear
that angels have no bodies.
A special case is that of Samson. His birth was announced to his mother by
an angel of the Lord, who commanded that he be a Nazarite from birth, and
that no razor should touch his head. Samson possessed astounding physical
strength: he even tore a lion apart with his bare hands. But he lost it by
infidelity to the Lord. He married a Philistine woman, Delilah, who beguiled
him into telling how he could lose his strength: by having his hair cut. She
arranged to have that done while Samson was asleep; the Philistines made
him prisoner, put out his eyes, forced him to work grinding grain. After a
while, his hair began to grow again. The Philistines put on a banquet, and
wanted to have Samson amuse them. He asked a boy who was leading him
to bring him to the pillars that were the support of the hall. He asked God to
give back his strength, received it, shook the pillars, and died in the ruins
with a great number of Philistines.
The story of Samson at first sight does not seem to fit the usual pattern of
the judges. Samson did not lead forces against the enemies of Israel. Yet God
made use of even Samson's sin to bring the deaths of many of the
Philistines.
So the 'Judges" were not in general judicial officers, they were mostly
charismatic leaders that is, leaders with a special divine mission to do the
work God intended.
Ruth
Sometime during the period of the Judges, Elimelech went from Bethlehem to
Moab during the time of a famine, along with his wife Naomi and two sons.
He died in Moab. His sons married Moabite women, Orpah and Ruth. When
the two husbands died, Naomi wanted to go back to Bethlehem, and her
devoted daughter in law Ruth went with her. Back in Bethlehem, a wealthy
landowner, Boaz, found Ruth attractive, and married her. Their son was
Obed, the grandfather of King David.
The two books of Samuel were probably originally one book, and similarly for
the two books of Kings. Some versions, following the Septuagint, call these
same books the four books of Kings.
The pattern in these books is the familiar deuteronomic picture: sin brings
punishment, repentance and good bring salvation. They are basically
historical, with perhaps a bit of freedom since they are written chiefly to give
the deuteronomic message, with illustrations from history.
Samuel was born of a mother who had long been sterile, but obtained him by
prayer. He proved to be the last of the judges, the first of the prophets. When
he was still quite young, she gave him to the service of the temple at Shiloh,
where Eli was the priest. While there, God spoke to him, and told him of the
doom awaiting the house of Eli because of the wickedness of Eli's sons, who
died in the battle of Aphek, c. 1050.
In 4:3 we meet a strange line (if we translate the Hebrew literally - most
versions soften it). When the battle was over the Hebrews said: "Why did the
Lord strike us today before the face of the Philistines?" They knew well the
Philistines had hit them, but it was common to attribute to the direct action
of God things He only permitted - we saw this in the case of the hardening of
Pharaoh's heart before the Exodus.
After the defeat, the Hebrews brought the ark of the covenant, hoping it
would protect them. But the Philistines defeated them and captured the ark
itself. But God sent plagues upon the Philistines, so that they returned the
ark, along with gold ornaments, in reparation. Strangely, when the ark did
return, it was neglected until David later brought it to Jerusalem.
The defeats were making clear that the loose organization of Israel, held
together chiefly by having a central shrine, could hardly match the skilled
Philistines, who also had a monopoly of iron working (1 Sam. 13:19-22).
Further, when the people saw that the sons of Samuel, by then old, were
corrupt, they asked him for a king. He was reluctant, and God was
displeased, yet he did give them a king. (there is no conflict between the
attitudes shown in chapters 8 and 9 as is often charged: God and Samuel
regret, but grant the request).
In 1 Sam 9:14-27, God reveals to Samuel His choice, Saul. In chapter 10,
Samuel goes through the ritual of choosing a king by lot - of course, God
managed the lots. (Normally it is wrong to call on lots to learn God's will,
unless there is a special divine inspiration). Saul was made king at Gilgal, c.
1020.
For a time, Saul had considerable victories over the Philistines. But soon he
disobeyed twice. First when Samuel did not come in time to offer sacrifice
before a battle, Saul did it himself (13:8-15). Samuel reproached him saying:
"Obedience is better than sacrifice." The outward sign, the offering of an
animal, is valuable only if it expresses the interior disposition, which is
basically obedience to God. This was true even of the sacrifice of Jesus: Rom
5:19. So Samuel meant that without obedience, the offering was worthless,
and worse. Later, in chapter 15, Saul violated the ban, in saving King Agag of
Amalek and the best sheep. Saul pleaded he only wanted the sheep for
sacrifice. Samuel again rejected his plea, told him again, God would not
continue his dynasty. There is no reason why Saul, in stubbornness, could not
have done both things, so claims of a clash here are not warranted.
We ask why God rejected Saul's dynasty for these two sins, but did not reject
David for greater sins, adultery, covered by what amounted to murder. The
answer lies in a distinction of two orders, the external, and the internal order.
The external order deals with what position a person will have, e.g., king,
legal specialist, scholar etc. The interior order is concerned with the
attainment of eternal salvation. Since God wills all to be saved (1 Tim 2:4),
he offers grace in this interior order very abundantly. We receive all those
graces which we do not reject. But in the exterior order, the rule is that the
Spirit gives what He wills, where He wills (cf. 1 Cor 12:11). We do not know
the reason for the choice of David, but he was, after the sins we mentioned,
unusually meek and holy. Perhaps God wanted such a one to be an ancestor
of His Son.
Then, in chapter 17, David, a young man, slew the Philistine giant, Goliath.
Saul seemed happy at first, but when the women went out singing: "Saul
slew his thousands, David his ten thousands", Saul became jealous, probably
insanely jealous. He pursued David to kill him. He even killed the priests of
Nob for having aided David.
At the cave of Adullam, David could have easily killed Saul, but did not do so,
saying meekly he would not touch the anointed one of the Lord. A second
incident of the same sort is told in chapter 24.
After this, Samuel died. Soon Saul had to face a large Philistine force. He
went to a medium at Endor, asked her to call up the spirit of Samuel. She
did, and Samuel told him he and his sons would be killed in battle the next
day. Among them died Jonathan, who had been a fast friend of David.
Soon after the death of Saul, c. 1000 BC, Judah accepted David as king in
Hebron. Later the northern tribes also accepted him.
David then conquered Jerusalem, made it his capital, brought the ark there.
One day David chanced to see a woman washing herself on a nearby roof. It
was Bathsheba, wife of Uriah. David sent for her, and she conceived. To
cover up, he invited Uriah to dine with him, hoping he would go to his wife,
and thus the sin would be covered up. Uriah did not. So David had him put in
the front line in battle, deserted, so he would die. Nathan the prophet came
and rebuked David, who promptly repented.
In his last years, David's son Absalom, after winning people over by flattery,
proclaimed himself king. David ordered his forces to spare Absalom, but they
did not. David wept bitterly.
Near the very end, another son, Adonijah, proclaimed himself king. But
Bathsheba, with the help of Nathan, induced David to appoint their son
Solomon as king, and to crown him at once.
David had wanted to build a temple to the Lord, but Nathan in an oracle told
him instead that the Lord would build a house, an everlasting dynasty, for
him (2 Sam. 7). His son Solomon, under whom Israel reached a height of
prosperity greater than before or since, did build that temple. After he
dedicated it, God told Solomon of His pleasure, but also warned that if he or
his successors proved unfaithful, He would take his presence from there,
destroy the temple, and scatter them over the earth (1 Kings 9).
God offered Solomon any gift, Solomon asked for wisdom. Yet in spite of that,
he because fatuous later on, married many foreign wives, and built shrines
for their gods. Of course the people gladly joined in the false worship, to
which they were so prone.
Therefore (1 Kings 11) God told Solomon there would be a punishment, but
not in his lifetime, because of the goodness of David.
The punishment came in a special way. When Solomon died, Judah readily
accepted his son Rehoboam as king. But the northern tribes assembled at
Shechem and asked Rehoboam to modify the harsh taxes and forced labor
Solomon had imposed on them (1 Kings 12). His father's advisors urged him
to comply, but his younger friends said otherwise. He told them: My father
beat you with whips, I will beat you with scorpions. The punishment was
withdrawal of light to Rehoboam (cf. Isaiah 29:14).
The northern kingdom withdrew, creating a split that never healed. They
chose Jeroboam as their king. He built shrines at Dan and Bethel, each with a
golden bull, to keep people from going to Jerusalem. The northern kingdom
lasted until 721. King Hoshea, foolishly hoping for help from Egypt, refused
tribute to Assyria. Then Assyria took Samaria, and brought the northern
kingdom to an end.
The remainder of the books of Kings tell a sad, and mostly dull tale: all the
kings of the north followed in the footsteps of the sins of Jeroboam. Of the
southern kings, only Hezekiah and Josiah escape criticism. To reward
Hezekiah, God protected Jerusalem from being taken by Sennacherib of
Assyria in 701; Josiah too was good ruler, but thinking Assyria was weakened
(and it was) tried for independence, and failed. He himself died in the battle
of Megiddo in 609, trying to keep Egypt from aiding Assyria. His son
Jehoiakim (609-598) undid his father's reform. Judah became a vassal of
Assyria. Assyria fell to a coalition of Babylonians and Medes. When Jehoiakim
thought Babylon was weak, he revolted. He was dead by the time
Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylon came down in 597 and sacked the temple and
city, deported thousands of upper-class citizens and the next king, Jehoiakin,
son of Jehoiakim. Nebuchadnezzar put on the throne the weak Zedekiah. He
refused the advice of Jeremiah. Nebuchadnezzar came again in 587,
deported more leading citizens, left only some of the country's poor.
There is a bright spot in the otherwise dull story of the kings: the cycles of
stories about Elijah (1 Kings, 17:1 - 19-21) and Elisha (2 Kings 2:1 - 8:29).
Elijah was the great prophet whose coming at the end is foretold by Sirach
48:10, Malachi 3:23-24, and by Our Lord Himself in Matthew 17. He also
appeared with Jesus at the transfiguration. Elisha is praised briefly in Sirach
48:12- 15. So they were real figures. Some, unfortunately, speak of their
stories as mere legends.
The two books of Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah form a unit, and were
probably originally one. The separation of Ezra and Nehemiah came
centuries later.
The Chronicler - for we may think of the author of all four parts by that name
- had a purpose different from that of the deuteronomists: he wanted to show
that worship like that conducted by David, with full observance of purity
laws, was the way to insure the future of Israel. The dynasty of David was
gone, so this was the real means of unity. Hence the Chronicler devotes
much space to the reign of David, and does not mention his sins.
The second major event was the reordering of Jewish life in Jerusalem,
through the work of Ezra and Nehemiah. Here chronology is a problem. Ezra
7:1ff says Ezra's ministry started in the seventh year of Artaxerxes;
Nehemiah 2:1 says Nehemiah's work began in the twentieth year of
Artaxerxes. The trouble is that there were three Persian kings with that
name.
Nehemiah 8 describes a week-long occasion when Ezra read the Law to the
assembled people, while the Levites explained it. Some scholars think this
work of the Levites was really the beginning of Targums - for many of the
Jews during the exile had changed from the Hebrew to the Aramaic
language.
There has been much discussion of the original structure of this four part
work. The reconstruction by F. M. Cross "A Reconstruction of Jewish
Restoration," in Journal of Biblical Literature (94 [1975] 4-18) has won much
favor. He proposed three stages: 1)First and Second Chronicles, after chapter
9, was composed between 520, when the temple foundation was laid, and its
completion in 515; 2)The work of Ezra, half a century later; 3) Near 400 B.C.,
a final editor inserted the memoirs of Nehemiah and added the genealogies
of First Chronicles 1-9.
Chapter 14
The Pre-exilic Prophets
Introduction
The word prophet has at least two senses in the Old Testament. There are
ecstatic prophets, and classic prophets.
Was this really a spirit of God, or merely what the onlookers would call that?
It is hard to imagine the spirit of God leading to uncontrollable frenzy and
making a king lie naked all day and night. In 1 Cor 14 St. Paul speaks much
of prophets, and compares the gift of tongues to them, unfavorably for
tongues. Paul speaks of a supernatural gift of prophecy, and even then, in
14:32-33 we find: "The spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets;
God is not a God of uproar but of peace." Such then is the nature of really
supernatural prophecy, at least, such as it was known to St. Paul. Such an
example as that of 1 Samuel 19 does not seem to be of supernatural origin
especially since the spirits of the prophets in 1 Samuel seem not to be
subject to the prophets. As to the statement that Samuel was leading them,
he could have fallen into a nonsupernatural frenzied state, or could have
feigned it, to protect David from Saul.
The ecstatic type of prophets in the times of the kings were often in large
groups, of even 400 at a time. Their prophecy might be induced by music.
Kings often consulted them, and at times they gave messages such as the
kings wanted, showing that at least in such cases there was nothing
supernatural about their state. In other cultures there are similar
phenomena, e.g., the dervishes.
Even Abraham is called a prophet in Genesis 20:7 and the whole people of
Israel are called prophets in Psalm 105:15. So the term is not entirely
precise. Before the great prophets there were lesser nonecstatic prophets,
such as Samuel (except for the case mentioned), Elijah, Elisha, Micaiah, and
Nathan.
But it is clear that the classic prophets, of the type of Amos, Hosea, Isaiah,
Jeremiah, and Ezekiel are very different from the ecstatic prophets. Amos
explicitly says (7:12-16) he is not a prophet - he meant he was not an
ecstatic prophet.
The call of a prophet may have come by way of a vision (e.g., Isaiah 6), or
also through an interior communication. Such an experience enabled the
prophet to understood God in a way not given to others. Thus they had a
basis for judging events in God's way. So the prophet was a spokesman for
God. The image of Ezekiel eating a scroll given him by God (2:8 - 3:3. cf. also
Jer 15:16) is probably a way of expressing this. Foretelling the future was not
the basic work of a prophet, it was only part of his whole message.
The books of the greatest prophets are collections of things they had said on
various occasions. The collections could have been made by others, e.g.,
Baruch for Jeremiah. It is not always easy to determine the original setting.
And continuity may be poor, especially in Jeremiah. The fact that so many
prophetic utterances were in poetry makes it more difficult to understand
them, for they may indulge in poetic fancy.
Further, some predictions may have a less glorious fulfillment than it might
have been, e.g., Gen. 49:10, as we saw, says a ruler will not be lacking from
Judah until the time of the Messiah. This came true, but would have had a
much more glorious fulfillment, in splendid kings on the throne of David, if
the Jews had not been so unfaithful so many times.
Amos
Amos began his mission around 760. He foretold the punishment of the
northern kingdom - it fell in 721 with the fall of Samaria. So it was announced
far in advance, ample time for people to reform, and also to say: He has been
threatening in vain for so many years, a prophet of doom and gloom.
Amos came from the town of Tekoa, about 12 miles south of Jerusalem. He
had been a shepherd, but he ministered in the northern kingdom.
His speech opened dramatically . God said through him:
"For three crimes of Damascus and for four, I will not take back my word...."
This was a threat against Aram or Damascus. He continued with such threats
against other gentile nations, Philistia, Tyre, Edom, Ammon, and Moab. His
hearers were probably pleased to hear the gentiles denounced. But then he
turned on Israel (with perhaps - the authenticity is debated - a prophecy
against Judah in between). He accused them of crimes against the poor and
the powerless. They thought their sacrifices would make up for it all, and the
fact that God has chosen their nation. Amos shattered their illusions. In fact,
early in chapter 1, he said the very fact that they had had special favor and
proved unworthy, called for greater punishment.
Yet at the end of his prophecy, Amos says God will not completely destroy
Jacob, there will be a remnant, and God will raise up the fallen hut of David.
He will send the Messiah.
Two comments: 1) We noted the repeated lines, "for three crimes and for
four". The Hebrew poets thought it artistic to repeat things in parallelism,
using different words. But when they had to repeat a number, they did so
with the next higher number. Interestingly, such patterns were found in the
second millennium B.C. in Urgarit to the north. (cf. Stories from Ancient
Canaan, edited and translated by Michael D. Coogan, Westminster, 1978,
esp. p. 16).
Hosea
He began his mission only a short time after that of Amos, i. e., near the end
of the reign of Jeroboam, which ended in 746. He too prophesied in the
northern kingdom, long before its fall with the capture of Samaria in 721.
Again, as with Amos, we have prophecies made long before their fulfillment.
The first three chapters deal with the marriage of Hosea. Every detail is
debated - was there such a thing? or is it only imaginary, to teach a lesson.
Further, many editors rearrange the text, moving a block to a different
position. Even St. Jerome admitted there are puzzles in Hosea.
But the chief message is clear in spite of all these things. Hosea seems to
have had an unfaithful wife. She bore him children to whom he gave
prophetic names: Jezreel (the name of the place where Jehu brought to an
end the dynasty of Omri by bloodshed. (2 Kings 9-10). The name foretells the
fall of the northern kingdom; lo-ruhama ("she is not pitied") for God will not
longer pity Israel; and lo-ammi ("not my people") for Israel was going to fall
out of the people of God. Hosea through this imagery denounces the sins of
Israel who is pictured as the spouse of
God, but unfaithful. The people seemed so impressed with the idea that they
were God's chosen people that they practically thought they could buy His
favor by sacrifices that were empty externalism, without the interior
obedience that would make them worthwhile. So God said (6:6): "It is
observance of the covenant (hesed) that I desire, and not sacrifice, and
knowledge of God rather than holocausts." Knowledge here carries the sense
of the verb yada, which means to know and love. It is not mere intellectual
knowledge. Also, when God says he wants one thing and not the other, we
must understand the Hebrew pattern which, lacking the degrees of
comparison (e.g., good, better, best - much, more, most etc. ) would say one
things is wanted, and not the other. It really means God wants obedience
more than holocausts. We recall the words of Samuel to Saul in 1 Samuel
15:22.
It is important to see that Hosea not only speaks of the covenant, but that he
compares God's relation to His people to that of husband and wife.
Hosea foretells that for many days Israel will sit without a judge, priest, or
sacrifice. This probably has two fulfillments, one in the exile, the other in the
time after their rejection of Christ, up to the end of time. St. Paul in Romans
9:25-26 uses a free combination of Hosea 2:24 (RSV= 2:23) and 2:1 (RSV
=1:10) to refer to the conversion of Israel before the end of time.
Hosea even boldly invented the name Beth-aven, "house of iniquity" to use
in place of Beth-el, "House of God". Hosea still loved Gomer in spite of her
infidelity and hoped to restore her. So God continued to love Israel, who is
compared to His spouse, so that her sins are adultery, even when it was no
longer part of His people of God. He planned a restoration. (cf. Ephesians
5:21-33).
On of the most tender expressions of God's love is found in chapter 11.
Isaiah
His ministry began about 742, "the year King Uzziah died", and ran until
sometime in the reign of Hezekiah (715-687). He worked chiefly in Judah.
That was a very turbulent time for Judah and others, since Assyria was
expanding to the west, aiming at a world empire. This period included the
Syro-Ephraimitic War: Rezin, King of Syria, and Pekah, son of Remaliah King
of Israel tried to force Ahaz, King of Judah to join a coalition against Assyria.
They even invaded Judah in 735. Isaiah advised against joining them, even
offered (chapter 7) a sign in the sky or in the depths. Isaiah called for faith,
meaning total commitment to God. That would make Judah safe. Ahaz
refused, paid tribute to Tiglath Pileser of Assyria, and became a vassal.
Most scholars today see three Isaiahs, for chapters 1-39, 40-55, and 56-66,
describing three periods: threat of punishment, exile, and restoration. We
consider this is possible, but there is surely no convincing proof that there
were three. For this is simply the familiar deuteronomic pattern we have met
before. And, as we pointed out, Amos and Hosea show the same pattern.
Isaiah merely fills it in more thoroughly.
Another attempt against the unity of Isaiah comes from the fact that there is
a the prediction of the actions of Cyrus by name (44: 28). But this argument
is valid only if one insists there can be no true prophecies. Actually, as we
will soon see, Isaiah did predict things about the Messiah in three passages.
Micah 5:2 his contemporary predicted by name the place of birth of the
Messiah. And someone less than a major prophet in 1 Kings 13:2 foretells
actions of King Josiah, to come about 300 years later (which are recorded in
1 Kings 23:15). Flavius Josephus, in Antiquities XI. 1. 1-2 asserts that Cyrus
before releasing the Jews from captivity, read the prophecy about himself in
Isaiah, and that this influenced his decision.
The book opens with a denunciation of the sinfulness of the people, with
special stress on the fact that sacrifices then were mere externalism. This
thought is crystallized in a passage farther on, in 29:13: "This people honors
me with their lips, but their hearts are far from me." Older critics used to
claim that Isaiah and other major prophets rejected sacrifices. But it was the
empty external "participation" that they denounced. Then 29:14 goes on to
say that because of this defective worship, "the wisdom of the wise will
perish". This would be a punishment like that given through Rehoboam.
Some major messianic prophecies are found in Isaiah, which the targums
recognize as messianic - except, in their present form, for 7:14.
We will compare two texts, namely 9:5-6 and 7:14. The former says a child is
born to us, whose name will be called wonderful counsellor, God the
mighty.... 7:14 as St. Matthew renders it, says the virgin will conceive and
bear a son.
It is good to begin with 9:5-6 which foretells a wonderful child who will be the
wonderful counsellor, and even the Mighty God. The NAB version, "God-hero"
is simply incorrect, as even modern Jewish versions see. The Hebrew el
gibbor occurs a few other times in the OT, and always means Mighty God.
Modern Jews avoid saying the Messiah is God the Mighty by changing the
structure and word order, e.g., Samson Levey (The Messiah: An Aramaic
Interpretation, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, 1974 p. 45) says: "The
wonderful counsellor, the Mighty God... has called his name 'Prince of
Peace'." In his rendering of the Targum, Levey says his name has been called
"messiah' by the one who gives wonderful counsel, the Mighty God, etc. We
grant the structure can take this interpretation both in the Hebrew and in the
targum, but it surely need not. To render the Hebrew of 9:5-6 as Levey does
is a bit difficult, for how can one know what titles are part of the subject and
what part of the object? We grant that the targum can be understood as
Levey does it with somewhat less difficulty. For in the targum there is the
Aramaic phrase min qedem, which can mean either "from of old" or" by"
With "by" the targum could read: "His name shall be called by the wonderful
counsellor, (by) the mighty God, (by) the one who lives forever: Messiah. It is
easier to take both targum and Hebrew to mean his name will be called
wonderful counsellor, Mighty God....
Now it is remarkable that the Targum as we have it does not mark Isaiah
7:14, the virginal conception text, as messianic, even though scholars
generally admit that chapters 7-12 can be called the "Book of Immanuel",
with the result that the child of 9:5-6 is the same as the child of 7:14. The
reason our present targum does not mark 7:14 as messianic is found in the
fact that although Hillel, one of the great teachers at the time of Christ, said
that Hezekiah, son of Ahaz to whom Isaiah spoke, had been the Messiah (Cf.
Jacob Neusner, Messiah in Context, Fortress, 1984, p. 174), yet later Jews
seeing the Christians using the text, began to say that 7:14 did not speak of
the Messiah (cf. Neusner, p. 190).
Who then is the child of 7:14? On the one hand, the combined descriptions of
7:14 and 9:5-6 are much too grandiose for Hezekiah the son of Ahaz. On the
other hand, a sign given to Ahaz that would not appear for more than 700
years would not be much of a sign for him. We therefore conclude that we
have another case of multiple fulfillment of a divine prophecy: the child is
both Hezekiah (a sign that the line of David continued) and Jesus.
As to the fact that Isaiah used Hebrew almah in 7:14 instead of betulah - the
former meaning a girl of marriageable age who should be a virgin, the latter
being definitely a virgin - it is quite possible Isaiah did not see as much in the
line as did the Holy Spirit, the chief author of Scripture. Vatican II seems to
imply this in LG 55.
Isaiah 11:1-3 says a shoot will sprout from the stump of David, and he will be
filled with the Holy Spirit. If we take the opening words to mean a shoot from
the stump (some challenge the translation "stump"), they are a remarkable
prediction: that the line of David (still reigning in the day of Isaiah) would be
reduced to a stump, but later, a shoot would come from it, the Messiah (for
the Targum does see the Messiah in these lines).
Why would the Messiah, being divine, need the Gifts of the Holy Spirit?
Because God willed that the Messiah have a full complement of humanity
and all that ideally goes with it, contrary to the heresy of Apollinaris, who
argued that not even a human rational soul was in Christ, for the Divine
Logos could do the work of a soul. What Isaiah says is quite in line with the
principle in Summa I. 19. 5. c which says that God in His love of good order,
likes to have one thing in place to serve as a reason for giving a second
thing, even though the first did not really move Him.
