CONSISTENCY OF THE MODEL 105

2.

THE CLOSE KINSHIP BETWEEN THE

PAEKCHE ROYAL FAMILY AND THE YAMATO
IMPERIAL CLAN:
The Emotive Records

H atada (1979) raises the fundamental question: A c c o rding to the

inscription on the [King Kwanggaeto ] stele, they [Wa] conspired
with Pa e k ch e, invaded Silla, and fought Kog u ryeo. According to the
Samguk-sagi, they constantly invaded Silla, allied with Paekche, and took
hostages from both. Who and what were these Wa?1 Hatada also calls our
attention to the fact that most of the Samguk-sagi re c o rds on Pa e k ch e
relations with Wa concentrate on the period from A.D. 397 to 428. In this
section we will first examine the records of Samguk-sagi (Lee edition: 36-39)
concerning the military conflicts between Paekche and Koguryeo and friendly
exchanges between Paekche and Yamato Wa during the period A.D. 385-428,
and then turn to the emotive records of Nihongi that suggest a close kinship
between the Paekche rulers and the Yamato imperial clan.
King Chinsa (A.D. 385-392) was the second son of Keun Kusu
(A.D. 375-384), younger brother of King Chimnyu (A.D. 384-385), and
uncle to Asin (or Ahwa, A.D. 392-405) who was the crown prince to King
Chimnyu. In response to Koguryeos invasion in A.D. 386, King Chinsa sent

1
According to Silla Pongi in Samguk-sagi, Wa appears forty-nine times prior to
A.D. 500 and among these citations thirty-six concern invasions, mostly of the
seacoast. On the other hand, as Hirano (1977) notes, Paekche Pongi [in Samguk-
sagi] records that when an envoy of Wa arrived in Paekche in 403, King Asin
received him with highest honors, and that King Cheonji also cordially received a Wa
envoy in 409. There are seven recorded cases of Missions exchanged between the two
countries in the period from 397 to 427.
106 CLOSE KINSHIP

an army to attack Koguryeo in A.D. 389, and ordered Talsol Jin-Kamo

to invade Koguryeo in A.D. 390; Jin-Kamo captured the castle Togon-seong
and took 200 prisoners. King Chinsa promoted him to Jwa-pyeong in
m i l i t a ry affa i rs. In A.D. 392, King Kwa n ggaeto of Kog u ryeo inva d e d
Paekche and captured many castles north of the Han river, and King Chinsa
himself was killed at a temporary palace. King Asin (Ahwa )
appointed Jin-Mu , an uncle on his mothers side, commanding general,
and entrusted all military affairs to him. King Asin ordered Jin-Mu to
attack Koguryeo in A.D. 393, 394 and 395 but his forces were defeated by
Koguryeo each time. King Asin established friendly relations with Wa and
sent the crown prince Cheonji to Japan as a Support in A.D. 397. King
Asin promoted Jin-Mu to Jwa-pyeong in military affairs and laid plans for
large scale invasions against Koguryeo in A.D. 398 and also in 399. King
Asin sent an envoy to Wa in A.D. 402 and obtained large beads. The King
a c c o rded a wa rm welcome to the envoy from Wa in A.D. 403.
When King Asin died in A.D. 405, Cheonji returned to Paekche to become
the King. King Cheonji sent an envoy to Wa with noctilucent beads as a
present; he was received cordially by the King of Wa. King Cheonji sent an
envoy to Wa with 10 pils of silk in A.D. 418. In the reign of King Piyu
(A.D. 427-455), grandson of King Cheonji, there came an envoy from
Wa accompanied by 50 followers.<1>
A c c o rding to Samguk-sagi s standard, the ab ove re c o rds of confl i c t s
between Paekche and Koguryeo, and exchanges between Paekche and Wa are
rather exceptionally frequent and conspicuous. Furthermore, the renewed
records on Jin-family members attract our attention in relation to the
frequent involvement of Was army in Paekches conflicts against Koguryeo
that are described in Kwanggaeto stele. It has been suggested that Homuda-
wake might have been one of the Jin-family members.
We contend that, since Homuda-wake was a member of the Paekche royal
fa m i ly and since his fo l l owe rs who helped him conquer Japan we re all
Paekche people, Paekche did welcome the establishment of the Yamato Wa.
According to Nihongi (NI: 251), King Keun Chogo of Paekche
[A.D. 346-375] addressed his grandson, Prince Chim-nyu [who reigned
during A.D. 384-385], saying: The honourable country east of the sea with
which we are now in communication [Yamato Wa] has been opened to us by
Heaven . . . . Consequently the foundation of our land is confirmed for ever.
Thou shouldst cultivate well its friendship , and having collected our
national products [specifically, the iron from Cheolsan -- Iron Mountain],
wait on it with tribute without ceasing.2 <2>
CONSISTENCY OF THE MODEL 107

