Hum Ecol (2011) 39:310
DOI 10.1007/s10745-011-9383-1
Studies of the Subak: New Directions, New Challenges
Nitish Jha & John W. Schoenfelder
Published online: 9 February 2011
# Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2011
Introduction
It may seem excessive to devote this many articles to
studies of the water management groups characteristic of
one small island, but Bali is a rather special place. In the
first issue of the first volume of Human Ecology, Clifford
Geertz presented an article in which he compared irrigation
practices in Bali to those in Morocco, demonstrating that
in both locales the organizational approach taken to the
creation of an agricultural ecosystem extends in an
overall way to the two societies as a whole (Geertz
1972: 37). For the Balinese case, this meant that the
careful regulation of the timing and distribution of water
by irrigation societies known as subaks was both an
adaptation to the environment (and the crop), and one of
the many variables contributing to the formation of the
pluralistic collectivism pattern of social integration that
Geertz saw as characterizing many other facets of Balinese
life.
Subaks are recognized in social anthropology as irriga-
tors associations that combine ritual and resource manage-
ment. Inscriptions indicate that antecedent forms have been
in existence for at least a millennium on Bali. Scholars
estimate that there are now between 1,200 and 1,800 subaks
N. Jha (*)
Ha Noi, Vietnam
e-mail: nitish.jha.07@gmail.com
J. W. Schoenfelder
Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA,
Los Angeles, CA, USA
e-mail: schnfldr@ucla.edu
J. W. Schoenfelder
Department Anthropology, University of Massachusetts Boston,
Boston, MA, USA
on Bali, each controlling an irrigated field complex ranging
from 4 to almost 800 hectares. In total, these groups
oversee the irrigation of almost 18% of the islands total
land area (Sutawan et al. 1986: 1; 1990: 85). Today, subaks
are also found on other islands of the Indonesian archipelago
where sizeable migrant communities of Balinese agriculturists
have settled.
Subaks first came to prominence courtesy the writings of
Dutch colonial administrators who studied them with an
eye toward improving revenue collection in agriculture.
Since then, these unique associations, and the so-called
water temples that structure and connect them, have
attracted the interest of social scientists from Indonesia
and beyond. Anthropologists, agricultural scientists and
archaeologists have all contributed to a large body of work on
the subak that deals with such diverse topics as ritual
economy; management of paddy ecology; watershed-level
organization; irrigation technology; historical developments;
the autonomy of irrigation communities vis--vis elites; water
politics and upstream-downstream power negotiation; and
responses to external economic changes and governmental
interventions.
The Literature on Subaks
The extensive body of subak literature stretches as far back
as the late 19th century, with information and insights about
the institution interwoven throughout the larger social
science literature on an island that has probably received
ethnographic attention vastly disproportionate to its modest
size and population. A truly exhaustive review would be an
endeavor on a scale beyond what we can attempt here, but
we can at least provide an incomplete set of highlights. To
begin at the beginning, initial accounts about the gover-
4 Hum Ecol (2011) 39:310
nance of subaks and their potential for revenue generation
addressed issues of concern to the Dutch colonial govern-
ment. Significant among these scholar-administrators were
F.A. Liefrinck (1969 [188687]) and C.A. Grader (1960
[1938]). Liefrinck, in particular, noted that Balinese lords
acted as arbiters in the case of inter-subak disputes but were
otherwise removed from the management of irrigation. This
was a view that contributed to Wittfogels (1957) argument
that the Balinese subak was a prime example of what he
posited were hydraulic civilizationslarge, centralized colonial sources and on what he saw in the contemporary
polities whose authority stemmed from their control over
irrigation.
The nature of management of the subak has been a
principal issue in subak studies ever since. In sometimes
contentious debate, writers have presented opposing por-
traits of subaks as being controlled by either religious or
political authorities. More recently, contributors have
focused their attention on individual subaks to highlight
the degree of autonomy that they enjoy and the consider-
able agency that their members exercise, regardless of the
nature of control.
The enduring debate about the nature of irrigation
authority in Bali and the extent of subak autonomy in
historical and contemporary Bali began with Geertz.