Isaiah 53 according to the targum also refers to the Messiah. But the targum
as we have it is badly distorted: it changes the meek lamb being led to the
slaughter into an arrogant conqueror. At least three very honest modern
Jews: Levey (p. 152, n. 10), Neusner (p. 190), and H. J. Schoeps (Paul. The
Theology of the Apostle, Westminster, 1961, p. 129) admit that the ancient
Jews deliberately distorted the targum to try to keep Christians from using
Isaiah 53 and similar passages. We can admit the Jews would find that
prophecy difficult, for they also generally believed that the Messiah would
live forever. Also, the leader of the second Jewish revolt against Rome, in
132-35, Bar Kokhba, was thought by many to be the Messiah - hence his
name "Son of the Star", in allusion to Numbers 24:17.
Chapter 53 is the fourth of the four "Servant Songs" in Isaiah. The others are:
42:1-7; 49:1-7 and 50:4-11. The targum sees the first and fourth as
Messianic, but not the other two. The New Testament sees 1 and 4 also as
Messianic. Some think that in 49:1-7 the servant is Israel - but in it the
Servant has a mission to Israel. However, this could be an instance of the
Hebrew pattern in which an individual stands for and is identified with a
group.
Micah
Nahum
This very brief prophecy, probably to be dated around 612, the fall of
Nineveh, celebrates the fall of Assyria, which had been so great a danger to
Israel and to many other nations because of its deliberate terrorism and
cruelty. It depicts God as the sovereign master of all. A unique feature of this
book is that it does not threaten punishment to Israel for its sins. This may
have been due to its composition around the time when the reforms of Josiah
(622/21) were still recent.
Jeremiah
He was born about 645 in the village of Anathoth, a few miles to the north of
Jerusalem, in the time of the evil king Manasseh. His ministry began in 627
during the reign of Josiah (640-609). He continued until sometime after the
fall of Jerusalem.
Jeremiah suffered much under King Jehoiakim - it was he who had Jeremiah's
scroll destroyed. Jehoiakin, son of Jehoiakim, followed his father, but reigned
only three months. The rebellion of Jehoiakim brought on the siege of
Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar in 597. When Jehoaiakin capitulated he was
exiled to Babylon and the temple was plundered. He was a prisoner in
Babylon 37 years. After the exile of Jehoiakin, Nebuchadnezzer installed
Mattaniah, son of Josiah as king, and changed his name to Zedekiah.
Zedekiah was rather well disposed to Jeremiah. Jeremiah sent a letter to the
exiles in Babylon (chapter 29) warning them about false prophets who said
the exile would be short. He told them it would be 70 years, they should
settle down.
In 589 Zedekiah provoked the Babylonians again, which led to the tragedy of
587. Jeremiah was cast into a cistern, but was later released and imprisoned
in the court of the guard until the city fell. During this time Jeremiah wrote
the great prophecy of the New Covenant (31:31-34). Vatican II (LG 9) says
Jesus made the covenant at the Last Supper. The essential obedience was
that of Jesus, yet, since St. Paul makes clear we need to do all things with
Jesus - the syn Christo theme - we must join our obedience to His. Did
Jeremiah see that the essential obedience would be that of Jesus? We do not
know - Vatican II (LG 55) seems uncertain on the point. The Holy Spirit, the
chief author, could intend more than the human writer saw.
We have also five beautiful laments over the fall of Jerusalem in the Book of
Lamentations. The text does not name the author. It could be Jeremiah. The
date is also uncertain, suggestions range from 586 to 538, that is, the extent
of the exile.
After the fall of Jerusalem in 587, Jeremiah was released from chains (chapter
40). Before long (chapter 42), the survivors asked Jeremiah to consult the
Lord, and they would heed. He did, and advised them to stay in their land,
and not to flee to Egypt. In spite of their promise, they went to Egypt, forcing
Jeremiah and Baruch to go with them.
Some of the objections usually made against an early date for the book of
Baruch are of no weight. Thus it is said that chapter 1 supposes the temple
as still standing, while chapter 2 supposes it is in ruins. Two dates of
composition for the two chapters, not too far apart, could account for that. In
1:11 Belshazzar is called the son of Nebuchadnezzar. But it often happened,
especially with rulers, that they would speak of an earlier ruler as their
father. For example King Tirhakah, c. 680 B.C. speaks of his father Sesostris
III, c. 1880 B.C., and the genealogies in Matthew contain similar gaps; and
Jesus is called the son of David - with a gap of centuries. (cf. Kitchen, op. cit.,
p. 39). We do admit that an observance of the feast of booths probably could
not have happened after the fall of Jerusalem.
The contents are varied: a prayer of the exiles; a praise of the wisdom in the
law of Moses; the lament of Jerusalem over her children; a consolation for
Jerusalem, since the exile is about to end. The sixth chapter seems to be a
separate work, the Epistle of Jeremiah against idolatry, sent to the exiles.
Zephaniah
Incidentally, chapter 1 may have been the inspiration for the liturgical
sequence, Dies irae.
Habbakuk
This small book seems to have been composed between the battle of
Carchemish, when Nebuchadnezzar routed Assyrian and Egyptian forces
(605) and 597, the year when Babylon invaded Judah and struck Jerusalem.
There is an alternation - the complaints of the prophet, and God's answer.
The prophet looks to God's fidelity to the covenant, asks why He is not
helping. God predicts the fall of Babylon, still far in the future, in 539. The
prophet's complaints seem to be based on forgetfulness that the covenant is
two-sided, it promises good things to those who obey, evil retribution to the
disobedient (cf. Dt. 11:26-28).
In 2:4 God promises that the man of faith who trusts in Him will not perish in
the calamities that are coming. St. Paul quotes this line in Romans 1:17 and
Gal 3:11, giving it a somewhat different sense, to support his preaching of
justification by faith. The rabbis often cited the OT and did not heed the
context. Paul was trained that way. Yet there is a strong connection, for in
Paul, faith includes intellectual belief, confidence, obedience, and love.
Jonah
Nor do the words of Benedict XV in EB 463 solve it, for they speak of Jesus as
using "views [sententias] and examples". Jesus in referring to Jonah in Mt
12:38-42 was appealing to an example, and it sufficed for His purpose that
the narrative of Jonah was popularly known and accepted. Similarly, St. Paul
used a rabbinic legend in 1 Cor 10:4 (cf. Jude 9).
Whatever be the genre, the lessons of Jonah are clear. Jonah tried to run
away to avoid preaching in Nineveh. The very fact God ordered him to
preach there shows God's concern or love for even the Assyrians, the world's
worst people in the eyes of people of the region: so He must love all! It also
shows, sadly, that the People of God were so often more resistant to God's
grace than were pagans. In the Mekilta de Rabbi Ishmael , a late 4th century
rabbinic work, we find words put into the mouth of Jonah, saying that since
the gentiles are more inclined to repent, he, Jonah might be causing Israel to
be condemned if he went to Nineveh and they welcomed him. Cf. also similar
instances in: Ezek 3:5-7; Lk 10:30-37; 17:11-19 and Mt 11:21.
Chapter 15
Exilic and Postexilic Prophets
Ezekiel
His ministry began with the call of God to him in 593 in Babylonia. He had
been deported in 597. The date of the last of his sayings (29:27) seems to
have been 571.
The first of these sections is not in chronological order, for during part of the
time he seems to be in Jerusalem before its fall, whereas at the start he was
already in exile.
It is often said that Ezekiel was an ecstatic prophet. The basis for such a
claim is found in things like his dumbness in 3:22-27. But the ecstatic
prophets are out of their mind, and hardly if at all know what they are doing.
Ezekiel knew well what he was doing, it was a symbolic act that God had
ordered him to perform.
Jeremiah had spoken kindly of the first wave of exiles, who went out in 587
(24; 29). But Ezekiel speaks of them as stubborn of brow and obstinate in
heart (2:3-8; 3:4-9 - Jeremiah did not so much praise them as say God would
help them). He tells how in Babylonia he saw the glory of God transported
there on a throne-chariot (1:1 - 3:15). In this vision he saw the famous four
living creatures. He also is told to eat a scroll (chapter 2), which stands for
his being filled with the messages of God. This vision appointed Ezekiel as a
watchman and prophet: If the watchman does not warn his people, he will be
guilty of their ruin.
Some have attempted to see a prophecy of the last times of the world in
chapters 38-39 and even to identify Russia within it. This is quite fanciful,
lacking in any solid exegetical support.
Finally, there is a fascinating possibility in 34:11: "Thus says the Lord God: I, I
myself will search out my sheep and seek them out." We notice the repeated
I, clearly standing for God, as though He Himself intended to come in person.
Yet in 34:23: "I will set one shepherd over them, my servant David". It is
possible that this could imply the divinity of the Messiah. (cf. Jeremiah 23:3-5
and 30:11 for a similar situation. The targum marks both passages of
Jeremiah as messianic).
Obadiah
This is the shortest prophecy of the OT, only 21 verses long. The date is
uncertain, but most likely it belongs to fifth century BC - the range of
suggested dates runs from 850 to 312. The fifth century was a time when the
Edomites had left their original home near the Gulf of Aqaba and had settled
in southern Judah. They were among the adversaries of the Jews returning
from exile. Obadiah hopes God will set things right. Please recall our
comments on Jer 20:12, on the sense of Hebrew naqam.
Haggai
Here we can date the book confidently to 520 BC, and even become more
precise in regard to each of the four pronouncements in the book. Haggai
first said God willed work to resume on the temple - failure to do that meant
that things that should naturally have helped them did not; then Haggai
urges the work to continue even though the temple might not be as grand as
Solomon's temple; the third section has questions to the priests about ritual
cleanness; the final oracle says Zerubbabel, God's chosen one, is to be
exalted.
There is special interest in 2:6-7, where God says: "In a little while, I will
move heaven and earth and the hemdat of all the nations will come in, and I
will fill this house with glory". St. Jerome translated: "The one desired by the
nations will come in", i. e., the Messiah. More commonly it is translated "the
desired things [or treasures] of all nations will come in." The fact that
hemdat is singular, while its verb is plural causes a problem, and inclines
many to translate "desired things, or treasures. But even if so, the picture is
that of all nations coming to Jerusalem - which points to the messianic age.
And God says He will fill the temple with glory, and even, in verse 9, says the
glory of this new temple will be greater than that of Solomon. Materially this
did not come true - but there was greater glory, in that Jesus the Messiah
came in to the new temple. Therefore in view of the background, even if we
do translate hemdat as plural, there is at least an implication of the
messianic age in it - which is only "a little while" - from 520 BC!
Zechariah
He was a contemporary of Haggai. There are two main sections of this book.
The first, chapters 1-8 has a series of eight night visions, dated to 519 BC,
promising the restoration of Israel. First there are four horsemen who patrol
the earth; then there are four horns, standing for the four nations that
dispersed Judah and Israel, but they are terrified by four blacksmiths, agents
of the Lord; then there is the measuring of Jerusalem, foretelling the
restoration of Jerusalem. Next, in chapter 3, the High priest, Joshua is made
glorious and given responsibility for both civilian and religious restoration. In
the fifth vision (chapter 4) Joshua and Zerubbabel share responsibility for the
golden lampstand, which is the restored community. In 5:21-4 there is a
flying scroll, standing for God's curse on those who swear falsely. In chapter
5:5-11, a woman in a bushel is taken to Babylon, to remove wickedness from
Israel. In the eighth and final vision (6:1-8), four chariots and horses patrol
the earth, to prepare restoration, as in the first vision. The remainder of the
first part of the book (6:9 - 8:23) is a series of oracles concerning the
messianic age: coronation of the messianic king, then a stress on the ethical
ideals of the prophets as more suited for the restoration than mere external
observances. Finally, chapter 8 gives an idealized image of the messianic
age in Jerusalem.
The second part of the book, chapters 9-14 - which many scholars assign to a
later prophet - again focuses on restoration, and humiliation of the enemies
of Israel, the gathering of the dispersed people, the power of God over
nature and history. Already in 9:9-10 Jerusalem is told to rejoice, for her King
will be righteous, coming riding on a donkey - Palm Sunday, of course. Very
impressive is the allegory of two shepherds (11:4-17): the prophet seems to
have acted out the part of a good shepherd, the Messiah, rejected by the
sheep, paid for by thirty silver pieces. Then the Lord Himself said to the
prophet who was acting for Him: "Throw it [the price] to the potter, the fine
price at which they valued me." The me seems to refer to the Lord Himself -
and since the Messiah is in view, we can gather that the Messiah is the Lord.
It would be hard not to think of Mt. 27:3-10. Of course we are reminded of
the remarkable text of Ez. 34:11 where the Lord says :"I, I will search out my
sheep" and Jeremiah 23:3: "I myself shall gather the remnant of my sheep
(and 23:5-6 according to the targum, speaks of the Messiah), and "this is the
name they give him: 'The Lord is our justice'." Samson Levey, op. cit., p. 70
comments that a later rabbinic document said, referring to this text, "His
name is 'the lord'"- in Hebrew Yahweh! - These texts could give a hint that
the Messiah is God Himself!). Cf. Apoc/Rev 1:7.
The final chapters 12-14 foretell the Day of the Lord. Within them, 12:10 is
striking. The Lord says He will pour upon the people of Jerusalem a spirit of
favor and supplication, of repentance: "They will look upon me the one they
have pierced, and they will mourn for him as one mourns for an only child."
The strange shift from me to him is striking. It seems that the Lord speaks of
Himself here - even as He did in 11:13 - as the pierced Messiah - and then
they will mourn for him. The targum does not see this as Messianic, but we in
the light of the later events can easily do it. It foretells the final conversion of
Jerusalem - of which St. Paul speaks in Romans 11:25-26 - when they will be
converted and will mourn over the fact that they did pierce the Messiah, the
Lord. This understanding is helped by the words of 13:7, which Jesus Himself
quoted shortly before His death: "Strike the shepherd and the sheep will be
dispersed" - we recall how the Lord identified Himself with the good shepherd
above in 11:7-13.
Altogether, Zechariah is, next to Isaiah, the most messianic of the prophets.
Joel
Dates have been proposed for Joel from the late 9th century to the late 4th
century. From his knowledge of and interest in cultic matters, some think Joel
may have lived near Jerusalem. The first part of the book (1:1 - 2:17) speaks
of a devastating plague of locusts - which could be taken as a literal
infestation, or as describing a foreign invasion, or as an apocalyptic account
of a divine judgment on Judah. The remainder of the book is concerned with
the Day of the Lord, a day of judgment on the nations, but blessings for
Israel. For the battle that will lead to such blessings, they will beat their
plowshares into swords - not a contradiction of Isaiah 2:4, which speaks of
the period when the blessings are won and assured, while Joel speaks of the
battle needed to reach that day.
The language becomes heavily apocalyptic at times: in 2:10 and in 4:15 the
sun and moon are darkened, and the stars do not give their light. We saw
other examples of this pattern of speech in chapter 4 above, from Isaiah and
Ezekiel.
St. Peter in his address on the first Pentecost (Acts 2:17-21) quoted Joel 3:1-
5, and said it was being fulfilled then. But there is multiple fulfillment in some
prophecies, and so the words of Joel are to apply again before the final day of
the Lord.
Malachi
We have no personal information about Malachi, and some even doubt that
Malachi - which means "my messenger" - was his name. We gather
something on the date from 1:8, which speaks of the nation as ruled by a
governor - which was true in the Persian period (540-450).
There are six oracles in this book. It opens with the expression of God's love
for Israel/Jacob, in contrast to His anger with Edom; secondly, God charges
the priests have become careless, they even offer defective victims, He
prefers the clean oblation offered from the rising to the setting of the sun
(more on this below); then God objects to mixed marriages. He will come in
judgment, they have wearied Him. His messenger will come first. The Lord
will refine the priesthood. In fifth place He complains of their failure to pay
the tithes, promises reward if they do. Then, He rebukes those who question
the value of obedience to God. The faithful will be written in the Lord's book.
The prophet Elijah will come before the Day of the Lord.
We must ask about the offerings made by the gentiles in 1:11. Many opinions
have been proposed: some think the prophet means pagan sacrifices - but,
would an Israelite prophet speak that way? We recall St. Paul who in 1 Cor
10:20 says what the pagans offer is offered to demons - in the sense that the
demons promote such offerings. Some have suggested it refers to proselytes
- but they were not so numerous, or so widely spread, to qualify. Some
suggest it refers to the fame of the name of Yahweh. But that would not be
called a sacrifice. Some think it means prayer, praise etc., in the days of the
Messiah - Again, this is not sacrifice.
First we must explain that there are two numbering systems for the Psalms,
one following the Hebrew numbers, the other following the Septuagint (LXX)
numbers. Both systems are the same for 1-8. But then: 9-10 of Hebrew = 9
of the LXX. 11-113 Hebrew = 10-112 LXX; 114-15 Hebrew = 113 LXX; 116
Hebrew = 114-15 LXX; 117-146 = 116-145 LXX; 147 Hebrew = 146-47 LXX;
148-150 = 148 - 150 LXX. Most modern versions follow the Hebrew system,
while the older Catholic versions follow the LXX and the Vulgate.
The Psalms are in general sacred songs, prayers. There are several different
types of Psalms: Psalms of Lament; Psalms of Thanksgiving; Hymns;
Enthronement Psalms; Royal Psalms; Liturgical Psalms and Wisdom or Torah
Psalms.
The titles at the beginning of Psalms are in general mysterious. So also is the
use of the word selah, which is frequent. Its sense is not known. It may be a
musical notation.
The Psalms are all poetry. Poetry in general requires two things: elevation of
thought and language; and some special metrical form. The meter of Hebrew
verse does not depend on rhyme or regular meter, but on rhythmic beat and
parallelism. It is necessary to count how many stressed syllables - usually 2,
3 or 4.
We will examine the most important of these, and add some that the targum
does not see as Messianic.
In 21:5 the Hebrew texts says "He asked for life from you." The targum
expands: "He asked eternal life of you." This reflects the widespread view
that the Messiah would live forever.
Psalm 45, many think, was written for the marriage of Joram to Athaliah. Yet
the targum takes it to refer further, to the Messiah. References to God, the
Messiah, and Israel are interwoven. 45:7 in the Hebrew says "your divine
throne is forever;" the targum renders "your throne of glory lasts forever".
Psalm 61: 7-9 echoes the belief that the Messiah will live forever.
In Psalm 80:18 we find, "May your hand be upon the man of your right hand,
on the son of man, whom you raised up for yourself." Levey (op. cit., pp. 119-
20) notes that the targum takes the Messiah to be the son of God. He adds
that later rabbis carefully steered clear of any messianic interpretations of it.
It is interesting to see the Messiah called "son of man" here.
Now for Psalms which the targum does not take as messianic: First, Psalm 2
speaks of the Lord's "anointed one" who is the son of God, and who will rule
the nations, "with an iron scepter". Peter and John in Acts 4:25-26 explicitly
take Psalm 2 to refer to Jesus. So does Revelation/ Apocalypse 12:5. The
targums often see messianic indications with less reason than Psalm 2 offers.
We suspect deliberate suppression by the Jews - that this happens at times is
admitted by three major Jewish scholars today: Jacob Neusner, Samson
Levey, and H. J. Schoeps (cf. chapter 14 above).
In Acts 2:25-28 St. Peter argues from Psalm 16:8-11 in which v. 20 says: "You
will not abandon me to the grave, and you will not let your holy one see
corruption." St. Peter says that the body of David did decay - therefore this
referred to Jesus.
Jesus Himself recited the opening line of Psalm 22 on the cross: "My God, my
God, why have you forsaken me?" In a General Audience of Nov 30, 1988,
Pope John Paul II commented on this text: "Dominant in His mind, Jesus has
the clear vision of God.... But in the sphere bordering on the senses... Jesus'
human soul is reduced to a wasteland, and He no longer feels the presence
of the Father." Verse 17 says: "They have pierced my hands and my feet." We
think again of Zechariah 12:10: "They will look on me, the one they have
pierced." (cf. again Apoc/Rev. 1. 7) And Ps. 22:19 adds: "They divide my
garments among them, and for my clothing they cast lots."
Jesus Himself in Mt 22:41-46 reasoned from Psalm 110:1: "The Lord said to
my Lord: Sit at my right hand, until I make your enemies the footstool for
your feet." So, Jesus said, David calls the Messiah Lord - a hint of divinity.
Matthew 22:46 reports that the Pharisees could not answer this reasoning.
Psalm 118:42 says: "The stone that the builders rejected has become the
cornerstone". Jesus referred that to Himself in Mt. 21:42 (cf. Eph 2:20 and 1
Pet. 2:6).
There are some Psalm lines that seem to reflect a belief on the part of the
writer that he will be with God even after death, for his union with Him has
been so close in this life, that it cannot be interrupted.
Psalm 49:16: "But God will rescue my soul from the hand of Sheol; surely He
will take me." Right after this the fate of the wicked rich is pictured: he
cannot take his riches with him.
Psalm 73:23: "But I am always with You, You hold my right hand by Your
hand; you guide me with counsel and afterwards you will take me to glory."
In the first part of the psalm, the author said he was tempted to think God
was not just. But he understood the fate of the wicked when he went into the
sanctuary. After that, he gained the confidence he expressed in verse 23. He
continued: "Whom do I have in the heavens but you? Being with you, I desire
nothing on earth. My flesh and my heart may fail, but God is the strength of
my heart, and my portion forever (le olam). "
There are some Psalms and parts of Psalms that call down punishment on
enemies. For example, Psalms 35, 58, 59 ask God to punish the enemies of
the Psalmist. Ps. 137:8-9 is similar.
How can we explain? Some have said these were merely predictions of
punishment without any desire. That seems unrealistic. Some have said the
morality of the Old Testament was imperfect: it was, compared to the new,
but we must not say there is something positively immoral in it.
We begin with Proverbs, Sirach, Wisdom and Ecclesiastes since they have
strong similarities. The first three of these have deep roots in other
civilizations of the ancient Near East, especially Egypt. The ancient Near
Eastern court circles seem to have been the source of much wisdom
literature. One of the oldest works is The Instructions of Ptahotep, a vizier, c.
2400 B.C. The Instructions of Amenemopet, dating from around 1200 B.C. is
significant for the remarkably close similarity to the Book of Proverbs,
especially to 22:17 - 24:22: compare Amenemopet III, 9-12; XI, 13f; XXVII,
16f.
Ptahotep advises that when one meets a speaker who is better at argument,
one should cut down on bad talk by not opposing him. On meeting an equal,
one should show his superiority by silence, so that the attending official may
be impressed. An inferior opponent should be treated with indulgent
disregard, so as to "smite him with the punishment of the [truly] great." At
the table of a superior, one should keep a sedate countenance, take only
what is offered, laugh only when the host laughs. An official should listen
patiently to pleas of clients because "a petitioner wants attention to what he
says even more than the accomplishing of that for which he came. "
So, even though the Egyptian wisdom urges conformity to the virtue of ma'at
- which seems to be a complex of social justice virtues, though the sense is
unclear - yet practical advice on how to get along is the most prominent
feature.
Some of Hebrew wisdom is also merely practical advice, though the religious
element does enter often enough. Especially there is praise of Wisdom which
is often personified - cf. e.g., Proverbs 1, 8, 9; Sirach 24; Wisdom 7-9. She,
Wisdom, existed before creation, with God, and after traveling through earth
and sky, has taken up her abode with Jacob (Sirach 24:8-10). Wisdom is also
identified with the Law: Sirach 24:22-23 (cf. our remarks on Dt. 4:6-8 in
chapter 11 above) She is also a communication of God, an effusion of divine
glory: Wisdom 7:25-26. So it is an easy step from there to speak of Christ as
the wisdom of the Father: 1 Cor 1:24.
Proverbs
This book is not really unified. Instead it is a collection of short sayings, with
a long poetic introduction (chapters 1-9), and a conclusion consisting of
longer sayings and short poems (30-31).
The date is difficult to determine. Some think many of the sayings go back to
monarchic times, although the collection was made later.
The book opens: "The proverbs of Solomon". But we know that in that culture
as pen names, the name of a famous man would often be used, and
Solomon, famous for his wisdom, was a natural choice. There are within it
two special Solomonic collections: 10:1- 24:22, and 25:1 - 29:27.
Much of the wisdom is largely practical and aimed at success in this life. Yet
there is a religious color especially in personified Wisdom, particularly in
chapters 1, 8, and 9. And "The beginning of wisdom is the fear of the Lord"
(9:10). A specially beautiful passage, 8:22-31 is an optional reading for the
Common of the Blessed Virgin, the Seat of Wisdom ever most closely joined
to her Son, who is the Wisdom of the Father (1 Cor 1:24). Vatican II, in
chapter 8 of LG, beautifully develops this union, which began in eternity,
embraced every one of the mysteries of His life and death, and will continue
beyond the end of time forever.