Indeed, Nihongi records numerous touching episodes that clearly indicate a

close kinship between the Paekche rulers and the Yamato imperial clan.
Nihongi also records the Yamato relationships with Silla and Koguryo, but
the narrations of these relations conspicuously lack intimacy. This section
presents the passages of Nihongi that suggest strongly that Homuda-wake and
the Yamato imperial clan must have originated within the Paekche royal
family.3
The Heir Ap p a rent to Pa e k che King Asin l ived in Japan with
H o mu d a - wa ke for a time after A.D. 397, as is recorded in a footnote to
Nihongi (NI: 263n) that quotes the notices in the Tongkam relating to
Prince Tynchis being sent to Japan. Then the text of Nihongi (NI: 263)
itself records the following story for the 16th year of reign: In this
year King Ahwa (Asin) of Paekche died. The Emperor then sent for Prince
Tynchi (Cheonji), and addressed him, saying: Do thou return to thy
country and succeed the (royal) Dignity. Accordingly he further granted him
the territory of Eastern Han . . . .<3> This is an interesting record.
First, since we do know that King Asin of Paekche reigned during the period
A.D. 392-405, we can now tell that the first year of reign was A.D.
390, although according to the anachronistic Nihongi system it was A.D. 270.
Second, we can interpret this story in the following fashion: having
already become the Lord of Wa, formally renounced any claim on Paekche
territories.
Nihongi records for the 39th year of (NI: 270) that: [t]he King of
Paekche (Cheonji ) sent his younger sister, to wait upon Now
the Lady Sin-cha-to came ove r, bri n ging in her train seve n
women.<4>
For the ninth year of Nihongi (NI: 257-258) recounts a story about

2
Nihongi (NI: 251) records that Kuty and the others told Homuda-wake that
Paekche had discovered iron in Mount Cheolsan in the Kong-na region which
was the river-source at a distance of seven days journey [from the mouth of the
river] and that Paekche would like to supply the iron of this mountain to the Yamato
Court for all ages.<2> Wong (1980) notes that since large-scale iron-ore excavation
in Yamato did not take place until the eighth century, it is reasonable to suppose that
the Korean states were the main suppliers of iron from the fifth century on. Munro
(1911: 577) notes that: We read of bars of iron being presented as tribute from
Paekche . . . [W]e gather that iron came more or less in the form of ingots and was
fashioned into weapons and implements in Japan.
3
Hirano (1977) calls our attention to the general trend in the Nihon shoki and
Shoku Nihongi to ascribe the origin of Japans relations with Korea to reign.
108 CLOSE KINSHIP