Almost a hundred years after Liefrinck, Geertz (1980)
characterized the 19th-century subak as having little to do
with royal authority, refuting the Wittfogelian notion of a
hydraulic state on Bali. In his conception, indigenous rulers
were mainly interested in collecting taxes; they were not in
any way involved in the management of subaks in water-
sheds. They played a minor, almost peripheral role by
appointing officials to oversee certain auxiliary functions
of coordination, arbitration, and adjudication in irrigation
(1980: 69). In his view, therefore, the subak was a
decentralized and relatively autonomous organization.
Henk Schulte Nordholt, one of the contributors to this
volume, faults Geertzs methodology and his failure to take
into account regional variation in the managerial relations
between rulers and subaks. Geertzs area of study was
southern Bali, where rulers played key roles in the
establishment of subaks and in several aspects of their
subsequent management (Schulte Nordholt 1986: 18, 52;
1991: 7), and Liefrinck was writing about subaks in the
north, where they were more isolated and dispersed,
making it hard for local rulers to control them.
Schulte Nordholt holds that, when compared with their
counterparts in the north, southern rulers had more lasting
ties with their rural subjects and were able to exercise a far
greater degree of political authority over them. After the
Dutch succeeded in colonizing South Bali, their strategy
was to take over the agricultural tax collection function of
the southern kings, cut the links between these rulers and
their rural support bases, and stay out of subak management
themselves while providing incentives for subaks to boost
agricultural production. The fiction of an autonomous
subakimposed from the northsuited these objectives
admirably. Unfortunately, according to Schulte Nordholt,
Geertz and other, later researchers have been as much
victims of this successful fiction-turned-fact as were the
Dutch themselves. Moreover, in drawing conclusions about
the structure of authority in irrigation in precolonial Bali,
Geertz relied not on indigenous historical sources but on
scenariowhere the provincial government acts mainly as
a service provider and has little direct influence over how
water is managed within subaks.
Comparing historical documentation from both the
precolonial and colonial periods, Schulte Nordholt argues
that the Dutch were instrumental in creating a standardized
subak all over Bali, using Liefrincks work as a template.
Although they saw their work as a mission to restore the
autonomous subak of yore, their prime motive was self-
interested administrative pragmatism (1986: 3233;
1999: 242, 245, 254256).
Stephen Lansing added his voice to this debate with his
finding that an important role in subak management is
played by extensive hierarchies of water temples that
stretch from the mountains to the coast, presided over by a
few temples located by lakes near the center of the island.
Decisions about how to share water, what crops to plant and
when to plant them are made at higher temples and then
disseminated to local subak temples throughout the water-
sheds within their jurisdictions. Each subak, in turn,
acknowledges these links by paying obeisance to senior
temples in the form of prayers and offerings made on
specific ceremonial occasions. Individual subaks were thus
never really as autonomous as Geertz made them out to be,
though it was religious rather than political authority that
held them in sway in the face of the frequent internecine
warfare that characterized the period prior to the Pax
Neerlandica (Lansing 1987).
Lansing points out that along with the more nebulous
benefits of solidarity within and between the subak
memberships that form the congregations of these temples,
the operation of the water temple network also has the
effect of reducing pest populations and maximizing water
availability by facilitating the staggering of cultivation
schedules between subaks in the same watershed. Water
temples at multiple levels provide forums and leadership
mechanisms for the coordination of efforts to suppress pest
populations and ensure judicious water sharing among
subaks. When requested, priests at the highest temples also
sanction the capture of new water sources by subaks, impart
advice to them on such matters as headwork placement and
tunnel routing, and settle water disputes between them
(Lansing 1983: 7, 38, 60; Lansing 1987, 1991, 2006: 175;
Hum Ecol (2011) 39:310
Lansing and Kremer 1993). Lansing is highly critical of
those proponents of the Green Revolution who believed
that the water temple system was outdated and subak ritual
was pointless (Lansing 1995: 100101). He maintains that
the Dutch colonial administrators of Bali suffered from a
similar ignorance, and that it was their oversight of the
secular aspects of the temple system that set in motion
events which led to the diminution of the systems age-old
functions (Lansing 1991).