Chapters 30 and 31 include wisdom of other nations, that of Agur, and that
of Lemuel.
The whole book closes with a beautifully ideal picture of the perfect wife.
Sirach/Ecclesiasticus
It is remarkable that we know the name of the author of this book, Yeshua
ben Eleazar ben Sira. Sirach is the Greek form of the name. His grandson
wrote a preface to the Greek translation of this book. Ben Sira was a
Jerusalem sage who passed on his reflections in a school he conducted. In
time he wrote down these teachings, probably c 190-180. The grandson
brought the book to Egypt and there translated it sometime after 132 B.C.
Though the Hebrew original was long lost, starting in 1896 documents have
been found, which give us about two-thirds of the Hebrew original.
Unfortunately, not all versions use the same numbering system. The NAB
and older RSV have a system that matches neither the Greek nor the Latin
numbers. The newer RSV is better.
The charge is often made that Sirach denies an afterlife or retribution in the
afterlife. The chief line is 14:16-17: "Give and take and enjoy yourself, for it is
not possible in Sheol to seek luxury. All flesh grows old as a garment. For the
decree of ages is: You must surely die."
We need to work with care and precision here. The commentators commonly
forget that before the death of Christ, heaven was closed (cf. DS 780, 1000)
even to those who were just and fully prepared. So what was existence like in
Sheol? There was no praise of God. Psalm 6:6 asks: "Who in Sheol can give
you praise?" Sirach 17:27-28 has the same thought. Again, Isaiah 38:18-19
says: "Death cannot praise you. Those who go down into the pit cannot hope
for your faithfulness." M. Dahood (Anchor Bible, Psalms 16, p. 38) comments
that the writer of Psalm 6 does not suffer from an inability to remember God
in Sheol, but from not being able to share in the grand liturgical praise of God
as in the public worship, which the people of Israel sincerely loved. (They
loved the externals so much that God complained in Is 29:13: "This people
honors me with their lips, but their hearts are far from me"). We could add
that the very Hebrew words used in Isaiah 38:18-19 for praise or thanks of
God also appear in 1 Chron 16:4 and 2 Chron 5:13 and 31:2 for the liturgical
praise of God.
Is 38 says they cannot hope for God's faithfulness: it is because the covenant
does not extend to Sheol - the word used is regular for God's faithfulness to
the covenant. But this does not mean that God does not watch over Sheol:
Job 26:6 says: "Sheol is naked before God." Cf. Prov. 15:11.
Let us recall also the Psalm lines on the future life we saw at the end of the
chapter on Psalms.
Really, it would seem strange after some centuries in Egypt, where the
concept of an afterlife was so strong and clear, if the Hebrews had no
concept of survival at all.
Many today assert the Hebrew had a unitary concept of man: a body with
breath. Then there could be no survival. But we already saw the widespread
belief of survival in the attachment to necromancy. And we saw the answer
of Jesus to the Sadducees. Some confusion comes from the Hebrew word
nefesh, which has many meanings including soul, but those who hold for the
unitary concept refuse to accept that meaning of soul. Really, we think the
Hebrews were acting according to proper theological method, without
realizing that technically of course. In divine matters we may meet with two
truths, which seem to clash. Even after rechecking our study they are still
there. Then we must hold both, hoping sometime to find how to reconcile
them. They saw two things: 1) Man seems to be a unit; 2) They knew, as we
saw, that there was some survival after death (with or without retribution
there). How to fit these together they did not know, but they held both. Then
in the second century B.C. when they reached the concept of man as made
of body and soul (under stimulus of Greek thought and the horrible deaths of
the martyrs under Antiochus IV), they finally knew how to do it. Not all Jews
accepted that, but many did, especially the Pharisees. And St. Paul was a
Pharisee.
Job
Job consists of a prose introduction and conclusion - which may have existed
separately from the rest, and of a large poetic core. Satan - who seems not
to be the same as the devil, merely an opponent - tells God that Job would
not obey if he were afflicted. God gives permission to afflict Job greatly. So
Job's suffering is permitted as a test - an idea that is a bit new, for usually
suffering had been considered as a divine punishment for sin (and it could be
that).
Three friends of Job come, but do not really console him: they say he must
have sinned or the affliction would not have come. Job insists on his
innocence. The fact that God could afflict an innocent man disturbs Job, he
almost becomes angry with God at some points. Finally he asks the Almighty
to answer him. God does speak from a storm: Would Job condemn God so he,
Job could seem just? Job confesses he has not reacted well, he has tried to
deal with things above him, he repents in dust and ashes. God directs Job's
friends to ask Job to pray for them, so their fault may be pardoned. In the
prose conclusion Job gets back much more than what he had lost.
Job basically wrestles with the question: Why do the just sometimes suffer in
this life. The answer is: We cannot know all of God's ways - that is, this is the
answer of the poetic core of the book. The prose conclusion says: God repaid
Job richly before the end of his life. This is not a contradiction, but simply
fails to repeat the gain.
Did Job, as some say, deny a future life in 14:13 ff? Not at all. Here is an
outline of what Job really said in chapter 14: In verses 10-12: Even though a
tree may put forth shoots again, a man who dies does not come back, i. e,
not to this life. In verse 13: Job indulges in a poetic fancy - he knows it is only
a fancy: He wishes God would hide him in Sheol until His anger would pass,
and then remember Job again. This is a fancy for certain, but we must
remember Job is high poetry, and such poetry can indulge in fanciful things.
Marvin Pope, In Anchor Bible, Job does take this view of verse 13, and Pope
points out that Is 26:20 indulges a similar fancy: let the people of Judah hide
in their chambers till God's wrath passes. Amos 9:2 ff. pictures the wicked as
trying in vain to hide in Sheol, in Heaven, on Mt. Carmel or on the bottom of
the sea. Verses 14-17 continue the fancy of verse 13: "If a man dies, will he
live again? All the days of my service I would wait until my change would
come. You [God] would call, and would answer and you would want the work
of your hands. Then You would number my steps, and not keep watch over
my sin. My transgression would be sealed up in a bag, and you would sew up
my iniquity. Verses 18-22 return to reality: just as a mountain may lose
strength and a rock be moved from its place, just as waters wear away even
rock, so, in the end, God prevails, and destroys man's hope of this life. God
sends him away. In verses 21-22: Man goes to Sheol, and does not know
whether his sons fare well or not, "His flesh on him has pain, and his soul
mourns over him." To sum up: Job for a moment indulges fancy, then returns
to reality: No one can win against God, he must go to Sheol. There he will not
know what goes on on earth - as we saw earlier, even the souls of the just
there, not having the vision of God before the death of Christ, have no
normal means of knowing things on earth, unless God gives a special
revelation. But Job adds that his flesh has pain and his soul mourns over him.
This at least seems to imply some awareness after death.
We must add: Job may have seen even more about the future life. For the
much debated verses 19:25-27 read, in the NAB: "I know that my Vindicator
lives, and that he will at last stand forth upon the dust; whom I myself shall
see: my own eyes, not another's shall behold him, and from my flesh I shall
see God." Now this could not mean a rescue in this life, for in 7:6-7 Job said:
"My days have passed more swiftly than the web is cut by the weaver, and
are consumed without any hope." So he had no hope for this life - the hope
must have been for the future life. The NRSV is similar. So this rendering is at
least not impossible. (Let us recall our comments above on Sirach 14:16-17).
Qoheleth/Ecclesiastes
The author is unknown, he seems to have been a rather late sage, probably
about 3rd century BC. A copy of the book was in circulation at least by 150
BC, fragments have been found at Qumran.
Today it is often said that the author did not believe in an afterlife - but we
have already commented on such claims in general earlier, in connection
with Psalms Sirach and Job. Some time ago many believed there must be two
authors for the book, for what they considered contrasting or incompatible
statements. However, if we recall proper theological method, we can gain
some light. In divine matters, it is not unusual to find two conclusions which
remain even after rechecking our work, but which seem to clash. Then we
need to resist any temptation to force the meaning of either. Rather, we
should accept both, and remain that way until someone finds a solution. It is
likely that Qoheleth did precisely this.
The first set of texts do seem not to know an afterlife, though they do not
deny it:
2:14: "The eyes of a wise man are in his head; the fool walks in darkness. I
myself perceived: the same thing comes to all of them." That is, all die and
turn to dust.
3:19: "For what happens to man is the same as happens to beasts. As one
dies, the other dies".
3:20: "All are from dust and will return to dust. "
3:21: "Who knows whether the spirit of the sons of man goes up and the
spirit of the beasts goes down?" Of course the sense is debated. The word we
have rendered spirit is Hebrew ruach. Its sense is similar to that of nefesh -
which is also much debated. Both surely have a wide range of meanings.
However, we notice here that the author considers if the ruach of humans
goes up, but that of animals goes down. At least a hint of a difference.
9:5-6: "The dead know nothing. They have no more reward... their love and
their hate and their envy have perished. Nor do they have any more forever
a portion of all that is done under the sun." We spoke of this in commenting
on Sirach and Job. Yes, the dead have no normal means of knowing what
goes on on the earth. And being in the Limbo of the Fathers, not in heaven
until after the death of Christ, their lot is indeed dim. They never will return
to ordinary earthly life - we know that after the resurrection life will be much
different. Qoheleth would not know what we know, but what he said is not
false.
3:17: "I said in my heart: God shall judge both the just and the wicked." But
the author knew well it does not always work out so in this life - hence an
implication of a judgment beyond this life.
8:12: "If a sinner does evil a hundred times, and prolongs his life, yet I know
surely that it will be well with those who fear God." Again, a possible
implication, especially since in 8:14 he adds: "There are just men to who it
happens according to the deeds of the wicked; and there are wicked men to
whom it happens according to the deeds of the just. "
12:14: "For God will bring every deed into judgment, every hidden thing,
whether good or evil." Again, since it often does not happen in this life, there
is an implication of retribution after death.
Wisdom
What Qoheleth saw only dimly at best, the author of Wisdom did see very
clearly (3:1-5): "The souls of the just are in the hands of God, and surely no
torment will touch them. They seemed to the eyes of senseless men to die,
and their departure was considered an evil... but they are in peace. And if in
the eyes of men they be punished, their hope is full of immortality. And
having been tried a little, they will be greatly blessed for God tried them, and
found them worthy of himself. "
The author was a Jew, probably at Alexandria, in the first century B.C. He was
familiar with Hellenistic philosophy, culture and rhetoric. Pagan wisdom, and
especially the pagan claims of Isis, the goddess of wisdom, would be apt to
impress the Jews. Science had been flourishing in Alexandria for some time.
The writer wants to strengthen fellow Jews against the attractions of these
things.
The passage we cited above comes from the section on wisdom and human
destiny (which runs to 6:21). The wicked may persecute - probably the
memory of the persecution of Antiochus IV of Syria was vivid. But God makes
it all right in the life to come. For God had formed man to be imperishable
(1:13-14; 2:23). But death entered by the sins of wicked people. Death
cannot harm those who are faithful to God, but it will strike those who plotted
against the just.
In the third section, 11:2-19:22 the author reviews the wonders of God's
works for Israel, in the Exodus and beyond. Israel benefited by the very
things, the plagues, that struck the Egyptians.
A special gem of wisdom appears in 4:12: " The magic spell of worthless
things obscures what is right, and the anxiousness of desire perverts an
innocent mind." This anticipates St. Paul's plea for detachment in 1 Cor 7:29-
35. It is quite possible, since the author knew Greek culture that he has in
mind too the plea of Socrates, often repeated, that the philosopher, to find
the truth, should have as little as possible to do with the things of the body
(e.g., Phaedo 65, 66, 82-83, 114; Republic 519).
It is customary to list this work among the wisdom books, even though it is
clearly not such. The title, which is also given as Canticle of Canticles, is
merely a Hebrew form of superlative: the greatest song.
Dates of composition have been proposed all the way from the monarchic
period to the third century B.C. The attribution to Solomon is only a familiar
literary device.
There is much disagreement on its structure: some have seen only seven
love songs in it, others as high as fifty.
But at least by the 2nd century A.D. the allegorical view was. We saw,
especially in Hosea, the imagery of God as the husband of Israel. Early
Christians tended to make it refer to the relation of Christ and His Church. cf.
Eph 5:22-32.
Chapter 18
The Book of Daniel
The pattern of the book is clear: chapters 1-6 are the edifying narrative type,
of which we spoke in chapter 1 above. Chapters 7-12 are apocalyptic;
chapters 13-14 are narrative additions. We recall from chapter 4: Apocalyptic
is a genre or pattern of writing in which the author describes visions and
revelations. It is not usually clear if he meant to assert they were real, and
not merely a vehicle for his message. They contain bizarre, highly colored
images. Often there are figures of animals, to represent pagan empires, a
horn to stand for a king or a power, and they often include an angel who
interprets images. Apocalyptic is commonly a work to give consolation in
time of severe trial. God is presented as Lord of history. There may be
prediction of the future. Now if such predictions were made in a rather
factual genre, we would need to maintain that they really were made before
the events . However because of the highly colored imagery and fanciful
nature of apocalyptic, the predictions may be made after the events
pictured, without any dishonesty. It is understood such things may happen in
this genre.
The dating of the book is debated. Most scholars would give a second
century date, in the context of the terrible persecution of the Jews by
Antiochus IV, Epiphanes, of Syria; some others, especially the evangelistic
type, would hold for 6th century. The argument for the later date depends
much on the type of Hebrew used. But there are respectable replies to the
linguistic arguments.
Most of Daniel is in Hebrew, yet chapters 2-7 are Aramaic. The reason for this
is not fully clear. The suggestion has been made that the Hebrew chapters
were for the special concerns of the Jewish people, while the Aramaic
portions were intended especially for the gentiles - for Aramaic was the
international language of diplomacy at the time.
Other narrative incidents - the three men in the fiery furnace, the vision of
the giant tree, and the stories in the appendix (chapters 13-14), could have
served the purpose of encouraging the Jews to perseverance in fidelity to
their laws at a time of persecution. The episode in chapter 4 of
Nebuchadnezzar's temporary insanity (boanthropy) does seem strange. Yet
we notice that the Babylonian records carry no entries of activity on his part
between 582 and 575.
With chapter 7 we enter the strongly apocalyptic portion of the book. The
four beasts rise from the sea, showing they are hostile and chaotic forces
opposed to God. They seem to represent the same sequence of kingdoms as
the vision of the great statue in chapter 2, except that here we get the detail
of the small horn that spoke arrogantly, which at least seems to many to be
Antiochus IV of Syria.
Chapter 7, verses 13-18 includes the famous vision of one like a son of man,
who receives from the Ancient of Days dominion, glory and kingship that will
never be taken away forever. Commentators like to make this individual son
of man just the "holy ones of the most high." But this is unrealistic, the
Jewish people never did get such a kingship, one that will last forever. Nor
would Jewish thought suppose a headless kingdom. However if the figure is
the Messiah, then we do have a rational explanation. In Hebrew thought we
often meet an individual who stands for and as it were embodies a
collectivity. Jesus often used the phrase Son of Man to refer to Himself. This
was part of His deliberately gradual self-revelation.
We begin with 9:2 in which Daniel is told that the desolation of Jerusalem is
to last 70 years.
First, we notice that the number 70 is normally round, as is 40. How free this
can be can be seen from a comparison of the Hebrew text of Jonah 3:4 where
Jonah says Nineveh will be destroyed in 40 days - along side of the
Septuagint translation of the same line, where it is not 40 but 3 days. The 70
years to Jeremiah 25:11 were the length of the exile - very roundly, 70 years.
But Daniel by inspiration sees that there is a further fulfillment of the 70.
We can make it fit rather well with the time of Antiochus, thus:
1) Start with 605, the message to Jeremiah (25:11 - for 70 years they will be
enslaved to the king of Babylon. In one sense, which Jeremiah saw, this
meant the length of captivity - Daniel does not contradict, but extends the
prophecy by taking weeks of years instead of single years, about 70 weeks of
years.
2) 605 BC minus 62 weeks (434 years) extends to 171 BC, the death of
Onias, the High Priest, the anointed one (9:26).
3) Persecution for one week = 7 years, goes from 171-164 (death of Onias to
death of Antiochus). Antiochus makes the compact with many, the fallen
Jews (v. 27).
But, there must be a reference to Christ also. We note that 9:24 is too grand -
there was no everlasting justice, nor expiation of guilt after end of Antiochus.
Now, St. Augustine wisely noted in City of God 17. 3, that some prophecies
refer partly to OT events, partly to Christ - we know this when they do not fit
either one perfectly. So 9:24 refers to Christ. "A most holy" could hardly refer
to Onias - it does refer to Christ.
We add two details to the interpretation that takes the prophecy to refer to
the period up to Antiochus:
1) The he in v. 27 may mean Antiochus making a deal with fallen Jews - but it
might also vaguely refer to Jesus making the eternal covenant. After half a
week Jesus abolishes the sacrifices of the old law, and starts the new regime.
2) V. 25 says seven weeks of years remain until Cyrus, God's anointed (as
Isaiah 45:12 said, in the sense that God empowered him to crush Babylon
and so to liberate the Jewish captives in 539). Jeremiah twice ( 25:11, dated
in 605 BC, and 29:10, dated between 597 and 587, probably in 594) foretold
the exile would last 70 years. From 594 to 539 is 55 years, not precisely
seven weeks or 49 years. However, in this sort of prophecy that is a good
enough approximation - we recall the case of Jonah 3:4 mentioned above.
We conclude: the prophecy of the seventy weeks works out rather well - with
allowance for some approximation - in reference to the times leading up to
Antiochus, yet verse 24 refers entirely to the time of Christ, and there may
be vague allusions to that same time in verse 26.
From 10:1 to 11: 35 it is not hard to see a picture of the Hellenistic wars. But
from 11:36 to the end of that chapter we meet many things that hardly fit
Antiochus IV. The evil ruler in this passage magnifies himself above every
god - this does not fit Antiochus, who put not a statue of himself but of Zeus
in the Jerusalem temple. Verse 37 says he pays no attention to any god
-again, this does not fit Antiochus. St. Jerome in his commentary on this
passage thinks the figure is the Antichrist. Already in 8:17 the angel-
interpreter told Daniel that the vision referred to the end-time. But we could
make Antiochus a weak prefiguration of the horror of the Antichrist. In 11:45
the evil ruler will come to a sudden end, with no one to help him, seemingly
at the beautiful holy mountain, which probably means Zion. But Antiochus
met his end in Persia.
Some fanciful interpretations would make the "King of the North" in 11:40ff
to be Russia.
Especially puzzling are the words of 12:7. Daniel in verse 6 had asked how
long it would be until these things would happen. The angel said it would be
a time, and times, and half a time, which seems to stand for three and a half
- a frequent symbolic number in the Book of Revelation. And then, still in v. 7,
come words whose translation has caused problems: The things will happen,
"when the scattering of the power (hand) of the holy people has been
completed [i.e., has come to an end]." Anchor Bible Daniel suggests that the
line was mistranslated from an Aramaic original, and wants to read: "When
the power of the desecrator of the holy people is brought to an end." But
there is no need to suppose a mistranslation - Hebrew klh can mean to
complete, to finish. Hence it is quite possible to render as we did above.
Then the sense will be that the things predicted are to happen when the
dispersion of the Jews finally comes to an end, before the end of time. This
brings to mind the odd incident in 2 Macc. 2:4-8.
Besides the chapters 13-14 which were added to the book of Daniel, there
were two other additions: the prayer of Azariah and the canticle of the three
young men in the furnace, inserted in the Greek text after 3:23. They were
probably written separately from the book of Daniel towards the end of the
2nd century B.C. and were not accepted into the Hebrew text. But the
Council of Trent has declared them inspired, and so part of Scripture.
Chapter 19
The Two Books of Maccabees
Both books are named after Judas Maccabeus, the third son of the priest
Mattathias who began the revolt against Antiochus IV in 167. Antiochus, as a
means of unifying his sprawling empire, tried to spread Greek culture. This
entailed, for the Jews, apostasy from their faith. Many Jews did give up their
faith and took up Greek ways, even building a gymnasium in Jerusalem;
many became martyrs, but many others, led by the Maccabees, resisted with
an army, and made possible the survival of Judaism until the time of Christ,
being the root of the Hasmonean dynasty (which later proved that power
corrupts).
Mattathias was so bold as to kill the king's agent who came to force Jews to
sacrifice to the gods in Modein, his city. Then they fled to the hills, and other
loyal Jews joined them (1 Macc 2:1- 28).
Second Maccabees covers the same period, but closes with a crucial victory
won by Judas in 165.
First Maccabees relies at least in part on the recollections of those who had
been witnesses of the events. The idea of the genre of history seen in it is
closer to ours than are the books of Samuel, Kings and Chronicles. Its
message is that keeping the law brings blessings and divine support.
First Maccabees was originally written in Hebrew, and shows Hebrew style by
the frequent use of "and" to connect sentences. We have only the Greek
text. The Hebrew was probably written near the start of the first century B.C.
Second Maccabees is earlier, probably written in Egypt, most likely around
the end of the second century B.C. Its Greek is of good literary quality.
Second Maccabees shows a deep religious spirit. God is given all the titles
form the older books of the Old Testament, with the addition of ho epiphanes
kyrios - the Lord who appears - in contrast to Antiochus Epiphanes.
A belief in the future life, or at least, resurrection, is entirely clear, especially
in chapter 7, in the narrative of the martyrdom of the mother and her seven
sons, and also in 14:46.
There is more testimony to the same belief in the account in 12:38-46, of the
fallen Jewish soldiers who had pagan amulets on them. Judas took up a
collection to have sacrifice offered in the Temple for their souls - thus giving
a testimony to a belief in purgatory.
In the same spirit, we see the dream of Maccabeus showing that the
deceased Jeremiah and Onias were praying for the living: 15:11-16.
Of especial interest is the account in 2:1-8 of Jeremiah hiding the ark, and
telling his followers later it was to be hidden until God gathers his people
together again and shows mercy. (Let us recall the translation we proposed
above for Daniel 12:7). But we must not overlook the fact that 2:1 says we
will "find this incident in the records". So inspiration merely guarantees that
the story was in some records - it does not guarantee that the episode is true
in itself.
The death of Antiochus is told in chapter 9, out of sequence, for the sake of
grouping of material.
In Daniel we saw two genres, one of which was the edifying narrative type.
Now we have a large example of this type in the story of Judith, and perhaps
in Esther and Tobit.
Judith
Judith, an extremely beautiful widow calls the elders to hear her plan.
Counting on God, she adorns herself, goes to the enemy camp, and is taken
before Holofernes. She told him the Jews can easily be conquered since they
were about to sin by eating consecrated food. Holofernes invites her to a
private banquet. There he becomes very drunk. Judith beheads him while he
is in the drunken stupor. She takes his head back to Bethulia. She then is led
in triumph to Jerusalem, and composes a hymn of thanksgiving, and lives to
a great age.
Esther
The feast of Purim commemorates the rescue. Pur means "lot". Haman had
cast lots to determine the day for the slaughter of the Jews.
Is this another fictional story? It is more difficult to say. Most scholars today
would say it is fictional. Yet the story shows good knowledge of Persian
customs. Archaeological evidence shows there was a prime minister
Mordecai at about the supposed time of the story. And there are references
to official documents in 2:23; 6:1; and 10:2.
It exists in a shorter Hebrew form, and a Greek form with additions of 107
more verses telling the dream of Mordecai, the prayer of Mordecai, edicts of
the king, a second account of Esther's appeal to the king, the prayer of
Esther. The Hebrew form does not mention God, the Greek makes divine
intervention the key to the solution. And the existence of the Feast of Purim
is some evidence for historicity.
Tobit
The devout man Tobit is in exile "in the days of Shalmaneser, King of the
Assyrians". He has to flee from Nineveh because, contrary to edict, he has
buried the bodies of slain Jews. He returns, but becomes blind from bird dung
falling on his eyes while he was asleep.
God sent the Archangel Raphael help Tobiah, son of Tobit, to get funds Tobit
had left in trust in Media. Raphael escorts Tobiah there and back. He enables
him to marry Sarah without dying. Tobiah uses the heart and liver of a great
fish to rout the demon. He also takes back the gall of the fish to heal his
father's eyes. When that is done, Raphael reveals his identity, most
dramatically.
The text survives in two, rather different recensions. The original language
may have been Hebrew or Aramaic. St. Jerome said he used a "Chaldaic" text
for his Vulgate version.
The date of composition has been estimated as early as 6th century, as late
as 70 AD. Second century B.C. is most probable.
The character of Tobit as edifying narrative is obvious from the confusion of
7th century Assyrian history.