Takenouchi no Sukune having been accused of harboring disloyal designs

upon the newly established Yamato state: . . . while he is in Tsukushi [having
been sent there by Homuda-wake to inspect the people of Tsukushi], he is
secretly plotting to that end [disloyal designs], saying (to himself), Alone I
will cut off Tsukushi, and will invite the three Han [Paekche, Silla and
Kaya] to come and do homage to me, so that finally I may possess the
Empire.<5> This story, mentioned only in passing, nevertheless reveals the
somewhat fragile nature of the newly established -Yamato state, the role
of Tsukushi, and the importance of Korean forces in late fourth-century
Japan.
During the reign of Nintoku, Nihongi (NI: 293-294) records that Lord
Chu , the grandson of the King of Paekche was sent to Wa and while
staying in the house of Koroshi, Obito of Nishikori in Ishikaha, accompanied
Nintoku in hunting and tamed a falcon for him: Tsuchigura . . . caught a
strange bird and presented it to the Emperor . . . . The Emperor sent for Lord
Chu and, pointing to the bird, said: What bird is this? Lord Chu answered
and said:-Birds of this kind are numerous in Paekche. They can be tamed. .
. So it was given to Lord Chu to be fed and tamed. . . . Lord Chu accordingly
fastened to its leg a soft leather strap, and attached to its tail a small bell.
Then, placing it on his forearm, he presented it to the Emperor. On this day
[they] went to the moor of Mozu and hunted.4 <6>
Nihongi (NI: 338-339) quotes Shinsen of Paekche : . . . King
Kaero ascended the throne [in A.D. 455]. The Emperor [Yuryaku] sent
A retoku hither to ask for a nye o rang ( l a dy). Pa e k che adorned the
daughter of the Lady Moni, called the Nyeorang Chokke, and sent her to the
Emperor. . . . [But] Iketsu hime of Paekche [Nyeorang Chokke], in despite of
the Emperors intention to favour [i.e., wed] her, had an amour with Tate
Ishikaha. The Emperor was gre at ly enraged . . . and she was bu rnt to
death.<7>
According to Nihongi (NI: 345-346), Lord Kasyuni [Kasuri-no-
kishi, i.e., King Kaero ] of Paekche . . . intimated to his younger

4
According to Aston (NI: xvii-xviii), Even so late as the beginning of the 5th
century the chronology can be shown to be wrong in several cases by no less an
interval than 120 years . . . . The first date in the Nihongi which is corroborated b y
external evidence is A.D. 461, but the chronology is a little vague for some time
longer. Perhaps if we take A.D. 500 as the time when the correctness of the Nihongi
dates begins to be trustworthy, we shall not be very far wrong. For instance, it is
extremely difficult to guess the exact year of this event of Lord Chu [Sake] taming a
falcon of Nintoku.
CONSISTENCY OF THE MODEL 109

brother, Lord Kun [Koni-kishi, i.e., Lord Kon-ji ], saying: Do thou

go to Japan, and serve the Emperor. Lord Kun answered and said: . . . I pray
thee give me one of thy consorts, and then I will take mission. Lord Kasyuni
[King Kaero] accordingly took one of his consorts who was pregnant, and
having given her in marriage to Lord Kun, said: . . . if she should be delivered
on the journey, I pray thee place [the child] on board a ship, and . . . cause it to be
at once sent back to this country. . . . The pregnant consort . . . gave birth to a
child on the island of Kahara in Tsukushi . . . . Upon this Lord Kun
straightway took a ship and sent Lord Shima [Sema-kishi, i.e., the son of
Kaero] to his country [A.D. 461]. He became King Munyeong . The
5 <8>
people of Paekche call this island Chuto [Master-island].
Nihongi (NI: 346) records that: The Paekche Shinsen says: In the year
Kanoto ushi (A.D. 461) King Kaero sent his younger brother, Lord
Kon-ji [Konchi or Koni-kish], to Great Wa , to wait upon the Emperor
[ H e ave n ly King; Yuryaku ] and to confi rm the friendship of fo rm e r
sovereigns [the literal translation should be: to confirm the friendship of big
brother King ].<8> According to Samguk-sagi (Lee edition II:
60), it was in April, A.D. 477 that King Munju [son of Kaero] appointed his
younger brother Kon-ji as Jwa-pyeong. That is, according to Samguk-sagi,
Kon-ji was not a younger brother but a son of King Kaero. Samguk-sagi
records that Kon-ji died in July, A.D. 477 and that Kon-jis son became King
Tongseong (A.D. 479-501).
According to Nihongi (NI: 353-354), Yuryaku states [A.D. 465] that Silla
occupies the Western Land: age after age [implying the ages of Sosa no wo,
Mimaki-Iri-Biko and Himiko] he has done us homage. . . . But since We
[implying the line of the Paekche royal family] have come to rule the
Empire, he has betaken himself beyond Tsushima , and concealed his
t races outside of Chamna [implying that Silla no longer frequented the
Kyushu or Idzumo areas]. He prevents Koguryeo from sending tribute, he
devours the walled cities of Paekche . . . . With the savage heart of the wolf he
flies away when satiated, and sticks fast when starving.<9> Nihongi (NI: 354-
355) further records the joint efforts of Paekche and Yamato rulers to fight
against Silla, which were apparently without success.

