Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
POLITICS ABROAD
S P R I N G 2 0 1 1 D I SS E N T 5
Dissent Spring 2011:Dissent, rev.qxd 3/1/2011 6:41 AM Page 6
POLITICS ABROAD
6 D I SS E N T S P R I N G 2 0 1 1
Dissent Spring 2011:Dissent, rev.qxd 3/1/2011 6:41 AM Page 7
POLITICS ABROAD
Equating Fidesz with the nation as such the extreme Rightafter all, its in the partys
foreshadowed what Orbn has been doing own electoral interest. But in many ways the
since his election victory last year: a national seemingly respectable nationalism that Fidesz
revolution in the name of national values, represents keeps legitimating the beliefs of
namely work, home, family, health, and Jobbik supporters. One of the first things
order. The election, according to the Fidesz Orbn did in power was to establish a Trianon
leader, had signaled the formation of a memorial day; he also created a new kind of
national center and given a mandate for a citizenship for ethnic Hungarians living in
system of national cooperation. neighboring states, thereby stoking conflict
All the nation-talk reveals a profoundly with Slovakia in particular. In fact, he started
problematic characteristic of Hungarian nothing less than a comprehensive
political culture: a deep-seated nationalism Kulturkampf, arguing that Fidesz had a
and a feeling of resentment and victimization mandate to reshape the political system
that goes back at least to the postFirst World according to the true values of the national
War Treaty of Trianon and the huge losses of center (and, to use a distinction prominent on
territory imposed by the Allies in 1920. the Hungarian Right, the well-rooted
Arguably, there has never been anything like Hungarians, as opposed to the foreign-
a public coming-to-terms with the past that hearted). All public buildings were supposed
would allow Hungarians to accept their much- to display a declaration of the national
diminished political role in Europe. Instead, values; and these valuesand an explicit
nationalism reaches deep into the supposedly endorsement of Hungary as a Christian
bourgeois moderate center. In fact, it partly nationare to be at the heart of the new
defines that center; when I lived in Hungary constitution.
toward the end of the last decade, I was struck This kind of rhetoric is, of course, a staple
by the many bumper stickers that depicted the of populism: declare yourself the spokesper-
shape of Hungary in the borders of 1918. son of the peoples true voice or the faithful
People would explain that this was not a call executor of the national will and claim that
to annex Croatia and parts of Romania, but thereby you are the real democrat, as opposed
merely a sign of pride in what a great country to unelected bodies like courts and snooty
Hungary had once been. In a spa in Sopron, urban elites of liberal journalists. Fidesz has
close to the Austrian border, a very wealthy- been governing accordingly: it has tried to
looking family man would take everything weaken all independent bodies charged with
offexcept a silver chain around his neck oversight of the government, curtailing the
with a medallion in the shape of Greater powers of the constitutional court (which had
Hungary. He explained to this ignorant been closely modeled on the West German ex-
foreigner that he was the star in a widely ample). It also installed a man widely seen as
popular nationalist rock opera about the great a puppet figure, a onetime Olympic fencing
Hungarian past. champion, as president, replacing a former
But this rather abstract and nostalgia- constitutional court judge who had once been
driven nationalism also has an ugly face: that supported by Fidesz but fallen out of favor,
of Jobbik, an extreme right-wing, anti-Roma not least because he refused to display the
and anti-Semitic party that placed third in the declaration of the national revolution in the
2010 elections, just after the Socialists. Jobbik presidential palace. Most notably, the govern-
has a paramilitary unit, the Hungarian Guard, ment passed a draconian media law, which
which has been officially banned but keeps the Organization for Security and Co-opera-
reappearing in new guises. I often saw young tion in Europe has criticized as comparable to
people dressed in the Guards tell-tale black what we know from totalitarian regimes.
shirts (yes, black shirts) and with knives on Is there a model for all this? Orbn has
their belts that supposedly are ancient never mentioned Putin. But he openly admires
Hungarian symbolsnationalism as a life- Silvio Berlusconi. And maybe if Berlusconi
style. had a two-thirds majority in the Italian legis-
Fidesz is officially committed to destroying lature, some of his policies would be similar.