Chapter 21
The Gospels
We already saw, in chapter 2, how we can find out for certain which books
are inspired: for that we use apologetics. It would be good to reread that
section now.
Authors' Names: Even though we do not really need to know the names of
the authors of the Gospels - it is enough to know that they had access to the
facts (which we showed in chapter 2 above) and were concerned for their
own eternity, and so would use the facts carefully. But it is interesting to
review what early writers say abut the authors of the Gospels.
The earliest testimony comes from Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis. Around 130
AD he wrote Exegesis of the Lord's Sayings. We depend on Eusebius (3. 39),
the first Church historian, writing around the year 300, for several quotations
from it. Papias says he inquired from those who had heard the Apostles and
disciples of the Lord. St. Irenaeus, who wrote around 200 AD, in his work
Against Heresies (5. 33. 4), tells us that Papias was a companion of St.
Polycarp, who had known St. John the Apostle personally.
Papias tells us about Mark: "Mark became the interpreter of Peter, and wrote
accurately the doings and sayings of the Lord, not in sequence, but all that
he remembered. For he [Mark] had not heard the Lord, or followed Him, but,
as I said, followed Peter later on, who, as needed, gave teaching, but did not
make an arrangement of the sayings of the Lord. He gave attention to one
thing, to leave nothing out of what he had heard, and to make no false
statements about them."
Some question the value of Papias' testimony, since Eusebius (3. 39) said
Papias was a man of small intelligence. But they did not notice the matter
about which Eusebius was speaking: He objected that Papias believed in a
1000 years reign of Christ on earth between two resurrections. That error is
one many picked up from the difficult chapter 20 of Apocalypse/Revelation.
So it really is not anything against the intelligence of Papias if he made the
same mistake many others (including St. Justin and St. Irenaeus) also did.
Really, not much intelligence is needed to report what ancient witnesses said
about the authorship of the Gospels. So many do recognize the value of
Papias. In fact, Martin Hengel, Professor at the University of Tubingen, the
fountainhead of so many leftist views about Scripture, wrote that he does
believe that Mark wrote from the preaching of Peter (In: Studies in the
Gospel of Mark, Fortress, Philadelphia, 1985, p. 107).
Papias also said that, "Matthew collected the sayings [of Jesus] in the Hebrew
language, and each interpreted them as he could." We do not know the
relation of this (now lost) Hebrew Matthew to our present Greek Matthew.
St. Irenaeus (3. 1. 1) gives us similar testimony about Mark, and adds that
Luke was a follower of Paul, and wrote from his preaching.
In chapter 3 above we answered the chief reasons given for a late date for
Matthew and Luke.
Synoptic Problem: The synoptics are Matthew, Mark and Luke. The problem is
this: there seem to be considerable similarities in them, even in wording.
How can we account for that? For centuries everyone had assumed that the
traditional order, which we have just given, was the order of composition.
How great are these similarities? They are considerable. One can get a good
look that at them by using a harmony of the Gospels, in which all four
Gospels are printed in parallel columns, so that similar items in each are
printed on the same level of lines. The most useful of these works is: Alan
Kurt, (ed.) Synopsis of the Four Gospels. Greek-English Edition of Synopsis
Quattuor Evangeliorum, with the text of the Revised Standard version,
London: United Bible Societies, 1979. To be certain of what similarities there
are, of course one should use the Greek.
The question is: How do we account for the similarities? The most favored
solution for long as been the Two Source Theory. It supposes that Mark wrote
first, that Matthew and Luke used his Gospel much of the time, but when
Matthew and Luke run largely together, without Mark, there was another
source, which has been called Q (for German Quelle, Source).
Out of 661 verses in Mark, about 600 are found substantially in Matthew, and
about 350 in Luke. Also, Matthew and Luke have about 236 verses in
common that are not found in Mark, but Matthew has about 330 verses not
found in the other two.
If we look for verses found in all three: Mark as 330 such verses out of 661;
Matthew has 330 out of 1068 and Luke has 330 out of 1150. There are 230
verses common to Matthew and Luke.
But there are also some verses special to each Gospel, which the others do
not have: Mark has 50, Matthew has over 315, Luke has over 500 special to
himself.
The arguments for and against the Two Source Theory are very technical. Let
us comment on the first step, the belief that Mark wrote first. The chief
arguments in favor of that view are these: 1) Mark has kept 3 Aramaic
expressions, as against one in Matthew; 2) Matthew and Luke seem to speak
more reverentially about Jesus than does Mark, in whose Gospel only once is
Jesus addressed as Lord. These arguments are interesting, but hardly enough
to prove anything.
One of the chief proofs of the Two Source theory is the presence of doublets,
i.e., instances where one Gospel gives the same saying twice. It is suggested
that this indicates copying -not too intelligently - from two sources. But these
are not too impressive. For example in chapter 9, Luke reports a trial mission
of the twelve, then in chapter 10 he reports the Lord sent out seventy others.
But these are different groups. Further, Jesus was a traveling speaker. As
such He would often repeat things, probably in slightly different forms.
There are some impressive arguments against thinking Mark wrote first. A
study by this author, "Did St. Luke Imitate the Septuagint?" in Journal for the
Study of the New Testament (15, 1982, pp. 30-41) shows many cases in
which Luke uses a very odd Semitic structure that in no case at all is found in
the parallel passages in Mark. It is the apodotic kai. Here is an example, from
Lk 5:1: "And it happened, when the crowd pressed on Him to hear the word
of God, and He stood by the lake of Gennesaret." The and does not fit in
English, Latin, Greek or even Aramaic. But it is common in Hebrew. Now Luke
in his opening verses said he consulted eyewitnesses and written accounts. It
is likely he would have met written accounts in Greek, Aramaic and Hebrew.
So we suggest Luke meant what he said, and he was translating, at some
points, Hebrew documents in a slavish fashion, i.e., he brought a Hebrew
structure into Greek, where it does not belong. The fact that Luke uses this
structure only from 20 to 25% of the time he would have used it if he were
translating an all Hebrew document, shows he was using Hebrew only at
points. At other points, he writes a good quality of Greek.
Still further, there are various points where Luke adds other Semitisms which
are not found in Mark. H. F. D. Sparks comments ("The Semitisms of St.
Luke's Gospel," in Journal of Theological Studies, 44, 1943, p. 130) that Luke
is notable for a "continual rephrasing of St. Mark, in order to add Semitisms."
An example is in the parable of the wicked husbandmen. When Mark tells it
in 12:1-12, after the first servants are mistreated the master "sent another".
But Luke (20:9-19) says "And he added to send another... And he added to
send a third." The added reflects the Hebrew idiomatic use of ysf, which
Mark, a Hebrew did not use. M. Zerwick (Graecitas Biblica, ed. 4, Romae,
Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1960, #361) shows that Luke often uses an
Aramaic pattern, a form of the verb to be plus a participle, instead of an
imperfect indicative. Luke has 50% of all instances of this in the whole New
Testament. Yet, where Mark does have the structure, Luke usually avoids it,
but does use it in places parallel to Mark, but where Mark does not have it.
Also, there is the case of the so-called minor agreements of Matthew and
Luke against Mark, i.e., in some passages found in all three Gospels, Matthew
and Luke agree in differing from Mark in small points, e.g., in Mt 21:1-9 and
Luke 19:28-37 there are 17 points on which Matthew and Luke agree, but
disagree with Mark.
It is sometimes said that the Gospels are just "documents of faith." The
expression is not wrong, but can be quite misleading. It could imply that we
have no proof that the Gospels contain the truth about Jesus, they are just a
description of the faith of His followers. We saw in our sketch of apologetics
in chapter 2 above that we can get the solid truth about Jesus from them.
That truth was and is wanted for the sake of faith, so we may have faith in
Him and in His Church. But first, without calling on faith, we showed, in
apologetics, that we can get the facts. Only then is there place for faith. So
we are far from the really irrational notion that we just decide to believe, with
no foundation.
The background helps us: the ancient historians of Greece and Rome were
concerned to get the facts. They added interpretations, but did not let them
interfere with the facts. Now the tradition of writing among the Hebrews was
in a way even more concerned about getting facts. So many Greeks and
Romans held cyclic ideas - everything goes in cycles, and then starts all over
again. But the Hebrews did not believe in such cycles: history was marching
ahead to a goal, the coming of the Messiah. And Christians recognize a
central event, the redemption, to which everything else leads up, on which
all else depends.
So the Gospels basically belong to the historical genre. We saw this was true
because the writers believed their eternity depended on the facts about
Jesus, and they had ample opportunity to get the facts. They do at times add
interpretations for the sake of faith. But as we saw in chapter 2 above, we
can tell the difference. As to the saying," There is no such thing as an
uninterpreted report," i.e., one not colored by the subjectivity of the one who
reports - that coloring does occur often. But we saw there are some things so
directly and simply picked up by eyes and ears that there is no room for
distortion, e.g., if a leper stands before Jesus asking to be healed, and He
says: "I will it. Be healed," anyone present could see it happen. There could
be total fakery, but no other change. And fakery is, as we said, ruled out by
the writers' concern for eternity.
The Evangelists did not, however, always present the facts in chronological
sequence. They often grouped things, for their own special purposes, e.g.,
the Sermon on the Mount in Matthew is likely to be a grouping of things Jesus
said on several different occasions. And parables are often put in groups.
Obviously, such things do not at all affect the truth.
Further, as we can learn from Form and Redaction Criticism, which we saw in
Chapter 6 above, the way the Apostles and others in the primitive Church
reported the saying of Jesus - and the way the Evangelists wrote them down -
might not always keep the same wording. It is normal and good for a writer
or speaker to adapt the presentation to the current audience. But they would
keep the same sense - again, concern for their eternal fate.
Some today say that there is little factual content in chapters 1-2 of Matthew
and Luke. Especially, Luke just built up a very few facts by using parallels
from the Old Testament. A very good answer to this claim comes from John L.
McKenzie, far from a conservative, who wrote a review of R. Brown's, The
Birth of the Messiah, which makes such claims. Even though McKenzie was a
friend of Brown's he wrote in a review of the book (National Catholic
Reporter, Dec. 2, 1977, p. 10), "One wonders how a gentile convert [Luke]...
could have acquired so quickly the mastery of the Greek Old Testament
shown in the use of the Old Testament in Luke's infancy narratives... . Luke
must have had a source... and as it is hard to think of such a collection of
texts without a narrative for them to illustrate, a pre-Lucan infancy narrative
is suggested, I beg to submit."
The study mentioned of apodotic kai in Luke shows his extreme care for
accuracy: how then could he, right after saying he consulted eyewitnesses
and written accounts, go into something so loose and fanciful as the
objectors would claim?
The objections raised against the historicity of the infancy narratives are
mostly inane. They say that according to Matthew, Mary and Joseph lived in
Bethlehem and had their home there. But Luke said they were visitors to
Bethlehem without a place to stay. The basis for this strange remark is that
in Mt 2:11, the Magi found Mary and Joseph and Jesus in a house. But: would
Joseph stay in a stable long? Of courses not, he would soon find lodging.
It is also said that the flight into Egypt cannot be fitted with Luke's account.
But it can easily fit: First, the Magi did not come on the day of Jesus' birth -
the fact that Herod ordered a slaughter of babies 2 yrs old and under
suppose quite a bit of time even though he would play it safe and kill with a
margin. So before the Magi came there was time for the circumcision and
presentation in the temple, then the flight to Egypt, and after some time, the
return.
The only objection worth considering is about the "census" at the time of the
birth of Jesus. However, new research by E. L. Martin (The Birth of Christ
Recalculated, Academy for Scriptural Knowledge, Box 5000, Portland, Or.
97225) provides the solution. All estimates of the date of Jesus' birth depend
on a statement by the Jewish historian, Flavius Josephus, that Herod died just
after an eclipse of the moon. Martin shows that only if we pick the eclipse of
Jan 10, 1 BC will there be enough time for all the events Josephus describes
between the death of Herod and the next Passover. Further, Emperor
Augustus was to get the great title, Father of His Country, in 2 B.C. That was
known far in advance, so the actual governor of the Holy Land would have
gone to Rome for the celebration, probably in the fall of 3 BC. (sailing on the
Mediterranean was too dangerous in the winter, after Nov. 1). We know from
secular sources that in 3 BC people were taking an oath of allegiance to
Augustus, in preparation for the great event. So that was the apographe - a
broad word, which can mean census, or any sort of registration. The
governor needed to have a competent man to manage affairs in his absence.
Quirinius had just before that time finished a successful war up north. So he
was put in charge. St. Luke's Greek does not call him governor, but says he
was governing. So the problem is easily solved.
The genealogies in the infancy Gospels have caused much discussion, since
they seem not to agree. One can bring about agreement by supposing a
number of Levirate marriages - that is marriages following the Old Testament
law that if a married man died with no children, his brother should take his
wife to raise up children to continue his line. But this is not really necessary.
We now know that ancient genealogies are often constructed not as family
trees, but were artificial structure, to bring out something else: Cf. R. Wilson,
in Biblical Archaeologist, 42, Winter, 1979, pp. 11- 22.
Jesus chose to remain in a hidden life with His Mother, the Mother of God,
until about age 30. His conduct then was so unobtrusive that when He finally
did begin to display His power, the townspeople found it hard to accept. He
wanted to show the value our Father attaches to a good family life lived in
even an ordinary way.
Faith Holding on in the Dark: At age 12 He caused grief to Mary and Joseph
by remaining behind in the Temple without telling them. They did not
understand His response - that need not mean they did not know who He
was. No, it was the departure from the compliant way of life He had been
living. He did this as part of a divine pattern, in which God puts people into
situations in which it seems impossible to believe or to hold on to His will,
such as He did to Abraham, when He ordered him to sacrifice Isaac, even
though He had promised Abraham would be the father of a great nation by
Isaac. Another instance was His promise of the Eucharist in John 6 - He could
have easily explained He would change bread and wine into His body and
blood, so there would be no cannabilism. But He wanted them to hold on in
the dark. If a person does that, his/her will must adhere powerfully to the
divine will - and in that lies perfection. The same pattern is found in His reply
to His Mother at Cana, when He seemed to reject her request. She
understood, however, in faith, and the result was that in response to her
intercession, He worked His first miracle, advancing the hour. And the
pattern appeared again when in a crowd He said that he who does the will of
His Father is Father, Mother, and brother to Him (Mk 3:31-35 - in this incident
He was teaching dramatically that out of two great dignities, to hear the
word of God and keep it is even greater than to be the physical Mother of
God. Of course, she was at the peak in both categories).
Problem of Mark 3:20-35: The entire passage in which this last incident lies,
Mk 3:20-35, has been the occasion of some really outrageous comments.
There are three segments to this passage: 1) 20-21: The hoi par' autou
(could be His relatives, friends, those about Him) see He is preaching so
intently to the crowds that He does not take time to eat. They go out to grab
(kratesai) him, by force it seems. 2)22-30: Scribes from Jerusalem say that
He casts out devils by the prince of devils. He answers them, says that is the
unforgivable sin; 3)31-35: His Mother and "brothers" come to a crowd to
which He is speaking. Their presence is announced to Him. He replies: Who is
my Mother and my brothers?... He who does the will of God, he is my brother
and sister and mother."
Some incredibly outrageous comments have been made in print about these
three passages. The commentators in question assume that the group in
segment 1 is the same as that in segment 3. That may be true, but cannot
be proved. Form Criticism shows us that Gospel passages may be put
together out of originally separate units. The second segment is a strange
interlude, and makes it not at all certain it is the same group with segments
1 and 3. But, some commentators insist, it is the same group, and so His
Mother did not believe in Him! One commentator even said she was outside
the sphere of salvation!
As we said, it is not certain she was in the group of segment 1 - the hoi par'
autou is not very definite. Even if she were, could we be sure she did not
believe in Him? Very ordinary Mothers stand up for their sons even when
they are clearly guilty. She would be less than ordinary! Could she not have
gone along - if indeed she did - to hold down the others? That is quite
plausible.
But most of all, St. Luke's Gospel presents her, in the annunciation passage,
as the first believer. Vatican II endorses this in LG # 56 and says that even at
the start, "she totally dedicated herself to the person and work of her Son."
The blind commentators ignore the Council, about which they speak so
favorably otherwise. They say each Evangelist may have his own scope and
approach. True. But they cannot make one Evangelist contradict another, for
the chief author of all Scripture is the one Holy Spirit: cf. Vatican II, DV # 12.
Of course when many today attribute all kinds of errors to Scripture, perhaps
this is not too strange.
We already explained above, that His words about who are His mother and
His brothers were just a dramatic way of teaching that out of two dignities -
that of Mother of God, and that of hearing the word and keeping it - the
second is the greater. She was at the peak in both classes: LG # 58.
Our Lady's Knowledge about Jesus: Still further, when did she come to know
who He was? At the annunciation itself, as soon as the angel said her Son
would reign over the house of Jacob forever, any ordinary Jew - not just the
one full of grace - would know that it was the Messiah, for only He was to
reign forever, according to the usual Jewish belief of the day. Then all the
Messianic prophecies - which even the Targums understood - would come to
her mind, if not at the same moment, yet surely in a short while, as she was
"pondering in her heart."
A further objection: Greek did have words for cousins etc.? So adelphos in
the Greek Gospels must mean blood brother. Reply: The LXX was written in
Greek, yet it uses calls Lot a brother of Abraham. Often in reading St. Paul we
must look to the underlying Hebrew word in his mind in order to understand
the Greek, e.g., Paul in Romans 9 cites Malachi: "I have loved Jacob and
hated Esau." We must see the Hebrew lack of degrees of comparison here,
even though Paul wrote Greek, which did have them, and the LXX for Malachi
also was in Greek. (The expression means: love one more, the other less).
Paul often uses the word know in the sense of Hebrew yada. And there are
numerous other examples.
It is right after this incident that Mark narrates the beginning of His parables,
and says He began to teach this way "so that seeing they might look and not
see, and hearing they might hear and not understand." These words are from
Isaiah 6:9-10. They have been much discussed of course. St. Mark quotes
them in the form found in the Targum. St. Matthew quotes Isaiah in softer
form (13:13-15): "Therefore do I speak to them in parables, because seeing
they do not see, and hearing they do not hear." Isaiah had used imperative
forms: "Hearing hear, but do not understand, seeing see, but do not
perceive... ."
First, we need to note that it is well known that the Hebrews often attributed
to positive direct action of God what He only permits, e.g., in 1 Sam 4:3, after
a defeat by the Philistines, the Hebrew text has them saying: "Why did the
Lord strike us today before the face of the Philistines?"' And often during the
plagues before the Exodus, the text says that God hardened the heart of
Pharaoh.
But Jesus did not really want to blind them. In Mt 23;37 He wept over
Jerusalem because they would not listen.
In the other direction, if one lives vigorously in accord with faith, which tells
us the things of this world are hardly worth a mention compared to the
things of eternity (cf. Phil 3:7-8), such a one grows gradually more and more
in understanding of spiritual things; he is on the good spiral. So the parables
are a magnificent device of our Father, showing both mercy and justice
simultaneously. To one who goes on the bad spiral, the blindness is due in
justice, yet it is also mercy, for the more one realizes, the greater his
responsibility. On the good spiral, the growing light is in a sense justice for
good living; yet more basically it is mercy, for no creature by its own power
can establish a claim on God. So in both directions, mercy and justice are
identified, even as they are in the divine essence, where all attributes are
identified with each other.
Rather similarly, Pius XII said (Divino afflante Spiritu: EB 563) that God
deliberately sprinkled Scripture with difficulties to cause us to work harder
and so get more out of them.
Gradual Self-revelation:
The same lack of complete clarity of His teaching was part of His deliberately
gradual self-revelation. What would have happened had He opened His
public life by saying: "Before Abraham came to be, I AM"?
We can see this gradual character from an examination of the titles given
Jesus. He called Himself often "Son of Man." Some claim He meant some
other person. But it is clear that He is the earthly Son of Man when He says
the Son of Man is Lord even of the Sabbath (Mk 2:28) or when in Lk 9:58 He
says, "Foxes have their holes... but the Son of Man has nowhere to recline His
head." He is also the suffering Son of Man, for He predicted at least three
times that the Son of Man would suffer and rise (e.g., Mk 8:31) and then He
did precisely that. He is clearly the Son of Man to come at the end - from the
parable of the weeds in Mt 13:26-41 and from Lk 17:24-26 which equates the
suffering and the eschatological Son of Man.
Was there a current Aramaic expression, bar ('e) nasha to mean merely "I" or
"a man in my situation"? This is much debated.
In Mt 24:30 He said, "they will see the Son of Man coming on the clouds of
heaven with power and great glory." Which ties clearly to the Son of Man in
Daniel 7:13-14: "Behold with the clouds of heaven there came one like a son
of Man. He came to the Ancient of Days and was presented to Him. He was
given dominion and glory and kingdom so that all peoples, nations, and
languages should serve Him. His dominion is everlasting." Many think that
the Son of Man in Daniel means the "holy ones of the Most High." But it does
not fit. (We spoke of this in our comments on Daniel). They, whether we take
them to be the ancient Jews or the Christians later, never did get an
everlasting kingdom. Nor would the Jews ever think of a Messianic kingdom
as headless - the head was the Messiah. We note Jesus spoke Mt 24:38 late,
towards the end of His earthly life, so the revelation by this title was indeed
gradual.
So here would be something for people to ponder, so that the good would
get more and more clarity, the evil would lose all. We need not suppose
Daniel saw all this. That is not necessary, for the chief author the Holy Spirit,
could see it. We have cases where this sort of thing seems to have happened
in Genesis 3:15 and Isaiah 7:14 (identified as such by LG # 55).
Without using the title Son of Man, Jesus in Mt 7:22-23 indicates He is the
judge at the end.
Jesus often spoke of God as His Father, and carefully avoided saying Our
Father (except to teach them the prayer) - otherwise He said My Father, Your
Father. In the parable of the wicked tenants (Mk 12:6; Lk 20:13) Jesus clearly
meant Himself by the "beloved son" - the Pharisees present grasped that.
But the Greek is agapeton, which the Septuagint uses to translate Hebrew
yahid, only son.
He also said He was greater than Jonah, claimed authority over the Torah,
said He could forgive sins, and as we saw, said He was the eschatological
judge. When asked about John the Baptist, Jesus said John was Elijah (Mt 11:
9-15), of whom it was written, "Behold, I send my messenger before your
face, who will prepare your way before you." - Jesus used the then current
adaptation of Mal 3:1, made by combining it with Ex 23:20. But Mal 3:1 in the
Hebrew said: "Behold, I send my messenger, and he will prepare the way
before my face." So Elijah at the end will be the forerunner of the coming of
God Himself. This seems to imply Jesus is Yahweh Himself!
As to the clear texts in John: Before Abraham came to be, I am" and "I and
the Father are one". - It is likely these were spoken only shortly before His
death, when there was no more reason for a gradual character to His self-
revelation. The time had passed for that, and the hardness of His enemies
was complete.
Even without using the strong texts from John, we can see how He
understood His own self. In his Encyclical on the Mystical Body (DS 3812)
Pius XII taught that from the first instant of conception, the human soul of
Jesus saw the vision of God, in which all knowledge is available. in
Sempiternus rex (DS 3905) Pius XII complained people were not accepting
this teaching. He repeated the teaching in Haurietis aquas (DS 3924). The
Holy Office under Paul VI (July 24, 1966) complained of non-acceptance. Yet
Pius XII, in 1950, in Humani generis (DS 3885) said such Encyclical texts fall
under the promise of Christ, "He who hears you, hears me"(Lk 10:16) and
added that when a Pope in his Acta expressly takes a stand on a point
currently debated, it is removed from debate. The debate was current
already when Pius XII wrote the Encyclical on the Mystical Body in 1943,
because a book by P. Galtier in 1939 had started the modern discussion.
Theological reasoning by itself shows He must have had that vision. For any
soul has the vision if the divinity joins itself directly to the human mind/soul,
without even an image in between (no image could represent the infinite
God). But in Jesus this was more true than in other souls that have the vision,
for not just His human mind/soul, but His entire humanity was joined to the
divinity in the unity of one Person.
Luke 2:52 says He advanced in wisdom. The Fathers wrestled with this text,
St. Athanasius solved it: There was no real growth in wisdom, but growth in
what He manifested at each point. If He had shown His knowledge at for
example age 3 it would have been shocking. Similarly in Mk 13:32 He says
He does not know the day of the end. Pope St. Gregory the Great solved this
saying that "He knew it in His humanity, but not from His humanity, i.e., it
registered on His human mind, but His humanity was not the source of the
information.
He reaffirmed the law (Mt. 5:17): "I am come not to destroy but to fulfill."