5
Hirano (1977) notes that [t]his agrees completely with Munyeongs funerary
i n s c ription re c e n t ly discove red at Songsanli, Kongju. It says that the Kings
posthumous name was Sama [Lord Shima], and that he died in 523 at the age of sixty-
two, which means that he was born in 461, the year g iven in the Nihon shoki as that in
which Sema-kishi was born. Yi Kimun (1982) shows that kishi was the Old
Paekche word for prince or king ( or ).
110 CLOSE KINSHIP

In A.D. 475, Kog u ryeo conquered Pa e k ch e s capital Hanseong ,

forcing Paekche to move its capital to Ungjin [Kongju]. In Nihongi (NI: 366-
367), we read that the King of Koguryeo raised a great army and utterly
smote Paekche. There was but a small remnant left, which assembled to
occupy Chang-ha. Their victuals became exhausted, and deep was hereupon
the weeping and lamentations. Upon this the Koguryeo generals addressed
their King, saying: Th e re is something ex t ra o rd i n a ry in the temper of
Paekche. Whenever thy servants observe them, they seem unaware of their
own ruin. It is to be feared that they will again spread forth and revive. We
pray that they may be at length got rid of. The King said: No! I . . . have
heard that the Land of Paekche is under the jurisdiction of the Country of
Japan, and that this connection is of old standing. It is also known to all the
n e i g h b o u ring countries that their King rep a i rs to Japan and serves the
Emperor. Ultimately it [the proposal to exterminate the Paekche people] was
ab a n d o n e d. Nihongi (NI: 367) continues: The Empero r, hearing that
Paekche had been conquered by Koguryeo, gave Kuma-nari [Ungjin]
to King Munju [A.D. 475-477], and so lent aid to his country.<10>
These statements strongly support the proposition that line of the
imperial clan originated within the Paekche royal family. Nihongi (NI: 369)
records also that on the death of King Sam-Keun of Paekche [A.D. 477-479],
who succeeded King Munju, Yuryaku summoned within the Palace Prince
Mata (Mute), the second son of Prince Konjis five sons, who was
young in years, but intelligent. He himself stroked the Princes face and head,
and made a gracious decree, appointing him to reign over that country. He
became King Tong-seong [A.D. 479-501].<11> These records project a feeling
of close kinship between Paekche and Yamato rulers.
Nihongi (NI: 406) records that in A.D. 505, [t]he King of Paekche sent
Lord Shika [Shika-kishi] . . . and a separate memorial, saying: Mana,
the previous tribute-messenger, was no relation to the Sovereigns of Paekche
. Therefore I humbly send Shika to wait upon the Court. . .
. he eventually had a son named Lord Peop-sa [Hoshi - kishi]. He was
<12>
the ancestor of the Kimi of Yamato . Nihongi (NII: 72) records
that in A.D. 554 Mak-ko, son of Tong-seong, came to Japan and Nasol Won,
another son of Tong-seong, returned to Paekche.<13>
King Seong-myeong of Paekche was slain by Silla in A.D. 554. His son
Yeo-chang [King Wi-deok, A.D. 554-598] narrowly escaped from the
battlefield by taking a by-road. Nihongi (NII: 75) records that at this point
the Silla generals noticed that Paekche was extremely vulnerable and hence
wished to take measures for the destruction of the remainder. But there was
CONSISTENCY OF THE MODEL 111