Lansing is right in arguing that subak are subsumed
within a religious hierarchy that most scholars had not
noticed previously. Until recent years (cf. Lansing 2006:
107) his focus has usually been more on supra-subak than
intra-subak dynamics, and this has meant relatively less
attention paid to the agency of ordinary subak membersto
just how individuals and small groups make decisions, take
actions, and assert influence and autonomy vis--vis
outsiders. We would note that, in the present era, subaks
and their members use government agencies as well as
priests as alternative appellate and advisory authorities. In
todays context of legal pluralism, the modern state reserves
the authority to make or ratify decisions in specific areas
concerning the subak, where its jurisdiction overlaps with
that of the temple system (cf. McTaggart 1988: 108; Suasta
1988). Contemporary state agencies seem more enmeshed
in subak affairs than either temples or kingdoms were in the
past. Even after the backpedaling that followed the Green
Revolution confrontation with the ritual order, the state is
both a tax collector and a promoter of agricultural
development (providing subsidies, training programs, new
seed varieties, irrigation infrastructure, etc.). Beyond this, it
is also (supposedly) the guardian of the subak, enacting
legislation that grants subaks jural status, protects their
rights to water, and so on. It remains to be seen whether
water temples or government offices will play the larger
role in the future of the subak.
Gerdin, in her study of poverty in a rural Balinese
community in neighboring Lombok, describes subaks as
fused politico-religious entities. She argues that the preco-
lonial Hindu rulers of Lombok (who were originally from
the kingdom of Karangasem on Bali) not only constructed
irrigation systems, coordinated water sharing and cultiva-
tion schedules and collected a tax on water through
appointed officials, but also conducted all agricultural ritual
at a state temple (1982: 7273, 169, 216).
Thus, in contrast to the scenarios described for Bali by
Schulte Nordholt and Lansing, the authority overseeing
irrigation management among subaks on Lombok seemed
to have merged political and religious functions. Moreover,
perhaps in part due to the large population of Muslim Sasak
who farmed land in subaks alongside the Hindu Balinese,
nothing like Balis water temple system existed on Lombok.
In colonial times, all agricultural ritual was sponsored
5
grudgingly by the Dutch administration which retained state
control of the irrigation systems (1982: 80). At the time of her
ethnographic work in the 1970s, with the conduct of subak
ceremonial in the hands of a non-governmental body (the
national council of Hindu religious authority, or PHDI), there
appeared to be, for the first time, a separation of religious
and political authority in the management of irrigation in
Lombok subaks (1982: 185, 216). Gerdin alludes tangential-
ly to the absence of subak autonomy on Lombok, noting that
although subaks were independent of neighboring settle-
ments, their leaders were (and still are) state-appointed
employees and ordinary members had (have) little or no
say in decision-making about subak matters (1982: 7273,
80, 178, 185).
Returning to a wholly Balinese context, some authors
have retained the middle ground in portraying local
communities as being neither autonomous from supra-
local authority la Geertznor largely subservient to
such authority, whether one sees it as emanating from rulers
(Schulte Nordholt 1996) or priests (Lansing 1991). This
view draws on the work done by anthropologists on the
nature of social interactions in a variety of institutions,
subaks among them. For instance, Warren presents a thesis
that, in talking about the decision-making autonomy
exercised by members of customary village ward groups
(or banjar), evokes many parallels with the functioning of
subak (1993). According to her, the considerable degree of
agency that resides in local groups goes along with their
integration into administrative hierarchies. In Balinese society,
this has long been made possible by a twin set of values that
allow a hierarchy-obsessed, state-propagated ideology to exist
alongside an egalitarian and flexible village ideology in spite
of latent tensions between the two (1993: 6898).
Historians and archaeologists have been particularly
engaged in seeking answers to deeply perplexing questions
about the nature of links between the agricultural and
sociopolitical systems that have evolved on Bali (see van
Setten van der Meer 1979; Wisseman Christie 1992, 2001;
Schoenfelder 2000; Hauser-Schublin 2005). In the pro-
cess, many of them have contributed to our understanding
of the ancient origins of the subak and of Balinese
agricultural management practices (Ardika 1994; antika
1986: 3637; Purwita 1986: 45; Sudarta 1987: 5860).
Material evidence and inscriptions of royal charters provide
clues pointing to the presence of wet-rice cultivation on
Bali about two millennia ago, irrigation-tunnel builders at
the end of the 9th century CE and an organization named
the kasuwakanmost likely the precursor to the subak
circa the 11th century (Ardika 1992; Wisseman Christie
2001: 1519, Schoenfelder 2003: 6079).