Yet His enemies accused Him of breaking the law. The key to the answer is in
Mk 7:1-13. The Pharisees had just rebuked Jesus' followers for eating with
unwashed hands - the Pharisees and others frequently washed hands, and
observed baptisms of various utensils. So Jesus answered them in the words
of Isaiah 29:13: "This people honors me with their lips, but their heart is far
from me." And He added: "They leave aside the command of God and hold to
the tradition of men." They made void God's own commandment to honor
Father and Mother, and instead said that if a man says to his Father or
Mother, Corban - the money I would have given you is dedicated to God -
then they are free of the fourth commandment!
A major Jewish scholar of today, Jacob Neusner (Torah, Fortress, Phila., 1985,
p. 75) reports that the Mishnah, which was considered a codification of oral
traditions, said that part of the law given to Moses was written, part was
transmitted orally. There were 613 precepts in the written law, but many
more than that in the oral law. Neusner cites the Talmud (Torah, p. 78) saying
that the oral part is greater than the written part, and that the things handed
on orally are "more precious." Neusner also says (Invitation to the Talmud,
Harper & Row, NY, 2d ed. 1989, p. 23) that the Pharisees extended the
levitical purity rules even beyond the Temple to their own homes. After 70 AD
they extended these rules to all Jews.
Their esteem for the law was so extreme that they thought God Himself
spends three hours per day in studying the Law (Palestinian Targum on Dt
32:4, and Babylonian, Talmud, Aboda Zara 3. b).
Some of the things the Jewish teachers disputed were pitiful. Studying law
meant largely just solving cases. Thus the Babylonian Talmud (Beza 1. 1)
tells us that the schools of Shammai and Hillel, at the time of Christ, debated
whether it was permissible to eat an egg laid by a hen on a feast day coming
after the Sabbath. The hen had been working illegally!. The school of
Shammai said it was permissible; Hillel said no. The Talmud (Sabbath 6. 65-
66) tells us that Rabbi Meir said a cripple with a wooden leg could walk on
the Sabbath - but Rabbi Jose said it was forbidden!
Yigal Yadin, the chief researcher of the Qumran Temple Scroll, reports
(Biblical Archaeology Review, Sept-Oct., 1984, p. 45) that since Dt 23:12-14
ordered the latrine to be made outside the camp in the period of desert
wandering, some Essenes took this to apply literally to all of Jerusalem, and
so made a latrine outside the city at a distance of 3000 cubits - which was
too far for anyone to be permitted to walk there on the Sabbath! (A cubit was
about 17.5 inches).
We see there was ample reason, admitted by the Jewish sources themselves,
for Jesus to rebuke the Pharisees. At the same time, we can admit that they
also held some highly moral ideals along with foolish things (cf. J. Bonsirven
Palestinian Judaism in the Time of Christ, McGraw-Hill, NY, 1965, tr. W. Wolf,
pp. 21-32).
Very many today say that the conflicts of Jesus with the Pharisees did not
take place in His time, but that later the Christians came into conflict, and
then retrojected these things to His time. But that would be sheer
falsification of Scripture. One could retroject an actual saying of Jesus, given
after Easter, to the time before Easter - but this proposed retrojection would
be of things He never said at all. Further, as we have just seen, the Pharisees
did commit dreadful excesses.
Jesus not only did not violate the real law of God, but He even extended and
perfected it. Especially, although Leviticus 19:18 had commanded love of
neighbor, when the Jews took that to mean only fellow Jews, Jesus in the
parable of the good Samaritan made clear it applies to all. He also extended
the precepts in Matthew 5:21-48: "You have heard it was said to them of
old... but I say to you...
He also added ideals in the Sermon on the Mount in Mt 5-7. St. Thomas
explained well (II. II. 40. 1 ad 2, citing Augustine De Sermone in monte 1.
19): "These precepts are always to be observed in attitude of mind, namely,
that a man should always be prepared not to resist... But at times one must
act otherwise, because of the common good [referring chiefly to public
authority]... Hence Augustine says:... nothing is more unhappy than the
happiness of sinners, in that impunity is nourished and an evil will is
strengthened." Jesus Himself when slapped on the face by a guard at His trial
did not turn the other cheek, but rebuked them (John 18:23).
Incidentally, only four of the early Christian writers were clearly absolute
pacifists: Marcion, Tatian, Tertullian and Lactantius. But each passage
involves heresy and so the testimony is voided. Marcion and Tatian were
major heretics. Tertullian by the time he wrote a pacifist text had fallen into
Montanism.
Jesus and St. Paul on the Law: There seems to be a conflict: Jesus said He
came not to destroy but to fulfill; St. Paul said we are free from the law. But if
we study carefully, there is no conflict at all, but perfect agreement. (2 Peter
3:15-16 comments that St. Paul is hard to understand. Anyone who has
studied Paul says loudly: Amen).
St. Paul was in a running fight with the Judaizers. They said: Christ is not
enough, we must have the law too. The natural response for Paul was: We
are free from the law. That was rather misleading language. He meant: 1)
Jesus is enough; 2) Keeping the law does not earn salvation. For Paul, like
Jesus, taught that God is our Father, and so we get our salvation as His
children. We inherit: cf. Gal 3:15-18; 4:5-7; Rom 8:16-17; 6:23. (It is true that
Greek kleronomein) can mean merely get, need not always mean inherit. But
the contexts of the verses referred to show Paul does mean inherit). Even as
children, however, we could earn to lose salvation, to be disinherited: Rom
6:23.
(Incidentally, we can see from the above the correct solution to the question
of predestination: 1) Our Father wills all to be saved; 2) He looks to see who
rejects His grace so gravely and persistently that he cannot be saved - sadly,
He decides to let those go, negative reprobation; 3)All others He predestines,
not because of merits, which have not appeared yet, but because that is
what He wanted to do in the first place, and they are not blocking Him. So, as
with inheriting, one does not earn the positive reward, but can earn to lose it,
that is, can earn the negative, reprobation).
Earlier in this chapter we saw with the help of Jewish sources, that the
Pharisees really were guilty of the faults with which Jesus charged them. So it
is not correct to say the Gospel strictures on them really belong to a period
later in the first century. The fact that they had some beliefs in common with
Jesus, e.g., the resurrection, does not change this fact. Nor does the fact that
some few Pharisees were friendly to Jesus change it. Rather their extreme
hatred is shown by their obtaining His condemnation to a death so horrible
that a decent person would not treat a dog that way. Later in the first century
a curse against Christians was inserted into their liturgy.
Some today try to say that it was not the Jews that brought the
condemnation of Jesus, it was the Romans, on a charge of insurrection. To
say this means the Gospels are telling a lie. It is painfully clear that Pilate
tried to dismiss the charge. The Jews, especially the Pharisees pressed on,
and asked to have Barabbas, a real murderer released instead of Jesus. The
Acts of the Apostles present the same picture of their attitude.
The Pharisees may have developed from the Hasidim, a religious reform
movement at the time of the Maccabees. They became prominent as an
opposition party during the reign of the Hasmonean rulers, John Hyrcanus
(134-04 BC) and Alexander Jannaeus) 103-76 BC), and had much influence
over Alexandra Salome (76-67 BC). With the reign of Herod their political
influence seems to have declined, but their influence with the people was
great.
The Sadducees seem to have originated in the 2nd century BC, and to have
had much influence up to the first Jewish revolt, 66-70 AD. The name most
likely comes from Zadok, high priest at the time of David. The Sadducees did
favor the priests and their interpretation of the law. By the time of Jesus they
included the families from whom the high priests came, and also other
wealthy aristocrats of Jerusalem. Most members of the Sanhedrin, the
highest judicial authority of the Jews, were Sadducees. The Sadducees allied
themselves with those who had political power. Their influence among the
people was much less. The Sadducees accepted only the written law, not the
oral law which was so important to the Pharisees as we saw above in this
chapter. It used to be thought that they accepted only the Pentateuch and
rejected the rest of the Old Testament. This seems not so likely now.
Josephus in Antiquities I. 4 says the Sadducees believed souls die with
bodies. They tried to trap Jesus with their imaginary case of a woman who
had seven husbands: whose wife would she be at the resurrection?
The Essenes are first mentioned at the time of Jonathan Maccabeus, around
150 B.C. They probably stemmed from the Hasidim, like the Pharisees. They
emerged as a major theocratic party after the Maccabean revolt. They were
prominent in Jerusalem politics through the reign of Aristobulus I, c 104 BC
Then they became increasingly opposed to the Zadokite priests. Hence they
withdrew into separatist enclaves in Jerusalem and other cities. It is likely,
though debated, that the Qumran sectaries were part of this Essene
movement.
They considered themselves as the faithful remnant of Israel and the chief
part of an eschatological community. Their discipline and lifestyle was
severe: meals, study, and property were in common. It seems some Essenes
practiced celibacy (cf. Josephus Jewish War II. 8. 13).
They considered the Jerusalem temple decadent, yet at least for a time they
seem to have sent offerings there.
But even the NJBC (pp. 1320-21) says that His exorcisms and cures were
never denied in antiquity, even by His enemies - who referred His miracles to
magic or the power of satan. But some who accept exorcisms and cures balk
at nature miracles, such as calming the storm. But the power needed is the
same in both types of miracles.
Were some cases called exorcisms in the Gospels really cases of epilepsy?
Perhaps. The mission of Jesus was not to teach scientific points, but to cure
the sick for the sake of His mission. He knew, had no need to explain.
Whatever was the trouble, He cured it by a word.
Some try to say the miracles of Jesus were just the same as those of pagans
or rabbis. But the parallels are far from parallel. Cf. L. J. McGinley, "Hellenic
Analogies and the Typical Healing Narrative", in Theological Studies 4, 1942,
pp. 385-419. Attempts to find parallels in the life of Apollonius of Tyana by
Philostratus are shockingly inane. Apollonius finds a satyr annoying women,
he quiets the satyr with wine (6:27). He writes a threatening letter to a ghost
(3:38). He finds dragons 60 feet long (3:7). He sees robot tripods that serve
meals (3:27). And more nonsense.
Some also claim the miracles were not intended to prove anything, they
were just signs. The NJBC says Jesus is shown as consistently refusing to
work miracles to show His power. The five texts cited are all in special
situations which prove nothing. Really, He often did work miracles for proof,
e.g., Mk 2:1-12; Lk 8:. 41-56; John 5:36; 14:10.
The Church:
Even though the word church does not occur often in the Gospels, yet the
reality is there. We already saw earlier in this chapter that the phrase
"Kingdom of God" commonly means the Church. And in our summary of
apologetics in chapter 2 above we saw that He did gather a group,
commissioned them to teach in His name, and promised God's protection on
their teaching. Once we reach that point, that group, or Church, can assure
us of many things.
Did He intend that Church to last more than one generation? The very
question is foolish. Would God become man, suffer so much, teach and do so
much for just one generation? Many parables make His intention clear. e. g,
the parable of the weeds, (Mt 13:24-43) pictures the Kingdom of Heaven as a
field in which the master sowed good seed, but an enemy came and sowed
weeds.
The servants wanted to pull out the weeds, but the master told them to wait:
"The harvest is the end of the world, and the reapers are the angels. Just as
the weeds are gathered and burned with fire, so will it be at the end of the
world." So the Church, with both good and bad people in it, will last to the
end. The parable of the net (Mt 13:47-50) brings out the same thing. The
fishers will sort out the good and bad fish: "So it will be at the end of the
world." And He told them very explicitly in Mt 28:18- 20: "All power is given
me in heaven and on earth. Go therefore, and teach all nations... behold I am
with you all days, even to the consummation of the world." The Acts of
Apostles reveal the Apostles were slow to catch on to this last item. But
eventually, with some divine prodding (Acts Chapters 10-11) they did. Their
slowness is not surprising - it appeared so much in the Gospels too. It would
not do to say Jesus used only interior locutions - no speaking at all - after the
resurrection. Really, when there is such a locution, the soul must understand
at once. Later, certitude over it may fade (cf. St. Teresa of Avila, Life 24, and
Interior Castle 6. 3. 7). This is the reverse of the pattern shown by Peter in
Acts 10-11).
Matthew 16: 13-20: Is there a Pope, and what authority does he have? There
are two ways to answer:
b) We really do not have to labor thus on the exegesis of Matthew 16. For in
apologetics in chapter 2 we proved that there is a group or church
commissioned to teach by the messenger sent from God, Jesus, and
promised God's protection on its teaching. All we need to do then is to see if
the Church did teach there is a Pope, and what his authority is. That is
abundantly clear. Already in about 95 AD, Pope Clement I intervened in a
schism in Corinth. Early in the letter he said: "Because of the sudden and
repeated calamities and misfortunes, we think our attention has been slow in
turning to the things debated among you." If someone without authority
spoke that way, the recipients would respond: "Who does he think he is
anyway?" The Council of Ephesus in 431 was dealing with an Eastern error,
yet St. Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, went to Pope Celestine for a decision.
The Pope's delegates said, without contradiction at the Council (DB 112, cf.
DS 3056): "The holy and blessed Apostle Peter... received the keys of the
kingdom from our Lord Jesus Christ... He [Peter] lives even to this time, and
always in his successors gives judgment." There are many more such texts.
Very important is the testimony of St. Irenaeus (Against Heresies 3. 3. 2),
who even though he had heard St. Polycarp of Smyrna tell what he had heard
from the Apostle St. John, yet calls Rome the principal church with which
others must agree.
The Church, then, which speaks with the protection promised by Christ, tells
us there is a Pope, and that He can even define doctrines infallibly without
consulting the Bishops - though as a matter of fact he does consult) and that
he has absolute and immediate authority over everyone in the Church, even
the Bishops.
There is a question of the date of the Last Supper. On the one hand, the
Synoptics suppose it was a Passover meal: Mk 14:12; Lk 22:7 & 15, while
John 13:1 seems to say it came before the Passover.
In that year, when the Passover fell on a Sabbath, at least some of the
Passover lambs were sacrificed on Thursday afternoon to prevent possible
violation of the Sabbath rest by running into Friday evening because of the
large number of lambs. Hence two possible dates for the Supper.
Or: When the Passover fell on a Sabbath, as it was that year, it seems the
Pharisees held the Passover meal on Thursday evening, to avoid any danger
of violation of the Sabbath rest on Friday evening. But the Sadducees,
staying closer to the letter of the law, held the Passover meal on Friday
evening. So the Synoptics would follow the one system, John the other.
The Eucharist was a sacrifice. For a sacrifice includes two elements: the
outward sign (which is to express and perhaps even promote the interior)
and the inner dispositions. The essential inner disposition on His part was
obedience to the will of the Father. (The dispositions often mentioned in the
catechetical memory word ACTS: adoration, contrition, thanksgiving,
supplication) are not wrong, but omit this essential). Cf. Romans 5:19 and LG
#3. The outward sign at the supper was the seeming separation of body and
blood, standing for death. Thereby He said to the Father: I know the
command you have given me. I am to die tomorrow. I turn myself over to
death (expressed in the seeming separation). I accept. I obey. He made the
pledge that evening, carried it out the next day. Then the outward sign
became the physical separation of body and blood. In the Mass the outward
sign is the same as that of the Last Supper. His interior disposition then and
now is the same attitude continued, it is not a repetition. For death makes
permanent the attitude towards God with which one leaves this world.
Jesus said (Mt 20:28 and Mk 10:45) "The Son of Man came to give his life as
a ransom for many." Similarly 1 Cor 6:20 and 7:23 speak of the price of
redemption. Many other times St. Paul speaks of buying.
Many today despair of understanding these words about the price or ransom.
They notice that the captor was satan: we do not want to say the blood of
Christ was paid to satan. Nor was it paid to the Father: He was not the captor.
But it can be understood readily if we recall what we saw in chapters 5 and
11 above on the concept of sin as a debt, and of the fact that the Holiness of
God wants the scales of the objective order rebalanced after they have been
put out of balance by sin. The sinner takes from the scale what he has no
right to have: Jesus by His life and death put back infinitely more than all
sinners took. We stress it is primarily the Holiness of God, in which He loves
all that is good that is central here, even though in a way justice is involved.
At first sight, the various accounts seem irreconcilable. But it can be done,
and in more than one way. Here is a very plausible sequence: a) Magdalen
and other women come to the tomb about dawn, and see it empty; b)In their
excitement, she or they run to the Apostles (Mt here, between 20:8 & 9)
omits the visit of Peter and John, our item c); c) Peter and John refuse to
believe, but do run to the tomb, and find it empty. They are amazed, but do
not see Jesus; d) Peter and John leave. Magdalen stays, sees Him, at first
takes Him for the gardener. He soon makes Himself known. Magdalen and
others make a second visit to the Apostles to say they have seen Him; e)
Jesus appears to Peter; f) Jesus appears to two men on the road to Emmaus;
g) They go back to the Apostles, and hear Peter had already seen Jesus; h)
Jesus appears to the Eleven; h) Thomas was absent before, so Jesus comes
again when Thomas is there; j) further appearances at the Lake of Galilee.
A few comments: 1)As often, the Gospels do not keep chronological order,
and there is even telescoping by Luke - as he did with the account of the
return to Nazareth after the presentation. Now Luke tells that Jesus said stay
until the Holy Spirit comes. Then he tells of the Ascension, with no mention
of an interval; 2)Matthew at times uses what is called the "plural of category"
i.e., speaking of a group when it was really an individual, e.g., 28:1- 10
compared to John 20:11-18. (Only Magdalen in John); 3)Matthew and Mark, in
view of their own scope, prefer to stress the Galilean appearances, which
were more frequent, and completed the instruction of the Apostles. But both
do add some appearances in Jerusalem: Mt 28:9-10 has the appearances to
the women, and Mk 16:9-11 has an appearance to Mary Magdalen.
Mark shows more of the narrative style than the other Gospels. Central to
this Gospel is the question of who Jesus is. As we saw, it is a very respectable
position to hold the ancient tradition is true that Mark wrote from the
preaching of St. Peter. There is much discussion of the audience intended by
Mark - some think it was written to confirm the Roman community in its
outlook - or - to correct that community and help it change its mind. There is
an enormous range of disagreement among scholars about Mark. The picture
is complicated by the fact that many Form Critics admit they cannot be sure
what belongs to the tradition that came down to him, and what pertains to
Mark's editing. Mark is also noted for his portrayal of the human features in
Jesus: Jesus shows apprehension or even fear in the Garden, sadness,
sympathy, admiration and indignation.
Mark as a whole is shorter than Matthew and Luke. R. Bultmann thought (in:
"The Study of the Synoptic Gospels" in Form Criticism, tr. F. C. Grant, Harper
& Row Torchbooks, N. Y. 1962, pp. 32, 34-35) that was a sign Mark was the
earliest form of the Gospel. But that claim does not stand up. We have all
heard people trying to tell a story - if they are not skilled at storytelling, they
are apt to insert needless details, which mar the effect of the story. Bultmann
thought Matthew and Luke added details. But this is not generally the case.
Mark 9:14-29 is much longer than the parallel in Lk 9:37-42. Again, Mark
6:32-44 is more detailed that Mt 14:13-21 and Lk 8:40- 56. Leslie R. Keylock
studied this matter (in: "Bultmann's Law of Increasing Distinctness" in:
Current Issues in Biblical and Patristic Interpretation, ed. G. F. Hawthorne,
Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, 1975, pp. 196- 210) by examining a large number
of parallels. He found Luke is more precise than Mark 47 times, but less
precise 37 times. Matthew is more precise than Mark 58 times, but less
precise 54 times. So there is no "law" of increasing detail added by fancy.
Luke's preface shows his great care in getting the facts and presenting them.
(Please recall our report on a study of the Semitisms in Luke, in our
treatment of the genre of the Infancy Gospels. Even though Luke is the only
writer of a book of Scripture who is not a Semite, his language shows more
Semitisms than do the Semites - an indication of his meticulous concern for
accuracy). So he opens by situating events in the framework of the history of
the time. The tradition that he was often a traveling companion of St. Paul is
quite credible - more on this in our treatment of the Acts of the Apostles.
It has been noted that Luke's style varies - at times he is quite Semitic, at
other times, he writes a good quality of literary Greek. This is the result of his
meticulous translation of Semitic sources, as we saw in the study just
mentioned above.
Another inane objection concerns chapter 21, saying it could not be by John.
But in commenting on Deuteronomy we met the objection that Moses could
not have described his own death. Of course. But someone else could have
added it later. Similarly, it is obvious that another hand added chapter 21 of
John. Knowing how authorship was handled in those times makes these thing
quite possible. Really, only the last few words of chapter 21 would need
another author.
It is also noted that Jesus speaks quite openly of His divinity in John: "I and
the Father are one" (10:30) and "Before Abraham was, I AM" (8:58). This is
true, but if we note that Jesus engaged in gradual self-revelation, these lines
could have been spoken close to the end, when the malice of his enemies
was complete and hardened.
The Gospel seems to have been written by "the Beloved Disciple". Formerly
it was thought clear that that disciple was John. Today the tendency is to
deny it was.
However, there is a cloud, for Eusebius (History 3. 39) quotes Papias, Bishop
of Hierapolis, c. 130 AD who seems to distinguish two Johns, the Apostle and
the Presbyter. So it is just possible - not certain - that Irenaeus confused the
two. Yet since he heard Polycarp who knew John, this is very unlikely. There
are other ancient writers who seem to say the Gospel was by John the
Apostle.
We should note too that the beloved disciple reclined on the chest of Jesus at
the Last Supper, was present at the cross, went to the tomb with Peter, had
Mary the Mother of Jesus entrusted to His care. So it seems he was one of
the inner three, Peter, James, and John. Now the beloved disciple is not Peter,
is clearly distinct from him. Nor could it be James, who was a martyr in 44
AD, too early to write the Gospel. So it almost certainly should be John the
Apostle.
Many today think the Gospel was the product of a Johannine community, and
went through more than one revision. This is not impossible. In such a case,
however, the data at least for the most part would have come from the
Apostle.
It is clear that Acts has the same author as the Gospel of Luke. But when was
the work written? Current estimates are apt to run between 80 and 90 A.D.
The reasons: It is clear that Acts follows on the Gospel, which so many think,
without valid reason, belongs to that decade. Second, it is commonly thought
that Luke did not know Paul.
1) It is said that Acts 15:1-35 clashes with Gal 2:1-10. In Galatians Paul tells
of the meeting with the Apostles, and says he compared notes with them
and they "added nothing to me." But in Acts 15:29 the letter of the Council
tells gentile converts to "abstain from what has been sacrificed to idols and
from blood and from what is strangled and from unchastity."
Now of the four items from the letter, one repeats the basic commandment
against loose sex. Paul of course speaks against loose sex too. The other
three items are taken from the old law, and are just a sop, a concession to
the feelings of Jews. But Paul in Galatians refers to basic doctrine. The 3
items in Acts 15:29 are not basic doctrine at all, they are, as we said, a sop
to the feelings of the Jews. Paul did preach the three points where they
applied, as we see from Acts 16:4. Further, the letter of the Council was
addressed only to gentiles in Syria and Cilicia - that did not include Galatia. If
the Vatican today sends a letter to the bishops of one region, it does not
affect bishops of a different region.
2) It is said that Acts does not mention Paul's Epistles. True, but the purpose
of Acts was to show how the Church finally reached Rome, the center of the
world. Acts does show Paul presenting the most basic doctrines of the
Epistles, namely, justification by faith, the divinity and resurrection of Christ,
and baptism and repentance. In Acts 15:9 Peter says that God "cleansed
their hearts by faith." In 16:30 the jailer at Philippi asks Paul what to do and
Paul replies: "Believe in the Lord Jesus and you shall be saved". [Here, as
often, saved means entry into the Church]. At Miletus in Acts 20:21 Paul says
he has been "testifying to both Jews and Greeks of repentance to God and of
faith in our Lord Jesus Christ. In Acts 13:39 at Antioch in Pisidia Paul says,
speaking in a synagogue: "Everyone who believes in Him is made just. " In
Acts 17:3 Paul explains and proves, "that it was necessary for the Christ to
suffer and rise from the dead" and so to atone for sins.
In Acts Paul also does preach that Jesus is the Son of God: Acts 9:20 shows
Paul preaching this right after his conversion. A Greek concordance under the
word Kyrios, "Lord", shows numerous other times Paul called Him Lord, the
title Paul also uses for Jesus in his Epistles.
In both Acts and the Epistles Paul does speaks of the need of baptism: cf. 1
Cor 1:14-17; Romans 6:3-8; Eph 4:5; Col 2:12)
3) It is said that only in Acts does Paul preach the need of repentance. But
Paul does preach repentance elsewhere, e.g., Romans 2:4; 2 Cor 7:9-10; 1
Cor 5:3-5. The objection is like the foolish idea that Jesus Himself did not
require repentance for forgiveness.
