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JOHAN GALTUNG
Peace Research Institute - Oslo
NOTES
* This is a revised version of a paper presented during spring and summer 1964 at the Circolo
Turati, Milano, Facolta delle scienze politiche, Universita di Torino, Polemological Institute,
University of Groningen, Danish Conflict Research Society in Copenhagen, the study group in
conflict and peace research, Lund University, the study group under the Scandinavian Summer
University in Aarhus, and at a plenary session of the Scandinavian Summer University in
Bergen, here published as PRIO publication no. 1-1. Deep gratitude is expressed for all the good
ideas received during these discussions - particularly to Mr. Bengt Hoglund of the study group
in Lund. The study is an outcome of a grant from the Aquinas Foundation, New York, and from
the Norwegian Research Council for Science and the Humanities, and serves as a theoretical
basis for a series of empirical investigations.
1 This is different from standard definitions in the field, e.g. the famous definition given by
Dollard that aggression is any 'sequence of behavior, the goal-response to which is the injury of
the person toward whom it is directed'. This definition is also used in the standard work by
Berkowitz, L., Aggression:A Social PsychologicalAnalysis (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1962). But
we agree with Klineberg when he writes (The HumanDimensionof InternationalRelations,New
York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964, p. 11) that 'The question of universality of aggres-
sion is further complicated by considerable difference in the definition of the term itself. One
writer, for example, refers to the original meaning of aggression as a tendency to go forward
or approach. This is regarded as instinctive, whereas the inborn or instinctive nature of hostility
has never been demonstrated. Another describes it as the will to assert and to test our capacity
to deal with external forces, and it is this, rather than hostility, that is a fundamental character-
istic of all living beings' (p. 10). But universality or fundamentality still leaves us with the problem
of where or for whom aggression in this broad sense is most pronounced, and with the problem
of under what conditions aggression expresses itself as hostility. We use aggression somewhat in
the sense of 'self-assertion', but only insofar as this self-assertion implies an effort to change social
relations, i.e. no longer to comply with existing conditions.
2 Klineberg, op. cit., pp. 7-17.
3 For an analysis of the concept of interaction see Galtung, J., 'Expectations and Interaction
Aggression may arise for other reasons. And it is hardly a sufficient condition either - perfect
relationships between variables are rarely if ever found in the social sciences - but we shall
argue later that for high levels of disequilibrium aggression seems to be a very probable con-
sequence.
14 RankandSocialIntegration (Oslo: Peace Research Institute, stencil 10-2, 1963), to be published
in Berger, Zelditch, Anderson, SociologicalTheoriesin Progress(Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co.,
1965).
15 Work is under way at the Peace Research Institute in Oslo to test this implication of the
hypothesis. So far it is based on more intuitive impressions of delinquents, and some investigations
purporting to show that juvenile delinquents more than others in comparable positions are marked
by some of the characteristics of the entrepreneur,
viz., initiative, intelligence, energy, ability to take
risks and to see possibilities, etc.
16 The following list may be useful as a reference. We have presented two sets of variables
for nations, depending on whether the variables are 'analytic' (based on statistical information
about individuals) or 'global', i.e. sui generis.
INDIVIDUAL
DIMENSIONS NATIONS, ANALYTIC NATIONS, GLOBAL
17 This corresponds to the distinction made in game theory between cooperative and competi-
tive games. Also see Schelling, T., The Strategyof Conflict (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 1960), Chs. 2, 3 and 6.
18 See
Jackson (9, p. 473) or Galtung, J., Membersof Two Worlds,A SociologicalInvestigationof
Three Villages in WesternSicily (Oslo: PRIO publication no. 6-2, forthcoming), section 4.6.
19 See Jackson, op. cit.
20 Ibid., pp. 476 ff.
21 Loc. cit.
22 I am indebted to Tom Broch for this suggestion.
23 For many of the nation variables indicated above, in note no. 16, UnitedNations: Statistical
Yearbookand UnitedNationsDemographicYearbook will do. For other variables the excellent World
Handbookof Political and Social Indicatorsprepared by the Political Data Program of Yale Uni-
versity will answer many questions. But this is for the contemporary scene; since the hypothesis
should also be tested over time historical data are needed where cruder distinctions will have to
be made.
24 The main findings in the empirical investigations based on the ideas of rank-equivalence
Lenski (14) less radical support Democrats more, have liberal and
left views
Goffman (6) less concerned about change 'prefer extensive change of the distribution of
of power distribution power in society' - but only when 'experience
opportunities for upward mobility are low'
pation in emancipist movements will be most pronounced. She starts as a young girl with equi-
librium between her low sex-status and her low age and probably also education, income, power
(if only in the family), etc. But as she grows older she will grow into disequilibrium between
her sex position and all the concomitants of age; hence, we would predict participation in radical
movements at a much older age than for men. Men gain equilibrium as they grow older, women
lose it - hence the difference.
27 The only author to our knowledge that has written consistently about the sociology of
international relations from the point of view of international stratification is Lagos, Gustavo,
International Stratification and UnderdevelopedCountries (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1963). However, as pointed out by Amital Etzioni in his review of the book (American
Journal ofSociology, 1964, pp. 114 f.) 'the potentially promising line of examining the consequences
of status inconsistency, of a country rich but weak, poor but honest, etc., is not sufficiently devel-
oped'. For further comments see Appendix 2 in Galtung, 'Rank and Social Integration' in Berger,
Zelditch, Anderson, op. cit.
28 See article by Mari H. Ruge, 'Technical Assistance and Parliamentary Debates', JPR,
Windus, 1961).
SU MMARY
The article, which is completely theoretical with no attempts at empirical verification,
develops a structural theory of aggression between individuals, groups and nations.
The theory sees a social system as a system of units in interaction and multi-dimen-
sionally stratified according to a number of rank-dimensions. The theory tries to locate
the maximum probability of aggression against other units, and after exclusion of one-
dimensional rank or the complete topdog and complete underdog positions and ex-
cluding one-dimensional downward and upward mobility as a suitable basis of ex-
planation, settles for rank-disequilibrium as a (nearly) sufficient condition. The theo-
retical basis is the differential treatment and relative deprivation that follows from rank-
disequilibrium, the resources that the high status provides the unit with to improve his
low status, and the sense of self-righteousness that easily develops. A methodology for
testing the theory is developed, and a number of implications for the theory of the
consequences of economic development, the theory of revolutions, for the number of
nations in the international system or the number of rank criteria used are examined.
Three world orders are thought to be aggression-reducing: a feudal international order,
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