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Siobhan Brownlie
Introduction
This paper focuses on methods for investigating norms in translation research.
A researchers method for investigating norms should correspond to his or her
definition of what a norm is. For this reason I discuss in the first section
translation researchers uptake of the concept of norm (before going on to
examine methods of investigation). Because of my focus on method I consider
only theorists who have also discussed methods of investigating norms.
Interesting recent discussions of norms by authors such as Hermans (1996) and
Simeoni (1998) have therefore been left aside with the exception of brief
references to Hermans. Since the concept of norms is borrowed from
sociology, I take up the ideas of various sociologists and anthropologists in the
section on method, as well as discussing translation theorists. In the final
section I come to a conclusion as to the consistency of translation theorists
definitions of norms with their methods of investigation.
For Toury norms are intersubjective factors which govern behaviour and which
ensure social order, producing regularity of behaviour. Norms are acquired
through socialization, and always imply sanctions. They lie on a graded
continuum between the poles of idiosyncrasies and rules. The norms
themselves form a graded continuum, some being stronger and thus more rule-
like, and others weaker. Norms can vary not only between cultures but within
cultures: there is absolutely no need for a norm to apply - to the same extent,
or at all - to all sectors within a society (Toury 1995: 62). There are also
competing norms within sectors. Toury suggests that a reason for the existence
of competing norms is that norm content changes over time but that older
norms do not just disappear. There will thus be a co-existence of mainstream
norms, previous sets of norms, and the rudiments of new ones (Toury 1995:
62). A further source of complexity noted by Toury is differently motivated
behaviour in different problem areas, for example within one translation. There
is also inconsistency of behaviour, and non-normative behaviour (errors,
deviation, etc.). Norms do not preclude erratic or idiosyncratic behaviour, but
such behaviour may be sanctioned (Toury 1995: 55); the very judgement of
behaviour as erratic depends of course on a notion of normative behaviour.
Norms have prescriptive force within a community, but for the
Descriptive Translation Studies (DTS) researcher, they are to be analysed as
objects of study. According to Toury, norms are pervasive in translation
practice, and also act prior to the actual event of translation. Toury sets up three
main categories of translational norms: preliminary norms, the initial norm, and
operational norms.
Preliminary norms are concerned with translation policy, and with
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Toury assumes a distributional basis for the study of norms in that the more
frequent a phenomenon, the more likely it is to represent a more basic
obligatory norm. If the phenomenon is less frequent it is likely to represent a
weaker norm, and it may serve to define a smaller group of people (Toury
1995: 65-69).
Nord also proposes the analysis of existing translations as a means of
investigating conventions. She thinks that the most useful method for finding
out about concepts of translation from analysis of translations is through
multilingual comparison of translations. She considers that this is best done not
by starting at a general level, but by looking at concrete translation problems
whose solutions tend to be determined by regulative conventions. By
comparing translations of the same original into various languages we observe
different ways of dealing with particular source text features, for example
personal proper names. From the translation practices generally adopted for
dealing with these features, we may be able to infer more general constitutive
conventions in the different target cultures (Nord 1991: 105). The value of this
procedure is dubious however, since it is only in relation to a specific target
language or even target text that a source text feature constitutes a problem.
Chesterman of course advocates the study of the work of competent
professional translators, which is taken to embody norms by definition. He
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description.
The actors purpose or reason for making a particular statement needs
also to be considered. Actors may not give the real reasons for their behaviour
because they consider it private, have problems facing certain of their feelings,
or as part of the process of constructing their experiences. The loose fit
between a state of affairs and a natural language account of it permits and
motivates the circumstantial elaboration of the account; actors may be seen to
design their accounts with respect to a range of situational considerations and
exigencies. Social scientists show awareness of such factors when they
determine the objectivity or bias of particular evidences. Further problems with
collecting verbal statements are the following: in one interview only a small
segment of total knowledge is given; statements might not be representative of
the population; statements are indexical so that background information such as
conditions may remain implicit; and statements may not be general, only valid
for particular situations, or they may be too general (Cheal 1980: 46; Heritage
1984: 177; Holy and Stuchlik 1983: 55; 68).