One of us argues that the organization of irrigation and
the rise of complex society on Bali went hand in hand but
admits that much remains to be learned about the
6 Hum Ecol (2011) 39:310
productive and religious roles of [subaks] at, before, and
after [1071 CE] (Schoenfelder 2000: 43). Another scholar
asserts that initial findings reveal a remarkably low royal
profile in respect to the pragmatic aspects of water
management and that water use for irrigation was
apparently a matter for local initiative rather than for state
direction (Wisseman Christie 1992: 19; also 2001).
Archaeologists have been restricted in their analyses by
the paucity of data sources. The majority of studies have
searched for answers based on the very limited epigraphic
material, with few actually using field methods to try to
determine how subaks may have first been established (but
see Scarborough et al. 2000; Lansing et al. 2006).
Nonetheless, the evidence marshaled by these works
supports the premise that subak structure and function have
displayed a high degree of continuity over time.
Thus, anthropologists, historians and archaeologists
present us with at least four different scenarios of the
degree of administrative autonomy enjoyed by subaks in
historical and modern times. Whereas it would appear that
subaks on Lombok had (and have) very little autonomy, the
evidence for Baliwhile more plentifulis less clear-cut.
All three models presented for Balii.e., that of wholly
autonomous subaks, subaks dependent on political author-
ity, and subaks dependent on religious authorityseem
credible in their own ways but incompatible if pitted against
one another. Maybe the answer lies somewhere in the
middle. Following the views espoused by Warren (1993)
and based on our own research experience (Jha 2002a and
Schoenfelder 2003), we would suggest that Balinese subaks
enjoyand perhaps have always enjoyeda fair degree of
managerial autonomy while still being subject to supra-local
authorities in specific respects. Contributions to this volume
are informed by both historical as well as contemporary
research. Read as a piece, they seem to bolster this view.
Individual subaks or groups of subaks have been studied
in every one of Balis eight districts. Despite distinct
regional differences, the mass of subak studies throw up a
finite number of subak types from all parts of Bali, all
showing some degree of functional autonomy in contem-
porary times. Geertz followed his initial study of a subak in
eastern Bali (1967) with a schematic depiction of one from
the southwest of the island (1980: 6886). Since the 1980s,
a number of accounts started being generated by Indonesian
scholars for subaks from all areas of the island. This
burgeoning literature, which appears both in English and
Indonesian, covers everything from academic theses and
evaluation reports (e.g., Sutawan et al. 1984; Sudarta 1987;
Suasta 1988; Pitana 1989; Jemet 1991; Sudana 1991) to
conference proceedings, edited volumes and full-length
monographs (e.g., Sutawan et al. 1986, 1990; UNUD 1986;
Pitana 1993). Meanwhile, non-Indonesian scholars have
continued to supply information on subak-related topics.
Like their Indonesian colleagues, they have moved increas-
ingly away from the mere description of the organizational
elements of subak to train their sights on intra-subak, inter-
subak and subak-state dynamics (e.g., Hobart 1978, 1980;
Poffenberger and Zurbuchen 1980; Spiertz 1990, 1991,
2000; Jha 2001, 2002b, 2004; Hauser-Schublin 2005).
Much less in known about subaks outside Bali. Although
there are assertions that subaks exist on at least five other
islands in the archipelago, ethnographic information is
available for subaks on only twoSulawesi and Lombok.
Most non-Balinese subaks are relatively new, having been
established by transmigrant Balinese who moved to these
locales in the post-colonial era; the subaks on Balis
neighboring island of Lombok are the only ones that can be
dated to the precolonial period. Portrayals of the social
organization of subaks by Gerdin (1982) for Lombok and
by Vermillion (1986, 1992, 2000) and Roth (1999a, b) for
Sulawesi reveal many similarities to subaks on Bali but also
some significant differences (see Roth, this volume).
Overview of Articles
This volume brings together representatives of a fresh
cohort of social scientists working on subak-related matters,
each of whom brings to the field of subak studies a
perspective imbued with personal experience and insights.
