1

Al-Mamns Patronage of Astrology: Some Biographical and Institutional

Considerations

Damien Janos

Contents

Introduction
1. The Abbsid patronage of astrology before al-Mamn
2. Al-Mamn and the science of the stars: some biographical data
3. List of astrologers and astronomers employed by al-Mamn and his entourage
4. The Bayt al-ikmah and astrology
Conclusion

Introduction

The practice of astrology during the Abbsid period represents an important aspect of the
political, social, and cultural life of this dynasty, and for this reason it is a subject worthy of
study for modern historians. Yet in spite of the rich secondary literature on Arabic astrology,
the social and institutional circumstances under which Abbsid astrologers operated remain
poorly understood.1 The most insightful treatments of this topic remain the brief discussions
by D. Gutas and G. Saliba, both published in the 1990s.2 By building on these two studies, the

I wish to thank Antoine Borrut, Johannes Thomann, Jens Scheiner, and Yoones Dehghani Farsani for comments
on the draft of this article. I am also grateful to Fuat Sezgin and the staff at the Institut fr Geschichte der
Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften in Frankfurt for providing me with a copy of a manuscript containing Ab
Sad Shdhn b. Bars Mudhkart f ilm al-nujm.
1
Modern scholars have focused primarily on the historical and philological issues pertaining to the transmission
and translation of Indian, Middle Persian, and Greek astrological texts to Arabic, and of Arabic texts to Latin
(see notably the various works of David Pingree, Charles Burnett, and David King, which cannot be cited
exhaustively here). The methodology of medieval Arabic astrologers has also received some attention (see
notably Burnett, Charles: The Certitude of Astrology: The Scientific Methodology of al-Qab and Ab
Mashar. In: Early Science and Medicine 7/3 (2002), pp. 198-213; and Adamson, Peter: Ab Mashar, al-Kind,
and the Philosophical Defense of Astrology. In: Recherches de thologie et philosophie mdivales, 69 (2002),
pp. 245-270). Useful introductions to the study of Arabic astrology may be found in the following studies:
Nallino, Carlo Alfonso: Raccolta di scritti editi e inediti. Rome 1944, vol. 5, pp. 1-42; Pingree, David: Art.
Astrology. In: Religion, Learning and Science in the Abbsid Period, edited by M. J. L. Young, J. D. Latham,
and R. B. Sergeant. Cambridge; New York 1990, pp. 290-301; idem: From Alexandria to Baghdd to
Byzantium. The Transmission of Astrology. In: International Journal of the Classical Tradition 8.1 (2001), pp.
3-37; and Sezgin, Fuat: GAS. Leiden 1979, vol. 7, pp. 3-29. Although these studies constitute an invaluable
contribution to our understanding of the subject, they have on the other hand paid little attention to the social and
institutional dimensions of astrology during the classical period of Islam.
2
The most useful studies on the social and cultural relevance of astrology during the Abbsid period are to be
found in Gutas, Dimitri: Greek Thought, Arabic Culture: the Graeco-Arabic Translation Movement in Baghdad
and Early Abbsid Society (2nd-4th/8th-10th centuries). London 1998, especially 30-39, 45-51, 108-110;
Saliba, George: The Role of the Astrologer in Medieval Islamic Society. In: Bulletin dtudes orientales 44
(1992), pp. 45-68. Reprinted in: Magic and Divination in Early Islam, ed. by E. Savage-Smith. London 2004, pp.
 2

present article seeks to provide a picture of the patronage networks and astrological practices
existing during the caliphate of al-Mamn (813-833 CE). After a brief overview of the
Abbsid patronage of astrology before al-Mamn, the study focuses on the biographical
information connecting al-Mamn with this discipline and provides a list of the Arabic
astrologers employed by this caliph, thereby shedding light on a key feature of his intellectual
biography and his courtly entourage. In the final section of the article, the institutional context
in which Abbsid astrologers operated is addressed, especially in connection with the so-
called House of Wisdom (Bayt al-ikmah). My aim is to tacklein a preliminary way
some basic questions related to astrological practice and patronage and to illuminate with
greater precision the social implications of astrology in the early Abbsid courtly context.
The present study represents a first step towards reconstructing the anthropological and
institutional contexts governing the practice of astrology during the caliphate of al-Mamn.

Abbsid astrological patronage in the period before al-Mamn

In the following paragraphs, I discuss the prosopographic and biographical evidence that has
survived concerning al-Mamn and the astrologers he employed. Indeed, an important
preliminary step for our understanding of al-Mamns patronage of astrology is to identify
the various scholars in his employ and the kind of works they were commissioned to execute
for their patron.3 In order to sketch such a picture, I have relied both on medieval works and
modern studies and striven to merge the information they contain into a list provided below.4

341-370 (Salibas article, however, only partially focuses on the classical period); and Touati, Houari: Larmoire
sagesse: bibliothques et collections en Islam. Paris 2003, pp. 163-170.
3
For the purpose of this article, I construe the notion of patronage in a broad sense, as referring to al-Mamns
direct support of this discipline through the material and financial means he extended to scholars, as well as to
the general climate of intellectual curiosity and scientific striving he created at his court in Marw and then in
Baghdad. As astrological practice was greatly tolerated under his rule and extended to al-Mamns family and
to a vast group of courtiers and officials, al-Mamns patronage both reflected, and contributed to, the already
wide acceptance of this discipline in the Abbsid milieu.
4
The reconstruction of Abbsid astrological patronage that follows relies on the following range of primary
sources: (1) historical annals, the most important of which are: Al-Yaqb, Amad b. Ab Yaqb: Ibn-Wdhih
qui dicitur al-Jaqb historiae (Tarkh). Ed. M. T. Houtsma. 2 vols. Leiden 1969 [1883]; al-abar: The
History of al-abar (Tarkh al-rusul wal-mulk). The War between Brothers. Translated and annotated by M.
Fishbein, vol. 31. Albany 1992; al-Masd, Ab l-asan Al: Murj al-dhahab. Les prairies dor. Texte et
traduction par C. Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de Courteille. 9 vols. Paris 1961-. (2) accounts of the lives of
astrologers. The main source here is Ibn ws, Ra l-Dn Ab l-Qsim: Faraj al-mahmm f tarkh ulam l-
nujm. [n.e.] Najaf 1948. An English translation and analysis is given in Matar, Zeina: The Faraj al-Mahmm of
Ibn ws: A Thirteenth Century Work on Astrology and Astrologers. PhD dissertation, New York University
1986, but relevant information is also contained in Ibn Hibint: Al-mughn f akm al-nujm. Reprod. from MS
mm 9354, hiriyyah Library, Damascus. Frankfurt am Main: Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic
Science at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, ed. Fuat Sezgin, 1987; (3) bio-bibliographic works and
biographical dictionaries, notably those of Ibn al-Nadm: Kitb al-fihrist. Reproduction of the edition by G. L.
Flgel, Leipzig 1871-1872. Beirut 1966; Ibn al-Qif, Al b. Ysuf: Tarkh al-ukam. Edited by J. Lippert.
Leipzig 1903; and id al-Andalus: abaqt al-umam. Edited by L. Cheikho. Beirut 1912. (4) various
 3

However, before turning our attention to al-Mamn and his circle of astrologers, it
seems worthwhile to provide information on patterns of early Abbsid astrological
patronage, as this would help to set the background for this caliphs accomplishments in this
field. The Abbsid patronage of astrology truly begins with the accession to power of the
second Caliph al-Manr. Al-Manr, as is well known, resorted to a team of astrologers to
schedule and plan the foundation of his palatial complex in Baghdad, and he thereby
inaugurated the Abbsid custom of relying on astrology for settling official matters.5 As al-
Masd reports, al-Manr was the first caliph to attract astrologers [to his court] and to
engage in astrological prognostications.6 At least seven astrologerssome of them had a
great repute in astronomy as wellcan be ascertained to have worked for this patron: Ab
Manr Abn (dates unknown),7 Muammad b. Ibrhm al-Fazr,8 Mshallh,9 Yaqb b.

astronomical and astrological texts, mentioned in the course of the discussion. Unless otherwise noted, all
translations from the Arabic are my own. As for the secondary sources, I have relied heavily on the following
works: Suter, Heinrich: Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber und ihre Werke. Leipzig 1900; Sezgin,
Fuat: Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums. 13 vols. Leiden, 1967-; Ullmann, Manfred: Die Natur- und
Geheimwissenschaften im Islam. Leiden 1972; and Rosenfeld, B. A. and E. Ihsanolu: Mathematicians,
Astronomers, and Other Scholars of Islamic Civilizations and their Works (7th-10th c.). Istanbul 2003. Using
these primary sources to construct a picture of Abbsid astrological patronage entails certain methodological
pitfalls, which can only be briefly mentioned here. This is especially true of a key text, Ibn wss Faraj al-
mahmm, which may be taken as an example. The problem is not only that this sourceessentially a
compilation of earlier accounts on the lives and deeds of astrologerswas composed at a later date and in a
different cultural context from the one in which the individuals it speaks of flourished. It is also, and especially,
that it was written with the intention of making astrology acceptable and legitimate to a wider Muslim audience,
sometimes by ascribing astrological activity to individuals who can only with some caution be said to have
engaged in it. Moreover, Ibn ws highlights the Shiite achievement in this field, thereby revealing a pro-
Shiite bias. In brief, the Faraj al-mahmm was designed partly as a work of Shiite astrological propaganda.
However, and bearing this in mind, Ibn wss account certainly reflects a social and cultural reality, namely,
that astrology played a central role in Abbsid life and culture. As will appear clearly throughout this article,
this is confirmed by other, and sometimes earlier, historiographic and biographical accounts, as well as by
information contained in scientific treatises, such as abashs introduction to his Treatise on Bodies and
Distances. Hence, in spite of its shortcomings as a document of objective historiography, Ibn wss work
remains helpful in its general assessment of the state of Abbsid astrology.
5
For a discussion of this event and its relevance for the cultural and ideological life of the Abbsid dynasty, see
Gutas, Greek Thought, 16, 33.
6
Al-Masd: Murj al-dhahab, vol. 8, 290. This statement may not be historically accurate, as Umayyad caliphs
are also said somewhat contradictorily by al-Masd (vol. 5, 244) to have patronized this art.
7
Ibn ws, Faraj, 201; Sezgin, GAS, VII, 116, in Yay b. Ab Manr; Fleischhammer, M.: Art. Ban l-
Munadjdjim. In: EI2, online version; Dalen, Benno van: Art. Yay b. Ab Manr. In: The Biographical
Encyclopedia of Astronomers. Ed. T. Hockey et al. New York 2007, p. 1249-1250.
8
Sezgin, GAS, VI, 122-124; ibidem, VII, 101; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 4; Plofker, Kim: Art. Fazr:
Muammad b. Ibrhm. In: The Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers. Ed. T. Hockey et al. New York
2007, pp. 362-363; Pingree, David: Art. al-Fazr. In: Dictionary of Scientific Biography, chief editor C. C.
Gillispie. New York 1970-, vol. 4, 555-556.
9
Suter, Die Mathematiker, 5-6; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 127-129; ibidem, VII, 102-108; Ullmann, Die Natur, 303-306;
Sams, Julio: Art. Ms h Allh. In: EI2, online version; Belenkiy, Ari: Art. Mshallh b. Athar. In: The
Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers. Ed. T. Hockey et al. New York 2007, pp. 740-741; Pingree, David:
Art. Mshallh. In: Dictionary of Scientific Biography, chief editor C. C. Gillispie. New York 1970-, vol. 9,
159-162.
 4

riq (fl. late 8-early 9C CE),10 Nawbakht al-Fris (d. ca. 777 CE or before),11 and, finally,
Umar b. al-Farrukhn al-abar, whom we shall mention again in connection with al-
Mamn.12

After al-Manrs death, and especially during the rule of al-Mahd, one notices a
marked decline in astrological activity, at least insofar as the evidence contained in the
primary sources is concerned. Indeed, while it is legitimate to assume that many of the
astrologers active under al-Manr continued to work under al-Mahd, the only astrologer
explicitly associated with this caliph in the historical annals is the interestingyet somewhat
obscure and understudiedTheophilus of Edessa, who was hired as a consultant for his
alleged expertise in military astrology.13 Compared to al-Manr, and later, to Hrn al-
Rashd and al-Mamn, al-Mahd does not seem to have nourished any ostentatious fondness
for astrology, and there are in fact very few anecdotes preserved in the Arabic sources that
describe his involvement with this discipline.