one general who said: This would be a mistake. The Emperor of Japan has
f re q u e n t ly at t a cked our country on account of Imna: mu ch more future
mischief should we certainly invite upon ourselves if we should proceed to
take steps for the destruction of the Miyake of Paekche. This project was
therefore dropped.<14> Nihongi (NII: 75-78) further records that Yeo-chang .
. . . sent Prince Hye [the younger brother of Wi-deok, later the King
Hye, A.D. 598-599] with a message to the Emperor [Kimmei], saying : King
Seong-myeong has been slain by brigands. When the Emperor heard this he
was indignant , and sent an envoy [Soga no Omi] to meet him at the port
with a message of condolence. . . . Soga no Omi condoled with him [Prince
Hye], saying: . . . Oh! what a cruel grief. . . . Who is there possessed of
feeling who does not lament his death? . . . <14>
N i h o n gi re c o rds on Kimmei [A.D. 540-571] include a re fe rence to
Yuryaku by the minister Soga, who was addressing the Paekche prince Hye
(NII: 76-77): Formerly, in the reign of the Emperor Oho-hatsuse [Yuryaku],
t hy country [Pa e k che] was hard pressed by Kog u ryeo, and was in an
extremely critical position . . . . Thereupon the Emperor [Yuryaku] com-
manded the minister of the Shinto religion to take counsel of the Gods.
Accordingly the priests, by divine inspiration, answered and said: If after
h u m ble prayer to the Deity, the founder of the Land, thou goest to the
assistance of the Ruler who is threatened with destruction, there will surely be
tranquillity to the State and peace to the people. Prayer was therefore offered
to the Gods, aid was re n d e red , and the peace of the country
<15>
[Paekche] was consequently assured.
Soga no Omi continues (NII: 77): Now the God who originally founded
this country is the God who descended from Heaven
[Paekche?] and established this State when Heaven [Paekche?] and
Earth [Yamato Wa?] became separated , and when trees and herbs
had speech. I have recently been informed that your country [Paekche?] has
ceased to worship him . But if you now repent your former errors, if you
build a shrine to the God and perform sacrifices in honour of his
divine spirit , your country will prosper.<15> At this point Aston (NII:
77) notes that: The Tsu -sho commentator here quotes the following
curious statement from a work called the Sei-to-ki: In the reign of the
Emperor Kammu (781-806) we and Corea [Paekche?] had writings of the
same kind. The Emperor, disliking this, burnt them and said: These speak of
the God who founded the country [Paekche?], and do not mention the Gods
our ancestors.
In A.D. 556, Prince Hye of Paekche returned home. Nihongi (NII: 78)
112 CLOSE KINSHIP

