SPEECHES - AMBASSADOR MacARTHUR|1961. TAB Arrival Statement Brussels v4 1 Association Belgo-Américaine (0S - Belgian relations and Congo) Brussels May 17 2 Memorial Day Services ~ waragem lay 28 3 American Chamber of Commerce (Trade) Brussels May 29 4 International Fair Liage fay 30 5 (Mr, McKillop) Memorial Day Services Neuville-en-Condrdz May 30 6 Memorial Day Services Henri-Chapelle May 30 1 Belgian-American Educational Foundation Brussels dune 15 8 Cercle Royal Gaulois (Japan) Brussels June 20 9 International School Commencement Brussels line 23-10 American Club of Brussels (Underdeveloped Nations) Brussels June 27 11 Antwerp ‘Town Hall (Antwerp , Belgian Contribution to Congo, New Europe) Antwerp july 1712 American Day at International Fair Ghent ept 1418 Ambassador's Official Visit Charleroi Sept 2514 Mars ot Mereure(Foa Gael 4 Joye.) prusseis ct 1815 (Mr, Sutherland) - Presentation of Emile Cornez Foundation Prize to Dr, Salk — Mons et 20 16 Carnegie Hero Fund Luncheon Brussels Oct 23 7 (Mr, Sutherland) - 26th Anniversary George Eastman Dental Clinic Brussels Oct 26 18 American Women's Club of Brussels Brussels lov 21 19 ‘Thanksgiving Day Proclamation Brussels jov23 20 Ghent University (Lavy School Semi ty Tesem nar) Brussels Nov 30 a1Inauguration Sinclair Installations Zeebrugge Y¥PO Northeast Area Conference (Introduction Mr. Marjolin) Lausanne YPO Northeast Area Conference "U.S. Relations with Europe - Past, Present & Future", etc. Lausanne America Day, Brussels Food Fair Brussels American Club Luncheon Brussels SPEECHES - AMBASSADOR MacARTHUR - 1962 Place Date Louvain University ‘Louvain Jan. 22 (Japan, the Far East, and Congo) Letter to Dr, Chikeo Fujisawa, Nippon ‘Univ. (Message for young people) American Chamber of Commerce in 4 Ba epiovay > Brussels | Feb. 6 American Club Antwerp (Washington Birthday Dinner) Antwerp Feb. 23 International Livestock Conference Brussels Feb. 28 Toast ~ Official Visit to Port Ghent Mar. 28 ‘Young Presidents! Org., Inc. Phoenix, Ariz. Apr. 9 "The New Europe ~ Its Challenge and Its Opportunities for the U.S." President Kennedy's New Orleans Speech on Trade May 4 American Day at Brussels Fair Brussels Apr. 30 "All American Sales" ~ Innovation Department Store Brussels May 14 (Mr, Norred) Memorial Day Waragem May 27 Opening-Faith Bumper Svc, Plant Mechelen May 28 Memorial Day Neuville-en~Condroz May 30 Memorial Day Henri~Chapelle May 80 Univ, of Maryland~Commencement Exercises ~ Introduction of FonMin Spaak Heidelberg "U.S, Relations with Europe - Past, Present & Future" Delft Students Association Delft, Netherlands Oct, 22 "The U.S. and Europe! Statement on Cuba to Belgian TV Emb, Brussels Oct. 23 Tab, 22 23, 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33, 34 ALPlace Date Tab Special Supplement of "L'Echo de la Bourse" devoted to Belgian American Economic Relations (Ambassador's Statement) Brussels Oct, 28-29 43 American Day at Salon des Arts Menagers Charleroi. Nov. 7 44 President Kennedy's Proclamation designating Nov. 22 as Thanksgiving Day —- Brussels Nov. 22 45 Christmas Statement for "he Bulletin" (a commercial publication for the English-speaking community) Brussels Christmas 46Place- Date La Loi Americaine de 1962 sur VExpansion du Commerce (Trade Expansion Act) et ses Implications dans les Echanges Mondiaus (printed in Revue de la Societe d'Etudes et d'Expansion) Brussesl Jan-Feb'63 aT U.S, Trade Relations with the New Europe - ‘The Challenge and the Opportunities, Annual Forecasting Conference of Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce Philadelphia 1/10/63 48 Presentation of player recorder to the Genter of Chromatology and Rehabilitation of L'Hopital Brugmann Brussels 2/5/63 49 Presentation of Amb. Pierre A, Forthomme at Chamber of Commerce dinner Brussels 2/5/63 50 Amb Visit to Louvain and Student Briefing at University Louvain 2/19/63 50-a Washington's Birthday Dinner, American Club of Antwerp Antwerp 2/22/63 51 Inauguration of new headquarters, ICFTU (for Radio Free Europe) Brussela 3/i2z 52 Introduction of Mr, Lucien Radoux, American Club Lincheon Brussels 3/9 53 Address on American Day at the 36th International Trade Fair of Brussels Brussels 5/2 54 Address at the Confrerie des Chevaliers Nuit-St. - du Tastevin a Nuit-St, -Georges Georges May 18 55 Memorial Day at Bastogne (Eng & Fr, texts) Bastogne May 24 56 Opening of US Trade Mission Has. at Centre International Rogier Brussels June 4 57 Remarks at Luncheon at International Fair of Liege Brussels June 5 58 Dinner of American Belgian Assn, of Antwerp Antwerp 59 Unveiling of Patton Memorial (del. in Eng.) Bastogne 60 Speech at Leige Fair (del. in French) Liege 61 Address at American Club Luncheon Brussels 62 America Day at the Ghent Int'l Fair Ghent 63SPEECHES - AMBASSADOR MACARTHUR - 1963 Place Welcome to American Fulbright visitors (Embassy Conference Room) Brussels Introduction of Minister of Foreign Commerce and Technical Assistance Brasseur to Opening Session of Anti-Trast Section of American Bar Association meeting Brussels Remarks at Farewell Luncheon given by American Chamber of Commerce for Robert Jerosch of Pan Am Airways Brussels Message to appear in PHARE DIMANCHE on the occasion of its special edition Brussels Statement on the occasion of the death of President John F, Kennedy Brussels Response to Eulogy of President Kennedy at University of Ghent Ghent ‘Thanksgiving Proclamation read at American Church, Boitsfort Brussels Statement over Flemish TV to convey President Johnson's message of thanks to Belgian Govt and people re President Kennedy's death Brussels oN GO Date Sept. 23 Sept., 23 Sept. 27 Oct. 1 Nov. 23 Nov. 27 Nov. 28 Tab 64 65 66 67 68 69 10SERVICE A JVERICAIN D'INF RMATION 27, eoutevany 98 acennT BRUXELLES : AMBASSADE DES ETATS-UNIS 4, Cie DECLARATION FAITE PAR Mr. DOUGLAS MacARTHUR IL, AMBASSADEUR DES ETATS-UNIS ou Me ‘IQUE A SON ARRIVEE EN BELGIQUE, LE 4 MAL, 1961. Clest avec un bien vif plaisix que ma fenme et moi nous nous retrouvons en Belgique, La, nous vivrons et nous travaillerons & nouveau dans un pays que nous aimons tant et dont nous avons emporté un ei exceliient souvenir. Nous sonmes impatients d'y renouveler des amitiés anciennes et de nous y faire des:amitiée nouvelles. J’espére en particulier visiter les différentes régions de votre beau pays et avitactoccastitn"d'y-rencontrer des gens de toutes les catégories sociales et de m'entretenir avec eux, Par 1a je compte augmenter ma compréhension de La Belgique et de ses problémes et 1a compréhension eat la clé de la connaissance. Outre le plaisir personnel que nous @rouvons 3 revenir en Belgique, je suis profondénent sensible 8 1honneur de représenter les Etats-Unis dans un pays qui dans le passé: apporté une contribution aussi éwinente au progrde de 1'Europe et, en fait, d celui de 1a civilisation occidentale, et qui aujourd'hui continue & tre @ux avant-postes du developement de la nouvelle Europe et de la communaute Nord Atlantique dans son ensenble. Les Etats-Unis et la Belgique étaient des amis et des associés solides bien avant La création de L'OTAN et tous deux‘ ont partagé un dntérét profond et constant 3 travailler pour un monde meilleur, un monde ol pourraient s'épanouir ensemble la paix et la justice, la Liberté et le progrds économique pour tous. Le peuple américain attache un trés heut prix 2:1'dmitié du peuple belge; dont 11 admire le courage et la force d'4me ayec Leaquels ila affronté les Spreuves des deux guerres mondiales- Je ferai.de mon mieux, pour ma part, en vue de contribuer au renforcement des’ Liens Stroits-d'anitié et de comprfhension qui-eximtent entre nos deux pays. * * * *ARRIVAL STATEMENT May 4, 1961 Pye My wife and I are happy indeed to be returning to Beagiatl ve where we shall once more be living and working in a country of which we are so fond and about which we have so many wonderful memories, We are looking forward to renewing old friendships and to making new friends. In particular, I hope to visit all parts of your beautiful country so that I can meet and listen to people in all walks of life. For this will Increase my understanding of Belgium and its problems, and understanding is the key to know ledge. Quite apart from the personal pleasure we feel in return= ing to Belgium, I am deeply conscious of the honor of representing the United States in a country which in the past has made such a great contribution to the development of Europe and indeed to Western civilization, Today Belgium continues to be in the forefront of the development of both the new Europe and also the North Atlantic Community as a whole, The United States and Belgium were staunch friends and partners long before the creation of NATO and shared a deep and abiding interest in working together towards the creation of a better world where there could be peace with justice and freedom and economic progress for all people. ‘The American people value greatly the friendship of the Belglan people whose great courage and fortitude during two World Wars we greatly admire, For my part, I will do my utmost to try to strengthen the ties of friendship and understanding between our two countries which serve not only the enlightened self-interest of the Belgian and American peoples, but also contribute to peace and progress throughout the world.SERVICE A AERICAIN D'INFORMATION BRUXELLES AMBASSADE DES ETATS-UNIS DISCOURS FRONONCE PAR MR. DOUGLAS MacARTHUR IT AMBASSADEUR DES ETATS-UNIS. EN BELGIQUE DEVANE L*ASSOCIATION BELGO-AMERICATNE A WHOTEL METROPOLE LE'17 MAT 1961DISCOURS FRONGNCE PAR MR. DOUGLAS MacARTHUR II, AMBASSADEUR DES BTATS-UNIS EN BELGIQUE, DEVANT L?ASSOCIATION BELGO-AMERICAINE, A L’HOTEL MBTROPOLE, LE 17 MAT 1961 fonsieur 1e Président, Messieurs les Membres et Amis de l’Asscoiation Belgo-Américaine; Yesdames et Messicurs, Permettez-moi de vous dire tout dabord, combien ma femie ot mol, sommes heureux V8tre de retour en Belgique, dans ce pays ot nous allons de nouveau vivre ot travailler at oh nous conservons tant dagréables souvenirs de notre séjour préeédent. Nous: nous eSJoulsgons beaucoup de renouer de vieilles amitiés et de faire de nouveaux amis. Crest un grand privildge qui m’échoit aujourd’hul d’observer Lheureuse tradition qui rout qu’un anbassadeur anéricain prononce son "maiden speech" devant votre distinguée as— sooiation. Traimerais tout dabord rendre homage & mes prédécesseurs et particulirenont & fessiours les Anbassadeurs BURDEN, FOLGER, et MURPHY, avec lesquels je tie suis longuement mtretem et tris sincdrement de la Belgique et de ma mission dans ce pays. Ils ont, thacun, & leur fagon magnifiquement servi la cause de l’amitié Belgo-Anéricaine, En suivant leur trace, je mé sens dépositaire d’un riche héritage. Je.suis également inSs profondément conscient de l’honneur qui mest fait et de la responsabilité qui_m?in- iubey de représenter les Etats-Unis dans un pays qui a apporté une si grande 7s Ja civilisation occidentale et au développement de 1a Nouvelle Europe. En prenant ties fonctions ici, & Bruxelles, j’aimerais: vous dire. quelques Roby sursmng; Sbuts en tant qu’dmbassadeur amricain en Belgique. Je parlerai également et\bi es relations Belgo-Anéricaines et de quelques~uns de nos objectifs commms, sue J*tais en Belgique 11 y a douze ans. Malheureusement mon mandat a été de trop courte durée, En effet, je commongais seulement & connaftre vos différents problines + la diversité de nos intéréts mtuels lorsque je fus réppelé & Washington pour y dssumer es fonctions de Chef de Division des Affaires de 1’Europe Occidentale au Département d’Etat. Depuis ce tems, 41 s’est produit beaucoup de changement en Belgique. Il y.a douse ans, n offet, 41 n’y avait & Bruxelles ni gratte-clel, ni atomium. A 1?époque cependant Le vafic automobile sowlevait déj& beaucoup de problimes. O7était normal ot dans 1?ordre es choses. Aujourd*hui, les automobilistes peuvent cirouler sur des autoroutes souter- aines superbement illuminges au néom,, Bt, tout camme on ces douse derniéres années 1*horizoti de Bruxelles et son aspect gé~ éral._se sont modifiés, 1a physioncmie da monds ontier s'est elle ausal. énorménent modifise, a Belgique doit done faire face & tous les problimes qui résultent de ces changements, & a fois stirI6"plan-looal et sur le plan extéricur. | in prenant ma charge d’Anbassadeur, %ai beauéoup & apprendre. Je 1a comenceral done’ en "écoutant", Ecouter représente, en ffet, la clé de 1a connaissance et de la compréherision; et la compréhension mutuelle con- titue 161ément essentiel d’une coopération fructueuse entre les. peuples et les nations, yant entendu exposer le point de vue belge, je peux parler A mon tour et de mon mieux, 26 sentiments et des réactions des Américains, La compréhension rie peut étre 4 sens uni- 28, elle doit étre basée sur une amitié réciproque, Celle-ci trouvera les bonnes solu- ions acceptables de part et d’autre aux problimes pouvant surgir, Tous mes efforts se- ont dirigés dans un sens tendant & développer les sentiments de compréherision entre nos aux pays. Dans ce but, je désire conmaftre davantage 1’dme et l’esprit belges. Je compte visi- ar toutes les régions de ce pays et parler avec des gens de toutes sortes. La fagon ‘écouter est naturellement, infinie, et o’est la raison pour laquelle j’esptre, les mois sonhaine. nadeav wne amanda wantin an wae ba2 Bt maintenant, jfaimerais dire quelques nots au sujet des relations’ Belgo-Atiéricaines. Les #elotions entre nos deux pays ont été, depuis plusicurs années, basées sur des intéréte et des objectifs comuns ainsi que sur une franche amitié, Nous sentons en Anérighe, quo cee Stroites relations ont servi X mettre en luniére les intéréts propres des peiples ané- yieain et belge. Ces rapprochements fructueux ont 6té possibles non seulement parce que nous avons des intéréts et dos objectifs commns, mais aussi parce que nous partageons un héritage occidental commn, ot surtout, parce que nos deux pays se sont fait muty une confiance. entiére. Je n’ai pas besoin d’ajouter mais je le-ferai tout de mi souligner le point, qu'il existe aux Etats-Unis une grande admiration pour la le courage du peuple belge durant les deux dernitres guerrés mondiales. oe 1%, Ainsi, £1 demeure aujourd’hui on Anérique une grande source de véritable aunt rou! le Belgique. La trés brillante visite aux Etats-Unis de Sa Najesté 1e Roi Baudouin, 12°7 deux ans, a grandenent contribué cu resserrement de ces liens d’anitié, et 1e révent mariage Gu Rol avec 1a charmante et gracieuse Reine Fabicla a retem attention du peuple snéricain et ma fait qu’accroftre son vif sentiment d’anitié pour le Belgique. Mais alors que nos deux pays poursuivent les mémes cbjectifs, ot les nénes principes, 11 est pourtant inévita~ dle qui existe de temps & autre de petites divergences quant & la néthode ot ou traitenent de problées précis. De telles divergences se produisent naturellewont méme entre des amis les plus intimes. C'est partioulisrement vrai pour deux pays, tels que le Belgique et les Etate-Unis, qui ont tant d’intérSts comms et qui traveillent en collaboration si Stroite et si intime, Ceci est absolument normal. Ia diversité d?opinion et le droit @en différer aont les caractéristiques véritables des pouples libres. Je dis tout ocla parce que dans les sociétés ou les groupes de nations of 11 semble my avoir aucune diffé~ renee, ont peut Stre certain qu’il régne 18 une nortelle, confornité imposée par une sutori— +6 monolithique et totelitaire. Nous avons eu, il est vrai, assez récemment, des divergences de vues sur 1a néthode ot le traitement & adopter pour faire face & certains aspects de la rise tragique qui s’est aéveloppée au Congo. Je ne crols pas qu’il y alt eu une différence sur les objectifs fon- damentaux de 1a Belgique et des Etats-Unis, ni, et j%en suis porsuads, dela République du Gongo elle-néme. Chacun de nous a souhaité éviter que le Congo dovienne un champ. de’ / pataille actif de la guerre froide, perspective qui est apparue comme inminente lorsque L’intervention des Nations Unies a été’ sollicitée par les Congolais. Chsoun de rious & souhaite voir un Congo libre et indépendant naftre sous um jour pouvant faciliter 1e déve~ Loppenent d’une politique stable dans un Congo unifié. Chacun de nous souhaite pour le Congo une économle-en expansion permettant au peuple congolais, dans son ensemble, de progresser, 06 qu’il désire si profondément, vers uné vie meilleur, Et, fort houreuse- nent, la Belgique et les Etats-Unis sont préts & apporter au Gouvernenont Congolais 1’as- sistance nécesseire pour parverir & ces fins. Je puis vous assurer trés sino’rement que nous reconnaissons aux Etats-Unis que la Belgique « apporté dans le passé une grande contribution au développenent du Congo et que nous croyons que le Congo tirerait profit dans 1e futur, d’une collaboration étroite avec la Belgique, Beaucoup d?Andricains reconnaissent le fait que la Belgique a laissé au Congo’ une infrastructure économique qui ne peut Stre surpassée mle part ailleurs dans . es Etats Africains nouvellenent indépendants. Nous reconnaiasons que les fondations ont $08 Stables pour donner naissance A un grand systime de services congus pour 1’Africain ot que pendant &/, années beaucoup de Belges dévoués se sont omployés & les réaliser sans re- fiche pour assister le peuple congolais. Gest gréce & la profondeur et A 1a force des relations entre la Belgique et les Rtats-Unis que lamitié véritable et 1’unité de nos deux pays ne se sont pas altérées en dépit de divergences mineures sur la méthode & adopter pour résoudre le probléme du Gongo. Je croig que nous sortirons de cette impasse renforeés par l’expérlence. Le renouvelle~ nent du pouvoir aux Btats-Unis et en Belgique nous donne une occasion unique de réaffizmer notre accord et notre compréhension mituels. En tant que roprésentant du Président Kemedy en Belgique Jo ferai le maximm pour atteindre ce bute Jad fait allusion aux cbjeotifs Gonmns de 1a Belgique st des Btats-Unis an Congo, { En Europe, oomme ailleurs, je orols que nos objectifs nationaux coincident également. Nos deux pays cherchont & réafformir les liens de 1a Commmauté Atlantique pour le profit mutuel,al gel re : non sevlement de ses membres, mais aussi des autres nations du mobds pies} En-effet, la Commnauté Atlantique représente la concentration des puissances a hy Goma harieesgere ob te sécu- mh Ne Sur la base des principes qui ont été établis dens le Traité de Rane et confornément aux accords des Conmitgautés Européenies, nos deux pays cherchent & progresser vers Vinté- gration Buropsenne, Et nous counaissons eux Etats-Unis ot adnirons Ja contribution appré— Giable que 1a Belgique a apportée & 1a Nouvelle Europe ot le réle dp premier plan jou par Yotre éninent ministre des affaires étrangbres, Monsieur PAUL-HENRI SPAAK, dans 1a conclu- sion du Traité de Rone et dans le développement de la Commmauté Européenne. La Belgique ct L’Anérique partagent également @autres objectifs commms: nos deux pays reconnaissent que lune des plus grandes téches de oe siécle est de réaliser 1a suppres- Bion de a grande aifférence pouvant exister entre les nations industrielles développées eb les nations moins développées. Ainsi, par 170.8.0.D., au sein des Nations Unies et partout aillourg, nous cherchons & consacrer une proportion raisonnable de la richesse de nos nations et do*=*® connaissances feohniques aux besoins des pays sous-développss. Scume toute, nos deux pays cherchent & développer une partie substantielle de nos talents et de nos ressources rospectifs pour le pénéPice, non seulenent de nos deux pays ou de 1a Conmmauté Atlantique, mais aussi des sooiétés Iibres du monde entier. Ia plus grande épreuve & laquelle doivent faire face les Etats-Unis, 1a Belgique et foutes les nations libres dans un monde troublé, est 1a création d’une anbiance permottant ‘Lpanoulssenont de la liberté ot de 1a démocratie., Evidenment, csi n’est pas possible Ta ob 1ignorance, 1a pauvreté et la misdre contiment dexister. Les centaines de mil- Lions @*habitants des pays ayant acosdé récenment & la souveraineté nationale, cherchent ame