Hrn al-Rashd continued the official Abbsid support for astrology, as can be
ascertained by a quick prosopographic survey of the scholars in his employ. Among the chief
astrologers working for al-Rashd, one should mention Ab Sahl al-Fal b. Nawbakht (d. ca.
815 CE),14 Abd Allh b. Ubayd al-Asn (or al-Asan, or al-Anis) (d. ca. 815 CE),15 Ab l-
Abbs al-Fal b. Sahl al-Sarakhs (d. 818 CE),16 as well as the mysterious Kanakah the
Indian,17 whose actual historical existence has been doubted by some scholars. Moreover,
earlier generations of astrologers, such as those who had worked for al-Manr, were

10
Suter, Die Mathematiker, 4; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 124-127; ibidem, VII, 101-102; Plofker, Kim: Art. Yaqb b.
riq. In: The Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers. Ed. T. Hockey et al. New York 2007, pp. 1250-
1251; Pingree, David: Art. Yaqb b. riq. In: Dictionary of Scientific Biography, chief editor C. C. Gillispie.
New York 1970-, vol. 14, 546.
11
Suter, Die Mathematiker, 3; Sezgin, GAS, VII, 100-101; Ullmann, Die Natur, 303.
12
It should be noted that although Gutas, Greek Thought, 30, mentions Al b. s l-Asturlab as one of al-
Manrs astrologers, this scholar flourished in the first half of the ninth century and was in fact chiefly in the
employ of al-Mamn. An anachronism in note 4 of the same work should also be underlined: the al-Asurlb
studied by Franz Rosenthal in the article mentioned by Gutas is not Al b. s, but a later scholar named Ab l-
Qsim Hibat Allh b. al-usayn al-Baghdd l-Asurlb who died between 1139 and 1149 CE.
13
See Bar Hebraeus: The Chronography of Gregory Ab l-Faraj. Translated by E. A. W. Budge, 2 vols.
Amsterdam 1976 [1932], vol. 1, 116-117. For this scholar, see the recent book by Hoyland, Robert: Theophilus
of Edessas Chronicle and the Circulation of Historical Knowledge in Late Antiquity and Early Islam. Liverpool,
2012, which nevertheless does not focus on the astrological dimension of Theophiluss oeuvre.
14
See Ibn Nawbakht, Ms: Ms b. Nawbajt. Al-kitb al-kmil. Horscopos histricos. Edicin y traduccin
por Ana Labarta. Prologo de Juan Vernet. Madrid 1982, pp. 17-18, for a genealogy of the Nawbakht family.
15
Suter, Die Mathematiker, 7; Sezgin, GAS, VII, 110-111; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 18.
16
This was the famous vizier of al-Mamn, who had previously worked for al-Rashd. More information on this
individual will be given in the section dealing with al-Mamn.
17
Pingree, David: Art. Kanaka. In: Dictionary of Scientific Biography, chief editor C. C. Gillispie. New York
1970-, vol. 7, 222-224.
 5

presumably still active during this period. The scholars hired by al-Rashd seem to have
specialized in various genres, ranging from genethlialogies and horoscopes (best represented
by Ab Sahl al-Fal b. Nawbakht), to observational tables (zjes), calendars, and astrological
histories (such as those by Mshallh), the latter genre assuming a key place in the
astrological production under al-Rashd and al-Mamn.18 The historical sources furthermore
preserve some relevant information on al-Rashd, such as his consultation with astrologers
during his voyage to Rayy19 and his protracted conversation with Ms l-Qsim about
astrology in Baghdad.20 Of particular significance is the involvement of Ab Sahl al-Fal b.
Nawbakht, perhaps Hrns chief astrologer, in the Khiznat al-ikmah, the palatial library,
which may suggest a connection of some sort between astrology and this institution.21

However, the patronage of astrology was not restricted to the caliphs themselves.
There is indeed ample evidence that other members of the courtofficials, courtiers, and
even relatives of the caliphsactively supported this discipline and were occasionally
initiated to its practice. While this is especially true of the al-Mamn period, as will be
shown shortly, it also applies to the reigns of earlier caliphs. Ab Ayyb al-Mriyn (d. 771
CE), for instance, was an erstwhile minister of al-Manr and is reported to have dabbled in
astrology, perhaps in imitation of this caliph.22 More evidence concerns the famous Barmakid
family, a paradigmatic case of scholarly patronage sustained by family ties. Yay b. Khlid
al-Barmak, who was vizier to al-Rashd prior to his disgrace and subsequent execution, is
frequently portrayed in the sources as a competent astrologer and patron of cosmological
endeavors. In his Book of the Viziers (Kitb al-wuzar), al-Jahshiyr records anecdotes
concerning certain astrological predictions carried out by this individual, adding that Yay
was very apt in the science of the stars.23 As for his brother Muammad b. Khlid al-
Barmak, he commissioned astronomical works from Simn b. Saiyr al-Kabl (fl. 750-
800).24 This aptitude seems to have endured with the next generations of Barmakids, as Jafar

18
For insight into this astrological genre, see Ab Mashar: On Historical Astrology: The Book of Religions and
Dynasties (On the Great Conjunctions). 2 vols. Ed. and trans. K. Yamamoto and C. Burnett. Leiden 2000; Gutas,
Greek Thought, 45 ff.; and the article by Antoine Borrut in this volume.
19
Ibn ws, Faraj, 186-187.
20
Ibn ws, Faraj, 107-110.
21
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 274; see the final section of this article for a discussion of astrology and the Bayt al-
ikmah.
22
Ibn ws, Faraj, 147-148; for this figure, see Bosworth, C. E.: Art. Al-Mriyn. In: EI2, online version.
23
Al-Jahshiyr, Muammad b. Abds: Kitb al-wuzar wa-l-kuttb. Cairo 1938, pp. 249, 253; see also Ibn
ws, Faraj, 141; and Ibn al-Dya, Amad b. Ysuf: Al-mukfaah. Ed. A. Amn and A. al-Jrim. Cairo,
1941, pp. 74-75.
24
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 244; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 134-135.
 6

b. Yay al-Barmak is also said to have been sympathetic to astrology.25 Mention should also
be made of Isq b. Sulaymn al-Hshim, a governor for Hrn al-Rashd in Basra, Egypt,
and Armenia, among other regions, who died in Baghdad at an unknown date. He actively
supported astrology and belonged to the astrological circle of Mshallh and Umar b. al-
Farrukhn.26 Finally, one should mention an anecdote in Miskawayhs Experiences of the
Nations (Tajrib al-umam) concerning Al b. s b. Mhn, who allegedly consulted his
astrologer before engaging in battle against al-Mamn;27 the astrological prediction delivered
to Ab Muslim al-Khurasn;28 and Ms b. Isrl al-Kf, a brother of the Caliph Hrn al-
Rashd who practiced astrology and astronomy.29

The foregoing data illustrates well the kind of networks of astrological patronage that
existed during the reigns of al-Manr and al-Rashd. It shows that interest in this science
extended to the circles attached to the caliphs and represented a social phenomenon that
involved various strata of high Abbsid society, including officials and political advisors,
viziers, and influential families, as was already shown by D. Gutas in his remarkable study on
the Greek to Arabic translation movement. Yet the peak of astrological and astronomical
activity undoubtedly took place during the reign of al-Mamn. The bulk of textual evidence
concerning astrological patronage converges toward this latter caliphs rule, and the Arabic
sources are unanimous in describing al-Mamn as a great supporter of astronomy and
astrology. Indeed, the results of my preliminary prosopographic survey suggests that at least
nineteen astrologers and astronomers were hired by al-Mamn or members of his immediate
entourage, a list which will be discussed in more detail shortly.30 As the degree of al-
Mamns precise involvement with astronomy and astrology has never been the object of a
specialized study, in spite of the abundant modern literature on this figure, I devote the next
section of this article to discussing the biographical information that can be gleaned from the
Arabic sources and that explicitly focus on al-Mamns involvement with these disciplines.

25
Ibn ws, Faraj, 148.
26
For this indiviudal, see Sezgin, GAS, VII, 113.
27
Miskawayh, Amad b. Muammad: Tajrib al-umam. Ed. Ab l-Qsim Imm. 8 vols. Tehran 1997-, vol. 4,
pp. 58-59.
28
Ibn ws, Faraj, 194.
29
Le Coz, Raymond: Les mdecins nestoriens au Moyen ge: les matres des Arabes. Paris 2004, p. 258.
30
This numberin itself impressiveis nevertheless conservative, as it relies solely on the information and
evidence that has survived. We may thus hypothesize that other astrologersand their discipleswere
connected with the Abbsid court, whose names have nevertheless not come down to us. I have also excluded
from this list some astrologers whose activity coincided with the rule of al-Mamn, but who cannot be shown to
have been in the direct employ of this caliph or his entourage (Ab Mashar being an exception, due to his
general importance for the development of astrology). One should not presume that the practice and patronage of
astrology disappeared in the period after al-Mamn, but it is clear that within the time frame fixed by this study,
this caliphs reign coincides with the most intensive astrological activity.
 7

These biographical and chronological elements will hopefully contribute to the future task of
elaborating a detailed intellectual portrait of this caliph.31

Al-Mamn and the science of the stars: some biographical data

Al-Mamn is unanimously depicted as a just, refined, and learned caliph in the medieval
Arabic sources. Of particular interest are the reports concerning his various intellectual
accomplishments, which include his memorization of the Qurn and his passionate interest
in, and patronage of, the foreign or ancient sciences.32 Quite relevantly, one medieval
historian has preserved a report by Ab Mashar al-munajjim [the astrologer], stating that
he [al-Mamn] was constantly inciting [the people] to justice, led an honorable life, was
pure of mind, humble of self, and should be counted among the great scholars [wa yuaddu
maa kibr al-ulam].33

In what follows, I wish to focus on al-Mamns involvement in astronomy and

astrology. Various Arabic sources emphasize his keen and highly developed personal interest
in these sciences. A report by Yaqb, later repeated by Masd, sheds valuable light on this
issue:

At the beginning of his reign, when this prince [al-Mamn] was under the influence of al-Fal b. Sahl
and other [courtiers], he engaged in the study of astrology [akm al-nujm] and its predictions and
submitted to its dictates. He modeled his conduct on those of the Sasanian princes, such as Ardeshir.34

31
Although it is with this caliph that the crux of this article will occupy itself, it should be borne in mind that the
Abbsid endorsement and patronage of this art continued well after al-Mamns rule and into the reigns of al-
Mutaim, al-Wthiq, and al-Mutawakkil. Various anecdotes and reports present the later Abbsid Caliphs al-
Wthiq and al-Mutawakkil as supporters of astrology; see for instance al-abar: The History of al-abar
(Tarkh al-rusul wal-mulk). Incipient Decline. Translated and annotated by Joel L. Kraemer. Albany 1989,
vol. 34, pp. 53, 183.
32
By way of illustration, Ibn Kathr, Isml b. Umar: Al-bidyah wa-l-nihyah. 2. ed. Beirut 1977, vol. 10, 275,
conveys a report according to which no caliph memorized the Qurn, except Uthmn b. Affn and al-
Mamn, but with which Ibn Kathr nevertheless disagrees. He later adds: and he [al-Mamn] possessed deep
insight into [the disciplines of] law, medicine, poetry, the religious duties [al-fawi], theology, grammar and
its obscure points, enigmatic adths [gharb adth in the text, but the reading gharb al-adth seems
preferable], and the science of the stars [ilm al-nujm]. Another report by Shams al-Dn Muammad b. Amad
b. Uthmn al-Dhahab: Tarkh al-islm. 1. ed. Beirut 1987, vol. 15, 227, informs us that when he [al-Mamn]
grew up, he concerned himself with philosophy and the ancient sciences [ulm al-awil] and excelled in them.
I will not engage in the task of assessing the objectivity or historicity of these reports, but merely wish to
highlight the way al-Mamn was perceived by some subsequent Arabic chroniclers.
33
This report is conveyed by al-Dhahab, Tarkh al-islm, vol. 15, 232.
34
Al-Yaqb, Amad b. Isq: Mushkalat al-ns li-zamnihim. Edited by W. Millward. Beirut 1962, pp. 27-
28; al-Masd, Murj, vol. 8, 300, my translation.
 8

This report is significant not only with regard to al-Mamns biography and his taste for
astrology, but also for the connection it establishes between his support of astrology and the
Sasanian heritage, thus indicating that the cultural and political image endorsed by the future
caliph was profoundly infused with Sasanian symbolism and tradition.35

This image of al-Mamn is confirmed by Ibn Ab hir ayfrs Kitb Baghdd, a

ninth-century chronicle of the reign of this caliph, which depicts him as nourishing a strong
curiosity for all things cosmological. In one instance, the caliph is engaged in a debate about
whether the air or atmosphere (al-haw) is a body (jism) or not a body (ghayr jism), while in
another passage he is compared to the legendary Hermes Trismegistus for his knowledge of
the stars by a courtier extending a laudation to his ruler.36 Ibn al-wss The Release from
Sorrow (Kitb faraj al-mahmm), written some time later, compounds this image: Al-
Mamn was a king [malik]37 famous for his knowledge of astrology and astronomy [ilm al-
nujm], and for keeping company with scholars of these sciences.38 Ibn Khalliqn provides a
similar report, according to which al-Mamn became an assiduous student in the science of
the stars.39 That al-Mamn was inclined to combine his taste for astrology with political
symbolism is evidenced by his choosing a solar eclipse as the moment for his entry in

35
The connection between the imperial symbolism of the Sasanians and astrological practice was already
discussed in depth by Gutas, Greek Thought.
36
Ibn Ab hir ayfr. Kitb Baghdd, 36, 95-96. The comparison with Hermes can be explained by the fact
that this mythical figure was commonly considered to be the founder of astrology in the Arabic tradition; on this
issue, see van Bladel, Kevin: The Arabic Hermes, pp. 129-130, 172-173, 175, 186-187, 194.
37
Use of the term malik, literally king, to refer to powerful rulers both of the pre-Islamic and Islamic periods is
not uncommon in classical Arabic historiography; see Ibn ws, Faraj, 207 and passim; and Brn, Qnn,
vol. 1, 147 for examples in the astrological and astronomical sources.
38
Ibn ws, Faraj, 207; transl. Matar, The Faraj, 243, section 147.
39
Ibn Khalliqn: Wafayt al-ayn wa-anb abn l-zamn. Ed. I. Abbs. Beirut 1977, vol. 4, pp. 41-44, in the
entry on al-Fal b. Sahl. For the purposes of this article, I translate the Arabic expressionilm al-nujm either as
science of the stars or as astrology and astronomy, as it encompassed both disciplines, even though its focus
was probably more on astrology. For more information on the relation between these sciences during this period,
see section three of this article.
 9

Baghdad after the civil war with al-Amn.40 In light of this, it is not surprising to find out that
astrological poems are ascribed to al-Mamn in the Arabic tradition.41

We are furthermore fortunate to possess another and much earlier source, namely, a
work by the ninth-century astronomy abash al-sib, who was in the employ of the caliph
al-Mamn himself in Baghdad in the late 820s and early 830s.42 In the introduction to one of
his astronomical works, abash provides invaluable information in particular on the large
scale astrological and astronomical programs inaugurated by this caliph. While this source
will be discussed in more detail later on, I wish for our present purposes to cite abashs
testimony on al-Mamns character, which is found in the introduction:

This state of affairs [the imperfect practice of astronomy and astrology before the reign of al-Mamn]
prevailed up to the time when the imm Abd Allh al-Mamn, the Commander of the Believers, may
Gods blessings be upon him, became caliph. Al-Mamn was profound in his scientific acquisitions
and exhibited a deep interest in fine and elegant things. He also delved into the most complex problems
of science and had a passionate devotion especially for the science of the stars [ilm al-nujm].43

In another work, entitled The Book of Bodies and Distances (Kitb al-ajrm wa-l-abd),
abash describes al-Mamns interest in experimental side of astronomy, and he explains
that the caliph did not hesitate to travel in order to verify some of the observations he had

40
Ibn Atham al-Kf, Amad b. Al: Kitb al-fut. [n.e.]. Haydarabad 1975, vol. 8, 323-324, although this
correlation could be due to the fancy of the author, since associating eclipses with important political events
seems to have been a topos in medieval Arabic historiography. One issue this paper will not investigate is the
relation between astrology and al-Mamns religio-political and messianic aims. This question deserves a
detailed treatment; for valuable preliminary insight into this question, see Arjomand, Said: Islamic
Apocalypticism in the Classical Period. In: The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism. Ed. B. McGinn. New York
1998, vol. 2, pp. 238-283, especially 263 and 265 ff.; Ycesoy, Hayrettin: Messianic Beliefs and Imperial
Politics in Medieval Islam: The Abbsid Caliphate in the Early Ninth Century. Columbia, S.C. 2009; and
Cooperson, Michael: Al-Mamun. Oxford 2006, p. 64. For a different assessment of the messianic and
apocalyptic elements in al-Mamns political activity, see Bayhom-Daou, Tamima: Al-Mamns Alleged
Apocalyptic Beliefs. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 71 (2008), pp.
1-24.
41
See Cooperson, Al-Mamun, 88-89. Later sources also preserve a similar depiction of al-Mamn as an
enlightened and learned ruler particularly concerned with astronomy and astrology; see for instance Kitb al-
bad wa-l-tarkh of al-Maqdis: he [al-Mamn] revived ancient science and transmitted [ancient books] into
the Arabic language and developed astronomy and astrology and philosophy (wa ay l-ilm al-qadm wa
naqala il lisn al-arab wa ahara ilm al-nujm wa-l-falsafah); al-Maqdis, Le livre de la creation, 112.
42
Although abash was employed by al-Mamn, he is not known to have participated in the observational
programs that took place in Shamsiyyah and Mount Qasiyn.
43
Sayl, Aydn: The Introductory Section of abashs Astronomical Tables known as the Damascene Zj
(English translation). In: Ankara niversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Corafya Fakltesi Dergisi 13/4 (1955): 139-151,
141, and 149 for the Arabic text; translation by Sezgin, slightly revised by me. Again, the expression ilm al-
nujm in this excerpt should be understood as including both astronomy and astrology.
 10

commissioned.44 While this report refers primarily to al-Mamns interest in astronomical

observations, it cannot be easily separated from his interest in astrology, due to the
intertwined nature of these two disciplines in the cultural context of this period.

Finally, crucial evidence for al-Mamns interest in astrology has recently appeared
in the form of a new manuscript discovered by Benno van Dalen in Leipzig. This work
appears to be another copy of Yay b. Ab Manrs highly influential Zj al-mumtaan,
hitherto believed to have survived only in a single copy preserved in the Escorial in Madrid.45
What is significant for our purposes is that a section from the Leipzig zj dealing expressly
with astrology is ascribed to al-Mamn (fols. 24v-25r), who is otherwise cited by name in
other instances in the manuscript.46

Hence, much evidence converges that depicts al-Mamn both as a patron and
practitioner of astrology. Not only historians, such as al-Masd, Ibn ayfr, al-abar, and
Ibn ws, but also a famous ninth-century astronomer such as abash, were well aware, it
appears, of al-Mamns predilection for the science of the stars. In view of this, the
dedicatory verse composed by the Arabic poet Ab Sad al-Makhzm on the occasion of al-
Mamns death appears quite relevant, even though it is accompanied by a tone of sarcasm
or disapproval on his part:

Did you see the stars or his amply established reign help al-Mamn with anything?47

Returning to the historical accounts, al-Masd seems to imply that it is primarily in his
youth that al-Mamn embraced astrology. Since al-Fal b. Sahl was assassinated in 818 CE,
before the court was transferred to Baghdad, al-Masd can only have had in mind al-
Mamns stay in Marw, when al-Fal b. Sahl was acting in the capacity of vizier and exerted
considerable influence on the caliph. In contrast, abash primarily had the later period of al-

44
See Langermann, Y. Tzvi: The Book of Bodies and Distances of abash alsib. In: Centaurus 28 (1985):
pp. 108128.
45
See Vernet, Juan: Las Tabulae Probatae. In: Homenaje a Mills-Vallicrosa, 2 vols. Barcelona 1954-1956,
vol. 2, pp. 501-522. Reprinted in: Estudios sobre Historia de la Ciencia Medieval. Barcelona 1979, pp. 191-212.
46
van Dalen, Benno: A Second Manuscript of the Mumtaan zj, pp. 28-30. Al-Mamns name is also
associated with some of the observational data contained in this manuscript; see van Dalen, A Second
Manuscript, 23.
47
Hal raayta l-nujm aghnat an al-Mamn shayan aw mulkuh l-mass, in Ibn Kathr, Al-bidyah, vol. 10,
280. The poets intimation seems to be that neither al-Mamns well-known passion for the science of the
stars, nor the wealth and might of his empire, could help him in the face of death. I have no pretense here to
provide the most musical translation of this verse.
 11

Mamns caliphate in Baghdad in mind when he wrote this account, since it focuses on the
large observational programs commissioned by al-Mamn from 828 onward.

While al-Mamns support for the science of the stars lasted his entire life, we may
surmise with al-Masd that it is during his time in Marw that al-Mamns inclination for
astrology first blossomed and that he began to build a network of scholars competent in this
field, who would later follow him to Baghdad. Some evidence in fact seems to support this
view. The Marw period is by no means an insignificant episode in al-Mamuns life. Rather, it
represents an important stage in his political maturity and a turning point with regard to
Abbsid culture, due to the geographical situation of Marw, which ensured direct contact
with the Sasanian heritage that had flourished in this region. With regard to the sciences, this
period appears to have been formative for al-Mamns character and the development of his
interest in cosmology. Al-Mamn assumed governorship of Khursn in 809 upon al-
Rashds death, with Marw as capital. Although al-Amn was executed in 813 and al-Mamn
was proclaimed caliph this same year, the latter stayed in Marw until 818-819, when the court
and administrationand presumably al-Mamns libraries and his circle of scholarswere
officially transferred to Baghdad. Hence, al-Mamn remained in Marw for some ten years,
most of which overlapped with the beginning of his caliphate.

In addition to al-Masds report, a whole cluster of anecdotes found in the Arabic

historical sources focus on astrological predictions cast for al-Mamn or other Abbsid
officials closely related to the caliph who resided in Marw.48 It is noteworthy, moreover, that
several of the astrologers and astronomers employed by al-Mamn throughout his life hailed
from this city or were with him during his rule there. The Marw affiliation can be evidenced
in the cases of Ms b. Shkir,49 Yay b. Ab Manr,50 and of course the vizier al-Fal b.
Sahl.51 The above-mentioned astronomer-astrologer abash al-sib worked in Baghdad, but

48
This is the case, for instance, of the predictions attributed to al-Fal b. Sahl during the civil war between al-
Mamn and al-Amn; see al-Masd, Murj, vol. 8, 300; Ibn ws, Faraj, 132-133. An anecdote preserved by
Ibn ws, Faraj, 213, relates that an Indian astrologer was sent to al-Mamn while in Marw to provide him
with astrological prognostications to help him in his conflict with al-Amn.
49
According to one account, repeated by various sources, Ms b. Shkir was a highway brigand in his youth
before settling down and becoming a scholar and a close friend of the Caliph al-Mamn in Marw. His sons, the
Ban Ms were entrusted to the caliph upon Mss death and devoted their lives to the cultivation of the
sciences in Baghdad. For the little that is known about this figure, see Hill, D. R.: Art. Ban Ms. In: EI2,
online edition.
50
Yay was attached to al-Fal b. Sahl, presumably during his stay in Marw, as this period coincides with the
last years of al-Fals life and the beginning of Yays astronomical and astrological activity.
51
Again, since al-Fal was assassinated in 818, all the astrological anecdotes connecting him with al-Mamn
can only refer to this Marw period, that is, before al-Mamn transferred the court to Baghdad; see note 53
below.
 12

as his nisbah (al-Marwaz) indicates, he or his genitors were originally from Marw.
Furthermore, the Marw connection seems to be substantiated in the case of Umar b. al-
Farrukhn al-abar, an important, albeit poorly known, figure in the transmission of Greek
and Persian astrology. As far as I am aware, Umars presence in Marw alongside al-Mamn
has not heretofore been acknowledged in the secondary literature, but it may be inferred from
a report by Ab Mashar as preserved by his pupil Shdhn:

Umar al-Farrukhn was well-versed in the art of translation and competent in languages,
knowledgeable about the principles [ul] and prognostications [akm] [of astrology]. Dh l-
Risatayn [i.e., al-Fal b. Sahl, vizier of al-Mamn, who was given a dual civic and military authority]
summoned him [Umar] from his country and sent him to the Commander of the Believers al-Mamn.
He [Umar] translated many books for him [al-Mamn] and he performed astrological predictions [wa-
akama bi-akm], which are presently in the palatial libraries [hiya l-n mawjdah f khazin al-
52
suln].

The various implications of this interesting passage will be discussed more fully later on.
Suffice it to say here that it represents valuable testimony to the effect that Umar was in the
employ of al-Mamn during his stay in Marw. Indeed, al-Fal, who died in 818 CE, a year
before al-Mamn decided to transfer the capital to Baghdad, could not possibly have invited
Umar to the Iraqi capital.53

Much evidence therefore converges to indicate that al-Mamn was already an ardent
patron of astrology while residing in Marw, a city which appears to have boasted much
astrological activity, and which perpetuated to some extent a Sasanian cultural tradition that

52
Ab Sad Shdhn b. Bar. Asrr ilm al-nujm [=Mudhkart f ilm al-nujm]. MS Saib 1/199 Ankara, fols.
1a-26b, fol. 19a; cited in Arabic in Sezgin, GAS, vol. 7, 111, note 1.
53
As a corollary, we need not with David Pingree cast doubt on the probability of this report. Pingree writes:
The latest date that we have for him [Umar] is Shawwl of A. H. 196that is, 15 June-13 July of A.D. 812
when he finished his version of Ptolemys Kitb al-arbaa (Tetrabiblos). These dates makes it evident that Ab
Mashar was wrong in stating, as reported by his pupil Shdhn in his Mudhkart and repeated by id al-
Andalus and Ibn al-Qif, that Umar was called to Baghdad by the wazr al-Fal b. Sahl (d. 818), and
introduced to al-Mamn (Pingree, David: Art. Umar b. al-Farrukhn al-abar. In: Dictionary of Scientific
Biography, chief editor C. C. Gillispie. New York 1970-, vol. 13, pp. 538-539). For a reason he does not explain,
Pingree assumed that Umar was invited to Baghdad, and he rejected this account on the grounds that the last
date (and presumably the date of death) we have for Umar is 812, several years before the transfer of al-
Mamns court from Marw to Baghdad in 818-819. But there is no reason why al-Fals invitation could not
have been extended to Umar while the court resided in Marw. And Pingree in any case appears to have
committed an anachronism, since al-Fal b. Sahl, vizier of al-Mamn, was assassinated in Khurasn in 818,
which means that he could not possibly have invited Umar to Baghdad. Hence, the report can only refer to the
period when al-Fal was alive and resided with al-Mamn in Marw. There is otherwise no valid reason to doubt
the historicity of Ab Mashars report. Ab Mashar was a contemporary of the events he describes in this
work, and it is unclear what benefit he could have derived from such a historical fabrication.
 13

was taken over by al-Mamn and his entourage during their stay there.54 These conclusive
remarks about al-Mamns biography and his patronage of astrology and astronomy in Marw
thus agree with D. Pingrees view concerning the textual continuity between Sasanian and
Arabic astrology, as well as D. Gutas and K. van Bladels views concerning the political and
ideological use of Sasanian astrological traditions by the Abbsid caliphs. These practices
can be contextualized in a specific geographic locationMarwthat maintained a
continuous dialogue with the ancient Persian cultural heritage and its astrological practices in
particular. It is not possible at this stage to trace al-Mamns astrological interest further back
than his Marw period. Nevertheless, it is likely to have been influenced by his early
education, given the highly cultured atmosphere and ambient polymathy of Hrns court and
the penchant for astrology already displayed by his father and his officials. By way of
illustration, a horoscope was cast on the occasion of al-Mamns birth, which suggests that
the young caliph probably grew up in a climate profoundly imbued with astrological
symbolism and sympathies.55 This would have predisposed him from an early age to the
future role he was destined to play as a great patron of this art.

Leaving biographical considerations aside, al-Mamns patronage of astrologers in

Marw and Baghdad can be quantified in the form of a prosopographic list, which reflects the
outstandingand somewhat exaggeratedinclination this caliph had for this discipline.
Included in the following list are only those scholars who can be ascertained to have had a
direct or indirect connection with al-Mamn or one of his close officials. There is no doubt
that many names have been lost to history, as many of these individuals had disciples whose
lives and works have not been documented. As a result, this list reflects only a fragment of the
social reality that prevailed during the early ninth century.

