CONSUMPTION AND FANTASY:

TENANT FARMERS AND EXPANDING MARKETS

IN EARLY 20TH-CENTURY MARYLAND

Abstract

The expansion of industrial production in late 19th- and early 20th-century North
America was tied to the development of new markets, due to the inability of local and regional
markets to absorb the increased output of goods. During this period, capitalists expanded markets
both horizontally, on a national and international scale, and vertically, reaching economic strata
that had hitherto been marginally important as consumers. Increasing capital was devoted to
marketing and advertising, creating necessities of what had previously been luxuries. New forms
and experiences of consumption were developed through innovations such as department stores
and mail-order catalogues.

Archaeological investigations at 18AN807, a tenant site in Anne Arundel County,

Maryland, permitted an examination of the impact of these processes on an early 20th-century rural
household. The material assemblage from 18AN807 is considered in the context of the growth of
mass production, mass marketing, and mass consumption, and how these articulated with everyday
life at the level of the household.

Mark Walker
Department of Anthropology
Binghamton University

Presented at the 29th Annual Meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology Conference
on Historical and Underwater Archaeology, Cincinnati, Ohio, January 1996.
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In 1991 and 1992, the cultural resources division of Engineering- Science conducted
archaeological investigations of the South River Colony, a proposed development in Anne
Arundel County, Maryland, about six miles south of Annapolis (Walker et al. 1991, 1992a,
1992b). This survey was conducted to assess the archaeological impact of planned development
on the tract, as required by the Anne Arundel County Office of Planning and Zoning. Michael
Petraglia was the Principal Investigator and I was the Field Supervisor.

During the survey of this tract, a number of sites were identified and investigated, most of
which were planter or tenant sites associated with the tobacco plantations and the farms that
made up this area from the 17th to the 20th century (Walker 1994, 1993; Walker and Petraglia
1992a, 1992b). All the discovered sites dated from the 18th century onwards. The plantation
that occupied most of the survey area was the Mount Steuart plantation, which, under various
owners, names, and in various configurations, operated from the middle of the 17th century until
the 1950s when it was broken up and sold off (Walker et al. 1991). The site I will be discussing,
Site 18AN807, was the housesite of one of the many tenant farmers that rented property on
Mount Steuart Plantation after the Civil War. We do not know who occupied the site. Its
proximity to a local Methodist Church, the center of a sizeable African-American community,
suggests that the occupants may have been African- Americans, although this is by no means a
given (Walker et al. 1991, 1992a).

The archaeological work at Site 807 provided an opportunity to study consumption and
the impact of the changing U.S. national economy on a turn-of the-century tenant household in
Southern Maryland. During the period after the Civil War, households at every level of North
American society became increasingly reliant upon mass-produced, purchased commodities
(Paynter 1988). While the United States had always been integrated to a certain extent into a
national and global economy, the later 19th century saw a change in the nature and intensity of
this integration. More and more individual American corporations began operating on a national
scale and more and more people began relying on products produced up to thousands of miles
away (Tedlow 1990).

Following a time of rapidly succeeding economic booms and busts in the second half of
the 19th century, the period from the 1890s until World War I was one of fairly steady economic
expansion, in part the result of increased production through the introduction of new technologies
and the improvement of old ones (Mandel 1978; Paynter 1988; Wolf 1982), such as, for example,
the growth of the railroads, which made rapid and cheap movement of goods possible. The
economy of the United States after the Civil War was increasingly based on industrial enterprises
with the population starting to concentrate in urban areas as a result. The growth in production
that these circumstances made possible expanded markets in North America as cheap
commodities became widely available to nearly all segments of the population. During this
period in the United States, real wages rose on average as technological innovations and
competition between capitalists forced prices down.

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But this mass market was not simply a benefit or by-product of technological innovation.
Its development had in many ways become a necessity. The booms and busts of the later 19th
century were due in large part to periods of heavy investment and capitalization being followed
by a vicious cycle of overproduction due to declining prices and profits (Mandel 1978). Over-
production made it necessary for capitalists to expand their markets to absorb the volume of
goods they now had to produce to remain profitable. Local markets, or those limited to the elite
and well-to-do segments of the population, were insufficient to absorb the increased output of
heavily capitalized industrial enterprises. These companies were forced into selling higher
volumes at lower profit margins in order to compete and to meet the costs of their physical plants
(Ewen 1976; Mandel 1978; Tedlow 1990).

Markets were expanded in two ways. First, by expanding horizontally, marketing on a

national scale. The entire United States became needed as a marketplace for mass-produced
commodities, which competed with, and in most cases supplanted, local and regional ones. As
one author noted the now familiar "standardized nationally distributed product in a small
package" became ubiquitous in the last decades of the 19th century (Tedlow 1991:14). And
second by expanding the market vertically, selling to economic classes that had hitherto been
marginal as consumers (Ewen 1976:24-25).