Neither in Acts nor in the Epistles does Paul think the end is close at hand:
we will see the critical passage of 1 Ths 4:15 & 17 later.
So we can believe the testimony of St. Irenaeus (Against Heresies 3.1.1) that
"Luke the follower of Paul, set down in a book the Gospel preached by him
[Paul]," and of the Anti-Marcionite Prologue to Luke which says: "Luke of
Antioch in Syria, a physician, having become a disciple of the Apostles, and
later followed Paul until his martyrdom... after the Gospels had been written -
by Matthew in Judea, by Mark in Italy - moved by the Holy Spirit, wrote this
Gospel in Achaia... with great care, for gentile believers.
About the speeches recorded in Acts, since Luke was an educated Greek, we
would expect him to follow the policy of the classic Greek historians. We
know what that was, thanks to Thucydides, who tells us (1.22) that he would
try to get the actual text if possible, but would not try to keep the same
words. If he could get only the content, he would put it in his own words. If
he could get none of these, he would write a speech suitable for the
occasion. Luke did travel much with Paul, and so could have gotten at least
the content of the speeches easily. Further, Paul, like other traveling
speakers, would use much repetition, with some variation in wording. He had
a typical approach to the Jews, and another for gentiles.
Peter's speech on Pentecost was of such great moment that we would expect
it would be easy to get the content of it. The speech of Stephen would also
be likely to be remembered. On the other hand, the speech of Gamaliel in
the Sanhedrin (5:34-39) might have been harder to get, and this fact could
account for some of the historical problems about the false Messiahs.
In all, many have noted that Luke's introductions to both his Gospel and to
Acts show the intent to write careful history, in the pattern of the pagan
Greek historians.
Why does Acts break off with Paul in house arrest in Rome? Probably, as we
said, the intention was to show how the Gospel reached the center of the
world, Rome. When that was done, no more was needed. It is also possible
Luke intended to write still another volume, and somehow never did so.
Chapter 23
St. Paul's Epistles
We will examine the chief difficulties in each Epistle, taking them up in the
probable order of composition.
First Thessalonians
2:14-16: These are terrible lines. St. Paul says that the Jews who are
persecuting him so often and so severely are "filling up the measure of their
sins." Compare 2 Maccabees 6:13-16 for the theme: Some, God lets have
their fill of sin, then comes final ruin; others, He punishes them on the way,
to bring them to their senses, so they may not have to be in final ruin.
4:13-17: Some of the Ths were fearful: It would be sad if I died before Christ
returns, then others would see Him before I. Paul tells them Christ will come
down, the dead will rise first, then the risen dead and those who remained
alive (who never will die) will be taken together in the air to meet Christ.
Because Paul twice says "we the living", it is charged he thought he would
see the end. It does not follow. Good teachers often say I or we to make
things concrete and vivid. In 2 Ths 2 Paul makes clear that he does not
expect to be around at the end. So the dissenters deny he wrote 2 Ths - even
though the ancient witnesses for both are equally strong.
Some also take this passage to mean a rapture: suddenly Christ will take all
the good people out of the world, leaving only the wicked. The good will
reign with Him on earth for 1000 years. Dissenters argue that this passage
says the living will be taken in the air to meet Christ - in the Gospel account
of the Last Judgment, all are on the earth. - They overlook genre. Both
passages have strong apocalyptic color. With apocalyptic, one should not
press details.
5:23-25: Paul assures them God will keep them without blame until the end -
that is, if they do not reject that special grace. But it is clear: God will offer
the grace of final perseverance, contrary to old theologians who thought He
might not give it even if the person was not guilty of mortal sin.
Second Thessalonians:
Here, as we said, Paul makes clear in chapter 2 he does not think he will live
to the end. He says first must come the Antichrist, and the great apostasy -
on it cf. Luke 18:8, Mt 24:12 and 2 Tim 3.1-7.
Galatians:
If Paul wrote to the north Galatians, he wrote from Ephesus in 54. If to the
south Galatians, it would be 48 AD.
He wrote first, to answer charges he was not sent out by Christ, was only a
second stringer. He insists he did have the mission from Christ, received on
the road to Damascus.
The second reason: to combat the Judaizers, who said Christ was not enough,
we must keep the Mosaic law too.
Paul reacted against the claim of the Judaizers in language that is potentially
quite misleading (cf. 2 Peter 3:15-16 on Paul's obscure language) by saying:
We are free from the law. If we study carefully other passages, especially 1
Cor 6:9-10, we see we will be lost if we break the law. So Paul really meant
this: To keep the law does not earn salvation; but one could earn to lose it by
grave sin.
b) Paul on the Law: Paul makes two kinds of statements about the law.(1)
Focused view: At times he says no one keeps it, even can keep it (Rom 3:19-
20). Gal 3:10-11 says that those who depend on works of the law are under a
curse. For the law curses (Dt.27:26) those who do not keep it. Yet the law
gives no strength, it only gives knowledge of what is right or wrong (Rom
3:20). Gal 3:22 says all are locked up under sin. Romans 7:9-10 says: "I [any
person] was alive [spiritually] once without the law [before the law came].
But when the command came, I died." In Romans 8:7-8 we read that the
flesh is intent on death: "The flesh is not subject to God, neither can it be.
Those in the flesh cannot please God."
(2) To have the law was a great privilege of the People of God: Paul says this
in Romans 3:3; 9:4. And in Romans 7:14-16 he says the law is holy and good.
Solution by focused vs factual views: It is clear that Paul has two different
ways of looking at the law. In the focused view, as he says in Romans 3:20,
"through the law comes knowledge of sin" - but that is all that comes. The
law as such gives no strength. Now, evidently, to be under a heavy demand,
with no strength, means a fall is inevitable. Then the law curses the one who
falls. (We name this perspective "focused" since the view is limited, as if
looking through a tube, one sees only what is within the circle formed by the
tube).
In the factual view, that limit is removed, one sees the whole horizon, and
sees that even before Christ came, divine help, grace, was available (in
anticipation of the merits of Christ). If a person uses it, he will not fall, not be
dead and cursed. So the law then is a privilege, for it points out the things
that are harmful to us. Augustine said well (Confessions 1.12): "Every
disordered soul is its own punishment." In focused view Paul says we cannot
keep the law, yet in a factual view he says in Phil 3:6 that he, before knowing
Christ, kept the law without blame.
If only we keep in mind these two ways Paul uses, we can solve many
difficult problems in Paul which commentators in general fail to solve. As we
go through his Epistles, we will point out these passages.
2:11-14: Paul corrects Peter for being weak-kneed at Antioch, for going back
on the decree he himself had helped make in the Council of Jerusalem. There
is no hint Peter broke with Paul over this. Then the first Pope would have
reversed his own doctrinal decision. Paul's rebuke bore on weak conduct,
which would give scandal, not on doctrine. (This was not the first time Peter
was weak).
2:20: "He loved ME and gave Himself for ME." Beautiful: The death of Christ
was offered for each individual, so that the Father pledges an inexhaustible
treasury of grace and forgiveness in favor of each one (cf. Vatican II, Church
in Modern World 22). One could be lost by resisting grace, and if he
becomes blind through repeated sin, he will be incapable of receiving the
grace the Father offers.
3:28: Paul says it makes no difference if one is slave or free, male or female.
But he is speaking of gaining justification by faith. We cannot say: Therefore
it makes no difference in all other things - such as women's ordination. Paul
is talking about only the one thing, considering context.
5:16-25: Paul had told them: You are free from the law. They were exultant:
They could sin as much as they wanted! Paul of course has to correct it, but
he does not want to take back his words, so he shows that if one follows the
Spirit, He will not break the law as a matter of fact. He gives two check lists,
to see if one is following the Spirit or the flesh.
Philippians:
1:6: Paul promises that God who has begun a good work in them will bring it
to completion, assuming they do not reject His grace. This means God surely
offers the grace of final perseverance.
2:6-11: This is a beautiful hymn, it may or may not have been composed (or
revised) by Paul himself. He urges them to imitate the ways of Christ who did
not hold on to the privileges He could have claimed from being divine,
instead, He took the form of a slave, became obedient even to death. For this
the Father exalted Him above all. "Form of God form of slave" could mean
either divine nature...human nature, or the external glory of each - which
would imply the reality of the natures. Jesus in v. 7 made it a policy not to
use His divine power for Himself - so His humanity was unprotected against
the anxiety of knowing what lay ahead of Him.
2:12-13: This is a text of great importance. Paul tells us to "Work out your
salvation with fear and trembling [really: with great respect] for it is God who
works [produces] in you both the will and the doing." This translation follows
the definition of the Council of Orange (DS 374 - by special approbation of
Pope
Boniface II, its canons are equal to those of a General Council). In 2 Cor 3:5
Paul says (again translating according to the definition of DS 377): "We are
not sufficient to think anything of ourselves as from ourselves: our
sufficiency is from God." These mean the same as 1 Cor 4:7. We cannot get a
good thought, make a good decision, or carry it out without God. We might
seem to be puppets then, but in 2 Cor 6:1: "We urge you not to receive the
grace of God in vain." So in some way we do control the outcome. The
Church has not told us how. But in 1607 Pope Paul V followed the advice of
St. Francis De Sales, refused to approve either the so-called Thomist, or the
Molinist explanations of how these texts fit together (DS 1997). Here is a
newer proposal (W. Most, New Answers to Old Questions, St. Paul
Publications, London,1971): God sends an actual grace to me. With no help
from me it causes my mind to see something as good (2 Cor 3:5), and makes
me favorably disposed (almost automatic). At that juncture when I could
reject, if I merely make no decision against it, do nothing, grace moves into
phase two, and works in me both the will and the doing (Phil 2:13) while I
cooperate by power being currently received from grace.
3:8: Paul says he has gladly taken the loss of all things, and considers them
as dung or rubbish, to gain Christ. - He does not mean, on the absolute scale,
that creatures are not good - God made them good, Christ used created
things, took on a created nature - but, on the relative scale, comparing
things now to those of eternity, present things are of no import. So there is a
benefit in giving things up for Christ - contrary to the false notion of the GUN
(Give -up-nothing) Spirituality which says there is no benefit in that - leading
to loss of vocations, and many failed marriages (cf. again Our Father's Plan,
chapter 20).
First Corinthians:
Corinth was the most licentious city in Greece. And Paul had more trouble
with the Corinthians, to judge by his letters, than with any other place.
Population was about a half million in his day. He wrote the first Epistle
probably in 57. We gather from 5:9 that there was another letter to Corinth
before our First Corinthians. And from 2 Cor 2:3-4 7 9 we gather he wrote still
another letter between our First and Second letters.
Chapters 1-4: Messengers form Chloe tell Paul of factionalism in Corinth: they
are proud of the group to which they belong. Paul spends four chapters to
work against such pride. In contrast, he preaches (1:22), "Christ crucified, a
scandal to the Jews, and foolishness to the gentiles." Plato had said
(Symposium 203) that no god associates with men. Aristotle had said (Ethics
8:7) that friendship between a god and a man was impossible. What would
they say if told that God became man - and that He willed to die a horrid and
shameful death for man? This did seem to be foolishness. And it was scandal
to the Jews for in Deuteronomy 21:23 they read, "cursed be anyone who
hangs on the wood." So Paul said in Gal 3:13 that Christ "became a curse for
us." In 1:26-29 he points out they have no church members of worldly
repute: why be proud? He seems to imply they got into the Church because
they were more in need of help, weaker. In 4:4 he says he has no sin on his
conscience that he knows of, but he may have done something wrong
without realizing it. That would not be a mortal sin, yet Scripture calls for
reparation for such things: cf. Leviticus, chapter 4; Gen 12:17; Lk 12:47-48,
and many more passages.
6:9-11: Paul lists the chief mortal sins, and says those who do such things
"will not inherit the kingdom of God." Please recall comments on Gal 2:15: as
to salvation, you cannot earn it, you inherit it, but you could earn to forfeit it,
to be disinherited. 6:11 says only some of the Corinthians - even in a
licentious city - were guilty of such great sins. This makes a question about
Romans, chapter 1, where it seems all are guilty of all sins. Our approach by
seeing two ways Paul looks at the law - focused and factual, which we saw at
Galatians 2:15 - will solve the problem when we get to Romans.
6:15: Points out that to become one flesh with a harlot is to make a member
of Christ a member of a harlot.
The reason why virginity/celibacy offers an advantage for those for whom
God plans it, is that it helps one become free of a most powerful pull of
creatures: cf. Mt 6:21: "Where your treasure is, there is your heart also." One
can put his treasure in anything and can be held in varying degrees by the
object. The less such pulls, the more free is the heart to rise to the divine
level. Of course, for the real effect, it is not enough to get detached only
from sex: general detachment is needed.
8:1 - 11:1: Paul says that an idol is nothing, so food offered to idols is not
changed. However, he argues eloquently and at length against scandal,
leading another, who cannot understand the meat is not changed, into sin by
forcing him (social pressure) into doing what he cannot help thinking is
wrong. As part of this plea, in 9:24-27, he points out that he - even with his
heroic work for Christ - feels the need of mortification to tame the flesh:
otherwise, he might become a reject, even after such work for Christ. It is
evident: Paul does not believe that just once "taking Christ as one's personal
Savior" makes him infallibly saved, no matter what sins he would commit.
Paul here ,in context, is talking about losing heaven itself, not just about
losing some additional thing. In the next chapter, chapter 10, he gives many
examples from OT to show that the original People of God did not have
assurance of salvation from being God's people.
Second Corinthians:
It is hard to reconstruct the picture. It seems Paul's first letter was not well
received, and relations got worse. He probably made a hasty visit to Corinth
(2 Cor 12:14; 13:1-2; 2:1) which also accomplished little if anything. When he
got back to Ephesus, he wrote a third letter, which we do not have. Finally,
he sent Titus to try to smooth things out. While Titus was absent, there was
the riot of the silversmiths at Ephesus told in Acts 19:23 - 20:1. Paul left for
safety, for Macedonia. There, perhaps at Philippi, he met Titus, found a
reconciliation had been made. From Macedonia he wrote Second Corinthians,
probably in the fall of 57.
This is a very human document, Paul does much pleading to the Corinthians.
So there are few difficulties that need explanation.
3:5: The correct translation, following the definition of the Second Council of
Orange (529 AD. By special approbation of Pope Boniface II, its canons are
equivalent to those of a General Council: DS 377) is this: "Not that we are
sufficient to think anything of ourselves, as from ourselves; our sufficiency is
from God." (Other versions speak of taking credit instead of thinking. Greek
logizomai has both senses. But we follow the council). It means that by our
own power we cannot even get a good thought. On this please see the
comments above on Phil 2:13.
3:6: "The letter kills, but the spirit gives life." This is often misunderstood. In
context, it means that the old law brings only death (please recall the
focused way of speaking, explained at Gal 2:15), while the new regime of the
Spirit brings life. In the same vein, in 3:7 Paul speaks of the old law as "the
ministry of death," and in v.9, "the ministry of condemnation".
5:1-10: Paul speaks in a very human way here: He would like to have the
glorified body put on on top of his present body, without dying. He knows
that is not possible, so he gets up his confidence or nerve and says he would
like to be away from the body and be with Christ:5:6-8. Some commentators
here want to say Paul thinks he could have a resurrection body in this life
without dying. Paul has no such thought. In 1 Cor 15:51-52 it is clear the
change comes after death. And 2 Tim 2:17-18 complains against some who
thought the resurrection had already taken place. - Please see again our
comments on Phil. chapter 1.
5:21: "The one who did not know sin, He made Him to be sin for our sakes."
Similarly in Gal.3:13 Paul said Christ became a curse-- for Deuteronomy said
that anyone who hangs on the wood is cursed. He seemed to be cursed, so
as to overcome that curse that we might escape eternal death. (Note that
Hebrew sometime uses a noun for an adjective- it had few adjectives. So
curse means cursed).
Paul hates to "boast", to rehearse his own credentials, but when the good of
souls demands, he will do it. After several delays he says he is a Hebrew of
the Hebrews. But more important, he has suffered so much for Christ: he
enumerates his hardships. And remarkably, he says in 11:27 that even with
these, even though his travels sometimes made him short on food, he added
fastings.
What was the sting? Some think persecutions - but Paul considered them a
privilege, not something to pray against. Others say sickness - Paul likely
would say: May His will be done. Others think violent sex temptations. Many
Saints especially in the Dark Night of the Spirit have experienced these,
without falling at all. Yet after a siege, a good person may feel uneasy: "Did I
really hold out?" So this is a great help to humility, this experience of
weakness, in which power is made perfect.
Romans:
It seems Paul had written Second Corinthians from Macedonia, in the fall of
57. He went to Corinth, perhaps directly, perhaps by way of Illyricum. He
came to Corinth, his third visit, in the winter of 57, and stayed three months
in Achaia. During this period, probably at Corinth, he wrote Romans.
We do not know when Christianity first came to Rome. Some Jews from Rome
were at the first Pentecost, and became converts. We do not know if they
went back to Rome - some Jews may have stayed to live out their last years
in the Holy Land.
All admit Paul wrote Romans, but there is a problem over 16:1-12, which
seems to be an unrelated letter of recommendation for Phoebe, who has
worked for the church at Cenchrae. Most admit it is by Paul, but it is not clear
if it was part of Romans. Also there is a problem about the doxology in 16:25-
27. Is it part of the original letter? The Council of Trent declared all these part
of inspired Scripture, regardless of the question of authorship and place.
1:1 - 2:17: The great thrust of the first three chapters is to show first that
Gentiles are all hopeless if they try for justification by keeping the law, then
to show, starting at 2:17, that the Jews are also hopeless. Finally in chapter 3
he sums up: all are hopeless, and so all must turn to faith for justification. It
is very important to keep this picture in mind. Many commentators today
overlook this. In dealing with chapter 1 where Paul makes so great an
accusation against the gentiles, many say that this applied only to some of
them, or expressed just tendencies. But to say that ruins Paul's great
argument. Then some could achieve justification by law, not by faith.
Before looking at that problem in detail, we see Paul opens by saying atheists
are inexcusable. That is true of real atheists. But we know St. Justin Martyr
(First Apology 46) said that some in the past, such as Socrates, who were
considered atheists, were really Christians, because they followed the divine
Logos, the Word. Justin also said (Second Apology 10:8) that the Logos is in
everyone. What does He do there? In Romans 2:14-16 we will see that He
writes the law on the hearts of every one, i.e., tells them what is morally
required. So if Socrates obeys that, as he did, he is accepting the Spirit of
Christ, not knowing that is what he is accepting. Now we learn from Romans
8.9 that if one has and follows the Spirit of Christ, he belongs to Christ. So
Socrates belonged to Christ. Hence he was Christian, not by formally joining
the Church, but substantially. We add this: to belong to Christ means to be a
member of Christ, which is also a member of the Church. Vatican II wrote in
LG 49: "All who belong to Christ, having His Spirit, coalesce into one
Church."
But so many did not observe the covenant, they took the opposite path, and
went lower and lower, as if on a spiral, became more and more corrupted
and blind. At the end of chapter 1 Paul says that they, "having known (exact
translation of aorist participle epignontes) that these things deserve death,
not only do them, but approve of doing them." It is bad enough to sin - but to
call sin good is the lowest degradation.
It is widely admitted that the picture in Chapter 1 is too strong. And Paul
himself knew it, as we said before, in 1 Cor 6:11 he said: "Certain ones of you
were these", great sinners. The solution is simple: in Romans 1 he uses a
focused picture; in 1 Cor 6:11, a factual picture. Paul can move from one
perspective to another as his argument requires. In 2:14-16 he turns to a
factual picture, then in 2:17 goes back to a focused picture.
Now we must add something even more striking. At the start of chapter 2
(we recall the chapter and verse numbers were not by Paul, were added long
after), Paul says that anyone who condemns another, "for this reason... he is
guilty of the very same sins."
Chapter 3: Paul, after accusing Jew and Gentile, concludes: "The whole world
is found guilty before God, for, on the basis of works of the law, all flesh will
not be justified before Him. For through the law, [comes only] knowledge of
sin." But no strength was given, so, as we said, all go down. This is a focused
picture. Vv.24-26 are beautiful if read correctly, so as to understand what we
saw at 1:17, that "justice of God" means His love or concern for all that is
right, that is, for rectifying or rebalancing the objective moral order put out of
line by sin. (We recall the words of Pope Paul VI, and of Simeon ben Eleazar in
chapters 5 and 11, on this rebalance of the objective order). Without filling in
this concept, then Christ would be merely the new propitiatory, with no more
visible reason than to be smeared with blood like the old propitiatory. Then:
Why such suffering for a mere ceremony?
6:23: Paul says the wages - what one earns - of sin is death, but the free gift -
what one does not earn - of God is eternal life. This is the same as our saying
about justification or salvation: You can't earn it, but you can blow it.
7:7-13: Paul keeps saying I. It means not himself alone, but any human. In
7:9-10 he implies two periods: 1) from Adam to Moses, when there was no
revealed law, "I was alive at one time" having no revealed law to break; 2)
from Moses to Christ, when there is a law. About the first period, as we
noted, he says was he was spiritually alive. For there can be no violation of a
revealed command when there is no revealed command. He is focusing on
that kind of sin, leaving out of the picture the sin which can be committed by
violating what the Spirit writes on hearts (2:14-16). In the second period, we
have basically our familiar focused picture: the law makes heavy demands,
gives no strength, so one must fall.
If we did not understand the focusing here, we would seem to see the total
corruption Luther imagined: we can see what is good, but cannot do it.
8:1-17: Here, in another focused picture, the regime of the Spirit, as such,
can bring nothing but good. However, now Paul breaks his focus a few times,
chiefly in verses 9 and 17. Terrible misunderstanding would follow otherwise,
that of Luther, who thought if one takes Christ as his personal Savior, he can
sin as much as he wants. We answered this earlier, especially by noting that
Pauline faith includes obedience (cf. Rom1:5) and so, faith which includes
obedience cannot justify disobedience.
8:29-39: Paul speaks here of predestination. But we must watch the context,
it is not a predestination to heaven (or hell) but a predestination to (full)
membership in the Church - e.g., he speaks of the "call". Predestination is an
arrangement made by Divine Providence to see that someone gets either
that membership, or gets to heaven. We mentioned full membership,
because there is a lesser, but substantial membership possible, as we saw
above in comments on 2:14-16.
Paul here and in chapters 9-11 says God predestines to this full membership
without regard to merits.
If we may fill in on what Paul does not say, a new solution to the problem of
predestination to heaven is this (cf. Wm. Most, New Answers to Old
Questions, London,1971): There are three logical steps in God's decisions: 1)
He wills all men to be saved (1 Tim.2:4--the founder of the "Thomist" school,
Domingo Baez, said God did not will all to be saved); 2) God looks to see
who rejects His grace gravely and persistently - so that he throws away the
one thing that could save him. With regrets God decrees to let those go, to
hell; 3) All others not discarded in step 2 are predestined to heaven - but not
because of merits, which have not yet come on the scene, nor even because
of the lack of resistance, but because in step 1, He wanted to do so, and they
are not blocking Him. (The same conclusion can be reached by the Father
analogy: 1) Parents want all to turn out well; 2) the children do not have to
earn love and care (parallel to predestination without merits); 3) but children
could earn to be disinherited, rejected, let go to ruin.
11:25-27: Paul foretells the conversion of the Jews. He says they will be
"saved". This means entering the Church. He cannot mean reaching heaven,
for he knows that can happen even without formal entry into the Church, as
we saw at 2:14-16. Paul does not say when this will be, but we get the
impression it will be shortly before the end. Since Scripture also foretells the
return of Elijah the prophet (Sirach 48:10; Malachi 3:23-24), we may wonder
if he is to be the agent of their conversion. We note too the similarity in
wording: in 11:25, a blindness has come in part on Israel "until the fullness of
the gentiles enters"; in Luke 21:24: "Jerusalem will be trodden by the
gentiles, until the times of the gentiles are fulfilled."
13:4: Writing in the time of Nero, Paul calls for obedience to the civil
authority, unless of course it orders what is immoral. He said: "It [the civil
authority] is a minister of God for good to you. But if you do evil, be afraid.
For not without reason does it bear the sword. For it is the minister of God
and avenger for [God's] wrath on the one who does evil." Therefore, to say
capital punishment is wrong is to contradict St. Paul. One could, however,
ask whether it is expedient or beneficial. (Nero was not at his worst in this
period. But Titus 3:1 also calls for obedience, and was written probably in 65,
when Nero was a wild tyrant).