List of astrologers and astronomers employed by al-Mamn and his entourage or

associated with his reign56

54
Interestingly, the last Sasanian governor of this city, when fleeing the Muslim invasion, left behind a rich
library (Ibn Ab hir ayfr, Kitb Baghdd, 86; Cooperson, al-Mamun, 32). If this report is true, it is
reasonable to assume that this library contained astrological and astronomical works, since astrology occupied a
central place in Sasanian learning, politics, and culture. The connection between this library and the fact that so
many Abbsid astrologers and astronomers hailed from Marw and its environs might not be coincidental and
could suggestbut to what extent?a continuous astrological activity in this city.
See Cooperson, Al-Mamun, 32.
55
For mention of al-Mamns birth horoscope, see al-Masd, Murj, vol. 7, 99.
56
In bold are the names of scholars whose direct association with al-Mamn and/or his immediate officials can
be established either through historical reports or the dedications of works. In regular font are scholars who
likely worked for al-Mamn or his entourage, but whose relation to the caliph cannot be directly ascertained
through textual evidence. An asterisk (*) follows the name of scholars explicitly mentioned in connection with
 14

1. Mshallh (d. ca. 815 CE) was probably a Persian Jew who worked under al-Manr, al-
Rashd, al-Amn, and al-Mamn. He relied heavily on Sasanian astrology and composed
many works on astrological history. While he was active under the early caliphate of al-
Mamn, there is no evidence that he worked directly for this patron.57

2. ajjj b. Ysuf b. Maar (fl. 786-830 CE). He flourished under Hrn al-Rashd and al-
Mamn and was directly involved in the transmission and translation of astrological and
astronomical texts into Arabic. He translated Ptolemys Almagest in 827-828 and produced a
second translation of Euclids Elements for al-Mamn. He also translated the Tetrabiblos for
Umar b. al-Farrukhn, who was first in the employ of the Barmakids, and later of al-Fal b.
Sahl and al-Mamn, and who wrote a commentary on this work.58

3. Ab l-Abbs al-Fal b. Sahl al-Sarakhs (d. 818 CE) was a Persian who worked for
Hrn al-Rashd and was later appointed vizier by al-Mamn. He was given the honorific
title Dh l-Risatayn, which expressed his dual political and military authority. He employed
Yay b. Ab Manr as an astrologer before the latter started working for the Caliph al-
Mamn. Al-Fal is frequently described as a competent astrologer himself in the Arabic
sources.59

4. Umar b. al-Farrukhn al-abar (d. ca. 815 CE) was a Persian astrologer who was
active as early as the reign of al-Manr, but who apparently also worked under al-Mamn in
Marw. He was in the employ of Yay b. Khlid al-Barmak and al-Fal b. Sahl some time
before. He is possibly the same individual as the Ab Bakr Muammad b. Umar b. afs b.
al-Farrukhn sometimes described as his son in the Arabic sources.60

the Bayt al-ikmah or Khiznat al-ikmah of al-Mamn. The references contained in the notes are not meant to
be exhaustive, but provide some essential bibliographic information on these scholars. The list is organized in
rough chronological order.
57
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 273-274; Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 327; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 5-6; Sezgin, GAS, VI,
127-129; ibidem, VII, 102-108; Ullmann, Die Natur, 303-306; Belenkiy, Mshallh; Pingree, Mshallh.
58
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 268; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 9; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 20;
Brentjes, Sonja: Art. ajjj b. Ysuf b. Maar. In: The Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers. Ed. T.
Hockey et al. New York 2007, pp. 460-461.
59
Ibn ws, Faraj, 132-135; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 7; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 18;
Sezgin, GAS, VII, 115-116; Dalen, Yay b. Ab Manr.
60
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 273; Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 241-242; id, abaqt, 111; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 7-8;
Sezgin, GAS, VI, 135, and 137, in the entry Muammad b. Umar b. al-Farrukhn; ibidem, VII, 111-113;
Ullmann, Die Natur, 306; Pingree, Umar; idem, Astrology, 295; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians,
18-19.
 15

5. Al-asan al-Tamm al-Aba (d. early ninth century CE) worked under Hrn al-Rashd
and al-Mamn. He composed a work entitled Book of Elections (Kitb al-ikhtiyrt) for the
latter caliph.61

6. Al-Farghn, Amad b. Muammad b. Kathr (d. after 861 CE). He was an astrologer
and astronomer who worked for al-Mamn and wrote several works on the astrolabe.62

7. *Ab Al Yay b. Ab Manr (d. ca. 830 CE) was a Persian astrologer and astronomer
who worked initially for al-Fal b. Sahl, vizier of al-Mamn, and after the assassination of
al-Fal in 818, for al-Mamn himself. He directed the astronomical observations carried out
in the Shamsiyyah district in Baghdad in 828-829 and was involved in the compilation or
redaction of Zj al-mumtaah. However, he was also consulted as a court astrologer, and was
apparently also active in the Bayt al-ikmah in Baghdad.63

8. Al-Abbs b. Sad al-Jawhar (fl. ca. 830 CE) was an astronomer involved in the
observational programs patronized by al-Mamn in Baghdad and Damascus, but according to
Ibn al-Qif, he was also an expert in some branches of astrology, such as prorogation
(tasyr).64

9. abash al-sib al-Marwaz (also known as Amad b. Abd Allh al-Baghdd) (d.
after 864 CE). He was an astronomer who worked for al-Mamn. Although he conducted
astronomical observations in Baghdad in the 820s and 830s, his involvement in the
observational programs patronized by the caliph in Shamsiyyah and Mount Qsiyn from
828-832 is unclear. He wrote several zjes.65

61
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 275; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 9; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 20; Sezgin,
GAS, VII, 117.
62
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 279; Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 78, 286; id, abaqt, 110; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 149-151;
Sabra, al-Farghn.
63
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 143; Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 357-358, 441; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 8-9; Fleischhammer,
Ban l-Munadjdjim; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 19-20; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 136-137; ibidem,
VII, 116; Ullmann, Die Natur, 307; van Dalen, Yay; Vernet, Yay.
64
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 272; Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 219; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 12; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 138-139;
Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 26-27; Sabra, al-Jawhar.
65
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 275; Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 170; id, abaqt, 109-110; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 12-
13; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 173-175; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 27-28; Tekeli, abash.
 16

10. Khlid b. Abd al-Malik al-Marwaz, also known as Khlid b. Abd al-Malik al-
Marwarrdh (fl. 832 CE) was an astronomer who worked in al-Mamns vast
observational programs.66

11. Al b. s l-Asurlb (fl. 832 CE), who participated in al-Mamns observational

programs, was chiefly engaged in astronomical pursuits and was apparently apt in the
construction of astronomical instruments.67

12. Al-asan b. Sahl b. Abdallh al-Sarakhs (d. 851 CE) was a secretary and governor
under al-Mamn (and possibly vizier as well). He was the brother of the vizier al-Fal b.
Sahl and the father of the female astrologer Brn, one of al-Mamns wives.68

13. Al-usayn b. Amad al-f l-Kirmn (fl. early ninth century?) is poorly known, but
he wrote a work entitled The Mamnian Observational Table (Al-zj al-mamn l-raad).69

14. Al-asan b. Sahl b. Nawbakht (fl. ninth century CE) is mentioned as one of al-
Mamns astrologers.70

15. Abd Allh b. Sahl b. Nawbakht (fl. ninth century CE), brother of al-asan b. Sahl b.
Nawbakht, was an astrologer contemporary with al-Mamn, whom he met, and for whom he
probably worked.71

16. Muammad b. al-Jahm al-Barmak (fl. ninth century CE) worked under al-Mamn
and al-Mutaim. He dedicated an astrological work to al-Mamn and is said to have written

66
Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 219; id, abaqt, 104; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 11-12; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 139;
Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 26.
67
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 284; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 143-144; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 28; Bolt,
Marvin: Art. Al b. s al-Asurlb. In: The Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers. Ed. T. Hockey et al.
New York 2007, p. 34.
68
Tabar, Tarkh, Kraemer transl., vol. 34, 53; Ibn ws, Faraj, 133-135, 139-140; Sezgin, GAS, VII, 122.
69
Ibn ws, Faraj, 203; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 282; Kohlberg, A Medieval Muslim Scholar, 199. There are no exact
dates attributed to this scholar, and his floruit is unclear. Ibn ws mentions him among other scholars of the
ninth century CE, and one of the titles of his treatises suggests that it was dedicated to al-Mamn. But the name
could refer to an individual other than the caliph, with the implication that al-usayn b. Amad would have been
active at a later period.
70
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 244, 275; Suter, Die Mathematiker,16; Ullmann, Die Natur, 308; Rosenfeld and
Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 29. For an overview of the Nawbakht genealogy and the contribution of this family
to astrology, see Ibn Nawbakht, Ms: Ms b. Nawbajt. But it is unclear whether this is the same individual as
al-asan b. Sahl b. Abdallh al-Sarakhs.
71
Ibn ws, Faraj, 131-132; Bar Hebraeus, Mukhtaar, 237; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 16; Ullmann, Die Natur,
308; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 30; Ibn Nawbakht, Ms b. Nawbajt, 18; there is possibly some
confusion between this figure and al-asan b. Sahl b. Abdallh al-Sarakhs.
 17

a history of the Persian kings. He also appears to have translated works from Persian to
Arabic.72

17. Ab Uthmn Sahl b. Bishr al-Isrl (fl. ninth century CE) was a student of
Mshallh and was employed by al-Mamns general hir b. al-usayn in Marw (821-
822) and then by al-asan b. Sahl, vizier of al-Mamn, in Baghdad. He wrote on a wide
variety of astrological themes.73

18. Sanad b. Al l-Yahd (fl. ninth century CE) seems to have been mostly an astronomer,
although he is also described as dabbling in astrology in the Arabic sources. Most of his work
was accomplished under the caliphate of al-Mamn, to whom he is said to have been
introduced by al-Abbs al-Jawhar.74

19. *Al-Khwrizm, Ab Jafar or Ab Abd Allh Muammad b. Ms (d. ca 850)

wrote astrological texts, although he was primarily known as a mathematician and
astronomer. He was attached to the Bayt al-ikmah of al-Mamn. Noteworthy is his
composition of a no longer extant historical work based on astrology entitled Kitb al-
tarkh.75

20. Al-rith al-Khurasn l-Munajjim (fl. 800-850 CE) was an astronomer and astrologer
and a friend of al-asan b. Sahl, himself close to al-Mamn.76

72
Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 284; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 18; Sezgin, GAS, VII, 124; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu,
Mathematicians, 31.
73
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 274; Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 196; Sezgin, GAS, VII, 125-128; Suter, Die Mathematiker,
15-16; Pingree, Astrology, 295; idem, From Alexandria, 18-19; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 29;
Ullmann, Die Natur, 309-312.
74
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 266, 275; Ibn al-Dya, Al-mukfaah, 211-215; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 13-14;
Sezgin, GAS, VI, 138; Ullmann, Die Natur, 312; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 28-29.
75
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 274; Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 286; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 10-11; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 140-
143; ibidem, VII, 128-129; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 21-26; Toomer, G. J.: Art. al-
Khwrizm, Ab Jafar Muammad b. Ms. In: Dictionary of Scientific Biography, chief editor C. C. Gillispie.
New York 1970-, vol. 7, 358-365; Brentjes, Sonja: Art. Khwrizm: Muammad b. Ms. In: The
Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers. Ed. T. Hockey et al. New York 2007, pp. 631-633; cf. Antoine
Borruts study in this volume and idem: La circulation de linformation historique entre les sources arabo-
musulmanes et syriaques: Elie de Nisibe et ses soures. In: Lhistoriographie syriaque. Ed. M. Debi. Paris
2009, pp. 137-159, especially 148 ff. As Vernet writes with regard to al-Khwrizms astrological history: In
regard to the first of the two [works], it may be surmised that it gave an astronomical [i.e, astrological]
explanation of history like that later given by Ab Mas h ar, al-Nawbak h t and the writer in al-Andalus Ibn
h ayy (d. 447/1055) (Art. al-K h wrazm. In: EI2, online edition).
76
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 278; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 19; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 146; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu,
Mathematicians, 34.
 18

21. Ms b. Shkir (fl. C9 CE). He was the father of the Ban Ms. He was an astronomer
and astrologer and a close friend of al-Mamn when the latter resided in Marw.77

22. Al-Kind (d. 873 CE) the philosopher also wrote several works on astrology. Sezgin lists
around nineteen entries, which include astrological histories, such as a Treatise on the Reign
of the Arabs and their Quality (Rislah f mulk al-arab wa kammyatih) and On the
Revolutions of the World-Years (Maqlah al tawl al-sinn). Al-Kind was a major figure
at the Abbsid court and in Abbsid intellectual life, but the degree of his scientific
interactions with al-Mamn cannot be assessed with precision.78

23. Brn (or Khadjah) (d. 884 CE) was the daughter of al-asan b. Sahl and one of al-
Mamns wives. She is the only female astrologer known from the early Abbsid period.79

24. Ab Mashar (d. 886 CE) spent some time in Baghdad and presumably worked for some
Abbsid patrons. Although he was a contemporary of al-Mamn, it is unclear whether he
was ever employed by this caliph, and most of his astrological prognostications seem to have
been accomplished after the latters death. He had many disciples, including Ab Sad
Shdhn b. Bar, the likely author of the Astrological Deliberations (Al-mudhkart f ilm
al-nujm), Yaqb al-Qasrn, Muammad b. Samn, and Abdallh al-Narn. Ab
Mashar was one of the main exponents of astrological history and contributed to perpetuating
this Sasanian tradition in Islamic times.80

25. *(Ab Jafar) Muammad b. Ms b. Shkir al-Khwrizm l-Munajjim (d. 873 CE)
was one of the three Ban Ms brothers who worked under al-Mamn and later caliphs. He
was mainly a mathematician and astronomer, but he also composed works on astrology (cf.
Sezgin, who mentions three astrological works attributed to the Ban Ms). In addition,
some twenty works on astronomy, mechanics, and mathematics are attributed to them. As