neilloure vie, ce qui est bien Iégitime. Ils pnb besoin de capitaux et d’assistance technique. Et, o%est l’intérét méme de chacune des nations libres ~ surtout les nations industrialisées - dapporter sa contribution maximm. Si nous ne le faisons pas, 11 est tds difficile de concevoir coment une ambiance pouvant donner aux nations naissantes 1a foree de leur indépeniance et développer leur jeune démooratie dans la lberté, come elles le désirent, pourrait Stre réalisée. Cette Sprouve représente une autre occasion pour les Bélges ot les Amérioains ~ ot néme pour tous les pouples libres, particuliérenent ceux des pays dévelonpés ~ de montrer que 1a coopération ob L’unité sont absclument essentielles pour la préservation d’une socié~ 8 libre et démocratique, J’ai bon espoir que nous pourfons démontrer une fois de plus, que les honmes libres peuvent travailler ensemble en étroite collaboration & 1a préservation des libertés fondanentales. . Avant de conclure, j’aimerais vous faire part de quelques impressions sur 1a nouvelle administration des Etats-Unis ~ impressions que j'ai récoltées lors de mon dernier séjour A Washington - car j’ai appris qu’oa porte beaucoup d’intérét & notre Mnouvelle équipe". Yous avez Iu sans doute les nouvelles concernant les nouveaux vents qui soufflent cur Washington = le dynanisme, 1’Snergie pour avancer vers 1a Nouvelle Frontiére. Ces choses sont réelles; vous les sentez dis les toutes premidres heurese Mais, elles ne doivent pas tre mal interprétées et il ne faut pas en conclure que les objectifs fondamentatx ut ja politique des Etats-Unis ont changé. La politique étrangbre dans 1’administration dé~ nocratique et républicaine de mon pays, est fondanentalenent 1a méme, Nous continuerons @aider nos amis et alliés et particuliérement les pays ayant des conditions économiques ne leur permettant pas d’avoir une défense suffisante, & développer leurs possibilités de résistance & 1’agression comuniste. Ainsi que le Président Kennedy 1’a clairement exprimé, nous contdnmuerons & consacrer des ressources trés substantielles au développement économique et & 1?amélioration du bien tre des petiphes ayant accédé récemmont A la souveraineté, de fagon & enforcer ‘cur liberté et leur indépendance et & leur assurer de meilleures conditions de viewGM ARS ag el ino ed. Ye aévelopes— SPIES, Gependant, la nouvelle administration fait ressortir incontestablement ‘des forces nouvelles et des mances différentes. Ceci est partioulitrement vrai dans le domaine extrémement important des affaires étrangbres, ol nous somes en train de réexaminer les formes fondanentales ot les techniques d’exsoution de nos différentes politiques. mh Nous continuerons & encourager et & soutenir 1?intégration eurol ment dune nouvelle Europe dans les principes du Traité de Rome. Enfin, j’aimerais conclure par un mot concernant les relations futures de nos deux pays. Jai la conviction profonde que nous trouverons les solutions A tout ‘probléme pouvant surgir, car les intéréts commms de nos deux pays et de nos peunles sont étroitement liés, . Cette ddentité a*intérét 1’emortera cur los différences d*appréciation et d’optique qui peuvent de temps on temps se présénter. J*entrevois les relations futures entre nos deux pays, comms une association complete et sur un plan d’égalité au service des intéréts, non seulement de chacun de nos deux pays, mais aussi des peuples librés de partout. En travaillant ‘ensenble, bien unis aveo les autres nations du monde libre, nous verrons poindre le jour trés proche qui donnera nais~ sance & un monde de paix, dans la justice, le progrés économique et le progrés social au bénéfice de tous. les peupless Puls-je, maintenant, vous demander de lever votre verre avec moi, & 1’amitié belgo~ anéricaine, & le Belgique et aux Etats-Unis.UNITED STATES INFORMATION SERVICE AMERICAN 27, BOULEVARD OU REGENT. BRUSSELS EMBASSY TELEPHONE : 13.38.20 ADDRESS OF AMBASSADOR DOUGLAS MacARTHUR IT BEFORE THE ASSOCIATION BELGO-AMERICAINE MAY 17,1961ADDRESS OF AMBASSADOR DOUGLAS MacARTHOR IT BEFORE THE ASSOCIATION BELGO-AMERICAINE ' MAY 17, 1961 Mr. President, Menbers and Friends of the Association Belgo-Americaine, Ladies and Gentlement ‘iret, let me say how very happy indeed my wife. and I are to be returning to Belgium where we shall once more be Living: and‘working in a country where we have so many warm memories from our previous service,here. We are looking forward eagerly to renewing old friendships and making new friends. Today it'is indeed a privilege to take my turn in observing the happy tradition that an American Ambassador to Belgium makes his maiden speech before this dis- tinguished Association. In.so doing, I would like’to begin by paying respect to my predecessors, particularly to Anbassador Burden, Aubussador Folger and Ambassador Murphy,, with whom I have talked long. and earnestly ‘about-Relgtum and my mission here. Each sent renewed and most affectionate greetings to the Belgian people and this Association, Each in his ovn way has conttibuted greatly to the cause of Belgian~ American friendship. ' Following in their footateps I an aware of axich heritage. At the same time, Iam also deeply conscious of the honor and the responsibility of representing, the United States in a country which has made such a great contribution to western civilization and to the development of the new Europe: As I begin my present assignment here in Brussels; T would Like to say a few: words about what I believe my first steps shouldbe in'carrying out my respons bilities: as American Ambassador to Belgium. I shall also speak briefly aboyt Belgian-American relations and some of our ‘common objéctives. Hyatt ‘Although I served in Belgium some twelve years ago that assignment was uihd| a much too short, For just as I.was learning: about Belgium's various problems and the diversity of our mutual interests I was recalled to Washington to serve as Chief of the Division of Western European Affairs, in the State Department. Since then there have been many ‘changes in Bélgfum. A dozen years ago there were no skyscrapers and no Atomium on the Brussels skyline. Automobile traffic, although a challenging phenomenon even in those days Was, .s0 to speak, above board snd on the level. Now the sporting motorist can run iis prey to ground in magni- ficent neon illuminated subterranean caverns. ~ ‘And just as the, skyline and other physical aspect of Brussels have changed im these Last dozen years, there have also been changes in the world scene and consequently in the problems -- both domestic and foreign ~~ which Belgium must face, Therefore as I begin my tour of duty here I have much to learn. My first step as Aubassador will be to listen, For listening is the key to knowledge and anderstanding, and mutual understanding is the very essence of succesful cooperation among peoples and nations. And.as I listen to the, Belgian viewpoint, I will, of course, speak in turn, to the best of my ability, about what Americans are thiniing and feeling. For understanding mist be a two-way street and it is precisely through such friendly but frank give~and-take that we can, find good and mutually acceptable yolutions to any questions that may arise. My every effort. will be directed to vroadening: and deepéning the flow of understanding between our two countries. To accomplish this I want to learn more about what the Belgian people think and feel. I hope to visit all parts of this beautiful country and talk with people in‘And now I would like to say a few.words about Belgian-American relations. The relations between our two countries have for many years been’ based on a solid founda~ tion of mutual interests, common objectives: and warm friendship. We in America feel that these close relations have served the enlightened self-interest of both the ‘American and Belgian people. ‘These fruitful ties’ have been possible not only be- cayse of mutual interests and objectives, but also because we share a common Western heritage and, most important, becuse our’ two: comtries have had full ¢on- fidence in each other. I need not add -- but Ido §0 to'stress-the point ~~ that there ie also great admiration in the United States forthe courage and fortitude which the Belgian people displayed during World Wars I and 11. Thus, there exists in America today a large’ arid deep"reservoir of genuine friendship for Belgium. His Majesty King Baudowin's highly successful visit to the United States Just two years ago contributed measurably to this bond of friendship, and the King's recent marriage to the charming and gracious Queen Fabiola has captured the imagination of the American people and has further in- creased the warm feeling that Americans have for Bélgium. But while our two countries share the same objectives ‘and principles, from time to time there will inevitably be differences between us as to method and ‘approach to specific problems. Such differences do, ofcourse, arise even among the closest of friends. This is particularly true when two countries, having such a very broad range of interests as Belgium and the"United Stutes, work closely and intimately together. But this is mot wikealthy: On the contrary, it is a normal thing, for diversity and the right to differ are the very hall-marks of free peoples. I say this because in societies or groups of mations where there appear to be no differences one can.be certain that a deadly conformity has been impose: by some monolithie and totalitarian hand. Lhe: [en @ ‘In the immediate past ve have, it is true, had. somewhat differing views! on the} method and approach to be used in meeting certain aspects“of the tragic crisi®),, .e, which developed in the Congo. 1 do not believe that thexe has been any diffexeadee ’ in the basic objectives of Relgium and the United States; nor, I am persuaded, of” the Republic of the Congo itself. All of us wishéd to prevent the Congo from be~ coming gn active battle ground.of the Cold War -- a prospect which appeared all too imminent before the United Nations intervention was“requested by the Congolese. ‘A1L of us have wanted a free and independent Congo-organized along’ Lines! which will facilitate the development of a politically stable and unified Congo. Ail of us want. an expanding economy for the Congo which will~ permit” the Congolese people as ‘a whole to progress to the hetter life which.they so deeply desire. And happily, both Belgium and the United States are willing to assist the Congolese Government to achieve these goals. I can assure you most earnestly that we in the United States recognize the great Belgian contribution to .the Congo's development in the past and believe that ‘the Congo stands to benefit materially from continued ties with Belgium. Many ‘Americans’ are yell aware of the fact that Belgium left to the Congo an economic infrastructure unsurpassed elsewhere among newly-independent African States. We also recognize that the foundations have been laid for a fine system, of services designed to care for the individual African and that for eighty years many devoted Belgians have worked unremittingly to assist the people of the area. It is a tribute to the depth and strength of the relations between Belgium and the United States that despite some differences as to method and approach to the Congo problem, the xeal friendship and unity between us haye not been impaired. L.belieVe we will come through the rough weather the stronger for the. experience. Apa adth new and dynamic administrationa in bath the Wnited States and Reloium. wehave referred to common objectives of Belgiwin and the-United States in the Gongo. In Europe, .as .elseyhere, I believe our national objectives also coincide. We both seek to strengthea the bonds of the Atlantic Community for the mutual benefit not only of its members but also of other Free World nations. For the Atlantic Community represents the hard core’ of Free-World.strength and security. We both seek continued progrese toward Ruropean integration under the prin= ciples set forth in the Treaty of Rome and as~représented by the European Com= munities. And we in the United States recognize and ‘admire: the°great contribution which Belgium has made to the New Europe and the leading'role that your owh dis- tinguished Foreign Minister, Mr. Paul-Henri Spaak, played in the development of the Treaty of Rone and the European Communities. Belgium and America share other conmon-objectives: Both our countries recog- nize that one of the greatest tasks of this century is the reduction of the enor~ mous disparity in income and well-being that exists between'the advanced industrial nations and the newly-emerging, less-developed nations. Therefore, through the OECD, the United Nations and elsewhere, we seek:ways and-means for applying rea~ sonable proportions of our nations’ wealth and technical skills to the needs of the less-developed countries. In sum,,we both seek’ to-devote a’substential part of our respective talents and resources to the benefit not just of our two countries or the Atlantic Community, but of free societies everywhere. ‘The greatest challenge that the United States, Belgium and indeed all free nations face in today's troubled world is the creation"of an environment in which freedom and democracy can develop and flourish. Obviously-this will not be possible where ignorance, poverty and misery continue to exist, The’ peoples of ‘the newly developing nations -- hundreds of millions of them --.seek.a better way of life and indepd are entitled to it. They need capital and technical assistance. And it is in the enlightened self-interest of each -and every one of the free nations -- especially the industrialized countries -- to make, its’maximum possible. contri~ bution, .For if we do not, it is difficult to see how an environment can be. created which will allow many of the emerging nations to strengthen their independ 198, thd > develop their youthful democracies in freedom as they desixe. ey Cy ss ‘This. challenge. répresents another opportunity for’Belgiens -and Amexicayiz- a, } indeed for all free peoples, particularly thoge"of :thrdeveloped countries >< td'l%. show the cooperation and unity that, are.go essentiaivto ‘the preservation of a ~~ free and democratic society. 1.am-confident we ‘shall demonstrate once again that free men can work together in close cooperation to preserve their essential freedoms. Before concluding, I should like to share with:you some of my’ impressions of the new United States administration -- impressions I gathered during my recent stay in Washington -~ for, as I have learned, there is much interest in our “new tean". You have read about the fresh winds blowing. through Washington, ~~ the dynamism, the’energy of the drive toward the New Frontier. These things are there} you feel them in the first few hours. But they should not ke misinterpreted as meaning that the basic objectives of United States policy have changed. .The. foreign policies of both Democratic and Republican administrations in my country are fundamentally very much the same. We will continue to assist our friends and allies to develop capabilities to resist Communist aggression, particularly those whose economic.conditions do not permit, them alone to,have gn adequate defense. We shall, as President Kennedy has made clear, continue to devote. very sub~ stantial resources to the economic development and welfare of the people of the. newly developing nations so that their freedom and independence will be strengthened and they may enjoy a better way of life. .os We will continue to.give our encouragement and support to European integration and the. development of the new Europe as set forthi-in the principles enunciated in the Rome Treaty. However, under the new administration there are unquestionably new emphases and different shadings. This is particularly true in-the vitally important field of foreign affairs, where we are re-examining both the underlying assumptions and the techniques of execution of our various policies. Finally, I yould like to close with a.word about ‘the ‘future relations between our two countries. I have the greatest faith. that we will find eolutions to any problems which may arise, becquse the community of interest between our two countries and people is so broad and so deep, This identity of interest far out- weighs such differences as to method and approach .which may from time to time arise. 1 view the future relationship between our twovcountries as a full.and equal partnership which serves the enlightened self-interest, not only of each.country, but also of free peoples everywhere. By working closely together with each other and with other free nations, we shall bring nearer the day when there will be a world in which there is peace with justice and economic and social progress for all peoples. May I now ask-you to raise your glasses with me to the friendship of Belgium and the United States ~- to Belgium and the United States. woe eeSERVICE AMERICAIN D'INFIRMATION BRUXELLES AWBASSADE DES ETATS-UNIS NB PAS PUBLIER AVANT LE 28 MAT 1961 A 16n30 ALLOGURION PRONONCEE A WAREGEM PAR M, DOUGLAS MacARTHUR IL, AMBASSADEUR DES KTATS-UNIS EN BELGIQUE, A LIOCCASION DU MEMORIAL DAY Li 28 MAT 1961. Gtest pour moi un grand priviltge de participer A cette bolle ot énouvante eérénonie qui nous réunit pour rendre honmage aux Anéricains qui ont fait le don de leur vie afin que la liberté ne périsse pas en ce monte. Au cours des deux grandes guerres mondiales qui se sont déroulées dans ce siécle, des hommes libres - Anéricains, Belges, Frangais, Britanniques et d'autres encore - ont compris que les fondations méues sur lesquelles reposent leurs libres sociétés dénocratiques étaient mortellenent monacées par d'impitoyables puissances totalitaires. ‘Kinsi se sont ils réunie, et dans L'union et la camaraderie des armos, ils ont traveillé pour le triomphe de la liberté, Cela ils l'ont fait pour que leurs onfants et les enfants de leurs enfants puissent vivre dans un monde ol 1a paix régnerait avec 1a justice ot | la liberté, Aujourd'hui, hélas, les mémes principes et les. némes. valeurs essentialsid'od dépendent les civilisations des peuples libres sont A nouveau mis en danger mortel par les forces plus puissantes encore du totalitarismeathée. Si les &clatants fanaux de la Liberté qui brillent aujourd'hui A travers le monde ne doivent pas s'éteindre 1'un aprés l'autre jusqu'au moment ot seule régneront les ténebres et la terreur, il faut qu'A noitveau les nations libres se dressent toutes ensenbles, 6paule contre épaule - car ce n'est que par L'union et en travaillant en- semble qué les pouples libres seront capables de préserver ces libertés que nous chérissons - ces libertés qui sont L'essence de notre vie. Ainsi, aujoyrd'hui, of nous sommes ici ensenble pour honorer non seulement les Américains, mais ausei les vaillents Belges et les autres qui ont donné 1a pleine ot ultime mesure de leur dévonement pour que cette Liberté soit sauvegardée, consacrons~nous A nouveau ~ tant Anéricains que Belges - & l'accomplissement de la grande tache qui se trouve devant nous, Par dessus tout, consacrons-nous 4 nouveau 4 travailler ensemble et avec les autres nations libres, car ce n'est que par 1'union des nations libres que seront préservées les valeurs qui font que notre vie vaut d'étre vécue. . # # # Ne PAS PUBLIER AVANT: LE 28 MAT 1961 A 1630 LOD AS ges eo henSERVICE AmERICAIN D'INFURMATION BRUXELLES revermombe va.ae30 AMBASSADE DES ETATS-UNIS ALLOCUTION PRONONCER PAR MR. MoKILLOP, GONSEILLER DE L?AMBASSADE DAS ETATS-UNIS, A NEUVILLE-BN-CONDROZ, LE 30 MIT 1962. ‘B WOCCASION DU "MEMORIAL DAY" TER_AVANT. SURES Crest, pour mol un grand honneur d*étre icicomo rSprésentant de. 1*Ambassadewr des Etats-Unis, ot de vous transmettre un message de sa part: . En cette matinge qui nous trouve une féis de"pliis téunis pour honorer la némoize des Anéricains qui ont donné lour vie pour lewi pays ot poiit 1a liberté, 11 convient que nous nous arrétions ainsi - en im jour ‘dotiséors = et’ que’ nous nous