records that [h]ereupon Abe no Omi, Saheki no Muraji, and Harima no

Atahe were sent in command of a naval force of the Land of Tsukushi to
escort him to his country. The Lord of Hi in Tsukushi [the Great Lord of
Tsukushi] was sent separately in command of 1,000 valiant soldiers to escort
him to Mite [name of a port], and he was accordingly made to guard the
strong positions on the way to the port.<16>
Silla destroyed Imna in A.D. 562. Hereupon an edict was issued by
Kimmei (NII: 81-82): . . . They [Silla] have broken Our Miyake . . . and
massacred the population of Our districts. . . . who can bear to hear these
things whithout being grieved in his heart? Much more the heir to the Throne
and the Oho-omi . . . join with Us in slaying the traitors, thus wiping
off this bitter outrage against Heaven and Earth . . . .<17> Nihongi (NII: 86)
further records that Pa e k ch e, with the aid of Sadehiko, who was sent by
Kimmei in command of Wa troops, repulsed the King of Koguryeo in A.D.
562.<18>
Nihongi (NII: 97-99) records that [t]he Talsol, Illa, son of the Arisateung,
Miyakko of the Province of Ashigita in Hi, now resident in Paekche [was
summoned to Japan in A.D. 583] . . . . [H]e addressed (a message to) the
Emperor [Bidatsu], saying: The people of Paekche talk of a plan according
to wh i ch it is intended to request (a settlement in) Tsukushi
[Kyushu] for 300 ships (of emigrants?). If they really make this
request, I advise Your Majesty to pretend to grant it. Paekche will then wish
to create a new country, and will certainly put the women and children on
ship-board and come with them in advance. The Government, when this time
is at hand, should place in ambush in Iki and Tsushima plenty of troops, and,
awaiting their arrival, slay them.<19> Aston (NII: 99n) could not resist making
a comment on this record: All this seems great nonsense. It has puzzled the
native commentators.
Nihongi (NII: 90) records that Bidatsu made his palace at Oho-wi in
Kudara [the name of a place in Kahachi] in A.D. 572.<20> Kudara is
written with the Chinese characters for Paekche. It further records (NII: 169-
170) that: The Emperor [Jomei] made a decree, saying: This year let there
be a great palace and a great temple built. So the bank of the Kudara River
was chosen as the site for the palace . . . . In this month a pagoda of
nine stories was erected on the bank of the River Kudara [in A.D. 639].
Nihongi then adds that Jomei removed to the Palace of Kudara [in
A . D. 641] . . . . The Emperor died in the Palace of Ku d a ra. He wa s
temporarily interred north of the Palace. This was called the great temporary
tomb of Kudara .<20>
CONSISTENCY OF THE MODEL 113

N i h o n gi (NII: 171-173) re c o rds that when Kogyoku [ A . D. 642-645]

assumed the throne, Soga no Omi ( ) was made Oho-omi as before
and his son Iruka took into his own hands the reigns of government,
and his power was greater than his fathers. Then, the Oho-omi, Soga,
invited Kyoki of Paekche [son of the King of Paekche, the chief envoy to
Japan] and his companions to his house at Unebi. He had a fri e n d ly
conversation with them . . . [in A.D. 642]. Nihongi (NII: 176-174) also notes
that when a child of Kyoki died . . . . Kyoki removed with his wife and
children to the house of Ohowi in Kudara , and sent people to bury
his child in Ishikaha . . . . The Paekche Envoys . . . were entertained at Court .
. . . [S]tout fellows were commanded to wrestle before Kyoki . . . . When the
banquet was over, they retired and went to pay thier respects at Kyokis gate.
It is also recorded (NII: 179) that in A.D. 643 [t]he Viceroy of Tsukushi sent
a mounted messenger with a message to the Empress [Kogyoku],saying:
The Prince, the younger brother of Kyoki, son of the King of Paekche, has
arrived in the company of the tribute Envoys. <21>
It seems that some members of Paekche royal families were always at the
Yamato Court, either as envoys or as long-term visitors. When a white
pheasant caught in the Anato area was presented to Kotoku in A.D. 650,
Nihongi (NII: 236) records that . . . inquiry was made of the Lords of
Paekche [about its implication], who said: . . . in the reign of Ming-di of the
Later Han dynasty, white pheasants were seen in a certain place. Kotoku
thereby took the appearance of this white pheasant as a good omen and
displayed it to the Ministers and functionaries. Nihongi (NII: 238) describes
the scene: Ihimushi, Ahata no Omi, and three others were made to take the
pheasants litter and move off ahead, while the Oho-omi of the Right and Left
at the head of all the functionaries and Phung-chang , Lord of Paekche,
his younger brother Se-seong, [and] Chung-seong [Phung-changs uncle] . . .
advanced into the Central Court.6
Nihongi records that in A.D. 658 (NII: 258), Paekche sent Envoys with
the following message to the Empress [Saimei]: Great Tang and Silla have
joined their powers for an attack upon us. Subsequently Nihongi (NII: 266)
records the fall of the capital city of Paekche to Silla-Tang allied forces in
A.D. 660: Chun-chu-chi [King of Silla], by the aid of the General-in-
Chief, Su Ting-fang [of Tang], caused Paekche to be invaded and
destroyed. Then it is recorded (NI: 268-269) that the people of Paekche