Two of the articles are based on historical research
bolstered by fieldwork about the nature of the subak. The
four others are based on long-term fieldwork in village
communities, some of it ongoing. Each of the six papers
contributes to pertinent debates about the historical and
contemporary nature of subak management (Fig. 1, also see
Fig. 1 in Roth, this volume). They all consider aspects of
change in contemporary subaks as they operate under a
variety of constraints.
The articles by Schulte Nordholt and Hauser-Schublin
deal with issues concerning the historical development of
irrigation management institutions on Bali. Both are primarily
concerned with the late pre-colonial, colonial, and post-
colonial eras of the 19th and 20th centuries, and both present
their arguments as responses to the work of Lansing.
Following on from his earlier work (discussed above),
Schulte Nordholt uses written and oral historical evidence to
counter Lansings depiction of subaks as subject principally to
religious authority. According to him, in the kingdom of
Mengwi at the least, royal dynasties and local noble houses
were of prime importance to the construction, upkeep, and
ritual management of large irrigation systems. Pre-colonial
control over fields, irrigation infrastructure and agricultural
labor was directly related to the strength of the polity in
question, which often organized agricultural ritual as well.
Furthermore, he reiterates that the widespread notion of the
Hum Ecol (2011) 39:310
Fig. 1 Primary research sites for articles appearing in this issue:
Mengwi (Schulte Nordholt), Batur Temple (Hauser-Schublin), Kapal
(Lorenzen and Lorenzen), Sanur (Strauss), and Wangaya Betan
subak as a long-enduring egalitarian, semi-autonomous
institution is largely a colonial construct. Dutch officials in
the early 20th century left the ceremonial aspect of irrigated
rice agriculture intact but took over the secular role of regional
irrigation management from Balinese lords, strengthening the
autonomy of local irrigation associations in the process.
Hauser-Schublin similarly feels that Lansing has over-
stated subak-related institutions independence from state
interference, but in her case much of the focus is on the
Batur Temple, the supreme water temple honored by many
of the subaks of Bali, studied here through personnel
interviews and temple manuscripts. She differs from
Lansing (who has written extensively about the Batur
Temple) in stressing that the temple was formerly a major
landholder of irrigated rice fields, obtained from many
villages as gifts initiated by sovereign lords. These estates,
as well as ritual control of water, created webs of
interdependence and obligation linking peasants, villages,
temples, kings, and other actors. In the post-colonial era
dynamic perceived by Hauser-Schublin, land ties have
faded as the Batur Temples rights to land in distant villages
have been erased from collective memory. However, annual
tribute is still forthcoming from many of the villages where the
temple was formerly a land-owning entity, with contributions
now being based more on symbolic water ties. Subaks being
institutions concerned with water matters, they (and not
villages) have increasingly come to be seen as the local
7
(MacRae and Arthawiguna). Also shown: Modern administrative
districts (kabupaten, or regencies) of Bali
groups that are members of the constituency of the temple, and
beliefs that it was ever thus have developed.
The other four articles all look at present conditions with an
eye to the future. All draw insights from studies or projects in
specific locales, focusing on describing and proposing
solutions to constraints or crises faced by subaks. Read
together, the process of change documented by these four
articles privileges readers with a view of how the form and
function of subaks are constantly being altered to suit emerging
challenges, whether institutional, economic or political.
In this sense, the change depicted by Roths piece about
subaks in Sulawesi is the starkest, dealing as it does with
the creation of subaks in an area settled by Balinese
migrants only in the last few decades. As constituent
entities in a state-established irrigation scheme, they find
their irrigation activities circumscribed by government
decree. Comparing two subaks in neighboring settlements,
Roth finds that there is an inverse relationship between the
autonomy of the subak in irrigation affairs and its spatial
location within rather than on the fringes of the state-
sponsored irrigation scheme. However, even in the more
government-controlled setting, the subak survives as more
than just a ceremonial entity. Subak knowledge can be
observed in the practices, norms and organizational arrange-
ments adopted by farmers at the tertiary level and below.
Based on this finding, Roth cautions that the form and
function of any subak should be seen as a set of practices
8 Hum Ecol (2011) 39:310
growing out of local institutional spaces rather than as a fixed
normative type, unvarying from place to place.