éeartions de L’insouctante bousculade de 1a vie poul cimiénores lour sacrifice. Ce n’est pas 18 seulenont un tribut pays & la vaillance de ceux qui dorment ici; cost encore pour nous un acte salutaire doublier nos occupations quotidieniés ot de passer du tumlte de 1a place publique au silence paisible de 1’Ardenne. Pouvons-nous nous recueillir trop souvent et nous arréter pour rappeler ce que ces tonbes, ces croix, signifiont pour nous personnellenent, pour la liberté et 1a paix dont nous Joulssons aujourd’hui? "vest pourquoi il est bon et juste que ce jour ait été désigné entre tous et con sacré comme les homes qu’il est destiné & honorer ont été entre tous désignés et con- sacrés. Car quelle qu’ait été 1’origine de ces braves — ot ils sont veniis de toutes les ethnies, aussi variées que les différentes régions de 1*Anérique qu’ils appelaient leur home - ils ont été désignést une impénétrable destinée les a marqués pour un rendez~vous dans ce lieu paisible ot lointain appelé Neuville-en-Uéndroz. Mais ce qui nous récon- forte, en fait, est qu’ils reposent dans une terre amie, au milion d’un peuple vaillant. "Rt ces hommes étaient consacrés. Chacun & sa maniére = d’ancuns obscurément, dtautres peut-édtre avec la clairvoyance accordée & quelques-uns = ils ont vu toutes les choses raisonnables et honnétes qui composaient leur vie monscées par une force mau veise. Chacun & sa minitre - quelques-uns entrafnés’ par 1’appel de 1?inconmu, d’autres sombrement conscients du canchenar vers lequel ils allaieit, tous se sont offerts. Les tombes qui s*étalent devant nous disent Vhistoire de ceux dont l’offre a été acceptée = intégralement acceptée. "Bn 'évoquant 1e souvenir de ces hommes 41 est bon de nous rappeler aussi les Adéaux pour lesquels ils ont combattu. Rallions-nous, fermes et unis, pour la aé- fense toujours vigilante de cos idéaux. Car nous ne serions pas dignes de ¢é1ébrer cette Journée si, aveo 1a résclution et le comrage de ceux que nous comémorons, nous n’étions préts & nous consacrer aux princdpes pour lesquels ils sont morts et & vivre pour ces principes." eeeSPEECH Memo: Day Services ~ Waragem - May 28, 1961 It is a great privilege for me to participate in this beautiful and moving ceremony as we meet to do honor to Americans who laid down their lives so that freedom might not perish from this earth. In two great World Wars in this century, free men -- Ameri- cans, Belgians, French, British and others -- understood that the very foundations on which their free and democratic societies rested were mortally threatened by ruthless, totalitarian power. And so they joined together and, in unity and the comradeship of arms, they yrought the triumph of freedom. This they did, so that thei child~ ren, might enjoy the blessings of a world where there would be peace with justice and freedom, Today, alas, the same basic velues and principles on which the civilization of free peoples depend are once again mortally endangered by the even more powerful forces of atheistic totalit- arlanism. If the bright lamps of freedom that shine throughout the world today are not to be extinguished one by one until only darkness and terror reign, then.once again free nations must stand shoulder-to~ shoulder in unity -- for only by uniting and working together will free peoples be able to preserve those liberties which we cherish -- those liberties whieh are our very life, And so today, as we join here to honor not only Americans, but also gallant Belgians arid others who gave that last full measure of devotion so that freedom might be preserved, let us -- Americans and Belgians alike -- rededicate ourselves to the great task that Lies ahead. Let us, above all rededicate ourselves to working together and with other free peoples. For only through the unity of free peoples will the values that make our lives worth living be preserved.SERVICE AMERICAIN D'INFJRMATION sr, aoutevane oy secur BRUXELLES AMBASSADE DES ETATS-UNIS ALLOCUTION DE M. DOUGLAS MecARTHUR AMBASSADEUR DES ETATS-UNIS EN BELGIQUE AU CERCLE GAULOIS LE 20, JUIN, 1961;ALLOCUTION DE M. DOUGLAS MackRITHtR, AMRASSADEUR DES EPATS-UNIS EN BELGIQUE PRONONCRE BN DATE Diy 20 JUIN 1961 AU CKRCLE GAULOIS DE BRUXELLES A L'OCCASION DU CINQUANTIEME ANNIVERSATRE DB LA FONDATION DE CB CERCLE. Monsieur le Président, Messieurs les Ministres, Messieurs, Je suis particulitrement heureux d'avoir l'occasion de mladregser & une assenblée susei distinguée. Le Cercle Gaulois n'est pas seulement connu en “elgique et en Europe, il test également dans mon pays, oii on le consid’ze comme un des centres do la vie intellectuelle du continent européen. Par tradition, il assume la merveilleuse mission atencourager et de promouvoir la libre expression des opinions et des ponsées, et de tout temps, il a tenu a offrir whe tribune a cette liberté d'expression. Cette année vous oélébrez votre cinquantidme anniversaire et je m'associe A un grand nombre d'Ané- ricains et d'Européens en vous préscntant-@ cette occasion mes {élications cordiales. Depuis que fut fondé en 1911 le Cereld Gaulois alors conm sous le nom de “Cercle do 1a Toison a'r", i1 a toujours porté un vif intérét aux problémes de la politique internationale. Je croie comprendre que cet intérét ne s'est pas limité aux problanes intéressant spécialenent et directement 1a Belgique, mais qu'il e'est Stendu égalenent & tous les aspects des grandes questions mondiales . Aussi, je no fue nullement surpris, lorsque certains de vos membres m!invitérent & parlor aujourd'aud, non pag de 1'Zurope, mais du Japon, pays que je viens de quitter aprés y avoir séjourné plus de quatre ana en qualité d'ambassadour des Etats-Unis. Bien qu'il soit situé presque aux antipodes de la Belgique; bien qu'il soit un Pays asiatique qui n'a renoneé au systine féodal que depuis quatre vingt dix ans a peine, et que son évolution sociale, politique, culturelle et philosophique ait été tras dif- férente de celle de 1a Belgique, le Japon ressemble & votre pays & divers’ pointé de we. Les deux pays ont une population’ trés dense, en ce sens que le rapport entre le nombre des habitants et la superficie totale du pays est dlevé. La Belgiqué cénme le Japon ne’sont, ni l'un ni l'autre, malhoureusement dotés d'importantes ressources ne~ turelles. Les deux pays ne disposent que de trois catégories de ressources naturelles de quelque importance + Tesont tous deux favorisés par un régime de pluies abondantes, qui profitant grandement & l'agriculture. aa +. fGGhEFD Ts possddent tous deux des gisements de houille assez importants, mais,/ i Thea ‘ea reusement, cette houille n'est pas toujours de toute premitre qualitié, 5 3 Pe : ws, Et enfin, leur richesse naturelle a plus importante ctest 1'énergiec'est PE technique de leurs populations respectives. Mais 1a Belgique et le Japon, comme trds peu'd'autres pays dépendent pour vivre de leur commerce oxtéricur. La Belgique exporte onviron 40 pouroent de son produit industriel brut; le Japon slil veut survivre, doit vendre sur les narchés étrengors un pourcontage Slevé de sa production. Alors que 1a plupart des Buropéens savent que le Japon est un pays industriel de prenier ordre, ils pardissent ne pas reconnaitre son importance stratégique pour le monde libre, ni les divers facteurs qui déterminoront son évolution future. Si 1 on veut comprendre le Japon, i1 est avant tout important de connaitre ies facteurs éoono- niques qui dominent la vie de ce pays. Je dis osla, parce que, en fin de compte la politique Strangére du Japon et.son orientation internationale seront inévitablement et fortement influencées par les facteurs économiques qui régissent son existences Quels sont ces facteurs ? Ils peuvent so résuner trés simplenent. Le Japon est une flo d'ume superficie qui ne depasse que 1égarement celle de le Norvége. Toutefois, seulenont dix-huit pourcent ‘de sa superficie sont arables et habi- tables. Par contre, le pays a une population de 93 millions. anit anmenctncsée2e celle de la France et de 1'Allemagne occidentale réunies Cela veut dire qu'avec une population & peu prs égale a celle de la France et de 1'Allemagne occidentale, le Japon doit trouver suffisamment d'espace pour y construire ses habitations, y établir ses industries, ses fermes et songriculiture , tout en ne dieposant dans ce but que d! une superficie qui ne dépasse pas le cinquitme de celle de la Norvage. Conme je le diseis, le Japon ne dispose en fait que de trois catégories de ressour - ces de quelque impurtence + un régime de pluies abondantes, de la houille de deuxitme’ qualité, et la grande énergie et la compétence technique de sa population. Cela veut dire que le Japon doit exporter ou succomber a la famine. Clest tout simplement cela. Le Japon importe les ratifies premidres qui lui manquent. Environ 80 pourcent de toutes les matiares premiares destinées A son indugtrie doivent Stre importés. 11 les transforme en produits d’excellente qualité et les exporte. Les. dévises étrangéres pro- venant de la vente des produits exportés, les france belges, les dollars, les lies sterling, ete. sont importantes @ deux points de vue pour le pays. Elles permettent aw Japon de payer les dentées aljmentaires qu'il importe ; sans celles-ci ses 93 millions d'habitants mourraient.1ittéralement de faim, car il est impossible de produire sufficamment dg denréos alimentaires pour 93 millions a’étres humains sur une superficie utile qui”Gorrespond approximativement qu'au cinquidme de le superficie de la Norvdee. En second lieu, des devises permettent au Japon de payer les matitres promiéres industrielles qu'il importe ; sans-¢elles-ci les rouages de son industrie s'arréterai~ ent et sa main d'oeuvre serait vouée s 1'inactivité, Cela revient & dire que le Japon doit faire du commerce ou périr. Et en fini de coimpte, il est bien évident que le Japon est foreé de s'associer avec geux qui lui per mettent de gegner sa vie. Si les nations libres se montrent peu disposes 4 lui ouvrir une partie équitable et raisomable de leurs marchés, ils pousseront le Japon dans l'orbite du bloc éom- maniste. : GAR TZ fel Que cola signifierditsil en fonctions de la puissance et de la sécurft? dyn libre ? Je crois que 1a réponse est Svidente. mee howe? Tout d'abord, dans lo monde oh nous vivons, il existe quatre, et soulbusit miatre, complexes industrialisés d'isiportance : le grand complexe industriel des Btate de 1! Europe ocdidentdle;,dént' 1a Belgiquecfait partie le complexe de 1'Amérique du Nord comprenant le Canada et les Etate-Unia, le complexe soviétique et le complexe japonais. Si lee nations du monde libre devaient adopter arbitrairement une politique de restric- tions dures et sévéres & 1'égard dy Japon, réglementant 1'importation de ses produits et lui refusant une part dquitable ot raisonneble de leurs marchés, ils forceraient évidemment ce pays 4 se tourner vers les commnistes, Et si les ressources industriel- les 6t le potentiel di Japon, l'un des quatre grands complexes industriels du monde, venaient s'ajouter aux possibilités énormes dont dispose déja le bloc communiste, le rapport entre la puissance commniste et celle du monde libre serait radicalenent mo- difié, ay détriment du monde libre, bien entendu. Un autre aspect de 1'importance du Japon pour le monde libre a trait au probléme de 1a séourité des nations libres et indépendentes dans le Pacifique occidontal ot on Asie. ‘ Ltagression conmuniste on Corée, au hace et ailleurs a Stabli d'une fagon certains; Je orois, que les communistes n'hésitent jamais & recourir A la force et @ déclencher les hostilités lorsqu'ils crojent qu'ils ne rencontreront pas de réelle résistance. Four cette raison, le maintien par le monde libre dans le Pacifique occidental d'une force militaire préventive ouffisante, ost le meilleusfioyen d'éviter un faux calcul de la part des conmmistes, faux calcul qui pourrait déolencher des hostilités qui pren- Graiont des proportions imprévisibles et auraient des conséquences incaloulables pour L'humenité, vu les armes dont on dispose actuellement. Bn d'autres termes il ne doitse y avoir ni en Asie libre, ni on Burope occidentale de solution de contimité dane les forces du monde libre, solution de contimusté qui ne pourait que provoquer l'agression conmuniste» ‘Alors qu'en Burope, la défense du monde libre est 1a responsabilité de 1'OTAN, la mission de défendro le monde libre dans le Pacifique oocidental et en Asie, incombe surtout aux Etats-Unis, car tes Btats-Unis constituent une puissanceset dans le Paci- fique, et dans 1'Avlantique of ils assument d!importantes responsabilités. A ltheure actuelle, le maintien d'une force anéricaine préventive pour le monde libre dans le Pacifique occidental, profégeant un grand nontire de nations libres de 1! Asie de 1'Bst, est grandenent facilité par les installations militaires quo les Etats- Unis maintiennent au Japon, en vertu du Traité nippo-américain de coopération mtuelle et de séourité. Rvidenment le monde commmiste eait que les bases anéricaines du Japon ne servent pas exolusivement 4 protéger le Japon contre l'agression commuiste, mais qu‘elles con- tribuent ausai au maintion de la paix et de 1a svcurité internationales des autres pays libres on Asie. C’est le raicon pour laclld les commmistes ont fait l'année der- ni’ve un grand effort, d’ailleurs sans aucun succ?s, pour empécher l'application du Praité de Sécurité nippo-andricain, traité qui a été par la suite avalisé par la grande najorité du-peuple japonaia lors des élections de novebre dernier. Bn plus de sa puissance indystrielle et de son importante ootribution & 1a eécu- rité du monde libre, le Japon contribue encore d'une autre fagon aux intéréts du monde Libs. Le probléme du développement économique des nations du Sud et du Sud-Hst asia~ ‘tigue nouvellenent constituées, est un dee problémes les plus critiques pour les tations libres de cette partie du monde. Z1 est absolument néceseaire de réduive 1'énorme marge entre les revenus et le bien-étre des nations libres évoluées et coux des naticns moins développées, qui se sont constituées récemment. Car & défant de développement économique, la misdze, la pauvreté ot la maladie qui exietent dans un grand noubre de pays, ne peuvent tre com- dattus ; et sans progrés dans ce domains, il nty a que pou d'espoir de créer la sta~ Dilité sociale et politique. : tes popudstions des.pays"én ‘voie-de développemuAty “ont! +! drditia'tme ‘existende'meilicure.e% au :progrds-dcohondqie ‘et "sobial qui leur” -dénneont la possibilité de maintenir lour indépendance ot de développer leurs jeunes démocraties. Si le développement économique est a lqbase de la stabilité et du progré’s sociaux et politiques, quelles sont alors les obstacles qui s*y opposont ? Ce sont exactement, les mémes que ceux avxquels mon propre pays devait faire face il y a 160 ans 5 que de capitaux, de compétences techniques réelles et d'expérience dans divenSyt Dans les premiares phases du développement d'une nation libre, 1'étranger dojit¥ suppl: en grandgpartie au manque de capitanx et & la carence des compétences fochnifmes. et dans cet ‘ordre d'idées,le Japon fournit une contribution importante. \ Ponte A titre d'exemple, en vertu des accords de réparation que le Japon a conclu” avec les nations du sud-est asiatique, il efest engagé & fournir une aide économique gratuite de 1,2 millierds de dollars sous forme d'ysines et d'outillege. Hn outre il s'est obli- gé-a garantir des emprunts de réparation & concurrence d'une some supplémentaire de 700 millions de dollars. Le Japon fournit encore d'antres contributions, erfiehors du cadre des réparations , il a prété environ 70 millions de dollars \a 1"Inde em vue de permetire la mise en osuvre du deuxiéme plan quinquennal de ce pays, 1 aide encore 1! Inde financidremont dans 1'exploitation des bassins d'Orisea ot Bailadela, qui renfer~ nént de riches dépdts de minerais de fer. En fait, le Japon fournit actuellement une contribution importante an potentiel de production des nations nouvellement constituées du Sud-Est asiatique. Il participe au développement économique du Brésil et d'autres pays de l'émérique latine, ainsi qu'eh Afrique et au Moyen=Orient. Dans lo domaine des compétences techniques, deuxidme facteur quifait défant, le Japon fournit également une contribution substantielle. A lasequéte d'un wrtain nombre 6 gouvernenents libres d'Asie, il a délégué des missions spéciales d'instructeurs techniques, dont les activités couvrent des domaines importants, tels que l'agriculture les commnications, la petite industrie, 1’industrie moyenne et 1a pacho.Sic En méme temps, au cours des derniéres années, le Japon a ‘aconeilli plusieurs mil- liers d'étudiants asiatiqes dana son pays, pour y bénéficier d'une instruction tech- nique } tout en collaborent avec d'autres pays d'Asie & 1a oréation d'un Institut Asiatique de Productivité. Comne nous venons de Ig. ¥o4r, Je Japon contribue @ l'heure actuelle dans une mecure importante an aévelnpponent Ae Meeibhe moins Gvolnées. Je orois que ca contribution ne sora pas seulement mainteme, mais qu’ello sera renforeée ‘ l'avenir, si bien enten- du sa situation Sconomique continye & se a°velopper favorablement . Wais cela dépendra presque entibrelient de son commerce extérieur 6t de sa capacité de vendre tme part suffisenment importante de ses produits sur lea marchés étrangers. Bvidemnent, les Btats-Unis reconnaissent pleinoment 1s contribution du Japon aux intéréts du monde libre. Ils reconnaissent également ce fait fondamental que le Japon doit faire du commerce pour vivre, et quien fin do compte il devra finir par s‘associer avec coux qui lui permettent de gagnor sa vie. Aujourdthui, en dépit du fait que presque tous les produits exportés du Japon vere 1"Amérique sont en concurrence diréote:oul: indirgcteront avec des articles produits aux Etats-Unis, environ 30% de l'ensemble des exportations du Japon vont aux Etats-Unie. Mais la responsabilité de donner au Japon la | possibilité de gagner a vie on lui cuvrant une part raisonnable du ifarché du monde Libre ne peut étre assunée par les Rtate-Unis seuls, Lee State-Unis eapdrent dono bien que d@axtres nations libres, surtout des nations développées et industrialisées reconnaitront Sgaleuent 1e contribution du Japon auajintéedte du Honda Libre et offrizont & ce pays une part ¢quitable et raieonnable de leurdpropres marchés. Pornettez-moi de souligner gue cela est d'une’ importance capitale pour nous..tous,.car aujourd’hui le Japon est 1'unique facteur positif, présentant une grande puissance économique et industrielle, en Asie, et il est d'une importance vitale pour le iionde Tibre. Les communistes se rendent. évidemment compte de ce fait.C'est la raison pour la~ quelle, ils ont fait de le neutralisation, de 1'isélement et, en fin de compte, de 1! absorption du Japon leur principal objectifppolitique en Asie. Car les commnistes savent parfeitement que le Japon est le clef de 1'Asie et,que si le Japon tombe en leur pouvoir, le vaste arc de cercle'de lisie libre euivra rapidenent la méne voie. Cet arc s'étend du sub-continent de l'inde & travers le sud-est de1'Asie juaqu'au Japon. Il englobe 800 millions de ce qui reste de la population du tiénde Libre. 1 est imaensément riche on ressources naturelies prites a Stre développéea et exploitées. Nt ce cercle conprend le Japon, un des quatre grands complexes industriels du monde. 