Philemon:
Colossians:
Who are the opponents? Two chief possibilities: 1) Gnostics. At least a start of
Gnosticism was around then. Gnostics spoke of many intermediate aeons
between God and the world, used terms such as pleroma (fullness),
principalities and powers. 2) Jewish Apocalyptic speculators. They too used
similar language. Hence we are not certain. It is clear Paul often uses the
language of his opponents to meet them. And by 2:15 it is clear that the
spirit powers these opponents say we must worship along with Christ are
really, in Paul's mind, evil spirits. (Paul surely does not speak of nine choirs of
angels).
1:15-20: may be a hymn. It surely speaks of Christ as the head, the firstborn
etc. over all principalities and powers. So we need not worship them: in
Christ all fullness (pleroma) of divinity dwells in bodily form.
1:26: He begins to speak, not too clearly, of a mystery hidden from the ages.
In Ephesians 3:6 it will come out more clearly. It is this: God calls the gentiles
to be part of the People of God along with the Jews who accept Christ.
2:15: Christ despoiled the principalities and powers. So they are evil spirits,
not angels.
2:16-23: Paul attacks the rules given by opponents who think they must have
certain ascetic practices. Paul does not object to mortification in itself (cf. 1
Cor 9:26; 2 Cor 11), only to their reasons for demanding it. It seems they
worship angels or spirit powers.
3:18 - 4:1 This is a picture of the ideal household. The husband has authority
in matters pertaining to the household. Cf. Pius XI (DS 3709): "This order
includes both the primacy of the husband in relation to the wife and children,
and the ready and willing obedience that St. Paul commands [Eph 5:22-23].
This obedience does not deny or take away the freedom which fully belongs
to the woman, both in view of her dignity as a human person, and in view of
her most noble position as wife and mother and companion. Nor does it
direct her to obey her husband's every request if it is not in harmony with
right reason, or with the dignity due to a wife, nor finally, does it imply the
wife should be on a level with those who are legally minors." It is merely that
a committee of two can be deadlocked much of the time.
Ephesians:
Again, as with Colossians, many think Paul did not write Ephesians. The
arguments used against his authorship are much the same as for Colossians,
and the answers are the same. Here are a few differences: in 2:11-22 Paul
speaks of both Jew and Gentile being made one in Christ. They say this
differs from Acts 28:24-28 where Paul speaks dimly of the fact the Jews will
not accept Christ. - But the objectors miss something obvious: In Acts, Paul
speaks of the Jews who still rejected Christ; in Ephesians he speaks of Jews
who have accepted Christ. Further, the objectors say Paul took a dim view of
marriage in 1 Cor 7; while here he is more optimistic. But in 1 Cor 7 Paul
spoke of marriage and virginity/celibacy as both being graces. He was
contrasting the different spiritual possibilities in 1 Cor. Here he is giving an
ideal picture of the family, much like that of Colossians.
We said that the ancient witnesses who say Ephesians is by Paul are just as
strong as they were for other Epistles of his, chiefly: St. Irenaeus, Clement of
Alexandria, Tertullian, the Muratorian Fragment, plus heretical authors:
Marcion, Basilides, and Valentinus.
We conclude that the external evidence easily outweighs the very weak
internal evidence against Pauline authorship.
The probable explanation is this: Ephesians was really sort of circular letter,
and a blank was left, for the reader to fill in the name of the church where it
was being read. The fact that circular letters are not known to have existed
in that day proves nothing: Paul could still have gotten the idea.
2:8-9: Paul says that even faith, the condition for justification, is a gift of God.
This does not imply a blind predestination: God offers faith to all; those who
do not reject it get it. The process we explained in connection with Romans
2:14-16 is the explanation of how this works.
4:7: Here Paul speaks of grace given "according to the measure of the giving
of Christ. " We need to notice from the context, vv.8-13, that Paul speaks
here of charismatic graces, not of the graces essential for salvation. These
latter He offers most abundantly, without measure, since the price of
redemption earned an infinite objective title for each person (cf. Gal 2:20).
But charismatic graces are given without regard to merit (cf. Mt 7:21-23)
according to what the Spirit wills to give (1 Cor 12:11).
5:21- 6:1: Here we have the Haustafel, the ideal picture of the family, much
like that in Colossians, except here Paul adds that the union of husband and
wife is like that of Christ and the Church. In v.33 the wife should "fear" her
husband. It means respect rather than fear.
Denials of the Pauline authorship of these three Epistles are even more
insistent than they were for Colossians and Ephesians. But the reasons given
for denial are not really stronger.
The ancient witnesses to his authorship are very similar to those for many
other NT works. The Muratorian Canon, from the second half of the 2nd
century lists them as Scripture, seems to mean they are by Paul. St.
Irenaeus, Tertullian, St. Hippolytus, and Origen cite lines from these and
explicitly attribute them to Paul. Eusebius, the first Church historian, says the
14 Epistles, including the Pastorals and Hebrews, are clearly by Paul (3.3.5).
Still earlier, they seem to have been used by St. Clement (in 2.7, citing an
expression used in Titus 3:1; 2 Tim 2:21 & 3:17), and St. Polycarp (4.1 citing
from 1 Tim 6:7).
The objections against Paul's authorship are not very strong, all are merely
internal evidence:
1) Style and vocabulary. - We have already seen that such evidence is never
conclusive, surely not here.
4) There is stress on keeping the deposit of faith - not strange, for these
letters are to two major Pastors, Timothy, in charge of Ephesus, and Titus in
charge of Crete. We find Paul stressing tradition elsewhere: 1 Cor 11:2 & 23;
15:1 & 3; Gal 1:8-9; Phil 4:9; Col 2:6-7; 1 Ths 2:13; 4:1; 2 Ths 3:6.
5) Paul's travels after 63 AD hard to fit in. - Really, we have little definite
about his movements after release in Rome in 63, since Acts breaks off then.
Here is a possible reconstruction: soon after release, Paul did go to Spain,
then came back to Rome. In July 64 came the fire, with persecution following.
Paul soon left Rome, hiding from imperial police. Early in 65 he was in
Ephesus with Timothy (1 Tm 1:3). After some time, he set out for Macedonia,
where he wrote First Timothy. From there he may have gone to Corinth, then
with Titus to preach in Crete. After a good start, he left Titus on Crete, went
elsewhere, we known not where. Decided to spend winter in Nicopolis
(prob.of 65-66 - several cities of that name, probably the one in Epirus),
wrote to Titus to join him there. Must have worked hard in Nicopolis (Titus
3:12) and nearby. Later sent Titus to Dalmatia (2 Tim 4:10). - Next we find he
has been arrested, is prisoner at Rome. Probably left in hurry when arrested,
for he left cloak and parchments at Troas (2 Tim 4:13). From there to capital
of the province. Had few defenders. Probably in prison in Rome in c 67 and
wrote 2 Timothy there. Then a second hearing, and death sentence, flogged,
beheaded probably outside the city. Second century tradition says it was at
Aquas Salvias, about 3 miles from Rome on road to Ardea. Buried at once
nearer Rome, along Ostian way.
First Timothy:
2:15: One of the errors Paul opposes here is opposed to marriage. Here he
says marriage is good, and the function of the mother is a very means of
salvation. In general, to take the role God has intended for each one and to
do it for that reason is very sanctifying.
4:1-5: Here are the errors against which Paul writes. In 1 Cor 7, Col 3:18ff and
Eph 5:21 ff Paul presented Marriage as good; in Col 2:16 ff he spoke against
errors in regard to food, as also in Romans 12. So these ideas in 1 Timothy
are not strange, they are Pauline.
5:11ff: Paul does not contradict his advice in 1 Cor 7:40 where he advised it
is better not to marry again. That is true unless the widows are misbehaving
as those pictured here.
Titus:
Second Timothy:
1:13-14: An exhortation to hold to the true doctrine. Paul always would urge
that, but now, speaking to a Pastor in charge of the Ephesus region, he has
reason to repeat, especially since he knows he himself is about to die. And in
Acts 20:29-30, at Miletus, he predicted after his death savage wolves would
come among them, and false doctrine.
2:2: Paul makes provision for oral transmission. Jesus never told the Apostles:
Write some books, get copies made, pass them out, tell the people to figure
them out for themselves. There are over 7000 Protestant sects today, each
thinking they can figure it out for themselves. As we saw with the help of
Form and Redaction Criticism, in chapter 6 above, the Church has something
more basic that Scripture: its own ongoing teaching.
2:11: A most basic Pauline theme: we are saved and made holy if and to the
extent that we are not only members of Christ, but like Him in phase one
(hard life suffering and death) so we may be like Him in phase two, glory.
2:18: Some already then were into the error of thinking the resurrection had
already taken place. Cf. some modern commentators on 2 Cor 5.
3:1-7: "The last days" can mean all the time from the ascension to the
parousia, and also more specially, the time shortly before the end. The
picture here is the very opposite of that given by Teilhard de Chardin on that
period. Cf. also Lk 18:8; Mt 24:12.
4:3-4: More on the picture of the time before the end: false doctrine will
reign. There can be as it were dress rehearsals for this even before the final
time.
4:7-8: Paul speaks of having merited a crown. This fits with his theme of not
having to earn justification. The acceptance and possession of first grace is a
merit of heaven in the sense that it makes us children of God, who as such,
have a claim - a merit - to inherit the kingdom. We get that not as
individuals, but inasmuch as we are members of Christ and like Him, we
come to share in His claim. Cf. DS 1532,1548,1582. From another
perspective, within the covenant, good things are given basically without
merit, from the unmeritable generosity of God; in a secondary sense, in that
He made a covenant, if we fulfill the covenant condition, obedience, we have
a claim. Cf. comments on Romans 2:6.
In the first centuries there were doubts and hesitations:1) Was it by St. PauL?
2) Was it inspired? The Church has made the definitive decision that it is
inspired.
Many today would favor the opinion of Origen, who notes that the Greek is
more idiomatic than Paul's, and the style and composition differ from that of
Paul, though the teaching is his. Paul could have given his ideas to someone
else, asking the other to write it up. Popes in our time often act that way,
then sign a document as their own. Who did write it? The names of Jude,
Luke, Silvanus (Silas), Barnabas and Apollo have been proposed. If really
originally intended for Hebrew Christians, it must have been written before
the fall of Jerusalem, especially because the author speaks of Temple rituals
as though still in effect. Since 13:24 says those in Italy greet you, it may
have been written in Rome.
There are constant explanations of the superiority of Christ and His Church to
the organization of the Hebrew religion, and comparing His priesthood and
that of Aaron, and comparing His sacrifice and the Old Testament sacrifices:
Now that we have such a high priest as Christ, mediator of a better
covenant, it would be foolish to go back to the shadows of the Old
Testament.
It is generally admitted that the genre is, except for the introduction,
homiletic. As a result one may find some things handled more freely than
otherwise.
4:15: Says Jesus was "tried [pepeirasmenos] in all things like us, yet without
sin." Even without noting that the genre is homiletic, one should know
enough not to press this to extremes: we must not say He experienced
disorderly passions - the Second Council of Constantinople, in 553,
condemned "wicked Theodore of Mopsuestia" for "insanely" saying this: DS
424. Nor are we allowed to say Jesus was ignorant in His human mind: cf.
especially DS 3812, 3905, 3924, and AAS 58 (1966) 659-60.
5:8: "He learned obedience from the things He suffered." This cannot mean
He was formerly deficient in obedience, for the same Epistle in 10:7 says that
on entering into the world He said: "Behold, I come to do your will." But if we
think of someone who has always been devoted to the will of God, but yet
had never experienced any notable illness - but now he does fall into severe
illness, it will take a bit of adjusting for him to as it were settle down in, and
acquiesce on his bodily side in this suffering. To use a term from modern
psychology, his somatic resonance needs to grow. Cf. Wm. G. Most, "On Jesus
Learning Obedience: Hebrews 5:8" in Faith & Reason, III.2 (1977), pp.6-16.
9:28: "Christ was offered up once." This does not of course rule out what He
Himself called for when He said at the Last Supper: "Do this in memory of
me." The Cross earned an infinite title to all forgiveness and grace for the
whole human race, and for each individual person (Gal 2:20). But God in His
love of good order (cf. Summa I.19.5.c) wills to have a title for giving out this
treasury: it is the Mass, which repeats the sacrifice of the Cross. In a
sacrifice, as we know, there are two elements, the external sign, and the
interior dispositions. At the Last Supper, and in each Mass, that outward sign
is the seeming separation of His body and blood. On the cross the outward
sign was the actual separation. In all, the interior is the obedience of His
Heart which is not repeated now, but rather, continued, for death makes
permanent the attitude of soul with which one leaves the world.
We were not there when He pledged His obedience to the Father at the Last
Supper, or when He carried out that obedience the next day. But St. Paul
teaches that we are saved and made holy to the extent that we are members
of Christ and like Him. We must suffer with Him, die with Him, be buried with
Him, rise with Him, ascend with Him, both sacramentally and also in our way
of life. Hence He commanded: "Do this in memory of me.". Thus He ordered
the sacrifice of the Last Supper to be continued and repeated so we could
join our obedience to His, to form the obedience of the whole Christ, Head
and Members.
10:26: If we sin after receiving the truth, there is no further sacrifice for us. -
The sense is that one who has once come to the truth of faith, and then falls
away, is very unlikely to ever repent and return, for such a one is apt to be
hardened. Today things might be a bit different, since although in itself there
is no valid reason for leaving the Church, so that in the past one would sin
mortally either against faith or other virtues leading to blindness. But today
with the immense confusion in the Church, there may be cases in which
someone slips off the edge without having been hardened.
Chapter 24
The Catholic Epistles and Revelation
James:
It is not clear who is this James. James the Apostle, son of Zebedee, was
martyred in 62. If by him, this Epistle would be very early. Another James the
Apostle, son of Alphaeus was not prominent, and so may not be the author.
There was a James, who seems to have been an administrator in Jerusalem,
whom Paul calls (Gal 1:19) "brother of the Lord." Since Hebrew ah was used
so broadly of any sort of relative, there is no shred of evidence for saying he
was a son of the Mother of Jesus, or even for saying he was a son of Joseph
before his marriage to Mary.
The opening line is addressed to "the twelve tribes in the dispersion." This
might mean Jews away from Jerusalem - but there would not be 12 tribes any
more since the Babylonian captivity. for only 2 tribes returned. So it may be
addressed to all Christians.
Writers of the first centuries wavered about accepting this Epistle as part of
inspired Scripture. Not cited as Scripture until Origen in the third century.
Luther in his first edition of his German Bible (not in later editions) called it
an Epistle of straw, since it seems to contradict his ideas.
The ideas are very simple on the whole. We mention a few special texts:
2:14-26: Faith without works is dead. We must notice that James uses the
word faith in a much narrower sense than Paul does. Paul means a faith that
believes what God says, has confidence in His promises, obeys His
commands, does all in love. For James it is merely intellectual belief.
3:2 If someone does not sin by the tongue, he is perfect. The reason is that
sins of the tongue are so common, so hard to avoid, that if one succeeds in
avoiding these, probably he avoids all others.
5:14-15: The Council of Trent defined (DS 1716) that here the Sacrament of
the Anointing of the Sick is "promulgated" in James.
5:20: If someone saves another's soul from spiritual death, he will save his
soul. Does it mean the other's soul, or is it an assurance he will save his
own? Either interpretation is possible.
First Peter:
Many think it was not really by Peter. The chief reasons advanced against his
authorship are these: Its similarity at times in content and even language to
some things in Paul's letters.- But this hardly proves anything. Peter may well
have been familiar with them, and he surely knew Paul personally. Further, it
seems from 5:12 that Silvanus drafted this letter for Peter: "I am writing this
through Silvanus". This is likely to have been the Silvanus who was St. Paul's
companion at times: cf. 2 Cor 1:19; 1 Ths 1:1. Just as modern Popes do, Peter
could have given his thoughts to Silvanus, and asked him to write them up.
The second reason is the good quality of the Greek: could a Galilean
fisherman have written such Greek? - Again, Silvanus could account for that.
The chief themes in the Epistle are the dignity of the Christian vocation, and
the value of sharing in Christ's suffering. This of course accords with the
great Pauline theme: We are saved and made holy if and to the extent that
we are members of Christ, and like Him.
1:17: "You sojourn in a strange land". This is like the line of Hebrews 13:14:
"We have not here a lasting city." We are headed elsewhere.
2:10: Once they were without mercy. Mercy here, as in Romans 9, has the
special sense of a particular favor in the external order, i.e., here, of full
membership in the People of God.
3:3-4: Here Peter seems to have in mind the wives of pagan husbands: he
asks them to win them not by cosmetics, but by interior character and virtue.
3:15: Here Peter wants them to be able to give a rational account of why
they believe: they should not just jump up onto Cloud 9 and believe with no
basis. What is needed is apologetics.
3:19-20: Jesus went to preach to the spirits. The thought is not fully clear. We
do know that the souls of the just who died before Christ, were not given the
vision of God until after His death. He must have gone to announce to them
that now they could come.
4:18: The verse cites Proverbs 11:31, as in the Septuagint. It means that
since we must even give an account for every idle word (Mt 12:36) we must
work. Yet, His yoke is easy and His burden light (Mt 11:30).
5:13: Greetings from Mark "my son". This agrees with the tradition we saw in
commenting on the Gospels that Mark wrote from the preaching of Peter.
Second Peter:
There is greater doubt about authorship here than about any other NT book.
We do not have here the strong testimony of ancient witnesses we have for
other books. The first explicit testimony comes from Origen, who admits its
authorship, but says there are others who do not. St. Athanasius cites it
without question, as does Didymus. Eusebius lists it among the disputed
works, and he himself does not think it by Peter. St. Jerome accepted it, but
admitted not all did.
The internal arguments are more difficult to deal with here. Some say it
depends on an apocryphal work, The Apocalypse of Peter (probably written
110-140 AD); but others say it depends on the Epistle of Jude. Really, the
similarities are not so close as to strictly prove dependence at all (e.g.,
compare 2 Pet 2:1-5 with Jude 4-7). In speaking of the return of Christ, it says
that the ancestors have been laid to rest, and still it does not come. This
implies a later generation of Christians, after the death of Peter.
1:4: Christians are sharers in the divine nature, by grace, which gives them
the radical capability - to bear fruit only in the next life -- of taking part in the
vision of God, a thing beyond the powers of any conceivable creature. Only
one partly divine could do that.
3:12-13: Some translations here are too strong, speaking of the present skies
as going to be "destroyed." It really means only loosed. The fire is taken from
apocalyptic language. We need to compare these words with St. Paul,
Romans 8:19-22 where we learn that creation will be renewed and delivered
from its present "slavery to corruption." The "fire" will bring this about.
3:15-16: The writer says Paul's Epistles contain many things hard to
understand. Anyone who has studied them carefully will say a loud Amen.
Yet, in spite of the claims of some commentators, it is possible to make sense
of everything in St. Paul, as we have seen in our comments above, especially
on Romans. This remark of the author need not mean he had a full collection
of all of St. Paul - Romans and Galatians alone would be enough to justify the
comment.
The author is probably John the son of Zebedee. There are explicit
testimonies to his authorship from Tertullian, St. Irenaeus, Clement of
Alexandria and Dionysius of Alexandria, and probably also the Muratorian
Canon (not fully clear). There are numerous allusions earlier: Shepherd of
Hermas, St. Polycarp, St. Justin and the Epistle to Diognetus.
Some today deny John's authorship, chiefly on the ground of style, which is
never conclusive, and not enough to outweigh the many explicit external
testimonies. In this respect, we observe there is a striking similarity and
parallel between the opening lines of 1 John and those of John's Gospel.
2:18: This verse speaks of both Antichrist, and Antichrists. Mt.4:5: "Many will
come in my name, saying, I am the Christ. " There is a well-known Hebrew
pattern in which an individual stands for and embodies a collectivity. So there
is to be a great, chief Antichrist, shortly before the end, but before that,
many smaller figures.
3:2: "We shall be like Him, for we shall see Him as He is." Only a soul partly
divine (cf. 2 Peter 1:4) can see God directly. Cf. Mt 11:27 (Lk 10:22): "No one
knows the Father but the Son and no one knows the Son but the Father."
3:9: "Every one who is begotten of God does not sin, for His seed is in him,
and he cannot sin because he is begotten of God." This is much like the
pattern of focusing we saw in St. Paul (in commenting on Gal 2:15): The state
of being a son of God, as such, cannot bring forth anything but good, cannot
bring forth sin.
3:19: "In this we have known love, that He laid down His life for us." As we
gather from John's Gospel 3:16, to love is to will good to another for the
other's sake. Jesus so greatly willed our good, eternal life, that He died to
make that possible for us. Thus He proved His love: cf. Rom 5:8, and our
comments on the redemption in chapters 21 & 23 above.
3:19-22: Just as He proved His loves by His action of dying for us, so we
prove our love for God by our actions. If we do that, we need not have
worries about our love of God. Although love in general consists in willing
good to another for the other's sake, yet we cannot will good to God, who
can lack nothing. So the word love needs to be used in a somewhat different
sense (analogical) when we love God: Scripture pictures Him as pleased
when we obey, displeased when we do not. It is not that He gains anything
from our obedience, yet His Holiness wants it: 1) He loves everything that is
objectively good; that means creatures should obey their Creator, children
their Father; 2)He wants to give His benefits to us and steer us away from
things harmful to us: we become open to Him, and avoid harmful things by
keeping His commandments. So in practice, love of God = obedience to God,
as 5:32 says: "This is love of God, [namely] that we keep His
commandments."
4:8: "God is love." Being utterly One, there are no real distinctions in God. So
we should not say that He has love - that would be a duality, He and His love.
We say He is love. Similarly, He is goodness, mercy, justice, etc.
Within the Most Holy Trinity, the Father loves in willing the infinite Good of
the divine nature to His Son who is constituted by that Love. Father and Son
will the infinite good of divine nature to the Holy Spirit, who is constituted
thereby and is therefore the love of the Father and the Son. And the Spirit
wills that good to Father and Son, and so all is love: God is love (cf. Rom 5:5).
5:16: Here John says we should not pray for one whose sin is to death. This
does not mean just any mortal sin - the precise terms we now enjoy took
long to develop. St. Augustine thought this was the sin of apostasy (De
Sermone Domini 1.22.73). The Roman Synod, under Pope Gelasius I, on May
13, 495 (DS 349) said the sin to death is seen in the case of those who
remain in the same sin. It is not to death if they give up the sin."
Style seems to indicate the same author for both (an inconclusive point). The
fact that the writer calls himself "the Elder" is a bit puzzling. Why not
Apostle? We think of the fact that Papias distinguishes two Johns, the
Apostle, and the Elder.
2 Jn 1: We are not sure who the "elect Lady" is. It may be Christians in
general: that name is applied to Christians in 1 Pet 1:1 and Tit 1:1.
2 Jn 10: Urges avoidance of false teachers, the same thought we saw in Titus
3:10.
3 Jn 9-10: Diotrephes the leader of the church to which the author writes
rejects the author. If this is the Apostle John, we have a strong case of
rebellion very early.
The Epistle of Jude: There were various persons in the early Church named
Jude. But the writer says he is the brother of James. Since he gives no other
information, it seems this is a well known James, and that should be James,
the Bishop of Jerusalem, the "brother" of the Lord. Ancient tradition for the
most part believed he was the Apostle Jude.
7 and 14-15: Verse 7 seems to use The First Book of Enoch 9.8; 10.11; 12.4.
Verses 14-15 clearly cite First Enoch 1.9. St. Jerome (De viris illustribus 4)
says this citation caused some to reject the book. However, for Jude to cite
an apocryphal work need not mean he believed it himself. Similarly, St. Paul
seems to use a rabbinic legend in 1 Cor 10:4. A person today could use a line
from Alice in Wonderland, without believing the story was real.
Apocalypse/Revelation:
Greek apocalypsis means revelation.
Early tradition was unanimous in saying this work was by John the Apostle
the author of the Gospel and the three Epistles. However, in the third century
some began to think it was John the Presbyter, in line with the remark of
Papias about two Johns, an Apostle and a Presbyter.
Futurist position: This takes the seven letters to the seven churches as
standing for seven ages of Church history to follow. But these writers usually
take everything from 4:1 on to refer to the last few years of the history of the
world, recalling the prophecy in Mt 24:21 of the great tribulation. Some
fanciful theories often result, with no solid support at all: mere guesses. In
line with this some would take the first plague, 16:1-2 to foretell the
epidemic of AIDS. Reasonable people do debate whether or not it is a
divinely sent punishment. But it would be something else to say it was
foretold in 16:1-2.
First century position: This is a common view today, and it sees the book as a
response to first century conditions, to give consolation in the face of
persecution, by predicting the final victory of the divine over the human
power.
Chapter 12: Here is the vision of the woman clothed with the sun. We are
fortunate to have several Magisterium texts on this. St. Pius X (Ad diem
illum. ASS 36.458-59): "No one of us does not know that that woman signifies
the Virgin Mary...yet laboring from some hidden birth....ours, we who...are
still to be brought forth to the perfect love of God and eternal happiness."