One alternative to relying on actors own formulations is for the
researcher to present actors with a formulation of their activities. The problems
are that the technique requires that the actor understand the formulation, and
most importantly the actor may be influenced by the researcher who is a good
communicator (Cheal 1980: 47-48). The issue of the influence of the researcher
also applies to interview questions: it is impossible for the researcher to
formulate questions which do not reflect his or her own assumptions or
particular theory, such that the people studied may be forced into adopting a
quasi-theoretical attitude, possibly modifying their own notions. It must be
added that the very act of questioning is an artificial situation in that it removes
notions from areas of discourse in which they are functional, and from
processes of which they are an integral part. In order to get around this Holy
and Stuchlik suggest that situated spontaneous conversational utterances are
preferable, or at least questions which are about a specific situation. This can
take the form of asking questions about or observing reactions to a created or
natural context independent of the actors own performances, possibly
involving the imputation of sanctions. However, with regard to this last
suggestion actors may not always correct others: there may be a norm of
toleration, such that norms may only apply to a restricted group, or people may
not correct others so as not to disturb social encounters (Holy and Stuchlik
1983: 61; 64; 67). We can see that there are many possible techniques and
pitfalls in verbal data collection. The researcher has to be aware of potential
problems, and address the problems which arise in each particular situation.
Sociology places great importance on and offers us a rich variety of
techniques for obtaining actors verbal statements, usually oral accounts, in
order to discover norms. Translation studies has not placed much emphasis on
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obtaining actors oral statements, but has proposed the use of written
statements about translation as a means of discovering norms. As well as
translated texts themselves and inventories of translations4, Toury proposes
various kinds of metadiscourse as a second main source for reconstructing
norms:
However, Toury considers that such pronouncements are biased and partial and
should be treated with circumspection:
[...] they are likely to lean toward propaganda and persuasion. There
may therefore be gaps, even contradictions, between explicit arguments
and demands, on the one hand, and actual behaviour and its results, on
the other, due either to subjectivity or naivete, or even lack of sufficient
knowledge [...]. On occasion, a deliberate desire to mislead and deceive
may also be involved. Even with respect to the translators themselves,
intentions do not necessarily concur with any declaration of intent [...]
and the way those intentions are realized may well constitute a further,
third category still. (Toury 1995: 65-66)
4
Analytical inventories of translations can be used in order to adduce Tourys
preliminary norms.
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the fact that the works are translations. Theoretical and methodological
statements on translation written by theorists or practitioners are more helpful,
but it may not be clear whether these are conventional or personal prescriptive
views. Input from users is suggested as another means, although their
comments may be fairly vague. Nord thinks that the most interesting statements
are those made by translators about their own work, although she says we must
realize that translators may not feel it necessary to comment on their
translations unless they feel that readers might expect something else (Nord
1991: 103-105).
the use of the same words to refer to descriptive and prescriptive modes
might be a linguistic holdover from an ontology in which the active
hand of God was thought equally responsible for guiding our behaviour
and establishing the regularities of existence. (Schauer 1991: 15)
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5
Taking textual regularities as indicators of the normative is akin to taking what is
as what ought to be. This conflicts both with the sociological model where the
ought to is a subset of the is (Chesterman 1993: 12), and with the philosophical
model in which the is and the ought to are incommensurable.
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but only among a list of sources for the study of conventions. In view of her
definition of conventions, it would in fact be necessary to have evidence of
attitudes towards regular behaviour. Toury gives an inferior status to normative
pronouncements, considering them to be by-products and to be partial and
biased in contrast with the translations themselves which he considers to be a
much more reliable source of study since they are the primary products of
norm-regulated behaviour and can therefore be taken as immediate
representations thereof (Toury 1995: 65). Attributing verbal statements, which
are the only source of knowledge of notions of approval, such a low status is
however in direct contradiction with Tourys definition of norm as approved
behaviour. Toury has himself suggested the procedure of using normative
statements in correlation with translational data to investigate norms (Toury
1995: 66). Rather than being a less favoured procedure, I would suggest that a
procedure which takes into account normative statements is necessary in view
of the definition of norm adopted. Not only written statements can be used;
consultation of actors can be undertaken in studies of translational norms
involving living actors. There are of course various problems in consulting
actors as outlined above: in questionnaires or interviews with translators the
influence of the researcher can be diminished by not making detailed
suggestions or presenting norm hypotheses, but rather asking translators what
they consider to be appropriate behaviour for certain aspects of their translation
work. In any case we cannot say that the use of textual data (the translations
themselves) does not present any problems: there are the significant issues of
irregularity and variation.
4. Conclusion
Since translation researchers definitions of norms and conventions combine
the notions of regular behaviour and behaviour approved by the group,
methods of investigation of norms should capture both the regular and the
approved. Studying regularities alone is insufficient to adduce norms. Of the
general methods outlined above, the one which corresponds best to the
definitions of norms is the joint investigation of normative statements and
translational data proposed by Toury. In the face of the problems in both
observation of behaviour and verbal statements, the two types of data can be
mutually corrective.
References
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