5i toutes ces richesses humaines, matérielles ot industrielles venaient s'ajouter dla grande puissance que re~ présente aujourdthui le bloc commniste, l'avenir de 1'Burdpe, l'avenir des Etats-Unis et do l'ensemble du monde libre serait fort sombres Ce serait pour ios riations libres une tragédié impensable, si leJapon se voyait, aalgré lui, foreé dans les tentacules du bloc commmiste pour satiefaire cet impératif vital du commerce. I1 me semble que toutes les nations libres et surtout les nations de 1'Burope occidentale et de la Communauté Atlantique, dont plusieurs pays ont par repport au Japon, une balence commerciale favoreble, ont un intérét majeur 4 aider ce pays 3 gagner ea vie, en lui donnant accds, @ titre de réciprocité, @ une part équitable et vaisonnable de leurs marchés. IL y a évidennent on Burope et en Anérique des personnes qui, pour des raisons de projectionnisne ou gutres, peuvent Stre tentés de a'opposer @ une politique commerciale libérale @ 1'égard du Japon, A ces personnes, je dirais simplement : nous ne parlona aujourd'hui pas de ce qui est le plus commode, mais de ce gui est néceasaire si 1'oh vent survivre ~ offtene gon effort pour survivre, le monde libre a besoin de la contri- oution et de la cdoperation loyale du Japon.BRUXELLES ANBASSADE ‘DES ETATS-UNIS ME PAS PUBLIER AVANT LE 30 MAT 1961 & 16 HEURES Allocution’ prononedé par Mr, Douglas’ Néarttiir IT, Jmbassadewr des Etats-Unis en Bélgique, & Henti-Chapelle, le 30 mai 1961 & Lroceasion du "Memorial Day" est pour mol un privildge ét un honneur d’étre ici avec vous aujolird’hui dans od Liew ob reposant ces vaillants Américains tonbés au champ dhoineur, en néme temps gue hoiis’ rappeloné d?un coeur himblé 6t recdinaissant 1a dette que nous avons’ Gon traotée envera eux. Jamaié hows ie" poiitrdiié entitrenent recommaftre le sadrifice Wile ‘ont fait, “M1 notre gratitude, inl les honnowrs adcordés aux héréd' ne suffi~ sént 401. " Noiis no‘saurions payer en sontinents seuleient la Liberté qu’ils ont actuise pour nous au prix de leur sang vivant, Il faut aller au-delé eb consacrer & nouveat nos vies A la cause pour Jaquelle ils sont morts. Ie conbat pour 1a liberté ne finit jamais. Au cours des sitcles ses’ enndinis ont pris des formes miltiples et ont attaqué sur beaucoup de fronts. Mais’ s?i1 existe une constante en histoire, elle ost résumée dans les mots bien conmis: “La vigilance éternelle est le prix de la Liberté." Cewx qui dorment ici, ches ouxy au milieu de leurs amis eb alliés; ont payd co prix. Mais pour rester libre, de nos jours, 1e Monde Libre. doit non seulement Stre vigilant - mais uni. Lors dune grande crise de notre histaire um sage américain, Benjamin Franklin, -en des mots qui défient 1a traduction - disait: "Nous devons fai~ re bloo ensemble (hang together) ou, bien certainement, nous serons tous pendus (hang) lun aprés l’autre. Ie choix,dans cette alternative, n’a jamais été plus important qu’au carrefour ot sé trouve présentement le destin de 1’humanité, La nécessité impérieuse de travailler ensenble contre 1a menace de notre époque a été heureusement reconrme & temps. En face d’ine conspiration qui menagadt 1*Burope Oceidentale ot tout ce quelle représente, 1a Belgique, los Btats-Unis ot treize autre nations souveraines ont forgé une alliance eans précSdent. Epautle contre épaule, les membres du, NATO se sont dressés ~ et restent dressés ~ pour la défense effective des principes aéfi~ nis dans la Charte du NATO: "Vivre en paix avee tous les pouples ot tous les gouvernements.. "Sauvogarder 1a Liberté, 1’héritage comm, et la civilisation de leurs peuples, sur les principes de 1a démocratie, la liberté individuelle et la régle de "Wnir leurs efforts pour 1a défense collective et 1a sauvegarde de la paix et do Ja séourité.,..! Dans 1a mesure oh notre vie participa & ces aspirations, par l’effort-@Eiip> sacrifice camund, nous nous serons acquittés, dans une faible mesure, onffar's odap) hones hérofques dont nous honcrons aujourd*hui 1a mémoire. Avec eux, Aaits attrons' tem nos engagements. Ils n’auront pas en vain fait le sacrifice supré aT gw NE PAS PUBLIER AVANT 12 30 MAT A’ 16 HRURESUNITED STATES INFORMATION SERVICE 27, BOULEVARD DU REGENT ares Fa TELEPHONE © 13.39/31 AMERICAN EMBASSY hay SUMMARY OF THE ADDRESS ON.""JAPAN AND THE FAR EAST" GIVEN BY THE HONORABLE DOUGLAS MacARTHUR IZ AMERICAN AMBASSADOR TO BELGIUM CERCLE GAULOIS JUNE 20, 1961SUMMARY OF THE ADDRESS ON "APAN AND THE FAR EAST" GIVEN BY THE HONORABLE DOUGLAS MacARTHUR TI, AMERICAN AMBASSADOR TO BELGIUM, AT A LUNCHEON OFFERED IN HIS HONOR BY THE CERGLE ROYAL GAULOIS ARTISTIQUE ET LITTERATRE, BRUSSELS, UNE 20, 1961: ‘The Ambapsador first congYatulated the Cercle on its 50th anniversary, noting the ciub's tradition of promoting free expression of opinion, and its interest in all facets of world affairs, which wae manifested by the sug- gestion of several menbers thet he talk about the country in which he served a8 Ambassador before coming to Belgium: Japan. Turning to his subject, Ambassador MacArthur pointed out that both Belgium and Japan have only chree natural resources of great substance: abundant rain- fall which helps greatly with their agriculture; substantial deposits of coal, though not always of high quality; and the great energy and skill of their people. He noted the need for both Belgium and Japan to export a considerable portion of their industrial production, adding that in order to understand Japan it is essential to understand the economic facts of her life, because they largely govern her foreign policy and international orientation. While Japan is a little larger than Norway, only 18 percent of its area is arable and livable, and it has a population of 93 million. This means that a popu- Lation equal to about that of France and West Germany together must find space for its farms, industries end hones in an area about one-fifth the size of Norway. With only three natural resources of any significance, Japan must export or perish from starvation. She has to import roughly 80 percent of, all her industrial rav materials, which she transYorits into fine finished products for export. The foreign exchange which Japan derives from these exports enables, her, first, to pay for imports of foodstuffs without which her 93 mil ill > people would die of starvation, and,.second, to pay for the raw mate without which her industry could not function and her great industrial Labor force would be unemployed and wnenployable, ALL this means that Japan sty, forced to trade or die, must end up where and with whom she can earn, a. “fll \%/ living.. If the Free World nations are unwilling to afford Japan access £6 a fair and reasonable share of their markets, they will force Japan into dependence on the communist bloc. Speaking of the vital importance of Japan to the Free World and the disaster that would ensue were Japar, forced into the arms of the communists, the! Ambassador said: "In the first place, in this world there are only four major industrial complexes: Western Europe, Notth America, the Soviet complex, and the Japanese complex. If the Free World nations adopt an arbitrary policy of severe restriction against importation’ of Japanese products, they will .ot viously force her to turn to the communists.. And if the industrial resources of Japan were thus added to the formidable capabilities that the commmist bloc now possesses, the whole ratio of communist-Free World strength would be radically altered to the great disadvantage of the Free World Turning to Japan's importance in maintaining the security of free countries in the western Pacific and Asia, Anbagsador MacArthur pointed out: “Communist aggressions in Korea, Laos and elsewhere have denonstrated conclusively that the communists never hesitate to use force where they be- lieve that they will mest with no real resistance. Therefore, the maintenance of adequate deterrent Free World military power in the western Pacific is the best means of avoiding a miecalculation on the part of the conmuniste which could lead to hostilities of unpredictable dimensions and with incalculable consequences to humanity because of the types of veapons no in existence. In other words, in free Asia as in Western Europe. there must be no vacuumWhile in Europe NATO assures the defensive strength of the Free World, in the western Pacific and Aeia the burden falle mainly on the United States, The Aubassador strewsed that the security of the free nations of Asia is greatly strengthened by the military bases which the US maintains in Japan by virtue of the Japanese-US Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security. Recognizing that these bases not only protect Japan from com- munist aggression but also contribute to the security of other free countries in Asia, the coumumists made a major but unsuccessful effort last year to prevent the entry into effect of the treaty, which eubsequently re- ceived the endorsement of the great majority of the Japanese people in the Japanese elections of last Novenber. Calling economic development the key to social and political stability and progress in the newly independent nations, Mr. MacArthur cited the Lack of capital resources and technical skills as the two chief barriers to such development. Japan is making a major contribution to filling these two garth through extensive grants, loans, capital equipment and technical training missions. These contributions will be expanded in the future if the Japanese domestic picture continues to develop favorably. However, this in turn, will depend on Japan's foreign trade and her ability to sell a reasonable share of her products in foreign markets. The Anbassador continued: he United States, of course, fully recognizes the contribution Ja is making to the interests of the Free World. It also recogaizes the fact that Japan must trade to live, and that over the long term she mus| up where nd with whom shé can earn a living. Today, despite the fact tl almost all Japan's exports to America are directly or indirectly competiti with items produced in the US, approximately 30 percent of her total exports go to the United States, But the burden of enabling Japan to earn a living through access to a reasonable share of the Free World market cannot be solved by the US alone. It is therefore the strong hope of the United States that other free nations, particularly the developed and industrialized nation’, will also recognize the contribution which Japan is making to the interests of the Free World, and will givé her access to a faix and xeagon- able share of theix markets. This is of vital importance to us all, for today Japan is the only positive element of great sconomic and industrial Free World strength in Asia. "Because the ‘commmists recognize this, they have made the isolation and ultimate absorption of Japan their number oné political objective in Asia, ‘They know that Japan is the key to Asia and that, if Japan falis to them, the vast arc of free Asia will swiftly follow. ‘This is the arc that stretches from India through Southeast Asia up to Japan. Zt contains 800 millions of what is left of the Free World's population, it is vastly rich in natural resources ready to be developed, and in Japan it contains one of the four major industrial complexes in the world. If all these asseks -~ human, material and “industrial -- were added to the great strength of the communist bloc, the outlook for the future of Europe, the United States and the entire Free World would he dark indeed. "Tt would he an unbeliavable tragedy for the Free World if Japan's im- perative necessity to trade.were to force her, against her will, into the tentacles of the communist bloc, All free nations, particularly those of Western Europe and the Atlantic Community -~ many of whom have favorable balance in their trade with Japan ~~ have an overriding interest in helping“3 a fair and reasonable Japan to earn a living through giving her access share of their markets on a basis of reciprocity. In conclusion, the Aubassador said to those in Europe and Anerica who, for protectionist or other reasons might be tempted to oppose a Liberal trade policy toward Japan, that whet he is talking about is not what is most convenient for us, but what was necessary to survive: "The Free World, in its efforts to survive, needs the staunch cooperation and contri~ bution of Japan." eee HHUNITED S\ATES INFORMATION SERVICE 27, BOULEVARD DU REGENT een BRUSSELS EMBASSY TELEPHONE : 13.38.30 ADDRESS OF THE HONORABLE DOUGLAS MacARTHUR IT AMERICAN AMBASSADOR IN BELGTUM GERCLE ROYAL GAULOIS JUNE 20, 1961ADDRESS OF THE HONORABLE’ DOUGLAS MadARTHUR ZI, AMERICAN AMBASSADOR IN BELGIUM, ‘AT A LUNCHEON GIVEN IN HIS HONOR BY THE CERCLE ROYAL GAULOIS ARTISTIQUE ET LITTERAIRE, BRUSSAIS,' JUNE 20, 1961: Monsieur le President, Messieurs les Ministres, Messieurs: 1 am particularly happy to have this opportunity to say a few words today to such a distinguished gathering. For the Cercle Gaulois is known not only in Belgium and Europe, but also in my country, as -one of the intellectual hubs of uropean life. It has the splendid tradition of encouraging and promoting free expression of opinion and thought and has always sought to provide a forum for such expression. This year you are celebrating your fiftieth anniversary and I join with many others in America and Europe in extending hearty congratulations. ‘the Cercle Gaulois, since it was founded in 1911 as the Cercle de la Toison d'or, has traditionally taken a great interest in foreign affairs. This interest, I understand, has pertained not only to matters which are of direct and primary concern:to Belgium, but also to all facets of world affairs. Therefore, was not at all surprised when several of your members suggested that I talk today, not about Europe, but about Japan -- a country from which I have just come after serving for more than four years there as Ambassador. Although Japan is located almost halfway around the world from Belgium, and although it 1s an Asian nation only ninety years out of feudaliom,.whose social, political, cultural and philosophical.evolution has been vastly different from that of Belgium, nonetheless Japan and Belgium are in several xespects very much alike. Both countries have a.very high density of population, in that the ratio of population to their total area is high. Both Belgium and Japan are unfortunately not endowed by nature with great natural resources, Both countries have really- only three natural resources of any great substanc ie First, abundant rainfall which helps greatly with agricultares ( is often not high; Kad third -- their most important natural resource -- the great energy and skill of their people. But, like few other countries in the world, the very life of both Belgium and Japan depends on foreign trade. For example, in the case of Belgium, roughly 40 percent of its total industrial production is exported, and Japan, in order to live, is similarly obliged to sell a very substantial percentage of its products in foreign markets. While most people in Europe know that Japan is a leading industrial nation, there seems to be less recognition of its overall strategic importance to the Free World and the factors which will determine its future course. To understand the Japanese picture it is first essential to understand the economic facte of Japan's life. I say this for.over the long term, Japan's foreign policy and its international orientation will inevitably be influenced largely by the economic facts of its life. What then, are these facte? In sunmary, they are very simple. Japan is an island nation. a little larger than Norway. However, only 18 percent of-Japan is arable and livable. It has a population of 93 million -~ about the same as the population of France and West Germany combined. This meansthat Japan, with a population about that of France and West Germany, must find a place for ite homes, its industries, ite farms and agriculture in an area roughly equal to only about one-fifth the size of Norway. Ag I mentioned, Japan has only three natural resources of any substance: abundant rainfall, second-gradé coal, and the great energy and skill of its people. This means that Japan must export or perish from national starvation, Lt is as simple as this. Japan imports the raw materials that do not exist within her national frontiers. Roughly 80 percent of all her industrial rav materials have to be imported, She transforms these materials into fine finished products and exports them. The foreign exchange that she derives from her export sales -- the Belgian francs, the dollars, the pounds, sterling, etc, -- does two things essential for Japan's lifes First, it enables Japan to pay for imports of foodstuffs without which her 93 million people would Literally die of starvation, because one cannot raise food’ for 93 million people on an area roughly one-fifth the.size of Norway. Second, it enables Japan to pay for the importation of industrial raw materiale, without which the wheels of her industry would grind to a halt, and her great industrial labor force would be- unemployed and unemployable. What Iam saying is that Japan must trade or die. ‘Therefore, in the long term Japan must obviously end up where and with whom she can earn a living. If Free World nations are unwilling to afford Japan access to a fair and reasonable share of their markets, they will force Japan into dependency on the communist bloc. What would this mean in terms of the Free World's strength and security? I think the enswer is very obvious. In the first place, in this world in which we live there are four and only four major industrial complexes: the great western European industrial com- plex, of which Belgium ie a part, the North American complex consisting of Canada end the United States; the-Soviet complex, and the Japmese complex. If the Free ‘World nations. adopt an arbitrary policy of harsh and severe restrictions against the importation of Japanese products, thus denying Japan access to @ fair and reasonable share of their markets, they will obviously force Japan to turn to the conmmists. And if the industrial resources and potential of ety Japan -+ one of the four major industrial. complexes of the world -~ were thus MIDS added’ to the formidable capabilities that the communist floc now hes, the whole” “a ratio of communist ~ Free World strength would be radically altered to the great sadvantage of the Free Wor: “St disadvantage of the Free World. oun Another aspect of Japan's importance to the Free World relates to the pro- blem of the security of free and independent countries in the western Pacific and Asia. ‘The communist aggression in Korea, Laos and elsewhere has demonstrated conclusively, I believe, that the communists never hesitate to use force and engage in hostilities vhere they believe that they will meet with no real resistance. Therefore, the maintenance of adequate deterrent Free World mili- tary power in the western Pacific is the best means of avoiding a miscalculation on the part of the communists, which would lead to hostilities that could spread to unpredictable dimensions with incalculable conseqnéaces to humanity, ‘given the weapons which now exist. In other words, in free Asia, asin western Europe, there must be no vacuum of deterrent Free World power which invites communist aggression.Whije in Europe the Free World's defensive strength is supplied by NATO, the burden of supplying the Free World deterrent strength in the western’ Pacific and Asia falls primarily on the shoulders of the United States, for the-United States is both a Pacific as well as an Atlantic power and has heavy responsi- bilities in both areas. ‘Today the maintenance of American deterrent Free World power in the Western Pacific, which serves to protect many of the free nations of Asia, is greatly facilitated by military fHvilities which the United States maintains in Japan under the terms. of the Japanese ~ United States Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security. The communist world, of course, recognizes that American bases in Japan serve not only to protect Japan from.communist aggression, but also contribute to the maintenance of international peace and the security of other free countries in Asia. This is why they made a. major, but completely unsuccessful effort last year to prevent the entry into effect of the Japanese - American Security Treaty -- a treaty which subsequently received the endorsement of the great majority of the Japanese people in the elections of Last November. In addition to its industrial strength and the important contribution which. Japan is making to Free World security, it is making other contribations to Free World interests. For example, the problem