S P R I N G 2 0 1 1 D I SS E N T 7
Dissent Spring 2011:Dissent, rev.qxd 3/1/2011 6:41 AM Page 8
POLITICS ABROAD
Or would they? There is another twist in the shading into racism, on the other. Berlusconi
story here: Orbn keeps portraying the wants Italian citizens to be passive consumers,
Socialists as the party of multinational corpo- spectators of politics (or even better, of his
rations and Fidesz as the defender of ordinary television shows). Pseudo-liberal populists
folk from the forces of globalization. Even the like the Dutch politician Geert Wilders want
most casual visitor to Budapest will under- to stoke fear and resentment vis--vis
stand why this plays well: in terms of brand Muslims in the name of freedom, ostensibly
names, the city feels like an economic colony identifying with Israel and making a point
of Germany and Austriamost of the major that they are not nationalists.
shops, from drugstores to supermarkets, are Orbn is different: he wants citizens to hold
the same as in Berlin or Vienna. And Orbns the right national values, but also to be
economic nationalism is not just rhetoric: he engaged in politics; he wants them to conform
has put a levy on banks and is trying to to an ideal of what the Germans call
reverse the privatization of pension schemes Brgerlichkeitthat is, an ideal of hard work,
(again, initially introduced by the Socialists). family values, and civic engagement. Fidesz
The government officially has declared that appeals to a middle class that feels threatened
the state should come before the market, and by the economic situation, a middle class that
Orbn has talked about an as yet undefined ideally wants to be like German Brger, or
form of plebeian democracy. proper polgri, in the Hungarian phrase, which
means different from the Roma and others
A Different Kind of Populism who supposedly live off welfare, but also
proudly standing up to foreign capital. When
Fidesz, then, is pursuing its own nationalist Hungary assumed the (automatically rotating)
primacy of politics. But what is emerging in EU presidency this January, its program was
Hungary is not fascism, as some in the precisely focused on values that Western
Western media have been too quick to Europe has supposedly forgotten, especially
conclude (a German papera conservative the moral worth of the nation.
one, no lesscalled present-day Hungary a And how has the EU responded to this
Fhrerstaat). Its the work of an immensely authoritarian-nationalist-bourgeois vision that
skilled, immensely power hungry politician is supposed to protect the Hungarian nation
who does not want to lose power again and is from foreign capitalists (and the foreign-
effectively building a one-party state. hearted within Hungarys own borders)?
Tragically and paradoxically, Fidesz at the After all, the Union was supposed to lock
moment is polarizingbut without any post-authoritarian countriesfirst Greece,
opposite pole; the opposition remains Spain, and Portugal in the 1980s, later the
dysfunctional and disunited, suffering another postcommunist statesinto democratic
disastrous defeat in the local elections this commitments and protect rights with suprana-
past fall. Left-wing intellectuals, meanwhile, tional institutions like the European Court of
are protesting, to be sure, but seem to be in Justice.
shock that all this could be happening (and Alas, European governments have been
that so many of their fellow citizens can be so too preoccupied with the fate of the euro and
easily swayed by a strong leader promising to their own economic woes to pay much atten-
restore the nations grandeur). tion to small neighbors about which many
Of course, the political analysis of Hungary Europeans know next to nothing. When the
is not exhausted by Orbnology. It is crucial to Western European press finally started mak-
understand the nature of Fideszs populism, ing noises in connection with the new media
and why it appeals to so many. Its ideology law, some left-wing politiciansincluding
(and political strategy) is fundamentally the foreign minister of Luxembourg and the
different from two other versions of populism leader of the Socialists in the European Par-
that have gained strength in Europe recently: liamentasked loudly whether Hungary was
the Berlusconi variety, on the one hand, and suited to preside over the EU. Brussels itself
what I would call pseudo-liberal populism began to scrutinize the media law, and it now
8 D I SS E N T S P R I N G 2 0 1 1
Dissent Spring 2011:Dissent, rev.qxd 3/1/2011 6:41 AM Page 9
POLITICS ABROAD
seems sure that Hungary will amend it in re- should become a credible threat, too.