The declining costs of goods and the increase in real wages from the 1890s on made the
development of deeper markets feasible, but these were not, in and of themselves, sufficient
cause for the appearance of large numbers of mass-produced items on lower class sites. The
assumption, sometimes explicit, generally implicit, in much work is that the urge to consume was
always present, merely awaiting the appropriate price drop to be satisfied. The appearance of
items such as as matched ceramic sets, canning jars, iron stoves, and so on, is not merely the
result of technological progress bringing prices low enough for households to satisfy a innate or
natural urge acquire such goods. There is nothing transcendental about consumption. The
incorporation of the working classes, the rural poor, immigrants and other groups into the
consumer society was the result of careful cultivation, nurturing, and a not inconsiderable amount
of fertilizer.

Edward Filene, one of the Boston department store family and a leading propagandist for
the consumer society, noted in 1924 that:

Modern workmen have learned their habits of consumption and their habits of spending
(thrift) in the school of fatigue, in a time when high prices and relatively low wages made it
necessary to spend all the energies of the body and mind in providing food, clothing, and
shelter. We have no right to be overcritical of the way they spend a new freedom or a new
prosperity until they have had as long a training in the school of freedom. (Ewen 1976:30)

The "school of freedom" that Filene had in mind was education in consumption. Consumption
during this period became explicitly linked to the ideology of the "American Way of Life". This
was the period when advertising came in to its own. The amount of money spent on advertising
increased an estimate fiftyfold from 1865 to 1920 (Schlereth 1991:157). Advertisers began to

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place their field on a more rational basis, drawing on psychology and explicitly defining
techniques for what they termed "demand creation" (Ewen 1976; Lears 1992; Schlereth 1991:
157-163).

A number of authors have suggested that it was in the later 19th century that consumption
acquired its modern character (eg. Ferguson 1992; Leach 1984). The activity of consumption, of
acquisition, itself became a pleasurable leisuretime activity -- shopping. In urban centres,
department stores came to epitomise this new style of consumption (Leach 1984; Schlereth
1991:146-148). One of the first American department stores opened in New York in 1862. Well
over a thousand existed by the 1920s (Schlereth 1991:146).

In contrast to the previous dry goods houses, department stores were theatrical sets,
emphasizing the experience of consumption through architecture, interior decoration, and the
unprecedented collections of goods and commodities. One was under no obligation to make a
purchase when entering a department store. The emphasis was on flanerie, browsing, experience,
free-floating anticipation (Schlereth 1991:148; Ferguson 1992; Leach 1984). Purchases were
intended to be casual, unexpected, and spontaneous, the fulfillment of a "wish" rather than a
"need".One shopper noted in 1892 that,

The principal cause of the store's success is the fact that their founders have understood the
necessity of offering a new democracy, whose needs and habits" are satisfied "in the cheapest
way possible" providing " a taste for elegance and comfort unknown to previous generations.
(Schlereth 1991:149)

For rural consumers, the equivalent of the department store was the mail order catalogue,
the "Farmer's Bible" or the "Wish Book." These catalogues, bringing the mass market in to
isolated rural communities and farmsteads, had a tremendous impact (Schlereth 1990, 1991;
Tedlow 1991; Weil 1977). Rural families were confronted with an array of goods and
possiblities that were, by all accounts, mind-boggling.

The two monsters of mail order retailing were obviously Sears Roebuck and Montgomery
Ward. Montgomery Ward, the first major mail order house, started in 1872. The Sears catalogue
was launched in 1886. Both explicitly targeted the rural market. By 1910, an estimated
10,000,0000 Americans shopped by mail (Schlereth 1991:154).

Both Sears and Ward confronted initial resistance from rural consumers to buying sight
unseen from strangers and having to pay hard-to-come-by cash, rather than receiving credit. One
main way Sears and Ward overcame this resistance was by exploiting and inserting themselves
into pre-existing rural organizations and networks. Montgomery Ward, for example, gained its
entree by affiliating itself with the Grange movement. Sears, on the other hand, after 1905, had a
program of what was clumsily termed "Iowization" after the pilot state. Customers were sent
catalogues to distribute and were payed premiums based on the purchases made from those
catalogues (Schlereth 1991; Tedlow 1991; Weil 1977).

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The archaeological investigations at Site 807 and the artifact assemblage that we
recovered illustrated the tremendous impact that the late 19th-century expansion of mass
production and the mass market had even at the lowest economic levels of North American
society. The site itself was located in hardwood forest on a ridgetop on the south side of Glebe
Branch. The house-site was visible on the surface as a low mound at the highest point of the
ridge with brick and shell mortar concentrations at the four corners (Walker et al. 1991, 1992a).
These were the remnants of piers supporting the house at the corners.