of the economic development of the newly emerging nations of.south and southeast Asia is one of the most critical problems which the free nations in that area today face. It is imperative to reduce the enormous disparity in income and well-being that exists between the developed free countries and the newly emerging less developed nations of the world. For without economic development the conditions of misery, poverty and disease which. exist in many countries cannot be overcome, and without progress on this front there can be no great hope of social and political stability. The peoples of the developing nations have a right to a better way of Life and to economic and social progress which is an essential environment for enabling many of these new nations to maintain their independence and develop their youthful democracies. IE economic development is the key to social and political.stability and progress, what are the barriers that impede it? They are precisely the same barriers that my own country faced 180 years ago ~- namely, lack of capital resources and lack of subetantial technical skills and know-how in many fields, In the initial phases of a nation’s development, these two missing ingredients -- capital and technical skills -- must, in free.societies, to a considerable exten be supplied from abroad. And Japan today is making a very substantial contribution, SAEZ. Coates For example, under the reparations agreements which Japan negotiated wil the nations of southeast Asia, Japan ie extending 1.2 billion dollars in grakt es econonte aid in the form of capital goods end equipmant. Additionally, it ts\“pyyy pledged to support reparations loans which are to be worked out for an addi~ “~~” tional 700 million dollars. Japan is also making other contributions outside the reparations franework, and contributed about 70 million dollars in loans to India to make India's second five'year program possible. tis also assisting India financially with the development of the Orissa and Balladela basins of India, where there are rich iron orp deposits. Tndesd, today Japan is making one of the substantial contributions of capital resources to the development of the newly energing nations of southeast Asia. And in addition, it is helping in the economic development of Brazil and other Letin American countries as well as nations in Africa and the Middle East.With respect to technical skills -- the other missing ingredient -- Japan is also making a substantial contribution. At the request of a number of free Asian governments, Japan hes sent special technical training missions, whose work covers such important fields as agriculture, communications s small and medium-sized industries, and fisheries. At the same time, Japan has in the last few years brought several thousand Asian’ students to Japan‘for technical training, and is also working with Asian countries to establish an Asian productivity center. Thus, as can be seen, Japan is today contributing substantially to the economic development of lesser developed nations, This contribution will, I believe, not only be maintained but expanded in the future if the Japanese domestic economic picture continues to develop favorably. However, this in turn will depend almost entirely upon Japan's foreign trade and her ability to sell a reasonable share of her products in foreign markets. The United States, of course, fully recognizes the contribution. that Japan is making to the interests of the Free World, Tt also recognizes the basic fact that Japan must trade to live, and that over the long term she must end up where and with whom she can.earn a living. Today, despite the fact that almost all Japan's exports to America are directly or indirectly competitive with items produced in the United States, approximately 30 percent of Japan's total exports go to the United States. But the burden of enabling Japan to earn a living through access to a reasonable share of the Free World market cannot be solved by the United States alone. It is therefore the strong hope of the United States that other free. nations, particularly the developed and industrialized nations, will also recognize the contribution which Japan is making to the in- terest of the Free World, and will give Japan access to a fair and reasonable share of their markets. This, let me emphasize, is of vital importance to us all, for today Japan is the only positive element of great economic and indus- trial Free World strength in Asia and 1s vitally important to the Frée World. The communists, of course, recognize this. ‘That is why they have made the neutralization, isolation and ultimate absorption of Japan their Number One political objective in Asia. For the communists clearly feel that Japan is the Key to Asia and that 1£ Japan falls to them the vast arc of Free Asia will swiftly follow. This is the arc that stretches from the sub-continent of India through southelst Asia up to Japan. It contains 800 million of what is left of the Free World's population. It is vastly rich in great natural resources ready to be developed and exploited. And in Japan it contains one of the world's four. major industrial complexes, If all these assets -- human, material and ie MID industrial -- were added to the great strength that the communist bloc af 5 » ») possesses, the outlook for the future of Europe, the United States and thi entire Free World would be dark indeed. It would be an unbelievable tragedy for free nations if Japan, against her will, were forced into the tentacles of the communist bloc through Japan's imperative necessity to trade. It seems to me that all free nations, particularly those of Western Europe and the Atlantic community, many of whom have favorable balance in their trade with Japan, have an over-riding interest in helping Japan to earn a living through giying her access to a fair and reasoneble share of their markets on a basis of reciprocity. Of course, there are those in Europe as Well as in America who for pro~ tectionist or other reasons may be tempted to oppose « Liberal trade policy toward Japan, To them I.would only say that what we are talking about today is mot what is most convenient but what is necessary to survive -~ and in the Free. SPEECH a . OuTtane from whack Aniherad Spobs jliz-provsooey American Club of Brussels - June 27, 1961 When your President, Sandy Harris, was good enough to ask me to speak at this very fine luncheon today I was not quite sure what subject might be of most interest, for my maiden speech a month ago dealt with Belgian-American relations in the Congo; my speech to the ‘American Chamber of Commerce dwelt on American économie policy and Belgian-American trade; and a talk I gave last week at the Cercle Gaulois dealt with the situation in Japan and the Far East. While this seemed to cover the water-front fairly well, as I talked it over with Sendy Harris he suggested that you might be interested if I said 2 few words today, off-the-record, about the great struggle that is going on in the world today which will determine our fate and that of our child~ ren, This appealed to me because miuch of that struggle is taking place in the newly emerging nations, and during the four years from 1953 to 1957 I traveled extensively évery year in Asia and the Middle East, visiting all the free nations of Asia and most of them on sevenal occasions. ( In the great struggle that is going on in the world today hepyeen, the forces of communism and those of democracy for the minds andy! hearts of the newly emerging nations, there are two aspects ~~ nainely, military and economic, On the military side, the greatest danger of war breaking out is most emphatically not the danger of calculated and coldly planned overt military aggression -- that is an open attack by large, easily identifiable, organized forces across defined national frontiers. ‘The danger of hostilities breaking out which might spread to impredictable dimensions with incalculable consequences for mankind given the weapons that are in existence today, is primarily the danger of war coming about through miscalculation. And by miscalculation I mean by a sttuation-arising in ‘Asia or in Europe where there is-a.vacuum and a void of free-world deterrent power which the communists feel they fill with impunity since the free world has no military capacity to react against them. War through miscalculation -- this is precisely how the Korean War came about, You will recall that in early 1949 the Soviet Union withdrew its armed forces from North Korea, taking them back across the frontier into the neighboring maritime provinces of Siberia. In late 1949 we withdrew our forces from South Korea but we took them back across the Pacific leaving only a small. token farce In South Korea. ‘And when our forces got nicely bedded down in America in 1950, the Communists cracked us in Korea. Why? Because they thought they could decimate the token force -- cut it to ribbons ~~ and they would then have the entire Korean Peninsula. And if we wished there to react we would have to mount an amphibious operation much more costly in blood, treasure and young American lives than was needed for "Overlord", the landing in Normandy in 1944, And the Communists estimated that we would just not be willing to spend the tens of billions of dollars and the one to two million young American lives that would have been required to regain the Korean Peninsula if the Communists had once been able to take it over completely. And so today, gentlemen, a basic clement of American policy is to maintain strong American and free-world forces as the best means-2- C) On the assumption that we and other free world nations are’ willing to maintain our deterrent forces, I think the great danger toi is but from communist subversion and penetration, And the area that the communists have clearly chosen as their favored battleground in their attempt to dominate the world is the area of the newly independent lesser developed nations, In discussing the problem of the newly emerging nations of Asia and the Middle East, I think one cau only do so against the backdrop of the greatest phenomena of this century. This is the emergence of some fifty nations -- mostly since World War II -- trom dependent colonial status into independent national existence, And as these nations struggled for their independence in the period between World War I and World War Il a most unfortmate myth took root in the minds of the peoples of these areas. The myth was that once they threw off the hated "colonial yoke" to which they attributed all their misery, poverty and disease, the world would blossom out into a beautifil bowl of cherries in which everyo would have a full stomach and there would be no problems. This of course, both foolish and unrealistic, as we in the United State: Sgiow. better than anyone. For we can remember that 180 years ago, we gained our independence, the long slow climb which took dec: and decades to transform the United States from an underdeveloped; impoverished, agrarian economy into a modern, industrialized nation with high living standards, But nonetheless this myth took root in the minds of the people of Middle Hast and Asia, and it is responsible for two things: First, the savage insistence of the people of Asia and the’Middle East at the grass roots or rice roots level for a better way of life. Second, the absolute refusal of the peoples of this area to accept the lot that had been that of their ancestors for two thousand years, namely, for the average man, ignorance, poverty, misery and disease, with all the weelth and power concentrated in the hands of a fistful of people, many of whom were venal, but who in any event used it for their own selfish purposes, ‘The peoples of teeming Asia and the Middle Hast are determined to have a better life, If, under a democratic government they can not see visible signs of economic progress that hold out the hope of at least a better way of life for their children, the great danger is that they will turn toward Communism, In this connection, Communism exercises a considerable appeal to the underdeveloped peoples of the world, not just because it promises al things to all men, but also because of certain of its material achieve ments. [have many friends in Free Asia, and on a number of occasions they have talked to me following a return trip to the Soviet Union, which they visited as the quests of the Soviet Government, While saying that they did not like the Communist political system, they pointed out that in a period of roughly forty years the Communists, under their system, have transformed the Soviet Union from an underdeveloped wilderness populated by an ignorant people into the second greatest industrial nation of the world, And then our Free Asian friends point out that the only Seeeree nena eee ener eee ehhKs ‘The great danger is that if the Free World can not assikt,the present friendly governments of the underdeveloped areas to pps Enfficient progress so that there are visible signs of forward econstic movement, then in their despair and frustration the peoples of these areas will turn to Communism. On the assumption that the United States keeps its powerful deterrent military forces in being and assists its free Asian neighbors to maintain their modest armed forces primarily for internal security purposes to deal with Communist subversion and insurrection, the problem of holding Free Asia is basically a problem of economic dev- elopment. Since this is the case, what are the barriers to économie dev- elopment? They are two -~ the same two that faced the United States 180 years agot First, the lack of financial resources to procure the necessary capital goods and equipment for development, and, second, the almost total lack of technical skills. Our foreign aid program is designed to assist with respect to these two deficiencies, It is not a giveaway program, It is a program which we are convinced is essential to the survival. of tho United States, For if the teeming areas of the Middle East and Asia fall under comm~ unist control it is folly to believe that our present American system and way of life could survive. For if, to the present great capabilities that the Communist bloc now possesses, were added the one billion inhabit- ants and the vast natural resources of the Middle Kast and Far East area and the great industrial complex of Japan, I think you will agree that our own prospects of survival over a period of 25 to 40 years would be very pessimistic. In conclusion let me say that, while I think it is clear that the Sovlet Union does not desire all-out war, it will use every means short of nuclear war to achieve its end, And, in particular, it will wage an economic war, using economic assistance as the thin end of the wedge to penetrate, dominate and eventually take over the underdeveloped nations of the world, If the United States and the other indistrialized nations are unwilling to assist the new nations in their economic dev~ elopment, we will leave them no alternative than to turn to the Commu- nists. I do not mean that the newly independent countries will blacimail us, but I do mean that they are determined to have a better way of life and to get the help they must have from one source or another. Most of them would prefer help from the Free World, but if it is refused they will reluctantly, but unhesitatingly, turn to the Communists. In terms of the economic struggle that will clearly highlight the coming years, the role of American and other western business~ men is one of greatest importance, and you gentlemen and your associates elsewhere are in the front lines of the great struggle for freedom that is taking place in Asia and the Middle Hast. I have talked with many American business leaders who have visited Asia and I have stated to them my conviction that the task is so immense that it 1s far beyond the capabilities of the United States Government, and if we are to succeed, and success is essential to our survival, we must enlist the full assistance of other industrialized nations, and particularly the assistance of private business and enterprise which can makeSERVICE AMERICAIN D'INFORMATION BRUXELLES AMBASSADE DES ETATS-UNIS NB PAS PUBLIER AVANT LUNDI 17 JUTLUB? Al3 He ALLOCUPION PRONONCER PAR MR. DOUGLAS MACARTHUR II, AMBASSADEUR DES ERATS-UNIS EN BELGIQUE, A LIQCCASION DE SA VISITS OFFICIELLE & ANVERS LB 17 JUILLET 1961 sur ABR. (MID L'TMPORTANCE D'ANVERS EN TAN QUE PORT INTERNATIONAL, a LIAMPLEUR DE LA COMTRIBUFLON BELGE AU DEVELOPPEMENT DU CONGO, Loom Im ROLE DE LA BELGIQUE DANS LA OREATION DE LA NOUVELLE EUROPE.‘NE_PAS PUBLIER AVANT LB LUNDT 17 JUTLUBE A 13.He ALLOCUPION PRONONCHE PAR MR. DOUGLAS MACARTHUR II, AMBASSADEUR DES ETAPS-UNIS EN BELGIQUE, A LICCCASION DE SA VISITE OFFICIELLE A ANVERS, LB 17 JUILLET 1961. Jo suis particulitrement heurevx de ne trouver & Anvers aujourd'hui et cela pour plusiours raisons. En promior liou, Anvors'est vériteblement le bercean des relations entre le pouple belge et le pouple oméwicain. C'est en effet dans cette ville, en 1805, = il y a exactement 158 ans, elore que les Etats-Unis n'étaient encore qu'une toute jeune république et que 1a Belgique n'avait pas encore conquis son indépendance ~ que les Etats-Unis établirent un bureau commercial qui devait plus tard devenir notre pre- mier consulat en Belgique. lea puissants liens d'affaires et de commerce entre nos doux' pays établis & cette dpoque constituent 1a fondation solide sur laquelle repose Llactuelle association entre 1a Belgique et les Etats-Unis. Anvers cependant « jous un réie important, non seulonent: dans les rapports belgo~ anéricains, mais aussi pour le reste de 1*Europe et en fait pour le monde entier. Anvers est en effet, par ordre d'importance, le troisitme port a'Burope et a apporté une puis~ sante contribution & ‘expansion des affaires et du conmeroe international. Ge grand courant commercial dana les! deux sens qui s'est offectué & travers Anvers a profité non seulenent & la Belgique ot & 1'Emope mais encore & beaicoup d'autres pays ot d'antros nations outre-nor. Et dane oot ordre atidéey Je dois rappeler qu ‘une grande part dé 1a contribution essenticlle que 1a Belgique a apportée en développement au Conigo, a été Gonditionnée par 1'équipoment et 1a main dtoeuvre qui y oht été amends par le port d'Anvers. Amoun de ceux qui ont visité 1'Afriqne ne peut douter de Lampleur de l'effort effectué par la Belgique, au cours des dermi’res quatre-vingt années, pour le dévelop- pement du Congo. Car dans aucun autre paya ayent récemment accédé & 1'indépendance an Sud du Sahara niexiste une infrastructure aussi solide que rendent tangibles les bati- nents, lef industries, les voies de commnications, los hépitaux et bien d'aitres réa- lisetions. Nous savons aux Etats-Unis que tout coci n'a pas été l'oouvre d'un jour. Nous savons que c'est 14 le résultat de déendes d'efforts poureuivis par de nombreux Belges courageux et dévouss qui ont travaillé sans relfiche pour assister les populations de cop régions. Et nous croyons aux Etats-Unis que le Congo ne pourra que bénéficier matériellenent du maintien de ses rapporés avec la Belgique. Je suis hevreux aujourd'hui de pouvoir dire qu'li ne semble pas y avoir de aifté- rence entre les objectifa essentiels de 1a Belgique et des Etats-Unis, ot on fait coux de la République du Congo elle-méme, dans 1a mesure ou les intéréte futures du Congo sont en cause. Nous souhaitons tous, on effet, voir un Congo libre et indépendant or ginisé d'une fagon telle que sora facilité le développement d'un Congo économiquenent prospére, politiquenent stable et unifié. Nous sommes tous dtaccord pour souhaiter une expansion économique du Congo qui, pernettre & sos populations, dens leur ensemble, de bénéficier des meilleures conditions de vie qutelles aésirent avec tant d'ardeur. Et anjourd'nui, tant la Belgique que les Btats-Unie participent aubstanticllenent aux ressources névessaires & cette fin. Et puisque j'ai parlé de la contribution de