Back on Bali, Lorenzen and Lorenzen deal with the
reaction of subaks to contemporary challenges emanating
from urbanization and a rapidly diversifying economy in
which the agricultural sectors importance is diminished as
tourism and other service industries provide many off-farm
employment opportunities for members of farming house-
holds. Here the subak as an institution seems to give more
to its members than it receives from them in return. With
the growth of off-farm employment, reciprocal and com-
munal labor arrangements have increasingly given way to
contract labor. Membership in a subak offers households
several benefits, and is accommodating in what is required
in return: the subak is very flexible in the labor it demands
of its members, allowing household members to substitute
for one another in performing subak duties. Farming itself
acts as a safety net in times of economic uncertainty. Yet,
when off-farm opportunities are good, members of the
younger generation evince a reluctance to take up farming
as a profession. The diversification of the economy and the
concomitant growth in agricultural contract labor have
meant the weakening of traditional institutions like the
subak and, as subsistence agriculture is superseded by
commercial agriculture, the loosening of its ties with the
village. According to the authors, such trends put the future
of not only the subak but of rice cultivation itself at risk.
In comparison to the economic constraints of subsistence
agriculture highlighted by the Lorenzens, Strauss stresses
hydrological constraints posed by entities competing with
subaks for river water. Based on fieldwork in a south
Balinese subak, she highlights the powerlessness of subaks
in the face of inequitable water allocation among different
stakeholders in a river system. She asserts that the much-
vaunted autonomy of the subak is a myth that continues to
be propagated by the post-colonial government. In the face
of competition from other entities consuming large amounts
of water (such as bottling water companies, municipal
drinking water utilities and hotels), the proposed solution is
for subaks to rely on groundwater sources for irrigation while
these other entities are accorded priority in use of surface (read
river) water. This forced reallocation of hydrological
resources results in a scarcity of water for irrigation (since
groundwater in the area is limited anyway) and, consequently,
dry season crop failures. However, rather than see this as a
continued denial of the subaks water rights and their own
inability to negotiate these in the context of the river basin as a
whole, farmers in the subak tend to focus on the rural versus
urban nature of the conflict over water resources. Following
Indonesian scholar-advocates, Strauss recommends that if
irrigated agriculture in Bali is to be safeguarded, then existing
legislation that gives primacy to water for irrigation will need
to be implemented to protect the water rights of subaks in river
basins. Without this, the subakand all that it stands foris
imperiled.
The contemporary subak has been described as facing
threats to its existence ranging from the decline in people
keen on farming and an increase in arable land being
transferred to non-agricultural uses, to the loss of water
rights and the widespread adoption of labor-saving produc-
tion technologies that render the subaks ceremonial and
community-oriented ties meaningless. In this environment,
MacRae and Arthawiguna strike an optimistic note by
revealing one subak that is in the process of taking on these
odds and seemingly set to succeed. Based on long-term,
intermittent fieldwork, they describe a subak in southwestern
Bali that is using the growth in tourism to its advantage by
facilitating the adoption of organic farming methods by its
members, thereby carving out a niche for organic produce in a
market increasingly dominated by agribusiness. The authors
underscore the degree of agency that the members of a subak
and their well-wishers can display in ensuring the persistence
of the subak itself when circumstances are favorable. In this
process, they point out that these individuals rather than the
institution of the subak itself should be seen as the center of
agency. Their study demonstrates the potential of the subak as
an adaptable vehicle in the long-term quest for the sustain-
ability of irrigated rice agriculture.
Perhaps it is this ability to be transformed that is the
subaks greatest asset, leading to its resilience through the
centuries. Subaks will prosper if their members can
empower themselves to become more active partners in
movements for change that are strictly speaking outside the
subaks traditional mandate of irrigation management. Put
differently, the contemporary subak has become the last line
of defense in a war that is eroding its authority and
threatening its very existence. The final four articles in this
collection show that the key to the survival of the subak in
these changing times lies in a combination of strategies that
include switching to alternative methods of farming, sustain-
ably exploiting any possible synergy with tourism, enacting
laws that limit the conversion of arable land to other uses,
securing subak rights to water resources, and recruiting the
combined defensive talents of those with its welfare at heart. If
any of these phenomena occurs on a large enough scale, the
institution that we have come to know as the subak will be
positioned to play an organizational role, and will have a
chance to endurechanged, to be sure, but still relevant and
recognizable in a new era.
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