sponse to criticisms from the EU. Still, it has But it also means finding the right tone
become painfully obvious that the Union has and, more important still, the right theoretical
many instruments and incentives to get coun- language to make the case to Hungarians. As
tries outside its borders to adopt liberal the leftist philosopher G. M. Tams, once a
democracy but precious few for changing the leading dissident alongside Kis, has pointed
behavior of governments on the inside. In the out, it will do no good if Westerners simply
wake of the failed EU Constitution, the focus lecture his compatriots with liberal democratic
has all been on respecting national differ- pieties and pull out the handbook on transi-
ences, emphasizing Europes internal politi- tology" once more.
cal diversity, and avoiding tough common In the eyes of many Hungarians, what
European political standards. Tellingly, the unfolded in the twenty years since state
latest European treatythe quasi-constitu- socialism was liberal democracyand it has
tionhas a provision for a member state to failed. In other words, the perception is that
leave voluntarily, but no mechanisms for Putinization, a combination of somewhat
ejecting a country that has ceased to be dem- authoritarian politics and state-supervised
ocratic. True, there is the possibility of with- economics, is the only model that will ulti-
drawing voting rights from states that have mately work for ordinary people. In fact, some
violated the EUs fundamental values, but leading Hungarian intellectuals seem now to
no leading politician has even mentioned have all but accepted the notion that the
that possibility yet. country was never really democratic and
might never get rid of the legacies of
What Can Be Done? feudalism, self-pitying nationalism, and pater-
nalistic state socialism. Some time ago, Tams
What, then, can outsiders do? For one thing, regretted that the seeming triumph of the
concerned European citizens should make it dissidents human-rights-centered liberalism
clear that they regard the supposed internal in the early 1990s went hand in hand with
affairs of another member state as their inattention to the plight of the victims of post-
business, too. They should remember that communism and thus sowed the seeds of its
theirs is not primarily an economic but a own destruction. As he put it in 2009: We,
political union. It would leave a disastrous the froth at the top of it, were celebrating the
impression if the EU finally took some action, triumph of freedom and openness and
but only under pressure from the banks that plurality and fantasy and pleasure and all that.
have been complaining to Brussels about That was frivolous, and I am deeply
Orbns crisis taxes. ashamed. That sense of the discrediting of the
In practice, this means politicians and intel- highest liberal idealsthat its all just capi-
lectuals must keep up the pressure via the talism, in its worst, corruption-ridden form to
international press and citizen demonstrations bootis the final element of the Hungarian
(as happened when protests against the media tragedy.
law outside the Budapest Parliament were To be sure, it is far too early for resignation,
paralleled by smaller gatherings in Vienna and understandable as that might be in the face of
Berlin). They can also support the initiatives of widespread cronyism on both sides of the
prominent Hungarians, such as the petition political spectrum and the seeming passivity
addressed to artists and intellectuals by the of citizens witnessing Fideszs dismantling of
conductor dm Fischer and the pianist the rule of law. But a form of social liberalism
Andrs Schiff, who also wrote an impassioned (a term that primarily makes sense in the
letter to the Washington Post. Above all, it means European context, where liberalism and
Western governments confronting Orbn social democracy have long been divorced)
directly on his record and, if he keeps defying might yet be invented specifically for post-
his critics, boycotting the prestigious events communist contexts. It would be a liberalism
that the country holding the EU presidency of fear, perhaps, that takes seriously the
usually puts on. Withdrawing voting rights anxiety of people who feel they have been
S P R I N G 2 0 1 1 D I SS E N T 9
Dissent Spring 2011:Dissent, rev.qxd 3/1/2011 6:41 AM Page 10
POLITICS ABROAD
robbed of their past, their international status, Western intellectuals should not ignore a
and, not least, their livelihoods; a liberalism faraway country where liberal democracy
that explains the long-term benefits of the rule might yet recover.
of law beyond the economic advantages of
getting into the EU. But in a sense the chal-
Jan-Werner Mller teaches in the politics department,
lenge of formulating an attractive, popular, but
Princeton University. His book Contesting Democracy:
not populist, liberalism is not that different in
Political Ideas in Twentieth-Century Europe is forthcoming
the East and West. This is another reason why from Yale University Press in summer 2011.
10 D I SS E N T S P R I N G 2 0 1 1