77
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 271; Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 441; id, abaqt, 110; Hill, D. R.: Art. Ban Ms. In:
EI2, online edition; Casulleras, Josep: Art. Ban Ms. In: The Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers.
Ed. T. Hockey et al. New York 2007, pp. 92-94.
78
Loth, O.: Al-Kind als Astrolog. In: Morgenlndische Forschungen, 1875, 261-309; Suter, Die Mathematiker,
23-26; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 151-155; ibidem, VII, 130-134; Cooper, Glen M.: Art. Kind. In: The Biographical
Encyclopedia of Astronomers. Ed. T. Hockey et al. New York 2007, pp. 635-636.
79
Ibn ws, Faraj, 137-138; Sezgin, GAS, VII, 135.
80
Ibn ws, Faraj, 157 ff. for various anecdotes concerning Ab Mashars astrological deeds; Ibn al-Qif,
Tarkh, 152-154; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 28-30; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 156-157; ibidem, VII, 139-151; Rosenfeld
and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians, 44-45; Yamamoto, Keiji: Art. Ab Mashar. In: The Biographical
Encyclopedia of Astronomers. Ed. T. Hockey et al. New York 2007, p. 11; Pingree, Ab Mashar.
 19

Dunlop pointed out, there is probably some confusion in the sources between him and Ab
Abd Allh Muammad b. Ms l-Khwrizm.81

26. *Salm (or Salmn), concerning whom virtually nothing is known, except for the facts
that he was employed in al-Mamns Bayt al-ikmah and that he was competent in astrology
and astronomy and conversant with the Almagest, upon which he is said to have written a
commentary.82

To this already substantial list should be added at least two anonymous astrological
works composed for, and dedicated to, al-Mamn,83 as well as a report preserved by Ibn
Khaldn according to which the then ruler of Ghaznah sent an astrologer to the court of al-
Mamn in Baghdad.84 The previous prosopographic survey of the astrologers employed by
al-Mamn and his court furnishes ample evidence pointing to the importance and centrality
of astrology in the life of this dynasty and of this ruler in particular. Between the first
Abbsid caliph, al-Manr, and al-Mamn, who died in 833 CE, dozens of astrologers were
hired by the Abbsid elite, but it is during the reign of al-Mamn that this astrological
activityin a form closely connected with astronomyreached its pinnacle, as this list
testifies. With respect to al-Mamns reign, then, it is not exaggerated to speak of an
unprecedented surge of astrological and astronomical activity, even by Abbsid standards.
More than any other Abbsid caliph, al-Mamn developed an extensive network of
astrologers and astronomers, who were under his direct employ and flocked to his court, first
in Marw, then in Baghdad, and who even accompanied him on military excursions.85 Al-
Mamns interest in astrology and astronomy persisted during his entire lifetime, but it
appears that it is during the last years of his caliphate that this intellectual policy culminated

81
See Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 271; Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 441; id, abaqt, 110; Suter, Die Mathematiker, 20-
21; Sezgin, GAS, VI, 147-148; ibidem, VII, 129-130; Ullmann, Die Natur, 315; Casulleras, Ban Ms. Some
time ago, D. M. Dunlop had warned about the apparent confusion in the Arabic sources concerning various
individuals associated with the name Muammad b. Ms l-Khwrizm, but his warning has gone largely
unnoticed in later studies devoted to these authors; see Dunlop, D. M.: Muammad b. Ms al-Khwrizm. In:
JRAS 2 (1943), pp. 248-250.
82
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 120, 267-268; Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 97-98; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians,
20.
83
Namely, an anonymous Book of Lots (the German term used by Sezgin is Losbuch) and a calendar (Sezgin,
GAS, VII, 118).
84
Ibn Khaldn: Muqaddimah, transl. F. Rosenthal, 2 vols., 1967, vol. 2, 217. This report can only be accepted
with caution, due to the considerable chronological gap separating al-Mamn and Ibn Khaldn.
85
Yay b. Ab Manr, al-Mamns chief astrologer and astronomer, is said to have died during the military
expedition to Tarsus carried out by the caliph in 832.
 20

with the large-scale observational programs ordered by the caliph from 828 CE onward first
in the Shamsiyyah district of Baghdad and then at Mount Qsiyn near Damascus.86

Various points are worth discussing in greater detail in connection with this list. First,
and with regard to the ethnic and linguistic background of these scholars, the prosopographic
survey confirms the assumption that the majority of the astrologers employed by the
Abbsids hailed from a Persian cultural and linguistic background. This is the case, for
example, of Ms b. Shkir, Yay b. Ab Manr, Umar b. al-Farrukhn al-abar,
Muammad b. Ms al-Khwrizm, abash al-sib al-Marwaz, the members of the
Nawbakht family, the two brothers al-Fal b. Sahl and al-asan b. Sahl, Muammad b. Jahm
al-Barmak, and many others mentioned in the list. These Persian or Persianized astrologers
were themselves of various religious backgrounds, Zoroastrian, Muslim, and Jewish, although
many of them converted to Islam at one point during their life. The multi-confessional
background of these Abbsid astrologers is further exemplified by the earlier Theophilus of
Edessa, a Syriac Christian employed by al-Mahd, and Yay b. al-Batrq, another Christian
scholar involved in the translation of Greek astrological works. At any rate, the Persian
connection of the vast majority of al-Mamns astrologers is certainly not incidental, as
Gutas has shown in his masterful study on the translation movement.87 Rather, it was part and
parcel of a wider social phenomenon that led to the Persianization of the Abbsid culture and
administration, and which was chiefly triggered by the policies endorsed by the ruling elite
and al-Mamn in particular, who took the Sasanian imperial legacy as a model on which to
fashion court etiquette.88 The omnipresence of Persian astrologers in al-Mamns court
should also be connected with the translations from Middle Persian into Arabic that were
commissioned during this period and which seem to have focused especially on astrology.89
Hence, the prosopographic and anthropological picture sketched above underscores the
continuity between Sasanian and early Islamic astrology and concurs with what is known
about the transmission and circulation of astrological texts during the first Islamic centuries.
As was shown previously, it also corresponds to a specific biographical episode in al-
Mamns life, namely, his stay in Marw, during which the Caliph himself was deeply

86
These observational programs were carried out at the Shamsiyyah district in Baghdad in 828-830 and at Jabal
Qasiyn near Damascus, from 830 onward. I will only refer to these well-known and much studied events in the
course of my analysis only insofar as they relate to the present topic. For more information on these programs,
see Sayl, Aydn: The Observatory in Islam. New York 1981.
87
Gutas, Greek Thought
88
See Gutas, Greek Thought, 33-34.
89
van Bladel, The Arabic Hermes, 27-30. The most detailed examination of the textual connections between
ancient Persian and Islamic astrology is to be found in the various publications of David Pingree. For an example
from the field of literature, see Zakeris contribution in this volume.
 21

involved in the patronage of various astrological endeavors and at the head of a court that was
in direct geographical and cultural contact with the heartland of the old Sasanian Empire. The
fact that al-Mamn was of Persian descent through his mother is also surely not coincidental
and fits in this general account.

Second, the patronage network of al-Mamn reveals that he supported both astrology
and astronomy equally, without presumably distinguishing sharply between these disciplines.
Judging from their output and the reports in the primary sources, some of the scholars he hired
were primarily astrologers (such as al-Fal b. Nawbakht, al-Fal b. Sahl, and al-asan al-
Tamm al-Aba), while others seem to have devoted themselves almost entirely to
astronomy (such as al-Marwarrudh and al-Abbs b. Sad al-Jawhar), while still others
composed works in both disciplines (such as Yay b. Ab Manr and Umar b. al-
Farrukhn).90 While there is no debating that genuine scientific motivation and curiosity
partially fuelled al-Mamns support of the astronomical programs at Shamsiyyah and
Mount Qsiyn, it is also clear that a substantial part of the results they generated was
exploited directly for practical astrological ends.

The patterns of al-Mamns patronage suggest that astronomy and astrology were
practiced in parallel in the Abbsid period. Indeed, it appears that they were often practiced
by the same individuals and that the data on which they relied overlapped considerably,
notably with respect to the astronomical tables known as zjes (sing. zj). As E. S. Kennedy
has shown in a classic study devoted to this genre, zj production boomed during the ninth and
tenth centuries CE, a period which coincides with al-Mamns reign and that of his
immediate successors, and thus with the golden age of the Abbsid support of astrology.91
The interface between astrology and astronomy with respect to the production of zjes is
furthermore substantiated by the fact that these works typically contain a section devoted to
astrology, as in the case of the zjes of Yay b. Ab Manr, abash, and al-Khwrizm.92

90
Yay, al-Mamns chief astrologer and astronomer, is a case in point. The list of works attributed to him and
preserved by Ibn al-Nadm consists mostly of zjes, which could serve both astrological and astronomical
purposes. Moreover, Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 358-359, mentions horoscopes cast by Yay.
91
Kennedy, E. S.: A Survey of Islamic Astronomical Tables. In: Transactions of the American Philosophical
Society 46/2 (1956): pp. 123-177.
92
For general comments on astrology in zjes, see King, D. A. and J. Sams: Art. Zdj, section 11, in EI2,
online version; Kennedy, A Survey, 144-145; and King, David A. and Julio Sams. Astronomical Handbooks
and Tables from the Islamic World (750-1900): An Interim Report. In: Suhayl 2 (2001): pp. 9-105, 15, 28-30;
and for astrology in the zjes of Yay, abash, and al-Khwrizm in particular, see Kennedy, A Survey, 147,
150-153. It should be remembered that the Leipzig copy of Yays zj contains an astrological section ascribed
to al-Mamn. The astrological relevance of zjes is in any case not surprising, as the zj, by its very nature,
 22

Finally, it should be made clear that the Arabic historical reports do not attempt to distinguish
between astrologers and astronomers: ilm al-nujm, the science of the stars, and its
practitioners, al-munajjimn, may refer to both disciplines, and this is also the term that is
most commonly used by these scholars in their works to describe their occupation.93
In this connection, it seems worthwhile to mention Al b. s, one of al-Mamns
hired astronomers and a participant in the Mount Qsiyn observations. He was famous for
his opposition to astrology, although his qualms with it and the kinds of arguments he
mustered against it might have been of an altogether different nature than those of the
falsifah. But Al b. s appears in any case to have been somewhat of an exception in the
circle of scholars he belonged to, and most of the protagonists under discussion here can be
ascertained to have engaged in both disciplines. Even Ab Mashar, the most famous
astrologer of the period, whose output consists almost exclusively of astrological works,
obviously knew astronomical principles, and he is sometimes mentioned by later chroniclers
as having participated in the observations carried out in Baghdad.94 Regardless of whether any
credence should be given to these accounts, the fact remains that the output of most of these
ninth-century scholars usually comprises both astrological and astronomical works, and we
should assume that as a ruleincluding the Caliph al-Mamnthey regarded astrology and
astronomy as two branches of a common cosmological endeavor. At any rate, al-Mamns
personal patronage extended to both sciences, and astrological pursuits during this period
were often conducted side by side, and hand in hand, with astronomical observations.95

preserved crucial information concerning the position of the planets and stars that was needed for astrological
predictions.
93
The disciplinary interface between astrology and astronomy makes it particularly difficultand in some sense
a moot endeavorfor modern scholars to separate them in the cultural context that was medieval Baghdad,
where these disciplines were practiced side by side. But this is a complicated issue that cannot be adequately
treated in this article. Suffice it to say that the problem is of a chronological, terminological, and disciplinary
nature and requires much further research. It is true that some Arabic philosophers and astronomers of the
classical period of Islam did distinguish quite clearly between astrology and astronomy, both at the
terminological and methodological levels, but their attitude seems proper to the philosophical tradition and
cannot be extended to the society at large. The two Arabic philosophers al-Frb and Avicenna, for example,
rejected astrology on epistemological grounds and articulated compelling refutations of this discipline based on a
meticulous and point by point criticism of its main tenets. See Michot, Yay: Avicenne: Rfutation de
lastrologie. Beirut 2006 for Avicenna; and Janos, Damien: Method, Structure, and Development in al-Frbs
Cosmology. Leiden 2012, pp. 44-57 for al-Frb.
94
See, for instance, al-Masd, Ab l-asan Al: Kitb al-tanbh wa-l-ishrf. Ed. Goeje, Michael Jan de.
Leiden 1894, pp. 45, 99; Brn, Ab Rayn Muammad b. Amad: Kitb al-Qnn al-Masd. Haydarab
1954, vol. 3, 1149, 1461, and passim.
95
Other scholars have reached a similar conclusion concerning the partially astrological motivations of al-
Mamns observational programs. See Sayl, Aydn: The Observatory in Islam. New York 1981, 82-84;
Berggren, Len: Art. Mamn: Ab alAbbs Abdallh b. Hrn alRashd. In: The Biographical
Encyclopedia of Astronomers. Ed. T. Hockey et al. New York 2007, p. 733; and King and Sams, Zdj, section
2.
 23

Astronomy provided some of the principles of astrology and the raw observational data used
for the casting of astrological predictions.96

Third, we see from the list that al-Mamns patronage of astrology was broad in its
scope and varied in the genres of texts commissioned. Different kinds of works were
produced for him, ranging from (1) translations of ancient astrological works (e.g., al-ajjj;
Umar b. al-Farrukhn); (2) horoscopes (e.g., al-Fal b. Sahl); (3) books of predictions or
elections (ikhtiyrt), whether military, political, or other (e.g., al-asan al-Tamm al-
Aba); (4) zjes or astronomical tables (e.g., Yay b. Ab Manr; Abd Allh b. Ms al-
Khwrizm; abash); (5) astrological histories (e.g., Ab Mashar; Abd Allh b. Ms al-
Khwrizm); and (6) other miscellaneous texts.97