la Belgique au Congo, je ne voudrais pas terminer sans.dire également wm mot de la grande contribution qu'apporte 1a Bel-Nous sonmes @'accord-en Amérique avec nos amis d'Europe qui estinent gutune Burope économiquement ot politiquement unie sera d'un grand poids pour le progrds et la paix du monde. le Traité do, Rome, qui est l'une des fondations sur lesquetles ost constrite 1a nouvelle Europe, est pour une grande part le. résultat d'une initia tive belge et de votre distingué Ministre des Affaires étrangdres, Ur, Paxl-Henri Spagk. Le Monde Libre est redevable & 1a Belgique et A lui-méme d'une dette de gra~ ‘titude pour une grande partie de co qui est actuellement fait on vue de forger des liens plus puiscants ot plus durables entre les nations d'Hurope. aay ot, NE PAS PUBLIER AVANT LE LUNDI 17 abla, Al H. aUNITED STATES INFORMATIO“W SERVICE Fr, 2OULEVARD ol) REGENT BRUSSELS TELEPHONE + £3.38, 30 AMERICAN, EMBASSY Not to be published before 1:00 pim., July 17, 1961 REMARKS MADE BY ‘THE HONORABLE DOUGLAS MACARTHUR, AMERICAN AMBASSADOR, ON THE OCCASION OF HIS FIRST OFFICIAL VISIT TO ANTWERP JULY 17, 1961, on ANTWERP'S ROLE .AS A WORLD PORT, ‘THE MAGNITUDE OF BELGIUM'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONGO, ‘THE ROLE OF BELGIUM IN THE CREATION OF A NEW EUROPENot to be published before 1:00 p.m., July 17, 1961 RIMARKS OF THE HONORABLE DOUGEAS MACARTHUR Ir OFFIGIAL VISIT TO ANUWERP, JULY 17, 1961 1 em particularly happy to be here in Antwerp today for several reasons. In the first place Antwerp is truly the cradle of relations between the Belgian and American people. For it was here in this city in 1803 -- exactly 158 years ago when the United States was still an infant Republic and Belgium had not yet won its independence -- that the United States established a commercial office that was later to be our first Consulate in Belgium. The strong ties of trade and commerce between our two coutries which were established then have formed a firm foundation on which the present Belgian- American partnership rests. However, Antwerp has been important not just to American-Belgian relations but also to the rest of Europe and, indeed, the world, For it is the third most important port in Burope and ie making a great contribution to the expansion of international trade and conmerce. ‘This great flow of two-way trade through Antwerp has benefited not only Belgium and Europe but also many countries and peoples overseas. And in this connection I recall that much of the indispensable contribution which Belgium has made to the development of the Gongo was the result of equipment and manpower which flowed through the port of Antwerp. No one who has ever visited Africa can doubt the magnitude of what Belgium has done for the Congo's development over the past 80 years. For in no other newly independent country south of the Sahara does there exist such a solid infra-structure as exemplified by buildings, industries, means of communication and health and other facilities. We in the United States know that these things did not just happen. We know they are the result of decades of toil by many devoted and dedicated Belgians who worked unremittingly to aseist the people of the area, And we in the United States believe the Congo stands to benefit materially from continued ties with Belgium. Today I am happy to say that there seen to be no differences in the basic objectives of Bélgium and the United States and indeed, the Republic of the Congo itself, insofar az the future of the Congo is concerned. For all of us wish to see a free and independent Congo organized along lines that will facilitate the developmont of an economically prosperous, politically stable and ‘unified Congo. We all wish to see an expanding economy for the Congo which will enable the Congolese people as a whole to enjoy a better way of (iligy life which they so deeply desire. And today, both Belgium and the United — f'9" gan.'w™ States are contributing substantial, resources to this end. 1 Pon deen And, since I have spoken of Belgium's contribution to the Congo, I would not wish to close without also saying a word about the great contribution Belgium is making to the creation of the New Europe. In America we agree with our European friends who believe that an economically and politically united Europe will be a great force for world peace and progress. ‘The Treaty of Rone,SERVICE wMERICAIN D'IN+}ORMATION BRUXELLES AWDASSADE DES ETATS-UNIS ‘ALLOCUTTON PRONONCEE PAR MONSIEUR DOUGLAS MAGARTHUR IT, AMBASSADEUR DES ETATS-UNIS A LAOCCASION DE LA JOURNEE, AMERICAINE A LA FOIRE INTERNATIONALE” DE GAND LE 14 SEPTEMBRE 1961 : str = LE ROLE DE LA VILLE DE GAND DANS L’HISTOTRE. DES ETATS-UNTS ~ LAIDE DE LA BELGIQUE ET DES ETATS-UNIS AUX PAYS EN COURS DE DEVELOPPEMENT? . ; ~ LA CONTRIBUTION DE LA BELGIQUE AU DEVELOPPEMENT DU, CONGO ET SON ROLE DANS LA CREATION DS L’EUROPE NOUVELLE. ~ LA NECESSITE DE POLITIQUES COMMERCIALES LIBERALES.ALLOCUTION DE MONSIEUR DOUGLAS MACARTHUR II A L?OGCASION DE SA VISITE GRFICIELIE A LA FOIRE INTERNATIONALE DE GAND, LE 14 SEPTEMBRE 1961; Crest pour moi,un grand plsdstr de me’ trouver tol aujourd*hul ¥ 1*cccasion de 1a Joutmse Anéricaine & la Foire Internationale.de Gand. C?est en méne temps un grand privilége, étant donné qiie depuid 16s jours de l'Université inon passe~témps favorl @ 6t6 étude de 1’Histoire anéricaine, et les liens qui unissent la fibre et ancienhé ville de Gand & mon pays s’étendent bien loin dins. les ‘pages de 1’Histoire anéricainé, Depuis la signature du Traité de Gand, 1a veille de Nosl, on 1815, traité quis margiié Ja fin des hostilités entr's la Granie-Bretagne et les Etats-Unis ot mis fin Bla guerre de 1812, le non de Gand s’est imprimd de fagon indélébile dans les souvenirs historiques du peuple anéricain. Les signataires angricains du Traité qui, entre le nois daotit et 1e inols dé aé~ cenbre 1815 conduisirent led de longues ot difficiles négociations figurent parmi ‘lea plus distingués de nos diplonates et de nos hommes d’Btat. C*étaient John Guinoy Adams, file d’un Président, qui devint plus tard lui-néne Président des Btate-Unis; Henry Cley, un de nos plus éminents sénateurs et orateur selon la plus belle tradition, ét Albert Gallatine qui fut un plonnier dans le danaine de l’assainissement des finances publiques et un odlabre soorétaire au Trésor des Etats-Unis. Waime mimaginer cos éminents Anéricains, qui figurent parmi les guides de mon pays & travers les années périlleuses de son enfance, levant.Jeyre yeux pour admirer les names beffrois altiora et les mémes laches élancées de que jai pa contempler aujourd’hi; s’émervetllant devant les mémes splendeurs arohitecturales et appréciant, je le sais, 1a méne chaude et anicale hospitalité qui m’est offerte aujourd’hui. Comme Souvenir tangible et durable des liens historiques entre Gand et les Etats-Unis est ac= croché aujourd’hui dans les bureaux du Département dEtat un tableau retragant 1a si~ gnature du Traité de Gand, oonvre de 1’ancien peititre anéricain A, Forestier. Le Traité de Gand copentant, n’est pas seulement d’un intérét historique - il a en fait une influence directe sur la Journée Américains & cette grande Foire Internationale, qui atteste de fagon si précise Vesprit moderne et 1?initiative de 1a population gan~ toise. C%était tout d’abord un Traité de Pajx . G’est pourquoi, dans l’esprit des Anricains, le nom de Gand est associé & la paix et & ses buts. constructifs. Le com merce international que la Foire de Gand s’efforce de pronouvoir est sans aucun doute ‘Lun des plus essentiels et des plus productifs de ces buts. En second 1icu,les causes dela guerre de 1812 dont le Traité de Gand devai’.sanc~ tioner le terme, doivent étre recherchées dans les restrictions & 1a Liberté du ccamer- ce et & la navigation en haute mer, car ce conflit était 1a conséquence directe d?une intervention 2 lencontre du commerce et du transport maritime américains. Les bles~ sures causées par cette "guerre camerciale" se sont heureusement depuis Longtemps oi~ catrisées, mais Vattachement des Anéricains aux traditions libérales du comerce reste aussi fort que jamais. Le peuple de Belgique et les habitants de Gand, dont 1exis- tence méne dépend du commerce oxtériour, ont partags Les mémes tyaditions Libsrales en natigre camerciale, Il est vrai que dans certaines occasions du passé nos deux pays se sont quelque pou écartés du sentior. Essentiellement cependant, nous restons tous doux attachés aux principes du libégralisme comercial qui ouvre des possibilités sans restvictions au canerce international, car, & longue échéancs, o’est 1k que 1’on trouve Jes. plus riches promesses de prospSrité ot de bien-8tre pour les peuples du monie. La contribution que 1a Foire de Gand apporte & Ja réalisation de cos objectifs ost signifi- cative et encourageante. Un des plus grands défis auxquels les Etats-Unis, 1a Belgique et d?autres nations Libres ont & faire face aujourd’imi est la résorption de 1’énorma disproportion entre le bien-tre qui existe dans les pays industrialisés et les pays moins développés qui ne font qu’émerger encore en tant que nations. =2 Aajouird’ ii’ nob “deux pays ‘et “Led ‘atitrés nations’ Iibres acdordent une adsistaiics Pinaheibrs et technique aix pays en voile de développeticnt. ~ Cotte assistaice ti tend pas seulement A los mettre on néstré de s’aidor eux-mémes ot A anéliorer Le bien=8tro de leurs populations, mais en méme temps elle fouriira un nouveau stimulant & 1’ex- pansion du commerce international. La aotion di dvoly qui conaisté A Paix accéder auk avantagzes’ de 1a Seience et d6 1a technologie les peiiples 4’ outre-ner nest’ pad ‘nouvelle pour les Belgea. La piissante contribution belge au dSveloppaiient du Congo et la renatyiable infrdstiuc— ture Séohomique ‘que les Belges y ont créée pour le plus grand profit du peuple congo- 1448, se présentent imnédiatenent’A Vesprit, “Les Anéricains savent co qu’a ‘été co aplendide éffort bolge et croLent qué les poiitles du Cofgo ot de Belgique né pourront Fetirer que des bénéfices matériels du maintien des liens ccmerciaux et économiques entre la Belgique et un Congo unifié et indépendant. Sur oe continent aussi, la Belgique joue un réle de pionnier dans la: grande aven- ture qui consiste & orééer une Europe nouvelle. . Etant donné 1*intérét et la participation effective de beaucoup de petsonmalités bellges distinguées dans los projets de 1a Cammnauté BuropSemne,.ce nest pas une oo- Ymoidence si‘ 1s Belgique est maintenant le centre du Marché Cawmun dont le but est @aécroftre pulssament les rapports affaires et de commerce par la création/déan Marché ‘Européen considérablenent’ élarg!. ~ Historiquement les Etats-Unis ont pénéficié de l’avaritage dun marché intérieur étendu, circohstance qui a encourags 1a production sur ine grande échélle et un systame général de distribution des marchandises.. Ayart pu apprécier Jes avantages de telles conditions, nous scmmes heureux de volr nos amis de 1’furope Occidentale suivre 1a méne vole. : Le mouvement en faveur de l’unité européenne a été chez nous ehcouragé sans restriction car nous avons la conviction qwune union politique ét Soononiqie plus Stroite de 1’Europe conditionnera une Europe plus forte et que nous ausei pourrons” | pénéficier de L’accroissenent de 1a prospérité européenne et de 1’expansion du commer~ ce international qui devraient résulter di Marché Commun EuropSen. Je dois souligner cependant que notre appul a été, bien entendu, conditionné par Jes fermes assurances de nos amis europSens et les engagements 1égaux respectifs qu’ile ont pris dans le oadre du GATT, que le Marché Commun suivrait des ‘politiques, conmer- clales libérales en ce qui. concerns les produits de l'industrie et de lagriculture américaines. Au moment od prend naissance 1a nouvelle Europe, basée sur’des politiques com- nereiales libérales, Gand, cité riche en années mais jeune en esprit, aura sa part, je le sais, de la prospérité qui s’onsuivra nécessairenent. Je suis persuads égale~ nent que dans les années & venir les liens historiques et économiques entre 1a Belgique, dont fait partie votre spleniide et dynamique cité, et les Etats-Unis se poursuivront et se renforceront encore pour notre profit mutuel. bebeUNITED S.ATES INFORMATILN SERVICE 27, BOULEVARD OU REGENT eee BRUSSELS EMBASSY TELEPHONE + 19.98.90 REMARKS MADE BY ‘THE HONORABLE DOUGLAS MACARTHUR, AMERICAN AMBASSADOR ON THE OCCASION OF AMERICAN. DAY A. THE GHENT INTERNATIONAL FATR SEPTEMBER us 1961 on GHENT'S: ROLE IN THE. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES BELGIUM'S AND THE UNITED STATES' ASSISTANCE 0 DEVELOPING NATIONS BELGIUM'S CONTRIBUTION 10 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONGO AND HER ROLE IN THE CREATION OF A NEW EUROPE, ‘THE NEED FOR LIBERAL TRADE POLICIESREMARKS OF ‘THE HONORABLE DOUGLAS MACARTHUR II ON HIS OFFICIAL VISIT 1 THE GHENT INTERNATIONAL FAIR, SEPTEMBER 14, 1961, Tt is a great pleasure to be here today on the ocvasion of Mieyicen Dey at the International Fair of Ghent. But it is also a great privilege yecause my hobby since university days has been the study of Auerican history, and the ties between the proud ond ancient city of Ghent and my country extend fer badke in the pages of Americen history. ver since the sigiing of the Treaty of Ghent on Christmas Eve, 1815, marking the end of ‘hostilities between Great Britain and the United States in the War of 1612, Chent has been a name indelibly stamped upon the historical consciousness of the American people he American signers of the Treaty, who negotiated here long and persistently between August and December 1615, are among our wOst distinguished diplomats and statesmen. ‘They included John Quinoy Adams, son of a President and later himself President of the United States} Henry Clay, one of our great Senators and en orator in the finest traditions and Albert Gallatin, @ pioneer in the field of sound public finance and an illustrious Secretary of the United States Treasury, I like to picture these Anerican leaders who helped to guide my country through its perilous infanoy Lifting their eyes to admire: the same lofty velfries and spires of Ghent as I have done today, marvelling at’ the sane architectural beauties, and appreciating, I know, the sané friendly, wana hospitality that I am enjoying now. As a graphic’ ard lasting Yeminder of the historic link between Ghent and'the United States, there in the Department of State todey o painting pértieying the signing of the Treaty of Ghent by thé early American painter, A. Forestier. But the Treaty of Ghent is not only of historical interest’ -- it has, indeed, a direct bearing on American Day at this great International Trade Fair, which so aptly attests to the modern spirit and initiativé of thé ‘people of Ghent,’ In the first place, it was @ treaty of peace. ‘In’ thé “American mind, therefore, Ghent is associated with peace and’ ite constructive pursuits. International commerce, which the Ghent Fair seeks to promote, is surely one of the most vital and productive of these pursuits. Secondly, the origins of the War of 1812, which the Treaty of Ghent brought to a close, are to be traced to restrictions on the freedom of trade and of the high seas, for that conflict was the direct result of interference with American commerce and shipping, The wounds of that tradé war haye happily long since healed, bit tho Ancrican attachment ‘toa liberal trading tradition renains as strong es ever, ‘The people of Belgium and of Ghent whose very existence depends on foreign trade, have shared the sané tradition of liberal ‘trade. It.is true that on occasions'in the past both out countries have strayed a little from the path, Basically, however, we both remain dedicated to the principle of liberal trade and the goal of unréstricted opportunities for international commerce because, in the 1éng run, they hold the greatest promise for the prosperity and well-being of the pedplés of the world, The contribution that the Ghent Fair makes toward the realization of this goal is significant and encouraging. ‘ One of the greatest challenges that the United States, Relgiim and other free nations face today is the reduction of the enormous disparity in income and well-being that exists between the industrialized countries’ and the newly energing lesser developed nations. Today our two countries and other,free nations ate giving financial and technical assistance to the developing oi if, ip countries. This will not only help'them to help themselves to raise the/< standard of living of their peoples, but at the sane time it will give stimulus to expanded international trade.For Belgium, the task of bringing advantages of modern sdience ani technology to overseas areas is not a new one» What imnédiately comes to mind is the great Belgian contribution to the development of ‘the Congo’ and ‘the outstanding economic infrastructure Belgiehs created ‘thers which will greatly benefit the Congolese people. Americans are aware of this splendid Belgian effort and believe that both the peoples of the Congo and Belgium stand to benefit materially from the continuation of commercial end economic ties between Belgiun and a unified and independent Congo. On this Continent, too, Belgium is playing the role of a pioneer in the great adventure of creating a New Europe. It is not a coincidencs, given the interest and effective participation of many distinguished Belgians in the European Community projects, that Belgium is now the center for the Common Market which ains at greatly increasing trade’ and comercial inter- course through the creation ofa mich Larger uropean miarket.” Historically the United States has enjoyed the advantage of an extensive, unified home market, which encouraged large-scale production and a system of wide distribu~ tion, As the beneficiaries of this kind of market, we are happy to see our Western European friends following a similar pattern. ‘The movement for European unity has had our whole-hearted support Because we believe that greater political and economic witty of Hirope will result in a stronger Europe and that we, too, will profit from the inéreased European prosperity and expafision of internitional trade that”a Buropean common market should produce. I must stress, however, ‘that oir support has of course been predicated on the firm assurances of our Buropeah friends and on their respective logal commitments under GAT? that the Common Market will follow liberal trade policies with respect to both American’ industrial and agricultural commodities, As the New Burope develops based on liberal trade policies, Ghent, old in years but young in spirit, will, I know, share in the prosperity which will inevitebly result. In the years shead I am confident, too, that the historic and economic ties binding Belgiun, which inclade your bédutiful and dynamio city, and the United States will be sustained and strengthened to our mutual benefit.SERVICE wMERICAIN D'INFORMATION i BRUXELLES AMBASSADE DES ETATS-UNIS ALLOCUTION PRONOWCRE. PAR MR. DOUGLAS MACARTHUR IT,’ /MBASSADMUR DES BTATS-UNIS D'ANKRIQUE, A LIOCCASION DE SA VISITE OFFICTELIE A CHARLEROT LE 25 SiPTIMBRE 1961 SUR L'EFFICINCE Di L'UPILISATION PAR LA’ BELGIQUE DE SES RESSOURCKS BT DE SiS COMPETENCES TECHNIQUES LIAIDE DONE GRACE A L'ASSISTANCE TECHNIQUE. PAR L'UNIVERSTTE DU TRAVAIL DS CHARLEROI AUX BTUDTANTS BTRANGERS LA CONTRIBUTION DE LA BELGIQUE AU DEVELOPPEMENT BCONOMIQUE DU CONGO ‘LE PROBLIME MONDIAL DU CHARBON LI INTRET QUE PORTENT LES AMLRICAINS AUX METHODS’ BELGES POUR ATTIRER LES INVESTISSHMENTS, DIVERSIFIAR LWS INDUSTRIES BT RECONVERTIR LA MAIN-D'OEUVREALLOCUTION PRONONGKE PAR MR. DOUGLAS MACARTHUR IT, AMBASSADUUR DES BTATS-UNIS EN BELGIQUE, AU LUNCH OFFERT A L'OCCASION DE SA VISITE OFFICIELLE A CHARLEROT, LE 25 SEPTIMBRE 1961, Monsieur le Bourgnestre, Messiours les Hchevins, Mesdames et: Messjeurs, Je suis véritablenent tras heureux de visiter Charleroi aujoyrd'hui, car votre cité est réputée inbernationalement comme moderne, tout & fait’ au niveau de son poque ~ et tras