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Brazilians have a very distinct way of thinking about race, and their history of racial
mixing and denial of racism has resulted in complex racial relations within the country.
According to Edward Telles, in the late nineteenth century the idea of white supremacy prevailed
and was reinforced by scientific racism (26). There had previously been decades of racial mixing
in Brazil, which resulted in a large mixed population. During the era of scientific racism,
however, many European scientists saw the practice of racial mixing as the source of
degeneration, and pointed to Brazil as evidence (26). Telles states that because of their history of
miscegenation, Brazilian scientists began to steer away from the European idea of eugenics and
promote the neo-Lamarckian concept of eugenics. This concept emphasized the idea that a
In the 1930s, the ideas of Gilberto Freyre became very influential and Brazilians began to
take pride in their history of racial mixing. Freyre was the source of the widespread and long
lasting idea of a racial democracy within Brazil (34). As a result of his writings, Brazilians
sought to demonstrate their superior race relations to the blatantly racist United States by
pointing to their racial democracy as proof that racism did not exist in their country. However,
the idea of a racial democracy began to lose clout in the late twentieth century in Brazil, and the
previously unacknowledged racial hierarchy began to gain recognition (46). Telles states the
reason for this newfound acknowledgement of racial inequality was due to the elimination of
military power and the promotion of democracy in the Brazilian government. This shift in
government structure allowed the emergence of organizations with political intent, including the
blacks of Brazil who had endured a significant amount of discrimination that had previously
Throughout his book, Telles analyzes two prominent arguments in the study of
Brazilian racial relations, which he breaks into two separate categories. Telles states the first
category of scholars looked at social interactions and promoted racial democracy, while the
second emphasized the existence of racism (8). Telles carried out his analysis in various ways,
such as through census records and national survey data provided by the Instituto Brasileiro de
Geografia e Estatistica (IBGE). He also employed the use of independent surveys as well as
personal experience in the Ford Foundations Brazil office for human rights (18). Telles states
that the official data from the IBGE separates racial categories into white, brown, and black, and
are fluid and allow for a large amount of overlap, unlike other countries that strictly separate race
colors. The wider population of Brazil uses separate terms than the census classifications to
define themselves and others, such as moreno, which is a vague term, as well as terms used by
This wide range of terms contributes to the uniqueness of Brazils obscure racial
classification system. Telles explains that separation of races never occurred in Brazil due to the
practice of creating a whiter population through mixing, which allowed for self-declaration of
ones color (80). As a result, in individual in Brazil can be self-classified as one race while
simultaneously classified as a different race by someone else, which also allows for a wider
acceptance of who is considered white, brown, or black. Brazils history of mixing has also lead
to a racial hierarchy in which browns are superior to blacks, whereas in the U.S. blacks and
mixed race persons are classified into one group (85). There are incentives for people to identify
with lighter skin colors in Brazil because these categories typically receive less racial
discrimination and inequality. Racial inequality can be contributed to many factors, but education
is perhaps the most important because it can affect other factors of racial inequality, such as
income (138). Education in Brazil largely favors whites because funding for primary schools is
dismissed in poor areas where majority nonwhite populations reside (125). Whites are also more
likely than browns or blacks to gain college-level education, which prevents many nonwhites
from attaining higher paying occupations that require sufficient education. Telles argues that the
inequality in education has lead to the increasing income gap between whites and nonwhites in
Brazil, which has in turn lead to a greater amount of racial inequality within the country (221).
As a result of the highly unequal education system, nonwhites in Brazil find it difficult to
enter the middle class. Telles states that Brazilians use the concept of race to maintain a class
hierarchy that benefits whites while suppressing nonwhites (222). However, there are practices
that nonwhites may use to avoid this inequality. One such practice is marrying up, through which
nonwhites marry someone with a lighter skin tone in order to improve their status (189). These
inequalities can also be addressed through affirmative action. Telles argues that Brazil needs to
implement policies that recognize race in order to be effective (257). He states that the countrys
attempt at class reconciliation covers up the fundamental issue of racism, and that racial issues
need to be addressed. If race is addressed and policies are introduced that acknowledge race,
there would be clarification about who would receive the benefits of these policies (262). Telles
argues that the deep racial inequalities in Brazil are just one consequence of the racial democracy
ideology that was so widely accepted among the population. The fact that people denied the
existence of racism reinforced the underlying discrimination within the country, and this
inequality has only recently been acknowledged due to the growing efforts of blacks in Brazil
(237).