6
Nihongi (NII: 184) notes that, in A.D. 643, the Heir Apparent to the throne of
Paekche, Yeo Phung-chang [ ], set loose and kept four hives of honey-
bees on Mount Miwa ; but they did not multiply their kind.<22>
114 CLOSE KINSHIP

reassembled and formed a new kingdom [at Chu-yu]: Kwisil Pok-sin

, Minister of Paekche sent the Minister Kwi-chi and others . . . to
the Empress [Saimei] . . . asked for troops . . . and . . . [asked for] Prince Yeo
Phung-chang. . . who was sent by Paekche to be in attendence at the. . .
[Yamato] Court. . . to make him the Ruler of the Country. . . .<23> Saimei is
then recorded to have replied: We learn that in ancient times there have been
cases of troops being asked for and assistance requested: to render help in
emergencies, and to restore that which has been interrupted, is a manifes-
tation of ordinary principles of right. The Land of Paekche, in its extremity,
has come to us and placed itself in our hands . . . Our resolution in this matter
is unshakable. We shall give separate orders to Our generals to advance at the
same time by a hundred routes . . . Let the proper officials supply them with
everything they require . . . .<24>
Western scholars have tended to accept the one-sided Japanese version of
ancient histories, but they cannot help being ex t re m e ly puzzled by the
question posed thus by Batten (1986): Why the Japanese should have thrown
themselves with such vigor into a war [between Paekche and Silla-Tang] that,
if not quite an intramural Korean conflict, had at least no direct bearing on
Japanese territory, is not easy to answer. The explanation offered by Nihon
shoki [i.e., the statement made by Saimei ] . . . while high-sounding, can
hardly be taken at face value.7
According to Nihongi (NII: 252-255), a grandson of Saimei [A.D. 655-
661], Prince Takeru, died in A.D. 658 at the age of eight, and his remains
were deposited in a tomb which was raised for him over the Imaki valley
. The Imaki valley was the place where the Imaki Aya people from
Paekche were settled during the reign of Yuryaku. Saimei was beside herself
with grief, and she made up songs, saying:

On the Hill of Womure8 in Imaki

If but a cloud arose, plain to be seen,
Why should I lament?
7
Batten (1986) notes that the Yamato courts response was surprisingly vigorous . .
. . Saimei left Naniwa Harbor in command of an expeditionary navy . . . . Prince Naka
. . . attended to the organization of the foreign war from Nanotsu . . . [T]he prince
dispatched five generals to aid Paekche. Arms and grain were also sent . . . . Prince
Phung was escorted home by an army of more than 5,000 . . . . [S]ix more generals
were sent in command of 27,500 men to smite Silla.
8
Aston (NII: 253n) notes that [a] native commentator remarks that mure is the
Corean word for mountain. Womure would therefore mean little-mount. There were
Corean settlers in Imaki.
CONSISTENCY OF THE MODEL 115

I never thought that he was young

As the young grass . . . . . .
Like the flowing water of the River Asuka
Which surges as it flows, unceasingly
I long for him! . . . . . .
Though I pass over the mountains and cross the seas
Yet can I never forget the pleasant
Region of Imaki. . . . . . .