Finally, we observe that the practice and patronage of astrology were also assiduously
cultivated by individuals in the entourage of al-Mamn, whether high officials of state,
viziers, or family members. This fact deserves closer scrutiny, as it shows that the patronage
of astrology was not a caliphal privilege, but rather participated in a broader social and
cultural phenomenon, which nevertheless found its highest form of expression in the
munificence of the caliph himself. hir b. al-usayn, a military commander and later
96
Further research on Muslim perceptions of astronomy and astrology is of course a desideratum, but requires
careful and case by case examination. The tendency has been hitherto to generalize or simplify a highly complex
phenomenon. The statement made by Saliba, George: A History of Arabic Astronomy. Planetary Theories during
the Golden Age of Islam. New York and London, 1994, p. 66, according to which it is only at a later date,
around the thirteenth century, that astronomy was made fully distinct from astrology, is dubious. This claim
rests solely on a chronological criterion, although chronology seems to be only one part of the issue. As stated
above, some Arabic thinkers, such as al-Frb and Ibn Sn, were engaged in the task of separating astrology
from astronomy long before the thirteenth century, while it is possible to find post-thirteenth-century authors
who still practice both disciplines side by side or at least endorse some aspects of astrology, while rejecting
others. One such thinker was Nim al-Dn al-Nsbr, who adopted a nuanced approach to astrology; see
Morrison, Islam and Science, 63-77. Other key factors that must be taken into account when dealing with this
issue are: (a) the discipline and genre investigated (philosophical writings, where the separation between
astrology and astronomy appears at least from the tenth-century onward, vs. other genres such as astronomical
and astrological treatises, classifications of the sciences, Qurn commentaries, etc.); (b) the terminology used by
Arabic authors to refer to these disciplines and their semantic nuances, as the Arabic possesses a variety of terms
for this purpose (e.g., ilm al-hayah; ilm al-nujm; ilm al-nujm al-talm; ilm akm al-nujm; etc.); and (c)
the development of the religious attitude toward astrology. The latter problem alone would require an extensive
analysis, as some theologians and legal scholars, such as al-Nam, al-Ghazl, and Fakhr al-Dn al-Rz,
recognized some validity to astrology. For a study of this issue in the early tafsr tradition, see Morrison, Robert:
Discussions of Astrology in Early Tafsr. In: Journal of Qurnic Studies 11.2 (2009), pp. 49-71; and idem, The
Portrayal of Nature in a Medieval Qurn Commentary. In: Studia Islamica 94 (2992), pp. 115-137, especially
124 ff.; see also Michot, Yay J.: Ibn Taymiyya on Astrology: Annotated Translations of Three Fatwas. In:
Journal of Islamic Studies 11.2 (2000), pp. 147-208. Until they have been examined in detail and on a case by
case basis, these issues will undermine most of the general discussions and assessments of the relation between
astrology and astronomy in the classical Islamic context.
97
An example of such texts is a copy of the Gospels produced for al-Mamn, which is said to have contained
astrological predictions concerning the birth and prophethood of Jesus; see Kohlberg, A Medieval Muslim
Scholar, 193. While this work may not have been primarily astrological in nature, it shows the deep
ramifications that astrological speculation had in the literary output of this period.
 24

governor of Marw under al-Mamn, was an ardent patron of astrology who also possessed a
keen curiosity for all things cosmological. We know of at least one astrologer, Ab Uthmn
Sahl b. Bishr al-Isrl, who worked for him during his governorship in Khursn, and who
apparently translated Aratuss astronomical poem, The Phenomena, for his patron.98 Al-Fal
b. Sahl, vizier of al-Mamn, is said to have cast hirs horoscope before his battle against
the armies of al-Amn.99 Not surprisingly, two of hirs descendents, Abd Allh b. hir (d.
844-45 CE) and Manr b. alah b. hir al-Khuz (d. 854 CE), were interested in
astrology.100

Another striking case is Ab l-Abbs al-Fal b. Sahl al-Sarakhs (d. 818 CE), vizier to
the Caliph al-Mamn, who was assassinated in obscure circumstances in 818 CE, and whose
fate is not without recalling the sudden ordeal of the Barmakids. Al-Fal cumulated both
administrative and military authority and possessed great influence at court. He has been
remembered in the Arabic annals as devoted astrologer, who did not hesitate to offer his
services to the Caliph at critical political junctures. Various historians and biographers,
including al-abar, al-Masd, Miskawayh, Ibn Khalliqn, and Ibn ws, have preserved
numerous anecdotes concerning Fals predictions.101 Moreover, al-Fal was not only a
competent astrologer, but also an influential patron of this art, who attracted scholars to his
entourage.102 Al-Fals brother, al-asan b. Sahl b. Abdallh al-Sarakhs, was the secretary
and vizier of al-Mamn for some time after his brothers assassination, but he fell into deep
melancholy upon learning the news of this event and eventually retired from official life. At
any rate, al-asan was also an astrological advisor to al-Mamn, an unsurprising fact if we
presume that he must have received a similar education to that of al-Fal.103

Such was the acceptance and perceived benefit of astrology that it even appealed to
Brn (d. 884 CE), wife of al-Mamn and daughter of al-asan b. Sahl. She is described by

98
Honigmann, Ernest: The Arabic Translation of Aratus Phenomena, 31; Pingree, Astrology, 295.
99
Ibn Khalliqn, Wafayt, vol. 4, pp. 41-44.
100
For the former, see King, David A.: A Hellenistic Astrological Table Deemed Worthy of Being Penned in
Gold Ink: The Arabic Tradition of Vettius Valens Auxiliary Function for Finding the Length of Life. In:
Burnett, Charles, Jan P. Hogendijk, Kim Plofker, and Michio Yano (eds.), Studies in the History of the Exact
Sciences in Honour of David Pingree. Leiden & Boston 2004, pp. 666-714, 705 (688 for the Arabic), and the last
section of this article; for the latter, Sezgin, GAS, VI, 145.
101
Al-abar, The War between Brothers, vol. 31, 73; al-Masd, Murj, vol. 8, 300-301; Ibn ws, Faraj,
132-135, and 142-143, where he is confusedlyand it would seem wronglycalled al-Nawbakht; Ibn
Khalliqn, Wafayt, vol. 4, 41-44; and Ibn Dya, Al-mukfaah, 74-75.
102
Yay b. Ab Manr was apparently in the service of al-Fal before being employed by al-Mamn. Umar
b. al-Farrukhn was invited to Marw by al-Fal.
103
Ibn Ab hir ayfr, Kitb Baghdd, 118; Ibn ws, Faraj, 133 ff.; Ibn Hibint, Al-Mughn f akm al-
nujm, vol. 1, 287; vol. 2, 58, 218, 220.
 25

Ibn ws as the author of various astrological predictions and, according to the source he
consulted, she was highly esteemed in the various sciences, especially in astrology. She
excelled in it and attained its highest degree.104 Since both her father and uncle were
practitioners of this art, Brns own competence in astrology is not altogether surprising, but
deserves some notice insofar as she is the only female Abbsid astrologer mentioned in the
classical sources. Finally, among the courtiers and officials of the state, one should also
mention Muammad b. al-Jahm al-Barmak, author of an astrological treatise dedicated to al-
Mamn, and a figure also credited with astrological predictions and translations in the Arabic
sources.

In view of the foregoing, we may conclude that the list of Abbsid courtiers
associated with al-Mamn who either practiced or patronized astrology, or both, includes
some of the highest ranking officials in the caliphs administration. This list meaningfully
complements the file concerning the astrological activity of al-Mamn, showing that his
enthusiasm for, and endorsement of, this art extended to his entourage and even to female
members of his family. Most of these individuals were functionaries, or rather scholars-
officials, stemming from a Persian cultural milieu, suggesting once again a close connection
between Abbsid astrological networks and the reception of the Sasanian heritage. They were
not only active in supporting astrology, but also composed treatises on the topic and were
consulted expressly for their competence in this field, usually in order to predict military
outcomes or to settle delicate political decisions.

It is worthwhile pausing here to summarize the main results reached thus far. Al-
Mamn surrounded himself with a host of astrologers and astronomers as early as his
governorate and early caliphate in Marw. As a corollary, it is clear that the network of
astrologers and astronomers that later prevailed in Baghdad during the 820s and 830s to some
extent had its roots in al-Mamns Marw period, where he became acquainted with aspects of
Sasanian astrological practice and first understood the ideological and political potential of
astrology. This network continued to develop until the caliphs death, especially with the
large-scale observational projects he commissioned in Baghdad and Syria. Significantly,
however, interest in astrology was not the exclusive privilege of the caliph alone, but also
extended to his close entourageviziers, generals, and even one of his wives. Finally, it
would appear that al-Mamns patronage of astrology was systematic and represented a well-
104
Ibn ws, Faraj, 137. An anonymous work, Majm atq, allegedly contained information on the
astrological expertise of Brn; see Ibn ws, Faraj, 137-138; and Kohlberg, A Medieval Muslim Scholar, 244.
 26

established and official policy of the Abbsid state. It was carried out by virtually all the
caliphs, from al-Manr to al-Mamn, as well as by their close collaborators, as was
demonstrated by Gutas. The official and grandiose scale of this kind of patronage is clear not
only from the status and diversity of the patrons and the high culture they sustained, but also
from the fact that the practice of astrology cannot be easily separated from astronomy and
especially from the vast observational programs sponsored directly by al-Mamn in the late
820s. Yet the previous considerations raise the corollary question of the institutional and
physical contexts in which the practice of astrology was conducted. Only some aspects of this
issue will be treated in the last part of this article in connection with the Bayt al-ikmah.
patronize

Astrology and the Bayt al-ikmah

In the final part of this article, I wish to investigate to what extent, if at all, this astrological
activity took place within the confines of the so-called Bayt al-ikmah and the palatial
libraries, without engaging too deeply in the modern controversies surrounding this
institution. Suffice it to say that according to the last authoritative studies on the subject,
which date to the 1990s, the Bayt al-ikmah was either a library containing books exclusively
or primarily devoted to early Arab and Persian lore, or it was a lively center of political and
religious debate and propaganda, as well as, to some extent, a place where philosophical
works were translated and studied.105 These authors nevertheless agree that the Bayt al-
ikmah was not a full-fledged center devoted to the translation of Greek philosophical works
into Arabic.

Here I will limit my remarks to the connection between astrology and the palatial
libraries. I am not the first to establish this hypothetical connection. In his monograph on
medieval Muslim libraries published in 1967, Youssef Eche already suspected that astrology
was studied in the Bayt al-ikmah and argued that the palatial libraries had an astrological
branch, an opinion also endorsed but not developed to any length by Houari Touati.106 This
hypothesis was subsequently indirectly rejected by Balty-Guesdon, who argued that only a

105
See respectively Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, passim; Gutas, Dimitri and Kevin van Bladel: Art.
Bayt al-ikma. In: EI3. Online version, for the first view; and Balty-Guesdon, M.-G.: Le Bayt al-ikma de
Baghdad. In: Arabica 39 (1992), pp. 131-150 ; eadem: Bayt al-ikmah et politique culturelle du caliphe al-
Mamn. In: Medicina nei secoli Arte e Scienza. Journal of History of Medicine 6 (1994), pp. 275-291, for the
second view.
106
Eche, Youssef: Les bibliothques arabes publiques et semi-publiques en Msopotamie, en Syrie et en Egypte
au Moyen Age. Damas 1967; Touati, Larmoire sagesse, 176.
 27

form of astronomy purged of all astrological elements was studied in the Bayt al-ikmah, and
by Gutas, who pointed to the insufficient evidence supporting this conclusion.107 Although
Eches general perception of the Bayt al-ikmah was severely criticized by Gutas, I think that
this particular point requires further examination. In what follows, I will reconsider some
well-known facts about the Bayt al-ikmah and in addition provide new evidence concerning
the possibility of astrological works being stored and astrological activity taking place within
the confines of this institution.

It should first be noted that the sparse evidence on the Bayt al-ikmah that can be
found in Ibn al-Nadms Fihrist and in the later sources that presumably rely on this source
overwhelmingly points to astrology and astronomy as the main disciplines that can be
connected with this institution. Ab Sahl al-Fal b. Nawbakht was an astrologer active in the
library of Hrn al-Rashd, and although he died in 815a few years before al-Mamn
moved the capital to Baghdad in 818he is the first of several practitioners of astrology to be
associated with the Bayt al-ikmah. A second figure is Salm or Salmn, who was chief (ib)
of the Bayt al-ikmah and apparently possessed some competence in astronomy and in the
Almagest in particular.108 Interestingly, this Salm or Salmn could be the same individual as
the Salmn al-munajjim who is mentioned by Ibn ws as having participated in a debate
against the great astrologer Ab Mashar.109 Third is Yay b. Ab Manr, a close
companion to al-Mamn, who worked in the palatial library and who was moreover entrusted
with a large-scale observational program in Baghdad.110 Finally, Muammad b. Ms l-
Khwrizm, who composed treatises on astronomy and other branches of mathematics, is also
mentioned by Ibn al-Nadm as being employed in al-Mamns Bayt al-ikmah.111

107
Balty-Guesdon, M.-G.: Le Bayt al-ikma de Baghdad. In: Arabica 39 (1992), pp. 131-150; eadem: Bayt al-
ikmah et politique culturelle du caliphe al-Mamn. In: Medicina nei secoli Arte e Scienza. Journal of History
of Medicine 6 (1994), pp. 275-291. Gutas in turn devoted some interesting pages to astrological history at the
Abbsid court in his book Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, but he does not explicitly situate this activity in the
Bayt al-ikmah, nor does he stress the connection between Abbsid astrology and the books contained in the
Bayt al-ikmah.
108
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 120, 267-268; Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 97-98; Rosenfeld and Ihsanolu, Mathematicians,
20.
109
Ibn ws, Faraj, 163.
110
Ibn al-Qif, Tarkh, 357-358, 441; Sayl, The Introductory Section, 142, and 149 for the Arabic text. It is a
moot point whether Yay should be regarded primarily as an astronomer or as an astrologer. Since the data
obtained from these observational programs may also have been used for astrological purposes, and since
astrological considerations may have actually motivated these programs in the first place, it is not possible to
separate clearly between this authors astronomical and astrological activities. This is all the more true, since
Yay is sometimes cited in the sources specifically as an astrologer and as having carried out astrological
predictions for various patrons; see for instance Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 143.
111
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 274.
 28

Hence, there is sound evidence connecting authors of astrological and astronomical

works with the Bayt al-ikmah, although these associations are admittedly very concise. The
case of Ab Abdallh b. Ms l-Khwrizm is quite revealing. He is better known today for
his contribution to mathematics and the exact sciences, but he is frequently described as an
astrologer and astronomer in the medieval Arabic sources, with the implication that he may
have been equally known to his contemporaries as a practitioner of these disciplines. He
presumably composed at least one major treatise on astrological history, mentioned under the
title Book of History (Kitb al-tarkh) in the Fihrist.112 and it may very well have been with
respect to his astrological activity and this work in particular that Ibn al-Nadm connected him
with the Bayt al-ikmah. Hence, most of the scholars associated with the palatial library were
either primarily known in their time as astrologers or composed works on astrology in
addition to other subjects. In any case, the connection between this astrological activity and
the Bayt al-ikmah cannot be denied.