hospitaliére, Jtad déja eu L'oceasion de me rendre compte que c'est en effet une ville trés moderne. Quant & son hospitalité, j'ai 66 profondémedt touché non seulement par l'accueil .chaleureux que vous,nos hdtes officiels, avep réservé tant 4 moi qu'& mes collaborateurs, mais encore par l'attitude amicgle de vos concitoyens partout of nous nous sommes rendus. Je ne pouvais étre que profondément impressionné par les choges que nous avons vues oe matin, et jescompte & ltavance le plaisir de visiter cet aprés- midi le Palais des ixpositions et le Palais des Beaux Arts. : Enbretemps, pendant ce trés plaisant intermde, je voudrais d'abord exprimer mes remerciements A vous tous et vous faire part de quelques réflexions que m'a inspiré ma visite, IL est tout d'abord encourageant de constater de premitre main les preuves de l'attitude nettement tournge vers l'avenir dim des grands com plexes industriel et comercial de Belgique. La Belgique aujourd'hui accorie une attention de plus en plus grande a la meilleure utilisation de ses repgour~ ces; a 1a canalisation de ses investissenents pour 1'expansion deg’ industries; et A Ltutilisation intégrale des capacités techniques réputées des travailleurs belges. Charleroi se trouve dans la position favorable d'une cité qui; kyant | depuis. longtemps préva la nécessité d'un tel. programme, a déJi. mig en applica~ tion les mesures propres 4 le mener & bion, Vous avez choisi de fapriquer des produits impliquant un haut degré d'élaboration - machines et machines-ontils, Squipenents électriques et électroniques de tous typos - produits qui, pour le dire on deux mots, appartiennent au secteur de 1a croissance eb qui per- nettent d'utiliser intégralenent votre main-d'oouvre hautement spéeialieée, Les expositions que vos industries ont été en mesure de mettte sur pied A 1a fameuse exposition technique & laquelle yous: invitez des visjteurs de toutes les parties du monde ont fait sur tous la plus grande imprégsion. Je suis persuadé qu'un avenir plus brillant encore s'ouvrira devant vos industries lorsque deront terminés les grands travaux d'élargissement du Canal Bruxelles-Charleroi, qui, pernettront d'admettre des alléges jusqu'h 1350 tonnes. Je voudrais maintenant dire un mot au sujet de 1'Université du Travail que J'ai visitée ce matin, Dans toute nation moderne, la vie nationale epm- porte trois grands secteurs: les affaires et l'industrie; l'agricultures et et le travsil, Nul n'est plus important que le travail, qui joue yn réle indispensable pour aider un pays 4 maintenir et & étendre la base! économi- que sur quoi repose toute civilisation modeme, Tous, nous bénéfigions collectivement et individuellement d'une force de travail hautement quali- f1ée, et we société démocratique saine 2 besoin d'un mouvement du travail fort ot libro, Jtai été partioulidrenent intéressé par 1a contribution qu'apporte cette école aux nations en cours de développement telles que le Congo, 1p. oT ee ; Gee | ins fShe | ‘Tunisie et le Liban, griice a 1'instruction technique qu'elle dispense sux Studiauts dlautres pays, Ceci rappellle 12 puissante contribution’ apportée par la Belgigue au développement économique du Gongo. Dans le monde de : denain une telle assistance technique des nations industrielles de 1'0coi- dent sera d'un puissant secours aux nations moins développées pouP leur per- mettre d'établir des économies fortes et stables, si nécessaires pour le progrés social et économique et, partant, pour de meilloures conditions de vie. LA également Charleroi oceupe une position en fléche, A propos des industries de cette région, je sais que votre industrie charbonniére éprouve de sérieuses difficultés. Ceci n'est pas particulier 4 Charleroi mais est, en fait, un probléme mondial. ih ma qualité q! Améei~ cain, je puis en parler avec sympathie et compréhension, car dans mon pays nous ne connaissons aussi que trop bien ce que signifie une dépregsion dans me région charbonnigre, Nous avons, nous aussi, 4 faire face au probléme d'assister des régions éprouvées par le changement des conditions et de nouvelles circonstances, Th recherchant les solutions applicables dans notre pays nous avons, come vous le savea, Studié avec grand intér8t ce que vous avez fait ici. Des. experts de 1s Commission Heonomique Gonjointe de notre Congrds, -qui élabore des mesures en vie de sowlager les régiong charbonni’res ou autres of vévit partioulidrement 1e ch8mage, sont venus en Belgique pour se doop- monter sur le progranmé mis en oeuvre par votre Gouvernement. en vue dtassis- tor des régions déterminées par des mesures variées, pour attirer des in« veotissenents nouveaux, diversifier l'industrie, et reconvertir lg. main- dlocuvre, “Bien qu'il n'existe pas de solution facile, je crois que nous retirerons quelques legons utiles de vos propres. oxpériences et: dé collep d'autres pays. Comme Je Lai dit d@jé, Je serai heureux de visiter cet aprdg-midi Le Palais des Expositions et le Palais des Beaux Arts.’ Le bitiment des expositions mest, bien entendu, connu de réputation et mon personnel de Bruxelles parle toujours avec enthousiasme du Paleis des Beaux Arts, dans Lequel l!ambassade 4 eu le privilge, il y a quelques années, d'exposer des peintures et des sculptures de quelques-uns des meilleurs artistes de la Nouvelle Angleterre. Qu'il me soit permis, pour conclure, de vous présénter mes cordiales f£6licitations pour le dynamisme de Charleroi et de dire, une fois de plus, combien sinc’renent j"apprécie votre large hospitelité ainsi que la chaleur de L'accueil que vousnous avez réservé, tant A moi qu’ mes collaborateurs. weeUNITED S ATES INFORMATILN SERVICE AMERICA 27, BOULEVARD OU REGENT 2 BRUSSELS EMBASSY TELEPHONE : 13.38.30 ‘REMARKS MADE BY ‘THE HONORABLE DOUGLAS MACARTHUR IT, AMERICAN AMBASSADOR, ON “THE OCCASION OF HIS OFFICIAL VISIT 70 CHARLEROL SEPTEMBER 25, 1961 on, BELGIUM'S EFFICIENT UTILIZATION OF ITS RESOURCES AND SKILLS, MH TECHNICAL TRAINING ASSISTANCE GIVEN BY CHARLEROL'S UNIVERSTTS DU TRAVATL ‘10 STUDENTS FROM OTHER COUNTRIES, BELGIUM'S CONTRIBUTION T0 THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE’ CONGO, HE WORLD-WIDE COAL PROBLEIL, AMERICAN INTERES? IN BELGIAN METHODS OF ATTRACTING INVESTMENT, DIVERSIFYING INDUSTRY, AND RETRAINING WORKERS. € UP Bs ‘e)REMARKS OF THE HONORABLE DOUGLAS MACARTHUR IT ON THE OCCASTON OF HIS OFFICIAL ‘VIST? 10 CHARLEROT, SEPTEMBER 25, Monsieur le Bourgnestre, Measieurs les Eohevins, Mesdames et Messieurs: I an very happy indeed to be visiting Charleroi today, for your city is known intemationally as being modern; very up-to-date ~~ and very hospitable. I have already had the opportunity to appreciate that this is indeed avery modern city. As for its hospitality, I have been deeply touched not only by the wanmth ‘of Welconé “éxtehdéd to ie and my assdciates by you, the official hosts, but aleo by the friendly attitude of your fellow-citizens wherever we have gone. T'cowld not help but-be much impressed by the things. we saw this morning, and I look forward with pleasure and. anticipation to visiting the Palais des Expositions and the Pelais des Beaux-Arts this afternoon. Meanwhile, during this very pleasant interlude, I should like first :to express my thanks to you ell and to share with you sone thoughts inspired by my vielt. First of all, it is etimlating to see at first hand.evidences of the forward-looking attitude of one of. the great industrial and commercial complexes of Belgiuit., Today Belginii is giving more and more attention to the best utilization of its resources; to channeling its investment to growth industries; and to making the fullest use of the renowned technical skills of Belgian workers, Charleroi is in the happy position of having long foreseen the need for such a progran end of having already put such moves into effect. You have chosen to turn out products with a high degree of "sophistication" ~= machines and machine tools, electrical and electronic equipment of all types -- products, in short, which are in’ sectors of growth and which make full use of your highly skilled manpower. Everyone has been greatly finpressed by the displays which your industries are able to make at the fanous Exposition Technique to which you invite, visitors fron all over the world. I feel confident that your industries will have a still brighter future when the great work of widening the Brussels~Charleroi canal is finished, making it possible to bring in barges of up to. 1350 tons. And now I would like to cay a word about the Université du Travail whioh I visited this morning, In any modern nation there are three great secto#s of the national life: business and industry; agriculture; and labor. one is more important than labor which plays an indispensable role in helping a nation to maintain and éxpand the economic base which supports highly developed modern civilization. We all benefit collectively and individually from a highly skilled labor forces, and a healthy democratic society needs a strong free labor movenent. I was particularly interested in the contribution which this school is making to developing nations such as the Congo, Tunisia and Lebanon, through the technical training it is giving to students from other countries. It recalls. the great contribution Belgium has made to: the economic development of ‘the Congo. In the worTa: of tomorrow such technical assistance’ from the industrial nations ofthe’ West will greatly assist the lesser developed nations to establishydy: Nees and stable economics wnich axe'so necessary for economic and socidlapraznese and hence a better way of life. ilere, too, Charleroi is in the f4refront se, ) . ‘ \ eg m connection with the industries in'thie area, I know that youn industry is having serious difficulties. his is not peouliar to Charleroi, but is a world-wide problem. As an American, I can speak with sympathy and understanding, for in my countiy we also know only too well what depression in a coal~producing area means. We too face the problem of assisting regions that have suffered distress: through changing conditions and new circumstances.20 In looking for solutions in our country, we have, as you know, studied with great interest what you have done here. Sxperts from the Joint Economic Committee of our Congress, who aie working on measures to relieve coal. regions and other areds of high uriémployineyit, have coné to Belgiun to learn about the program of your Governient’in helping speoial regions by various nethods of attracting new investuent, diversifying industry and retraining workers. While there are no easy solutions, I believe we have learned some useful lessons from our own experience and those of other countries. As I said earlier, I am looking forward to: our visit this afternoon to the Palais des Expositions and the Palais des Beaux Arts. The exposition building is of course kmown to me by.reputation, and my staff in Brussels still speaks enthusiastically of “thé Palais des Beaux Arts, in which the Embassy was privileged several-years ago to show paintings and sculpture ‘by some of the leading ertists of New England. In conclusion, may I offer my hearty congratulations on Charleroi's dynemisn’ and express once again ny sincere appreciation for your great hospitality and the warmth of the welcome you have, given-me and my associates. weeswu fe ts ‘ . DuAPT NO, 1 AL Od. 1¢ oS Speech - Mars et Mercure ~ Septomber-22, 1961 me 2 : y “\" Us | Ibis a great privilege to have been asked to appear before this EX KY! distinguished group this evening. In view of the background of the membership of "Mars et Mercure", I thought that it might be appropriate to give you my views on the strategic situation in the Far East and the Western Pacific, As some of you may know, I recently spent more than four years in Japan and during that period spent @ great xmamix deal of time working on politice-military matters. Inasmuch as I would like to be able to talk to you very frankly about the strategic isbamik and military situation in the Far East and Western Pacific, I have asked that my remarks bg off the record and nothing I say be attributed to me or to any American source. This procedure will enable me to letsmex my hair down, as it were, in discussing a part of the world which is vital to the survival of Europe and the United States. Since my return to Europe five months ago I have been struck by the lack of general knowledge about the strategic picture in the Far East and Western Pacific. ‘This is perhaps in part understandable because the nations of Western Europe are members of the Atlantic rather than the Pacific community, and their greatest(9 i. thas of Free World interests in the Far East -- an area which seems remote and perhaps preoccupation has been the security of Western Europe rather than the s relatively unimportant to Western Europe, We in the United States, however, can not afford the luxury of thinking only about Europe, for we are both an = Atlantic and a Pacific nation. Indeed, whereas the security of the Atlantic community depends on our great NATO alliance involving some fifteen nations, in the Pacific the overwhelming burden of providing security falls largely on the shoulders of the United States. In the Pacific there is no great closely knit group comparable to our ‘European NATO alliance, although the threat to that vital area is very great. ‘The great danger of mamikk war breaking out in the Pacific today is most emphatically not the danger of planned calculated Communist aggression across immmiax frontiers. The greatest danger of war is through miscalculation, By that, I mean a situation arising where there is a void or mmmmmvacuum of deterrent Free World military power in the Western Pacific, which tempts the Communists to reach out and fill that vacuum with their own strength. War though miscalculation -~ this is mix precisely how the Korean War started. You will recall that in the fitst half of 1949 the Soviet Union withdrew its armed military forces from North Korea back across the frontier into theore Draft No, Soviet maritime provinces of Siberia, We followed suit in late 1949 by our forces, but we withdrew them back across the in mmiie entire Pacific, leaving only a small token force in South Korea, And when we got our forces nicely bedded down in the United States during the first half of 1950 the Communists attacked, ‘They hoped to shimx decimate and cut the token force we had left in Korea to ribbons in a matter of weeks. ‘They would then have the entire Korean peninsula, and if we wished to react we would have to mount an amphibious operation infinitely more costly in blood, treasure, human resources and young American lives than Overlord, the Normandy landing, For if powerful well organized Communist forces had held the entire Korean peninsula it is estimated that our casualties in trying to retake the Korean peninsula might have amounted to well over a million men, The Communists, of course, gambled on the fact that if they could sieze the whole Hamu Korean peninsula through force we would not be willing to pour tens of billions of dollars and a million to two million American lives into the task of retaking it. ‘They would then hold the whole Korean peninsula and the use of force would haye been justified. ‘The Communist miscalculation end gamble almost succeeded, and, indeed, we came within an eyelash to losing the entire Korean peninsula, This is why basic to American policy of the Far East is the-4e Bark Draft No. 1 maintenance Of necessary deterrent Free World strength as the best means of avoiding a void or a vacuum of strength which could lead the Communists to use force against free territory in the Western Pacific and Asia. In other words, by maintaining in the Western Pacific the minimum necessary Free World strength, we believe we strengthen the possibility of avoiding a conflict through Communist aggression which could spread to unpredictable dimensions with incalculable consequences to humanity given the type of weapons which now exist in the world. But we in the United States must face a very hard fact of life. Whereas in Europe our NATO allies, with their great industrial and economic potential and their organized forces, make a substantial contribution to the common defense, in the Far East there is no comparable strength and the great burden of providing a military siutimexisibx shield for the Free World falls almost entirely on our shoulderg, I do not mean that the modest forces of our Asian allies are not helpful, They are extremely useful in terms of providing internal security, which I will discuss in a moment or two =~ but in terms of forces to meet overt Communist aggression they are relatively insignificant.Given the geographical and political situation in the Far Bast, and notably the fact that the mainland of China is in Communist hands, the only way the United States and other Free World nations can deploy their military forces in any accept~ able fashion -- in terms of both risk and cost -- is by using the so-called offshore island chain with its related peninsula positions. This is the island complex that stretches from the Aleutians to the Japanese Islands to Okinawa to Formosa to the Biniiiiginger Philippines, and is anchored on the south by Australia and New Zealand, The related peninsula positions are South Korea and & the southeast ‘Asian peninsula -- notably South Vietnam, Thailand and Malaya, And the key to this great arc of Free World deployed forces is the Japanese island complex, for de the Japanese islands dike like a screen of some 2400 Kilometers, or roughly the distance from Norway to athwart the area from which the mm threat comes. This area of threat is the Soviet maritime provinces and the Pare Manchurian, mukimx North Korea and Shanghai complex. It is in this ares the Soviet Pacific order of battle and the Chinese Communist order of battle is largely concentrated. ‘The Japanese island screen is of vital importance to us because throughout“65 its 2400 kilometer length we have widely dispersed airfields and two widely dispersed great naval bases with logistical and other support facilities. Thus, we can keep our military forces deployed in reasonable proximity to the area of the threat where the deterrent effect of our forces is greater, Raxaspom yeniiememimouysibemiek If we did not have the Jandnese island complex we would have to concentrate all our forces in the Western Pacific in the tiny appendix of South Korea and the little island of Okinawa, which would make them very vulnerable to a one=punch Pearl Harbor knock-out type of blow. And if we had to move them 2400 kilometers south to the Philippines the effectivness of our military strength in the Western Pacific would be gumxinix greatly diminished, for, as you know, the then geometrically as you move it away from the area of threat. ass Cig to move our deterrent strength to the Philippines some 2400 kilometers mami south of Japan in the event of Communist aggression, time over the target and our ability to work the Chinese over would be infinitely more difficult and complicated. S0 from the point of view of avoiding maldeployment of our military forces, with the risk of a Pearl Harbor type of attack, and also from the point of view of our forces having the maximum deterrent effect, the Japanese islands are vital to us.Similarly, from the point of view of cost, the Japanese imbmndxsme islands are essential to us. Our naval authorities have estimated that if we did not have the great naval bases in Japan and had to operate trom Honolulu, almost fisamadt 5,000 miles to the east, the cost of maintaining the United States Seventh Fleet, with its great mobile striking power, conventional end atomic, in Far Eastern waters would be hundreds of millions of dollars more. In oe it would take two and one-half times as many ships and men to maintain the Seventh Fleet in Far Eastern waters if we did not have access to the Japanese military facilities. we bring to Siapame Japan Similarly, every year thousands of tons of unserviceable’military equipment