Nihongi (NII: 255) records that Saimei commanded Mari , Hada no

Oho-kura no Miyakko , saying: Let these verses be handed down and
let them not be forgotten by the world. <25> Hada was an extremely large
Paekche family whose ancestors had immigrated during the reign of Homuda-
wake. This is just another example of how the emotive records suggest an
extremely intimate relationship between Paekche and the Yamato imperial
clan.
Nihongi (NII: 279-280) records that the Japanese force of more than
10,000 stout fellows dispatched by the Yamato rulers was annihilated by a
fleet of 170 Tang fighting ships in a battle near the mouth of the Paekchon
River in the 8th month, A.D. 663, and that Chu-yu also fell to
the Tang fo rces short ly there a f t e r.9 N i h o n gi (NII: 280) describes the
reaction of the Yamato people when they heard the news that the Paekche
city of Chu-yu had surrendered to Tang forces: Then the people of the
country said to one another Chu-yu has fallen; there is nothing more to be
done; this day the name of Paekche has become extinct. Shall we ever
visit again the place where the tombs of our ancestors are?
. 10 <26> The re c o rds of Kojiki and Nihongi presented in this section
reconfirm the blood relationship among the rulers of Paekche and Ya m at o

9
Batten (1986) notes that: According to a Chinese source, about 400 Japanese
vessels were sunk in the engagement. Shoku Nihongi (Snellen edition: 238) records
the homecoming of Nishigoribe no Tora and two others who were made prisoners by
the Tang troops at the time when (an expedition was sent) to assist Ku d a ra
[Paekche] ; they became slaves for forty years. They were liberated and came back
to Japan in A.D. 707 in the suite of the envoy [to Silla] Awata no Ason Mabito. It is
noted that in symphathy for their misfortunes, gifts of clothes, salt and cereals were
made to them.
10
For some reason, Aston inserted the word that in place of the in front of the
word country , making the sentence read: Then the people of that country said
. . . In a similar case elsewhere (NI: 328), Aston simply translated it ( )
into the nation (censured him) ( ).
116 CLOSE KINSHIP

Wa that has already been revealed by the New Compilation of the Register
of Families.
Best (1990: 441) offers the following commentary on Hong (1988): One
would expect that if, as Hong avers, Homuda-wake was a military leader from
Paekche, possibly of royal blood, who invaded Japan with the blessing of
Paekches King Keun Chogo, then the relationship between the Japanese
court that he founded and the court of Paekche would at the most be that of
equals in terms of comparative status. If Homuda-wake was of Paekche
descent, then in a proper Confucian construction of the relationship, his court
would be cast in the subordinate role. As Hong reveals through his extensive
use of quoted material, however, the Nihon shoki contains a number of
passages concerning the long-term residence of Paekche princes and even
crown princes as hostages at the Japanese court between the fifth and mid-
seventh centuries. These passages, many of which are cited by Hong, cannot
possibly be construed as indicating the dominance, or even equivalency, of
Paekches political status vis-a-vis the Japanese court. Hong does not attempt
to dismiss these accounts as nationalistic fabrications of the Nihon shokis
compilers; rather he simply interprets them as evidence of the kinship of the
rulers of Paekche and Japan (see pp.123-25). Kinship there may or may not
have been, but these passages only indicate the siting of precedential status
within the relationship . . . As almost everyone acknowledges, however,
Nihongi and Kojiki were compiled to justify the imperial familys claims to
divine origins and a reign unbroken since Jimmus time. As such, the authors
had to use expressions like hostages for Paekche princes and officials of
long-term residence in Yamato Wa whose tasks were actually consultation,
counseling, coordination, and supervision. Indeed, Nihongi (NI: 346),
quite likely unwittingly, quotes the Paekche Shinsen Sokichiwhich states that
Pa e k ch e s King Kaero sent his yo u n ger brother to Wa to confi rm the
friendship of big brother King .<8> Tsuda ( 1966: 51)
also seems to have understood why Nihongi and Kojiki construed history as
they did: in writing of matters related to Paekche, Silla and Kara, they
applied the writing method of uplifting the authority of Yamato Wa in the
fashion of Chinese and Confucian ideologies. Tsuda states that those were
the authors ideologies, and had nothing to do with realities.<J. 11> [See also
Section 4, Chapter 5.]