Yet surprisingly, this simple fact has been either downplayed or misconstrued by
previous studies dealing with the Bayt al-ikmah. Balty-Guesdon acknowledged the presence
of some astronomical activity in the Bayt al-ikmah, but she at the same time artificially
separated astrology from astronomy and argued that the kind of cosmological pursuits carried
out in the Bayt al-ikmah focused on pure astronomy and excluded astrology altogether.113
Apart from misrepresenting the scientific situation in ninth-century Baghdad, this view does
not cohere well with the existing evidence just surveyed. Quite the contrary: it seems that it is
primarily in their capacity as astrologers that some of these scholars became associated with
the Bayt al-ikmah. If we confine ourselves to the information contained in Ibn al-Nadms
bio-bibliographic work, then, it seems unjustified to separate astronomy from astrology on the
one hand and to exclude astrology from the disciplines represented in the institution of the
palatial library on the other. If anything, astrology is the discipline best attested to in the
sources when it comes to the prosopographic evidence related to the Bayt al-ikmah.

Unlike Balty-Guesdon, Gutas in his book at times vaguely acknowledges a connection

between astrology and the Bayt al-ikmah, but does not describe it explicitly on grounds of
insufficient evidence. He does not clearly locate astrological works and astrological activity
directly in the palatial library. For Gutas, the Mamnian Bayt al-ikmah was exclusively a
library of a somewhat antiquarian nature, primarily designed to preserve works dealing with
112
Ibidem; see also Vernet, al-K h wrazm, and Antoine Borruts article in this volume.
113
See Balty-Guesdon, Le Bayt al-ikma de Baghdad, 147.
 29

the ancient Persian heritage. Hence, in spite of his very illuminating analysis of Abbsid
astrology and its ideological implications, as well as his acknowledgement of the centrality of
astrological patronage by the ruling elite, Gutas does not address the question of the
institutional context of Abbsid astrology in any depth.114

The evidence provided by Ibn al-Nadm can fortunately be complemented by other

sources, which throw valuable light this time on the works contained in the libraries of the
caliphs. One such source is the Mudhkart f ilm al-nujm of Ab Sad Shdhn b. Bar, a
disciple of Ab Mashar, which was not used by Balty-Guesdon and Gutas. The history
behind the compilation and transmission of the Mudhkart is a complicated and obscure one,
and the text is preserved in at least two manuscripts (Cambridge and Ankara) that are still
unedited.115 In spite of this, the work conveys interesting information about Shdhns master,
the great astrologer Ab Mashar, and more generally about the practice of astrology in
Baghdad during the ninth century. It appears to have been written sometime in the 880s at the
latest, although its exact date of composition is uncertain and could be earlier, making it either
way an early and valuable source.116

Two passages are particularly relevant and strengthen the data found in Ibn al-Nadms
Fihrist. The first one, which was cited previously, concerns Ab Mashars description of
Umar b. al-Farrukhn (as conveyed by Ab Sad), an older yet contemporary astrologer,
who apparently worked for al-Mamn:

114
Gutass precise view on the astrological function of al-Mamns library is hard to pinpoint, and he seems to
have wavered concerning this issue throughout his study. In one instance, he seems to posit some kind of
astronomical activity (but not astrological?) in the Bayt al-ikmah (Greek Thought, 58). However, in other
instances Gutas defines the latter exclusively as a library, or better an antiquarian library, and states that we
have absolutely no evidence for any sort of activity (ibid., 57, 59). Generally speaking, Gutas seems to have
resisted the conclusion that the Bayt al-ikmah may have contained astrological works and housed any kind of
astrological activity. At any rate, he does not explicitly express this view in his study. A similar picture emerges
from the article by Gutas, Dimitri and Kevin van Bladel: Art. Bayt al-ikma. In: EI3. Online version.
115
Part of the problem is that the manuscripts have apparently come down to us under two titles, Asrr ilm al-
nujm and Mudhkart f ilm al-nujm, and are ascribed to both Ab Mashar and Shdhn. For example, the
manuscript Gg.3.19, 1-27b preserved in Cambridge is entitled Mudhkart f ilm al-nujm and is attributed to
Ab Mashar. For this article, I have consulted only the manuscript Ankara Saib 199, fols. 1a-26b. The exact
degree of overlap between the contents of these manuscripts and the issue of their authorship are questions for
future research. This work has been discussed by Dunlop, D. M.: The Mudhkart f Ilm al-Nujm (Dialogues
on Astrology) attributed to Ab Mashar al-Balkh (Albumasar). In: Iran and Islam. Edinburgh 1971, pp. 229-
246, who nevertheless does not discuss its contents, and by Thorndike, Lynn: Albumasar in Sadan. In: Isis 45
(1954), pp. 22-32, who focused on its Latin translation. David Pingree had begun work on an edition and
analysis of this text, but to my knowledge never published it; see Pingree, From Celestial Omens, 58, note 26.
116
For this tentative dating of Shdhns Mudhkart, see Dunlop, The Mudhkart, passim.
 30

He [Umar] translated many books for him [al-Mamn] and performed astrological predictions, which
117
are presently in the palatial libraries.

There are several chronological and terminological problems connected with this passage.
The chronological problem concerning the plausibility of Umars presence at al-Mamns
court in Merw was addressed previously and so need not concern us at this point.118 Another
chronological and terminological problem focuses instead on the reference to Umars
astrological works being in the palatial libraries (khazin al-suln). This statement, made by
Ab Mashar at an unspecified moment in time (an ambiguity highlighted by the term
presently, al-n), could indicate a later and post-Mamnian period. Accordingly, Umars
works would have made it to the Baghdad libraries after heand possibly al-Mamnhad
passed away. However, this need not by any means be the case, since Umar died sometime
around 815-816, while al-Mamn moved the court to Baghdad in 818 and died in 833.
Hence, it is reasonable to assume that, first, Umars works were part of al-Mamns library
when he was in Merw, and second, that Umars works may have later formed part of the
imperial libraries in Baghdad at any point in time between 818 and 833.

Related to this is the issue of how one should construe the slightly unusual expression
khazin al-suln that appears in this passage, when one would expect the more common
khaznat al-ikmah and khaznat al-kutub, which are used by the Arabic authors to refer to al-
Rashds and al-Mamns libraries. The expression khazin al-suln could imply that the
passage is referring to a later libraryand not the Mamnian librarysince the term suln
became customary as a political title during the Buyid, Ghaznvid, and Seljuq periods. Yet
this is not a necessary conclusion. The expression khazin al-suln could refer not to an
individual, as was later to become customary, but instead to the palatial or official libraries of
the Abbsids. In this view, the term suln would refer to the central authority and
government institutions, rather than to the caliph himself. In fact, usage of the term suln in
the latter sense is attested in the historical sources as early as the reign of al-Mamn,119 and it

117
tarjama lah kutuban kathratan wa-akama bi-akm hiya l-n mawjdah f khazin al-suln (Shdhn,
Asrr ilm al-nujm, fol. 19a; cited in Arabic in Sezgin, GAS, vol. 7, 111, note 1).
118
See note 55.
119
See for instance El Cheikh, Nadia: Court and Courtiers: A Preliminary Investigation of Abbasid Terminology.
In: Court Cultures in the Muslim World: Seventh to Nineteenth Centuries, edited by A. Fuess and J.-P. Hartung.
London; New York 2011, pp. 80-91, who cites various classical references to the dr al-suln, the palace of the
Abbsid rulers. Similarly, al-Mamn is sometimes described as a king (malik) by medieval authors, thus
making the reference to the khazin al-mulk that appears in another passage of the Mudhkart (fol. 21b) a not
implausible reference to the library of the Abbsid caliphs; see for instance Ibn ws, Faraj, 207.
 31

even appears in connection with Yay b. Ab Manr, al-Mamns chief astrologer-

astronomer, in a passage that will be discussed below.

In this regard, it is noteworthy that al-Mamns library survived his death and
endured well into the tenth century, as is evidenced by a statement in Ibn al-Nadms Fihrist
to the effect that he himself consulted a book in the library of al-Mamn [khiznat al-
Mamn].120 Hence, even in the eventuality where Ab Mashar is referring to a library that
post-dated al-Mamns death, the core of its collection likely consisted of books acquired
during al-Mamns caliphate. This would seem especially true of astrological works, given
this caliphs fondness for this discipline. At any rate, these excerpts from Shdhns
Mudhkart are of important historical value, because they show that astrological works were
stored in official Abbsid libraries during the ninth century, as was the case with Umars
works, which were incorporated during his lifetime or shortly after his death into these state
collections.

Finally, there are two ways to interpret the key sentence of this passage. One may
understand either (a) that Umars translations and his astrological judgments (wa akama bi-
akm) were preserved in the palatial libraries, or (b) that only his astrological works were
preserved there. The difference revolves around whether the conjunction wa is interpreted as
being inclusive or exclusive. This interpretive nuance does not change the nature of the
argument, but if the inclusive reading is adopted with the implication that Umars
translations were also stored in the library, then this would lend new impetus to the thesis that
philosophical and astrological works were indeed translated with the express intention of
being kept the Abbsid palatial libraries.121 In either case, Ab Mashar was obviously intent
on emphasizing the fact that the astrological works of Umar were kept in the official
libraries.

120
Ibn al-Nadm, Fihrist, 5.
121
Another passage of the Mudhkartof considerable interest, but which cannot be given full attention here
due to reasons of spacedescribes Umar as a great translator of books from Greece, Syria [i.e., Syriac books],
Persia, and Babylonia into the Arabic language (wa kna Umar yutarjimu kutub Ynn wa Suryn wa kutub
al-Fars wa-l-Bbiln il l-arabiyyah); see Shdhn, Asrr ilm al-nujm, fol. 18b. Needless to say, this account
should not be taken at face value, as there is no evidence that Umar ever translated works from Greek, Syriac, or
Babylonian. Nevertheless, it does highlight Umars important status and renown as a translator in the Arabic
tradition, especially with regard to the translation of astrological works from Middle Persian. This and other
passages of the Mudhkart will be discussed in a separate article prepared by the present author and devoted to
Umar b. al-Farrukhn al-abar.
 32

Hence, the various interpretive difficulties that can be pinpointed in the Mudhkart
excerpt do not undermine the identification of the library it refers to with the Mamnian
institution. In spite of its decidedly ambiguous character, this testimony represents a valuable
addition to the list of already known references to the Abbsid libraries. It is conveyed by a
contemporary witness of the events we are concerned with, since Abu Mashar, who lived
through the reign of al-Mamn and died in 886 CE, would have been well informed of the
state of astrological practice during this period. His account explicitly describes the existence
of astrological works in the official library, thus suggesting that such works were stored and
presumably studied there.

In another important passage of the Mudhkart, Shdhn provides a list of

astrological works that were allegedly consulted by Ab Mashar in the khazin, which
included translations of ancient works, as well as other works composed by earlier Arabic
authors.122 Some of these works were composed or commissioned by Abbsid courtly
figures, such as Isq b. Sulaymn, Yay b. Khlid b. Barmak, and Abd Allh b. hir.
Significantly, however, the list also includes works authored by some of al-Mamns
astrologers, namely, Yay b. Ab Manr, Mshallh, and Sanad b. Al. This list therefore
further testifies that the palatial libraries of the ninth century may have contained both ancient
astrological texts translated from foreign languages and works composed by contemporary
Abbsid astrologers.

Further complementary evidence to support the hypothesis of astrological texts

existing in the palatial libraries may be found in the prologue to the Zj al-mumtaan
attributed to Yay b. Ab Manr preserved in the Escorial in Madrid. In this prologue, the
scribe writes the following on account of Yay:

The one made responsible [by al-Mamn] to supervise this [the observational program at
Shamsiyyah] was Yay b. Ab Manr the Arithmetician [al-sib] . . . who performed observations
for the course of one tropical year [li-ull al-shams nuqah al-itidl] and on the positions of the fixed
stars [al-kawkib al-thbitah]. This was in Baghdad in the Shamsiyyah district . . . and he [Yay]
established what seemed demonstratively and observationally correct according to him in this zj, and he
called it the Mamnian Verified Observational Table of Shamsiyyah [al-zj al-mumtaan al-raad

122
Shdhn, Asrr ilm al-nujm, fol. 21b. This list has already been published in Rosenthal, Franz: From Arabic
Books and Manuscripts. In: Journal of the American Oriental Society 83.4 (1963), pp. 454-455.
 33

l-mamn l-shams] . . . and he deposited the copy in the palatial library [wa-awdaa l-nuskhah [f]
khiznat al-suln].123

It should be noted right away that the expression Khiznat al-suln used in this passage is the
same that appears in Ab Mashars account of Umar b. al-Farrukhn. But here we possess a
chronological hint. Since Yay died in around 830 (but not after 832), the appellation
Khiznat al-suln can only refer to al-Mamns library, since al-Mamn himself died in
833, a few years after Yay. Perhaps more importantly, this account explains that Yay
deposited the copy (a copy?) of his Mumtaan in this palatial library, thus proving beyond
doubt that the Abbsid state libraries includedfrom at least the time of al-Mamn, but
possibly earlierastrological works written by contemporary authors. It also compellingly
complements the Mudhkart passage examined above in showing that the expression
Khiznat al-suln was used, either during the life of al-Mamn or shortly after, to refer to
the Mamnian library. As a corollary, it seems that the terms Bayt al-ikmah and Khiznat
al-ikmah used by Ibn al-Nadm to refer to the libraries of Hrn al-Rashd and al-Mamn
could be synonymous to the third expression Khiznat al-suln encountered in these other
sources. All of these names apparently refer to the same institution that flourished especially
under the caliphate of al-Mamn, although the question of when they came to be used
remains uncertain.124