coonbtse ston countries. We put this unserviceable equipment into Japanese s shops; it comes out like new; and can again be reissued to our Asian allies we had to pay to ship this unserviceable military equipment across the Pacific to the United States and then pay our high labor cost to have it repaired, and then pay to ship it back across the Pacific to the Asian allies, the cost would be astronomical. The only alternative, without mix the Japanese facilities, would be to issue new suits of military equipment every two en one-half x to three years at Detroit prices. This also would add a tremendous additional burden to ourdefense costs in Asia. And yet, it is essential that friendly Asian countries in the imam Far Bast be supplied with military equipment. These countries, with the exception of Japan, have no industrial base and can not produce modern military equipment. ‘They are ‘broke and can not purchase it. If we did not supply this equipment they would be left naked and defenseless to face the Communist colossus, This situation could lead to 8 feeling of apathy and hopelessness and encourage them to go into an accommodation with the Communist bloc, which would result in their takeover by the Communists. But, more important, without the military equipment and assistance which we are giving them, they would be very vuliierable to indiex indirect Communist aggression and subversion, I say this because, as you know, the Communists have two major ways of siezing power: First, through overt aggression, such as in Korea; Secondly, through massive subversion and insurrec- tion, organized end supported from without, The Communist insurrection in Greece, the Communist insurrection in Malaya which took ten years to subdue, the Communist Huk insurrection in the Philippines which almost succeeded in siezing power there, and, more recently, the developments in Laos, are all classical examples of the use of massive subversion and insurrection by theCommunists to sieze power, Therefore, the principal role of the modest military forces of our Asian allies , which we support with assistance and equipment, is ; chee {dex to insure internal security and make difficult or impossible a succes =.) . og YL ippees Communist-directed insurrection, aN, From the military point of view, Japan is the key to Asia, This is why last year, wax when I negotiated a new military security treaty with Japan, the Communists used merx every weapon in at their disposal to try to smash and prevent ratification of the treaty, ‘They felt that if they could prevent the treatyiaiar going into effect, Japan would be left naked and isolated, and in a relatively short period able of time they would be ablmxto take it over. Their efforts wmxd were a complete failure. While for the above reasons Japan is necessary to the Free World trom the military point of view, it is also essential to the Free World's survival from the industrial and economic point of view. In this world in which we live there are four and only four major industrial complexes and Japan is one of them. If the Japanese island complex should fall into the hands of the Communists, and all its great industrial capacity added to the formidable capabilities of the Communist bloc, the entire balance of industrial power between the Free World and the Communist-10- World would be maanux radically altered to our great disadvantage. But equally important, if the remaining free and uncommitted nations of the great arc of Free Asia, which stretches from India through Southeast Asia up to Japan, should ever see Japan turning khmac toward the Communist bloc, they would most assuredly think that Communism was the way of the future and there would be a great temptation to follow suit, And if the great are of Free Asia from India to Japan -- an arc which tamskins contains over eight maui hundred million of what is left of the Free World's population -- an arc which is vastly rich in great natural resources waiting to be developed and exploited -- an arc which containe one of the four major industrial complexes of the world -~ if all these assets, human, material and industrial, were added to the Communist strength, I think we would have to be most pessimistic over the px prospects of survival for Europe and for the United States. Certainly, in that kind of a hostile world environment, it seems clear that first Europe and then the United States would be overwhelmed, T have talked very irankly to you this evening about the situation in the Far East and Asia because it seems to me that the European i nations have a vital stake in xmenux the survival of free Asia which is not always recognized by all-li- of them, While obviously the most immediate threat to Europe comes from the Russian might poised along the Iron Curtain, the danger is almost entirely one of overt aggression which would lead to global war. ‘The potential danger to Europe from the situation in the Western Pacific and the Far Hast is in a sense infinitely greater, for if that great area, with all its resources, falls to the Communists, they could then marshal such overwhelming strength and resources that the danger of overt aggression in Europe would be greatly enhanced. So in the final analysis, although you are not directly a Pacific power, you have every bit as great a stake in the survival of the free nations of the Western Pacific as does the United States.November Deer Professor Fujisawa: T can not tell Brussels. It wes tale with you a Japan, so 1 ighted I 1d a pleasure to renew 2 about your beatiful counts whom Tam fortmats enough to count as friends, mi asked if I would im particular, hich sold mn thet all men are born man should the key to successtul living? Fulazawa conceded the classics their proper place In eve: but he gave grosier emphasis to useful learmuig «- to "real learning that is near to men's everyday use.” And in the pursuit of learning, man should have what Fukuzawa called "one's groper Limitation". ion, Dr. Chikao Fujisawa, ‘Nippon University, 118 = 2 chomo Tamagzwa Nakamach! Setagayaku, Tokyo, Japan.-2- "What is meant by limitation, " he said, "is to conform to the yeoson of Heaven and humanity and to attain one's own freedom with= out infringing upon that'of other men,” This is surely a precept staunchly defended by men of wisdora everywhere, For if you infringe on the rights of others through the use of force and violence or otherwise, you destroy the very principle of individual freedom and individuel dignity. Fukuzawa believed the individual should be jndged impartially under the rule of law, not by the whim of a dictator or strong man, He put it this wey: "It is proper to pay respect to e government official, ‘put this is not to be respect af the man himself, We should pay respect to the fact that he holds his position because of his ability and adminise ters the precious laws for the benefit of the people. It is not the pers: that one is to resper it is the law that one is to respect." Fukuzawa respected learning and hard work, and had no peti with sloth or with persons who try to take the law into their own h: These selfish people, he said, “owe their security to the law of the nation," and yet, "when their personal greed or destre dictates, they break the law." And then he asks: "Is this not an outrage on fair reason?" ‘There are many parallels between the thinking of Fuluzawa and of Western philosophers who have sought answers to the meaning of political democracy, His ideas belong to the main stream of thought that has helped to create and sustain free institutions. ‘What American can read the opening sentence of Fukuzawals essay on "Znoouragement to Learning" without thinking of the Declaration of Independence? The Founding Fathers of America wrote: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal, thai they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” Fukuzawa's advice to attain personal freedom without infringing upon the rights of others is @ note that has echoed throughout the history of American political thought. As Fukuzawa sav so clearly, freedom does not mean License. It does not mean mob rule, it does mean respect for the laws that the majority of the people have agreed upon and respect for the rights of one's féllow man. It means that each man has a responsibility to himself, his family, and his nation. And this responsibility can best be discharged through education and hurd work and through an under= standing of one's duties as a citizen.-3- In todey's world, where the words "freedom", "democracy", and "justice" have been'so abused and distorted by those who seek to regiment men's thoughts and actions, it is all the more important that we remind ourselves of the basic principles upon which free societies have been founded. A free society, unlike totalitarian societies, recognizes the sanctity of the individual. A free society is based upon justice under a rule of law, not under the dictatorship of man, It accords each individual equal protection under the law. A free society accords each man the right to freedom of speech, religion, and peaceful assembly. A free society respects the rights of minorities as well as the rights of the majority. ii ON A free society is based upon the concept that men, with thei 5% 23 We God-given qualities, are capable of ruling themselves equitably an justly. ‘Gane / And yet, as we know, a free society cannot long exist unless its citizens are responsible and courageous people, who accept not only the advantages but also the responsibilities of democracy and freedom, ‘The fundamental principles and truths about which Yukichi Fukuzawa wrote some ninety years ago are as valid today as they were then, Indeed, they will remain valid forever and young people every~ where ~~ in Japan, in Asia, in Africa, in the Americas, in Europe ~~ can draw inspiration from the clear flame of his spirit. & Again, let me tell you what a great pleasure it was to see you in Brussels, and I hope too much time will not pass until we can meet again. Will you also be good enough to convey my warm personal greetings and very best wishes to Chairman Furuta and my good friend the President, whom I remember with pleasure and admiration, Sincerely, Douglas MacArthur It P..: Tam enclosing several copies of the picture that was taken in my office. Ihave placed a copy of it in my own photograph album as another reminder of your friendship.27, BOULEVARD OU AGENT BRUSSELS AMERICAN EMBASSY ‘HE NEW EUROPE -~ ITS CHALLENGE AND TTS OPPORIUNITIES FOR THE UNITED STATES. Addzeas by the Honorable Douglas MacArthur II, United States Ambassador to Belgium, before the Young Presidents’ Organization Inc., Phoenix, Arizona, Monday, April 9, 1962+ I. ‘The Postwar Threat'to the Free World II. The Answer + Marshall Plen Aid II. Why Buropean Integration ? IV. United Buropo + An Equal Partner, not a Third Force Vs The Connon Market + A Working Reali ty VI+ The Connon Market 1 Challenges VI. The Conmon Market + Opportunities VII. US Access to the Common Market 1, Reduction of Customs: Barriers 2, American Products in the World latket Di. Negotiations by Governenents X, Need for Broad and Flexible Nogotiating Authority XI. Protectionion not the Answer XII. Meeting the New Challenge 1, Greater Initiative by US Business 2. The President's Foreign Prade ProgramPHORNIX, ARIZONA, April 9, -- Following is the text of an address prepared for delivery here Monday by Douglas MacArthur II, US Ambasondor to Belgium, before the Young Presidents' Organization, Inc. : i New Europe ~'Its' Challenge ‘and Its Opportunities ior the United States". H — im It is not only a great’ privijegs,’byt.1t is alsé a pleasure to participate in the annual convention of’ the "Young Presidents". It lie a privilege because the "Young Presidents" are know not only im‘the United States, but in many other coun= tries of the world which they have visited- over the years, asia vigorous, progressive and forward-looking group of young busineeh leaders ~ leaders who are malting a very ‘substantial dontrspution’ to’ the main atream of indjstrial ‘and economic, thought and actidi, which will help not ghly our own country, but the free world, meet the great challenge it faces. It ipa pleasure to be hoze becaiiee it gives me the opportunity to see again old friends from your distinguished group with whom I had the good fortune to meetlend disoude common problens in Tokyo in 1958 during your Far Zastern Seminar and in Brussele last Novonber during your Huropean Seminars In inviting we to meet and talk with you today, it was suggested that I first discuss the Yackgfound of the United States support for the truly revolutionary movenent towards “yropean unity that is in;progrees and then turn to the great opportunities as well as the great challenge we will face as.a-result of the "Common Market" and other Buropean inotitutionsLhip subject emewatappropriate since you represent businesses and industries whose future depends not just on American domestic commercial trans- actions and policies, but to a very considerable extent on international. trade and particularly on the kind of international trade policy that your governenent ig enabled to follow with respect to the Buropoan Comon Market and other foreign outlet, pit our products. And, of course, the kind of foreign tredo policy we adopt will néve's tos impact on the entire world economic and pplitical picture, particularly ifséfer-as the future of free nations is concerned. Pa Sone) However, before discussing trade policy, I will first review briefly cdsain-Zspects of the European picture which make clear why both Democratic and Republican administra- ‘tions in the United States have in the post-war period givon full and whole-hearted support to the convept of uropean economic and political ingogration. Uhie, I think, ie important for it holds 'the answor to questions that are sometimes asked such ae 1; "In giving Warshell Plan aid to Buropo and in otherwise supporting Huropean moves to- wards unificétion did we not juet build up a competitive industrial base that will put American industry out of business ? 5 To explain-filly the background of dur support of European integration, I will firet Bp back to 19454 When the eruel-chapter ‘of World War II ended, Americans hoped and iprayed that a néwlera of genuine internationel cooperation and co-existence would be jushered im. ‘And in partioulir, it was hoped that the Soviet Union, respohsive to the many billions off fetters of Lend ‘Lease Aspistance extended to it by the United States and the thousands of dllied lives ‘that were sacrified to get such help to Ruesia to enable it to survive Nazi Germany's aseault, would modify its traditional policy of trying to undermine and déstroy all governnents:. and systems that it did not dominate. In other words, we hoped thet Conmmigt Russia, although having a substantially different political system fron that of the United States and other democratic countries, would be willing to-live and let! live. For our part, and despite the basic difference in political philosophy, we were not only willing but eager to live together and cooperate with the Soviets in a world where force, the threat of force and subversion would be replaced by the rule of law and the settlonont of international differences by peaceful means. Knowing full well the terrible power of the atom; weiwanted to avoid another world conflagration that could well be fatal to humanity.Alas, this bright dream of the future was never realized. Soon after the War ended the Soviet leadership clearly indicated it did not intend to tolerate the existence of systems of government otier than ite own. Indeed on February 6, 1946 in an important speech Stalin operily Blamed the Western Powers for the wer and eaid that the continued existence of " capitaliom" meant the basic causes of war were still present. ‘hus despite the maseive assistance extended by the West to Soviet Russia, during the war, Stalin and the leaders of the Kreilin refused to modify that basic tenet of Soviet Communist doctrine which is responsible for today'e Cold War and the great tension and threat to world peace. The fundamental tenet of which I speak is the implacable and unremitting hostility of Soviet leadership past and present to any other government ar’ syston that it does not control or dominate, and ite active efforts through force, the threat of force, and subversion to impose its system on other peoples. Let me emphasize that contrary to what some people say, this is nof{juet a question of conflict between "Communism" and "Capitalism", or "Socialiem" and "free Unterprise", as the recent 22nd Congrese ofthe Soviet Communist Party so clearly demonstrated. At that Gongrose, tho Soviet leadership stated ite complete hostility towards the Communist Albanian Covernomgnt becavee the latter wae not fully eubservient to Moscow's control. Similarly, you will recall that in 1948, whon Commnist Yugoslavia refused to submit to Moscow's direction the Soviet Union did its beet to undermine and destroy the Yugoslav Government’, I mention these events only to emphasize that the "odld war" and related pro- lems that free peoples face today do not. stem from mere differences of political or economic systems, ‘but from Moecow's determination to dominate the world and its unremit- ting ond relentlede efforts to impose its control on all governnents and systems. Amd so it bedame clear shortly after World War II that the United States and other free societies wete faced with a threat of great magnitude. I used the expression "great magnitude" ‘advisedly because one of the major results of World War TI, indeed one of the great phenémoné of thie century, ie the cataclysmic change in the over-all ratio of military strength and power in the world -- the disappearance of the traditional military strength of Germany and Japan, vhich had for centuries helped contain Russian expeneionilan 5 thq reduction in the great military strength, land and sea, of France’ and Britain réepectivdly ; and the emergence of the tremendous power of the Soviet Union, with its expanded empire stretehing from the Pacific right into the heart of Western Europes ; . IE As we assessed the threat to the survivel of our own country and other free nations, At soon became apparent that the United States would by itself be unable to moot success~ fully the challenge of Soviet expansionism. The imperative and crying need was for greater Free World strength which, joined with our ow power, would be adequate to meet ‘the challenge. Where were we to find puch additional mscle ? One area of great potential strength came inmediately to mind. This was the Western Buropean complex, from which America sprang. ‘I used the phrase "potential strength” advisedly because we recognized that over the past century Western Europe had possesked greater assets in terms of population, in- dustry and scientific skills and knowledge than either the United States or fuscia, However, thie great Western Surope potential had never been realized because of the sense-. less blood-lettings afd internecine struggles’ in Western Burope -- political, economic and military -- which over the past one hundred years have successively gutted that vitally important area and sapped ite strength and vigor. Furthermore, as a result of devastation of the war, Burope!s industrial plant had been largely destroyed. It was clear that without economic asgistance and rehabilitation ‘there would not be economic, sociel or political atsbility ond *urope might even fall to the formidable offensive that the Conmunists unleashed against it soon after the end of the were industrial However, if Hurope's great potential-- economic,/and humen =~ could be rehabilitated and if our Buropean friends would work together in cooperation with each other and with ue and other like-minded people, then indeed Western Europe's great potential could be realized and the balance of Free World ~ Conmunist World military power could be more than redresseds