Pius XII (Munificentissimus Deus, AAS 42.762-63) says the Fathers and
Scholastic doctors "have considered the assumption of the Virgin Mother of
God as signified...in that woman clothed with the sun." Paul VI (Signum
magnum, May 13, 1967) said "the sacred liturgy, not without foundation,"
saw this as referring to the most Blessed Mary." John Paul II (Redemptoris
Mater, 24) says she was "the woman spoken of by the book of Genesis
(3;15) at the beginning and by the Apocalypse (12:1) at the end of the
history of salvation."
We gather, the image refers to the Blessed Virgin and to the Church. This is a
well known Hebrew pattern, in which an individual stands for and embodies a
group. B. J. Le Frois, in a dissertation presented to the Pontifical Biblical
Institute of Rome in 1954 suggested that if this is a prophecy of the end
time, it could mean that then the Church will take on a specially Marian
character, in a sort of Age of Mary. St. Louis De Montfort (True Devotion
51-59) foretold such an age.
Chapter 13: This chapter gives a picture of two beasts coming out of the sea
and the earth. It is possible that they stand for two aspects of the Antichrist,
and say that in the last age when the Antichrist appears, he will gain power
over the earth, and prevent anyone from buying or selling without
credentials from him. Interestingly, the New Age Movement according to
Constance Cumbey, Hidden Dangers of the Rainbow, (Huntington House,
Shreveport, 2d ed.1983) seems to plan to carry out precisely this scenario.
As to the number 666, it is surely symbolic. Greek and Hebrew reuse the
letters of the alphabet for numbers. In that way, the number could stand for
Nero. According to some, the title of Christ who slays the Beast has the value
of 777 - so, if we take something away from the perfect number at all points,
it will stand for all evil.
21:1-5: God will wipe away all tears from every eye, and will say: "Behold, I
make all things new"!
Addenda
2. What charge of error was made about Daniel 1:1? How can we answer it?
5. Did ancient Semites try for precision in speaking of time and other things?
What Pope informed us about this?
6. How do the leftists try to support their claim that DV lets us think there are
all kinds of errors in Scripture? Answer them.
7. What did Vatican I say about inerrancy in Scripture? Did Vatican II mention
that? What did Pius XII say about that text of Vatican I? What did Leo XIII say
about errors in Scripture? What principles did Vatican II give for Scripture
study?
8. What difference is there between our time and the start of this century in
answering claims of errors in Scripture?
9. What are the seeming problems abut the three accounts of St. Paul's
conversion in Acts? How solve them?
11. Why is there a problem in knowing which books are inspired? What is the
only way to determine which books are inspired?
14. What chances did the Evangelists have to get the facts about Jesus?
16. How did Luther try to determine which books are inspired? Was he right?
Why? What did Luther think Paul meant by faith?
17. What is the genre of the first chapters of Genesis? Did the Church ever
teach fundamentalism on Genesis? What did St. Augustine say about the
account saying God made a clay figure and breathed on it? What did St. John
Chrysostom say about the rib to Eve incident?
18. What did the Biblical Commission say about Moses as author of the
Pentateuch? Does that point pertain to faith or to history?
24. What is Apocalyptic? How long did it run? Give an example or two of it.
25. What does apocalyptic show us about the texts that speak of the sun
being darkened and the stars falling?
27. What are variant traditions? Do they mean an error in Scripture? Explain.
Give one or two examples of such traditions.
28. Do angels have bodies? How did some early writes make a mistake on
this?
29. Isaiah 64. 5 says all our justifications are filthy rags? So was Luther right
on this? Explain.
31. What is the fuller sense of Scripture? What did Vatican II do about it?
32. St. Paul quotes Malachi quoting God as saying: I have loved Jacob but
hated Esau. Does God hate some?
33. 1 Samuel 4:3 reports the Jews after a defeat said: "Why did God strike us
today before the face of the Philistines"? Comment.
34. What are Targums? What help do they give us? What about the date of
writing them?
35. What does Hebrew hesed mean? How do our translations usually render
it?
36. Why do we now often say covenant where we used to say testament?
37. What can we learn from ancient Hittite treaties about the meaning of the
word love?
39. What does it mean to read Scripture "by or in the Spirit by which it was
written?. What is the analogy of faith?
40. What levels of teaching does the Church use?
41. What is Form and Redaction Criticism? Does the Church approve of using
Form and Redaction Criticism? What are the dangers in Form and Redaction
criticism about which the Church warns. What are the three stages in the
development of the Gospels?
42. How can we show that the Church has something more basic than the
Gospels?
44. May we believe that the Gospels do not always use the same words that
Jesus used? If not, what follows?
45. Who made a Form Critical analysis of the episode at Caesarea Philippi in
Mark 8? What conclusion did he draw? What does the same writer say today
about Form Criticism?
46. What claim did Wrede make about the Messianic Secret? How answer
him?
47. Jesus is reported to have predicted His death and resurrection at least
three times - yet the Apostles, when it happened, acted as if they had never
heard of it? How can it be?
48. Why was the Church slow to draw up a list of the Canon of Scripture?
What is the Canon? When was it made final? What are protocanonical and
deuterocanonical books?
51. What is the nature of original sin? What improvements in language about
it have there been in our time?
53. Did the Jews see original sin in Genesis? How can we show it is there?
54. Was there an Adam and Eve? Could the human writer of Genesis have
made use of Mesopotamian stories? What Babylonian epic has a flood story?
Is it like that of Genesis?
55. What do we make of Genesis 6:1-4 telling about the sons of God having
children by earthly women?
56. What reasons can we give to support the historical character of the
stories of the patriarchs?
57. Compare Abraham's faith with the standard set by St. Paul for faith.
58. What do the Targums say about Genesis 3:15? About Genesis 49:10?
What did Vatican II say of Gen 3:15 and Is 7:14?
61. What are the two chief proposals for the date of the Exodus? On what is
each chiefly based? What do we do if archaeology seems to contradict
Scripture?
62. Could the plagues in Egypt have come from natural causes?
64. Explain the Sinai covenant? What did it provide? Was Sinai bilateral or
unilateral? To what kind of ancient treaty has the Sinai covenant been
compared? Comment?
66. Need we believe that all the numerous laws of the OT were directly
revealed by God at Sinai?
68. How many laws are there in Leviticus? Is that too large?
69. What can we learn from the ordination of Aaron and his sons and events
soon afterwards?
81. What did the spies sent into the promised land report? What was the
outcome?
82. What is the general nature of Deuteronomy?
83. What is the story of the reform under King Josiah later?
85. What is the Shema? What did the Israelites understand by the command
to love neighbor?
86. In what way did Moses put before them a blessing and a curse?
87. Is it unjust for God to say (Exodus 20:5-6) He punishes the iniquity of the
fathers to the third and fourth generation? Compare to His words in Jer.
31:29?.
92. What is the probable relation of the books of Samuel, and of those of
Kings? What is the genre?
93. What pattern shows strongly in the books of Samuel and Kings?
94. Tell the story of Samuel. How did he come to appoint a king?
95. Tell the story of Saul. Why was he rejected while David was not?
98. Why was there a split into north and south? How did the northern
kingdom fall? The southern kingdom?
101. Who let the Jews return from exile? Why? How did they react then?
102. What kinds of prophets are there in the OT? Does the fact that ecstatic
prophets are spoken of in OT as having the spirit of God prove they really did
have it?
103. When a prophet says :thus says God, does it always mean he had a new
revelation?
104. How far in advance did Amos foretell the fall of the northern kingdom?
105. Where do we first find the remnant theme? What does it mean?
106. What is Hebrew parallelism? Source? Why did Amos say: for three
crimes and for four?
108. When and where did Hosea prophesy? What is a very distinctive feature
of the words of Hosea? What did he mean to convey by it? What did it mean
to say: "I want mercy and not sacrifice"?
110. Describe the chief messianic prophecies of Isaiah. How do the Targums
treat each of these? What special problem? What did Vatican II say of each?
111. Why do many think there were three Isaiahs? May we admit it?
112. What defect did Isaiah find in the sacrifices of his day?
113. What are the Servant Songs in Isaiah? Are they messianic?
114. When did the ministry of Jeremiah begin? Was his life ever in danger?
Why?
115. What prophecy did Jeremiah make about the covenant? How was it
fulfilled? Did Jeremiah understand all about it?
117. What is the Day of the Lord? Who spoke specially of it?
118. What prophet did St. Paul use for a basic quotation? Did Paul attend to
the original setting?
119. What did Ezekiel say about the watchman? What did Ezekiel say about
conversion and individual responsibility?
120. What is the date for Haggai? What did he say to induce the Jews to
rebuild the temple? What messianic prophecy did he make?
121. Who next to Isaiah has the most messianic prophecies? What are some
striking features?
122. What prophet did St. Peter quote on the first Pentecost?
123. Who is the last of the OT prophets? Are we sure we have his name? Did
he foretell the Mass? What did he say of the coming of the Messiah?
124. What two numbering systems are there for the Psalms? Did David write
all the Psalms? What do the NT authors say of authorship?
125. Name two important Psalms that we know from NT are messianic which
the Targums did not see as such?
126. Does Ps 22 show Jesus did not know who He was when dying?
127. Which Psalms seem to show an awareness of being able to be with God
in an afterlife.
130. Did Job or Sirach deny an afterlife? When did the Jews come to know of
an afterlife? What two opinions on that today? What about their belief in
future retribution? What principles do we need to use to explain? Did
Qoheleth know of an afterlife?
131. What can we say of the claim that the Hebrews had a unitary concept of
man? What of nefesh?
132. What is the problem raised in Job? What answer is given? Did Job know
of future retribution? Who said in Job 14:13 ff Job denies an afterlife? How
answer that claim?
133. Which OT book is the first to speak clearly about afterlife and
retribution?
134. What genres are there in Daniel? What languages? When was Daniel
written? Who is the Son of Man in Daniel 7?
136. What is the subject of 1 & 2 Maccabees? What is the genre of each
book? What reference is there in 2 Mac to purgatory?
137. Where do we find the theme of filling up the measure of sins? What
does it mean? Where else in Scripture is it found?
138. What is the genre of Tobit, Judith, and Esther? What reason for saying
this?
140. What is the value of the testimony of Papias? What other witnesses are
there. What is the value of the other external sources? What did Hengel say
about Mark?
141. What is the Synoptic problem? What two sources does it suppose for Mt.
and LK? Was Mark the first Gospel written? What is a doublet? What do they
prove?
143. What is the genre of the Gospels? What ideals did the pagan Greek and
Roman historians hold for their writing?
146. What is the genre of the infancy Gospels? What do we learn from Paul
VI, Vatican II, and John Paul II on it?
151. Why did He not explain what He really meant when promising the
Eucharist in Jn 6?
152. What is the problem of Mark 3:20-35? How solve it? What did His Mother
know about Jesus? When did she first learn it?
154. What was the purpose of the parables? What are the two spirals?
155. What is retrojection? Can it be found in the Gospels? What limits? May
we say that the Gospel explanations of the parables, put on the lips of Jesus,
did not come from Him? Some claim the disputes of Jesus with Pharisees
happened only later when the Christians began to argue. Can we accept
this? Why? Give examples of foolish disputes by the rabbis.
156. Did Jesus reveal self gradually? Why? In what way did He do this?
157. What did Jesus mean by the title Son of Man? Prove He meant Himself.
158. What was the Messianic secret? What did Wrede claim? What was his
chief proof? Answer it.
159. Why did Jesus say at various times your Father, my Father?
161. How can the words such as "Before Abraham was, I am" be genuine
when the Synoptics do not have anything like them?
162. What does the Church teach on the consciousness of Christ? What can
we learn from theological reasoning on it? Is this Church teaching infallible?
Did Jesus suffer and have anxiety all His life long? How explain? How could
He experience fear in the garden?
163. When did His Mother learn of His future suffering? How can we measure
her suffering at the cross?
164. Lk 2;52 says Jesus advanced in wisdom? What problem and answer? In
Mk 13:32 Jesus said He did not know the day of the end. What problem?
Answer?
165. Does the Kingdom ever mean the Church? What evidence?
166. Jesus said He came not to destroy but to fulfill the law. Yet He broke the
law. Explain. Did Paul contradict this? How did Jesus extend the law? He said
one should turn the other cheek. Yet He Himself at His trial in the Jewish
court did not. Explain.
169. How answer those who deny the miracles of Jesus? Were some cases in
the Gospels that were called exorcisms really cures of epilepsy?
170. Were the miracles of Jesus the same type as those of rabbis or pagans?
What of Apollonius of Tyana?
171. NJBC says Jesus consistently refused to do miracles to show His power.
Comment.
172. Do the Synoptics conflict with John on the Passover supper? How solve
the problem? Was the Passover supper a sacrifice? Is the Eucharist a
sacrifice? Explain. What is the relation of the Last Supper to the Cross and to
the Mass?
173. What is the New Covenant? What is the relation of Our Lady to it? Did
she cooperate in the redemption on Calvary? In what way? Show this from
Vatican II.
174. How did the Redemption operate? What is the problem of the price of
redemption? How solve the problem?
175. What title to forgiveness and grace was generated for each individual
human? How? How then could anyone be lost? If the merits of Christ are
infinite, then we cannot add, need not do anything?
176. How do we know He promised to be with the Church until the end of
time?
178. How can we work out the sequence of events after the resurrection?
182. Where does Paul say the Jews are filling up the measure of their sins?
Why?
183. Is it certain everyone will die? Why? What reason is given for thinking
Paul expected to see the end? Will there be a rapture?
184. Does Paul teach God offers all the grace of final perseverance? Compare
to the teaching of Trent.
185. What signs does Paul give that must happen before the end in 2 Ths?
186. What is the main subject of Galatians? Why did Paul curse an angel?
187. What led Paul to say we are free from the law? In what sense is that
true or not true? Does Paul teach justification by faith? In same sense as
Luther?
192. How did Paul in Gal. correct the misunderstanding of his words that we
are free from the law?
193. In Phil. does Paul show he believes he could be with Christ between
death and resurrection? How?
196. How can Paul say all things are rubbish - God made them good?
197. Paul in 1 Cor says Christ crucified was nonsense to the Greeks and a
scandal to the Jews? Explain.
198. What does Paul say about inheriting the kingdom in 1 Cor?
199. In 1 Cor 6:11 Paul says only some of the Corinthians were guilty of the
great sins. But in Rom 1 he says all are guilty. How explain?
200. How can Paul say virginity/celibacy is a better state than marriage -
then those who marry could not reach perfection - but the Church says they
can. Explain. And in what way is celibacy better? (Use Mt. 6:21).
201. How does Paul show he does not have infallible salvation?
203. How can Paul say in 2 Cor 3:5 we cannot even get a good thought by
our own power?
204 . What is the chief thrust of chapters 1-3 of Romans? How does that rule
out speaking of mere tendencies to sin?
205. St. Justin Martyr says many who seemed to be atheists were really
Christians, e.g., Socrates. Paul says atheists are inexcusable? Contradiction?
206. What is the "righteousness of God" in Rom 1:17? Most usual view? Is it
right?
207. What two kinds of predestination are there? Of which does Paul speak in
Romans 8:29 ff? Where does Scripture speak of predestination to heaven or
hell? What new solution can we have for the question of predestination to
heaven?
208. What does the word saved mean in Scripture? On what does God base
His decision to give or not full membership in Church?
210. What great mystery, once unknown, does Paul reveal in Col and esp. in
Eph?
212. What genre is Hebrews? What could account for the special style in it?
213. Heb. 9:28 says Christ was offered once. Does this rule out the Mass?
220. First John 3:9 says anyone begotten of God cannot sin. Explain.
225. Who is the woman clothed with the sun? Give reasons?
6. DV 11 says Scripture contains without error what God wanted there for
the sake of our salvation. Are other things open to error?
No, DV itself showed by notes taking us to such texts as Vatican II, which
says God Himself is the Chief Author - hence no error possible in the things
that are asserted.
7. What principles did Vatican II give for Scripture study?
We must remember that the Holy Spirit is the chief author of all, so one part
of Scripture does not contradict another. And there is no error at all. We must
always check to see if a proposed interpretation would clash even by
implication with any Church teaching.
14. The first Gospels may have been written 40 or more years after Christ -
how could they get the facts?
Some of the writers probably were eyewitnesses. Even if not, Pope Clement I,
in his letter to Corinth of c 95 AD says Peter & Paul were of his own
generation. They probably died c 67. So he must have heard them. Also we
have Ignatius of Antioch who came from the see where Peter had worked not
long before; And Quadratus, saying some in his day were still alive who had
been cured by Christ or raised by Him. Even if not in 123, this covers easily
80-90 AD when many say Mt. & Lk were written.
15. How prove the Church has a teaching commission from Christ?
Six points: There was a man Jesus who, (2) claimed to be sent from God; and
(3) proved He was by miracles done with a tie to the claim and, (4) in the
crowds He had a smaller group, the Twelve and, (5) told them to continue His
teaching and, (6) Promised protection: "He who hears you hears me."
21. What is likely the genre of: Pentateuch 12 ff? Joshua, Judges, Jonah,
Daniel?
Pent. is probably epic; Joshua also, Judges, more factual, Jonah unclear, may
be extended parable; Daniel includes edifying narrative and apocalyptic.
80. God sometimes ordered Hebrews to wipe out a city: herem. Was it
immoral?
No, the adults had sinned mortally; children in it had not, but life is a
moment to moment gift: God decided to stop giving it, using Hebrews as a
means. Killing is wrong precisely because it is a violation of rights of God, the
Lord of life.
89. Kenyon expedition could not find walls of Jericho that had fallen.
But Bryant Wood did find them. Kenyon made other serious mistakes in
excavating Jerusalem.
96. How can we show whether the Hebrews knew of survival after death?
Many today deny that they knew, appeal to a supposed unitary concept of
man, i.e., a body with breath in it. But the determined belief in necromancy
we find in the OT shows they did know of a survival (Lev 19:31 and 20:6; Dt.
8:11), even if they did not know how to reconcile that with a possible unitary
concept of man.
108. What was sense of "I want mercy and not sacrifice?"
Really means God wants hesed, covenant fidelity, more than external rites.
119. Which prophet said the son would not suffer for father's sins?
Ezekiel 18.
130. How could Job and Sirach and Qoholeth speak darkly about survival?
The afterlife then was much different from now, a drab limbo of the
Patriarchs.
141. What is the synoptic problem? Why? the Two Source theory?
There are some similarities in the text and even wording of the Synoptics -
many say then that Mark wrote first, Mt. and Lk used him, plus a course Q
(German Quelle = source) for things not in Mark. This view is under some
attack today. Evangelists could have each had their own traditions, which
were careful of wording.
145. Did Evangelists always keep the very words of Jesus and sequence of
events?
Neither. They would adapt wording to current audience, and arrange events
according to the special purpose they had.
152. What of fact W. Harrington says Our Lady did not believe in Him, as
shown in Mk 3:20 ff.
But Mark would not contradict Luke, who shows her as first believer. If she
went with that group - uncertain - she need not have agreed with them,
might have wanted to hold them down, as most mothers would do.
155. Did Jesus really speak against Pharisees, or was it just the later Church?
Gospels could retroject some things He actually said, from after to before
Easter. But cannot fake by retrojecting what He never did say.
Gregory the Great said He knew the day in His humanity (registered on
human mind) but not FROM His humanity.
166. Did Jesus contradict Paul - Jesus said He came to fulfill law, Paul said we
are free from law.
Paul meant that keeping law does not earn salvation, though breaking it can
earn punishment: Rom 6:23. Jesus said same in saying we must be like little
children, who get things because parents are good, without earning it,
though they could earn to lose inheritance.
Possibly, but not all. He did not come to teach science, but to heal souls and
bodies.
171. NJBC says Jesus always refused to appeal to His miracles to prove
claims.
Not so, the cases cited by NJBC are all foolish, e.g., He refused a miracle to
amuse Herod, refused to come down from cross etc. But often He did appeal,
e.g., John 5:36 and 14:10 and Mark 2.
172. Was the Last Supper a Passover celebration? John and Synoptics seem
not to agree.
Pharisees celebrated on Thursday eve to avoid breaking Sabbath; Sadducees
used Friday evening. And when Passover fell on a Sabbath, some lambs were
sacrificed on Thursday eve to avoid running into sabbath rest.
173. Who foretold the New Covenant? How does it apply to the redemption?
Jeremiah 31. 31 foretold it. Covenant condition was obedience, basically that
of Jesus (Rom 5:19) to which His Mother's obedience was joined, not as
adding - her whole ability came from Him, but as making things richer in
good order (cf. I. 19. 5. c , . and LG 61).
175. If merits of Christ are infinite, then we cannot do anything, need not do
anything.
This forgets the syn Christo theme of St. Paul. e. g, Rom 8:17: "We are heirs
together with Christ, provided we suffer with Him so we may be glorified with
Him". Cf. also Romans 6:3-8; Col 3:1-3; Eph 2:5-9; Rom 8:9. We get in on the
claim He established insofar as we are members of Him and like Him.
176. How do we know He promised to be with the Church until end of time?
Cf. Mt. 28. 18-20 and parables of weeds and net. Would it not be ridiculous to
suppose He became incarnate and died for just one generation?
How could Paul tell Corinthians they can eat meat sacrificed to idols, when
Acts 15 forbids it.
Letter of Acts 15 sent only to converts in Syria and Cilicia -- when in that area
Paul did preach rule of Acts 15.
191. Gal 3:28 says in Christ we are neither male nor female. Why not ordain
women?
Paul spoke of getting justification by faith - not of all else too.
195. If God causes the good thought, the act of will and the doing, how are
we free under grace?
Actual grace comes, with no help from me makes me see something as good,
makes me well-disposed. At that point I could reject. If I merely make no
decision against grace, it continues in its course, then works in me both the
will and the doing while giving me power to cooperate.
196. How can Paul say all creatures are rubbish - God made them good?
Paul means on relative scale, comparing time and eternity.
197. How was incarnation and redemption nonsense to Greeks & Jews?
Greeks believed no god associated with men - Jews believed one who hangs
on the wood is cursed, and Messiah would never die.
199. In 1 Cor 6:11 Paul says that only some of the Corinthians had
committed the great sins; but in Romans 1 he implies all Greeks had done
all. How possible?
We saw in answer 95 that there are two ways of looking at law, focused and
factual. In 1 Cor 6:11 it is factual; in Romans 1 it is focused: each command
in the law makes a heavy demand, gives no strength, so all fall and sin
against each major demand. Hence in Romans 2:1 each one is guilty of the
very same sins.
200. Church teaches we can reach perfection in any state in life. How can
Paul say celibacy/virginity is higher than marriage?
One gives greater means than the other, but the key is this: to follow what
one sees is God's will for him/her is not lacking in generosity, and so
perfection is possible. Marriage, from differences of male & female
psychology, requires much giving in, the opposite of selfishness, and so can
be a means of spiritual growth.
201. How does Paul show he does not believe in infallible salvation?
In 1 Cor 9:26-27 he says he is hard on his body so it will not lead him into sin,
and he might be lost in eternity. Chapter 10 shows the original People of God
did not have it made from being such either.
203. How can Paul say in 2 Cor 3:5 we cannot even get a good thought by
our own power?
"Without me you can do nothing." Cf. 1 Cor 4:7.
204. In Romans 1-3 Paul wants to show all are hopeless if they try for
justification by law, can't keep it. But in 2:14-16 he says some gentiles do
make it by keeping law. How?
This is a factual picture, not the focused picture of Romans 1-3 in general.
Some say Paul speaks in Rom 1 only of tendencies - but then Paul's thrust
would be void, for he is trying to prove that no one can gain justification by
keeping the law.
205. How can St. Justin say some in the past were Christians long before
Christ?
Justin says also that the Divine Word is in all - not a spatial presence. He
writes the law on hearts (Rom 2:15), i.e., makes known what morality
requires. If a person obeyed that, he was following the Spirit of Christ,
without knowing what he was following. And also, in view of Rom 8:9, he
belonged to Christ, and so was a member of Christ = member of the Church,
without external adherence of course.
210. What great mystery, once unknown, does Paul reveal in Col and esp. in
Eph?
God calls gentiles too to be part of His people.
213. Hebrews 9:28 says Christ died once for all. How then is there room for
the Mass?
It is one thing for Christ to earn all forgiveness and grace, another for a
person to take it in - person must be disposed, open. For this, he must be a
member of Christ and like Him. Cf. the syn Christo theme. esp. Rom 8:17:"We
are heirs with Christ, provided that we suffer with Him, so we may also be
glorified with Him."