Finally, I adduce here a last piece of evidence showing quite convincingly that
astrological and astronomical texts were kept in the official libraries of al-Mamn and of his
political administrators. In the opening section of an astrological treatise studied and
translated by D. A. King some years ago, one reads the following lines:

123
Fols. 2a and b, ms Escorial II 927, my translation. The transliterated Arabic text was reproduced in Vernet,
Las Tabulae Probatae, 198.
124
For the equivalence of bayt and khiznah in this context, see Gutas and van Bladel, Bayt al-ikma; and
Touati, Larmoire sagesse, 178. These authors, however, do not discuss the additional expression Khiznat al-
suln, which I take to be synonymous to the previous two, albeit less frequently mentioned in the Arabic
sources. At any rate, the terminological evidence surveyed thus far points in this direction. Exactly why so many
names are used by Arabic authors to refer to the Mamnian institution remains an open question. This state of
affairs could be due either to the fact that already during the ninth century, the Bayt al-ikmah was known under
various names, or to the practice of later historians of using terms common during their time to describe al-
Mamns library retrospectively.
 34

Praise be to God. This is the Table of Life and the Lifespan of a Newborn [jadwal al-ayt wa
kammiyyat amr al-mawlid] as I found it in the Kitb al-kmil f l-nujm in the library [khiznah] of
Abd Allh b. hir b. al-usayn [sent to him] by [an] al-Mamn and written in gold.125

The author, or rather the copyist, of this treatise informs us that he consulted the Kitb al-
kmil f l-nujm in the library [khiznah] of Abd Allh b. hir b. al-usayn (d. 845 CE), son
of the great military commander hir b. al-usayn and member of the distinguished family
that governed Khurasn for several decades.126 The excerpt explicitly states that the book was
sent to Abd Allh by al-Mamn, who presumably owned a copy (or copies) of it in his own
library. This testimony is interesting in several respects. First, it shows that not only al-
Mamn, but his governors and officials as well, possessed their own libraries, and that books
were exchanged from one library to the other, thus creating a network of patrons, books, and
libraries. Second, it shows beyond doubt that astrological and astronomical works were
collected and stored in these libraries and were considered important enough to be written in
gold ink and sent over long geographic distances. Al-Mamns particular interest in the
science of the stars and his possessing astrological works in his own library are implied by
this excerpt, which therefore agrees with the other documents presented above.

We have seen thus far that a host of astrologers and astronomers was employed by al-
Mamn, some of whom were active in the Khiznat or Bayt al-ikmah, and that books on
astrology definitely existed in the palatial library during his reign, as well as in the libraries of
contemporary governors. This is in itself significant, since the existence of such works in the
palatial library has hitherto not been firmly established in modern scholarship. Furthermore,
when they are combined, these prosopographic and bibliographic elements suggest that a form
of astrological activity was likely carried out in the Bayt al-ikmah, although one is
admittedly at pains to specify its nature and function. Fortunately, a crucial account has come
down to us in the form of abash al-sibs introduction to one of his astronomical treatises.
This is a ninth-century testimony, whose significance lies not only in the bare data it provides,
but also in the fact that it sheds further light on the possible function of the Bayt al-ikmah as
a center of scholarly research and deliberation. In the passage preceding this one, abash has

125
King, David A.: A Hellenistic Astrological Table, 705 (688 for the Arabic), translation slightly revised. It
should be noted that the Khiznat al-ikmah of al-Mamn is also sometimes referred to simply as a khiznah;
see Gutas and van Bladel, Bayt al-ikma.
126
Abd Allh b. hir b. al-usayn was governor of Khurasn from 828 onward, although he also served the
Abbsid cause in the Jazrah and Egypt. For more information on this individual, see Bosworth, C. E.:
Abdallh b. her, in: Encyclopaedia Iranica, 1982, vol. 1, fasc. 2, pp. 186-187; and for the hirids in general,
see idem: The Taherids and Arabic Culture. In: Journal of Semitic Studies 14 (1969), pp. 57-67.
 35

just explained that al-Mamn had studied the works of the Greek, Indian, and Persian
astronomical and astrological traditions and concluded that they contained conflicting data.
abash then adds:

And when he [al-Mamn] found out that such was the situation, he ordered Yay b. Ab Manr al-
sib to conduct an investigation into the origin of the books on [the science of] the stars [al kutub al-
nujm] and to bring together scholars well versed in that science and the learned men of his time [wa
jam ulam ahl hdhih l-inah wa ukam ahl zamnih] in order to have them cooperate in
investigating the roots of that science [li-yatawan al l-bath al ul hdh l-ilm], and to attempt
to make the necessary corrections . . . . Yay acted in accordance with the orders he had received from
al-Mamn concerning this undertaking and gathered together scholars proficient in the art of
calculation on the heavenly bodies, and learned men considered as the foremost authorities of the time.
They launched an investigation into the roots of these books [ul hdhih l-kutub], and examined them
carefully and compared their contents. The outcome of this investigation is that they did not find,
among all these works, any which was more correct than the book entitled Almagest by Ptolemy of
127
Pelusium.

Several points are worth stressing here. First, it is noteworthy that, according to abash,
Yay was entrusted with the task of assembling a committee consisting of astrologers and
astronomers and other learned men of his time. The expertise of the latter group is
unfortunately not specified, but it is not unreasonable to hypothesize that some of its members
may have included philosophers, scholars such as al-Kind, who possessed an expertise in
astrology and astronomy as well as in the other branches of philosophy. A hint supporting this
hypothesis is the frequent reference in abashs account to the roots and principles (ul)
of astrology and astronomy, which the team had to investigate. The meaning of the term ul
is ambiguous in this passage. It could refer either to the historical origins of the astrological
texts surveyed by Yays team, or more probably in my view to the epistemological and
methodological principles underlying the practice of astrology. Indeed, the theoretical
grounding of astrology in a sound philosophical foundation seems to have been an important
issue among many Abbsid astrologers and philosophers, and it reflects the climate of debate
and deliberation surrounding the sciences that prevailed during this period. Scholars such as
al-Kind, Mshallh, and Ab Mashar were actively engaged in the task of clarifying the
philosophical (mostly physical) principles underlying the correct conception and practice of
astrology. In their view, knowledge of natural philosophy would have been necessary to carry

127
Sayl, The Introductory Section, 142, and 149 for the Arabic text; translation revised.
 36

out this theoretical task to completion. This suggests that the scholars mentioned by abash
may very well have included philosophers as well besides astrologers.128

The second point worthy of mention concerns the scope and official nature of the
program and its institutional implications. Yays entrustment came directly from al-
Mamn and thus was endowed with a highly official quality, which is conspicuous in the
means put at his disposition to carry out the project. Not only was he ordered to assemble a
team of scholars, but this team had access to a variety of astronomical and astrological works,
which constituted the starting point of their research. We are told that they consulted and
compared works stemming from the Greek, Indian, and Persian traditions in an attempt to
establish the state of cosmological research before embarking on fresh observational
programs. The official nature of the patronage that was extended to Yay and the reference
to a team of scholars comparing and collating works very logically bring to mind the space of
the palatial library, which represents an obvious locus in which the sources for this
undertaking could have been stored. According to the report, it appears clearly that Yays
team either consulted works that were already translated into Arabic, or that it was their
responsibility to read works in Middle Persian and other foreign languages and translate them
into Arabic. In either case, it is reasonable to assume that these texts were already part of al-
Mamns library and put at the disposition of Yay and his team. We saw previously that
al-Mamns library most likely contained a substantial collection of astrological and
astronomical works, and on this point the reports from Shdhns Mudhkart and Yays
Mumtaan discussed above agree fully with abashs report. In brief, the systematic
philological and scientific work described by abash clearly implies the existence of a library
facility that would have provided this team of scholars with the textual material forming the
basis of their investigations, and al-Mamns library represents the most obvious candidate
for this purpose.

In this connection, it should be remembered that Yay is described in the Fihrist as

the ib or chief of the Bayt al-ikmah of al-Mamn. At this point in the analysis, it would
take much disingenuousness on our part not to acknowledge the connections between the
various pieces of the puzzle assembled thus far. Yay was working in al-Mamns Bayt al-

128
However, abash may also have had in mind specialists in the fabrication of astronomical instruments that
were involved in the observations commissioned by al-Mamn, such as Khlid b. Abd al-Malik al-
Marwarrdh and Al b. s l-Asurlb. But since the passage at hand here refers to the study of ancient texts
and to the principles of astrology, I am more inclined to believe that he is referring to philosophers or theoretical
astrologers, rather than craftsmen and makers of astronomical instruments.
 37

ikmah, and he was moreover charged with the mission of assembling a team of astrologers
and astronomers and other scholarspossibly philosopherswith the aim of studying,
scrutinizing, and comparing Greek, Indian, and Persian books on the science of the stars that
were most likely already stored in the palatial library. What is crucial here is not only that
Yay was responsible for supervising the astronomical observations that were carried out at
the Shammsiyyah district in Baghdad in 828-829, but also and especially that his duty
consisted in addition in the systematic study and comparison of already existing astronomical
and astrological texts, as is clear from abashs report. Hence, the evidence indicates that
Yay was both at the head of al-Mamns library and in charge of the theoretical research
conducted in astrology, designating him as the main agent in al-Mamns group of
astrologers.

Given the foregoing, one may legitimately surmise that Yay and his group of
scholars were attached in an essential way to the khiznah of al-Mamn and that this library
was at the center of their astrological research, enabling them to consult simultaneously and
systematically a wide variety of astrological and astronomical works and possibly providing
them with the means of contributing to the translation of these works. In this respect, it is not
unlikely that a certain amount of scholarly activity did take place in the Bayt al-ikmah. The
obvious alternative institution, i.e., the observatorywhose existence in Baghdad under al-
Mamn, it should be stressed, has never been compellingly evidencedwould be an
awkward place for such an endeavor to unfold.

Hence, and to sum up, the merging of various pieces of evidence having to do with
astronomical and astrological scholars and books associated with the palatial library, when
combined with the Abbsid imbuement for all things astrological, suggests a clear connection
between astrology and the Bayt al-ikmah. In this respect, two conclusions implying varying
degrees of commitment may be offered. According to a minimalist reading of the evidence, it
appears that astrological and astronomical works were assiduously collected and carefully
stored in the palatial library during the time of al-Mamn. They represented an important,
and perhaps even a central, section of any respectable library, and it is clear that both the Bayt
al-ikmah and smaller provincial libraries possessed such works. This point seems fairly
irrefragable.129

129
As mentioned before, Gutas and van Bladel, Bayt al-ikma, do not explicitly locate astrological works in
al-Mamns library. But my conclusion concerning the prominence of such works in the palatial library can be
easily reconciled with their position, if it is assumed that most of these works would have come from the
 38

According to a slightly more conjectural interpretation, which nonetheless rests on

several compelling hints, the Bayt al-ikmah could have functioned partly as a research
library for astrological and astronomical projects, by making accessible to individual scholars,
and potentially also to groups of scholars working together, a wealth of ancient and
contemporary works that could further the state of their knowledge. More specifically, al-
Mamns library could have provided the infrastructure necessary for the textual and
philological analysis of ancient astrological and astronomical sources, such as the one
described by abash, in a manner that would have complemented the empirical research
carried out at Shamsiyyah and other places. Accordingly, whether one prefers to call the
Mamnian institution a library, a research center, a research library, or anything else, is
largely a matter of terminological preference, which does not invalidate the idea that some
form of astrological activityin the form of textual surveys, analysis, and translations
probably took place in this institution.130

Conclusion

I attempted in the foregoing to clarify some aspects of the anthropological and institutional
circumstances under which astrological activity unfolded under the patronage of al-Mamn,
thereby also explaining how the biographical evidence related to this ruler fits in the broader
picture of Abbsid astrological culture. It appeared that al-Mamn played a key role in
supporting and fostering astrology. His complex intellectual make-up and apparently unabated
scientific curiosity provided a strong impetus for the cosmological sciences to develop, but it
is his personal inclination for astrology in particular and the entanglement of this science with
various aspects of Abbsid political and religious life which may best explain its popularity
under his rule. Particularly significant in this respect was al-Mamns library, which
contained a vast collection of astrological works and also possibly played a role in the

Sasanian world and thus belonged to what was regarded by the Abbsids as an ancestral Persian tradition of
learning. This attitude would in fact accord well with the philological and astrological activities described by
abash in his treatise and discussed above, as well as with the activity of Persians like Salm, Yay, and al-
Khwrizm, who are also associated with this institution. However, it is clear that despite what Gutas and van
Bladel believe, contemporary astrological and astronomical works written during the life of al-Mamn were
most likely stored in this library as well, as the evidence discussed above suggests.
130
Hence, and in hindsight, Eches claim concerning the astrological nature of the Bayt al-ikmah, while clearly
overemphasized and reductionist, was correct to some extent, even though he did not convincingly argue his case
and made it too vulnerable for subsequent criticism. The point is that the Bayt al-ikmah of al-Mamn was not
a center for astrological research alone, or even primarilyas Eche contendedbut it was at the very least a
library that housed astrological worksamong othersand which substantially supported and facilitated
research in astrology and astronomy during the ninth century.
 39

astrological research carried out under his patronage by providing scholars with the setting in
which the consultation, comparison, and translation of ancient astrological works could take
place. In this regard, I hope to have shown that the question of the nature and function of the
Abbsid state library is anything but a closed subject and that future research on the topic
will likely contribute to modifying our appreciation of this crucial yet enigmatic institution.131
Admittedly, various other contexts would have to be examined for this picture of Abbsid
astrology to claim any satisfactory degree of comprehensiveness. Popular astrology (as
opposed to court astrology), the relation between astrology and the anw tradition, and
astrological medicine, for instance, are questions which still await detailed research.

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