To the west of the house-site, a large number of artifacts were visible on the ridge slope,
the occupants' trash dump. There were also artifacts of the south of the house-site, including
parts of an iron bed.

Ceramic maker's marks and bottle embossing indicates that the site was occupied in the
first two decades of the 20th century, certainly in 1908 or after. The number of complete liquor
bottles suggests abandonment by 1919, when the 18th amendment was ratified.

After Site 807 was identified during the survey of the South River Colony Tract, we
recommended and conducted testing. This consisted of shovel-testing on a 30 foot grid (a total
of 23 shovel tests), the excavation of two test units in the mound, and a surface collection of the
trash dump on a 15-ft grid. No further work was conducted after this as we felt that the testing
had recovered sufficent information on the site.

The house itself was probably of wood and set on four L-shaped brick piers. The
dimensions of the house, as indicated by the piers, were approximately 13 feet north south by 27
feet east-west. No other architectural features were visible. The ephemeral nature of this
structure is unsurprising given what we know of tenant farm architecture (McDaniel 1982).
There was no evidence of a chimney, suggesting that the house was heated by a stove. The
recovery of a large lamp-shaped iron finial, similar to those depicted on stoves in contemporary
mail-order catalogues, is further evidence of this.

The presence of a matched set of five blue and white mottled enamelled cookware vessels
along with an aluminum saucepan also indicates that a stove rather than a hearth was used for
cooking. The enamelled items consisted of three bowls, a probable kettle, and a pot. The
recovery of lamp chimney fragments indicates the use of kerosene lamps for lighting.

The trash dump consisted of an arc of material extending west and northwest from the
house mound about 100 feet. This left a relatively clear 15 to 20 foot area south and west of the
structure, with almost no material being found to the north or east. When only those grid squares
with a greater than median number of artifacts were considered the pattern of deposition became
quite clear. Most of the garbage was dumped on the slope 45 feet or more from the house, with a
smaller "trail" of material leading to just south of the house mound, where there was presumably
a door.

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A total of 1200 artifacts were recovered from Site 807 during the Phase II work, most
(90%) coming from the dump area.

Ceramics were 21% of the assemblage. Twelve of the vessels had identifiable maker's
marks (Table 1). Nine of the items were manufactured in the United States. Of these, all of the
six pieces for which an origin could be identified were manufactured in the northeast; three in
Ohio, two in Baltimore and one in New Jersey. These were the major pottery manufacturing
centres for the United States. The three remaining ceramics were imported; two from
Staffordshire and one from Bavaria.

Mending of the ceramics yielded a minimum count of 77 vessels (Table 2). The
assemblage is notable for the investment in what might be though of as specialized items, such as
six serving bowls and dishes, mugs as well as cups, lidded bowls, such as sugar bowls, a
colander, and the inevitable Rebecca at the Well teapot. The mending also identified six sets of
items with identical decoration (Table 3). These items may represent the remnants of several
matched full ceramics sets purchased by the occupants, or equally likely, the results of obtaining
or maintaining matched sets in a series of individual purchases. While it was certainly more cost
efficent to buy full matched sets, economic considerations, such as a low or irregular income,
would have made a lump purchase impractical for many families (e.g. Fine 1987).

Bottle glass accounted for 36% of the assemblage and Mason Jars for 12%. Most (144)
of the identifiable bottle glass was machine-made, 28 were mold-blown, and 13 were from a
large freeblown demijohn.

The embossing on the bottles reflected a wide range of contents. Most of the bottles were
from national companies, many of which are still familiar today and/or can be found on any site
dating from this period pretty much anywhere in the United States. One example is Adams'
study of the farming community of Silcott in Washington state (Adams 1991). Although this
community was on the opposite coast from Site 807, the Silcott material included many of the
same names, such as Cheseborough Vaseline, Rumford Baking Powder, Busch Beer and Bromo
Seltzer (Table 4). Like the Silcott material, the Site 807 assemblage strongly reflects the growing
preeminence of the Northeast as the industrial and manufacturing core of the United States.

Distinguishing nationally versus regionally marketed goods at Site 807 was not a
straightforward task, as Baltimore, as well as being a national manufacturing center, dominated
the regional economy of this part of the Chesapeake. The pharmaceuticals, condiments, and
cosmetics, found at Site 807 appear to be nationally marketed brands. However, beer, soda, and
milk still appear to be regional products in the early 20th century. The milk bottles (a minimum
count of four) were all from Maryland. Of the beer bottles (a minimum count of 5), four were
from the Chesapeake area, with 2 from Baltimore, and one each from Annapolis, MD and
Washington, DC. Milk production today is still regionally based, obviously for reasons of
preservation, but this no longer holds true for beer and soda. A harbinger of the changes to come
in the beer industry might be seen in the single Anheuser-Busch bottle we recovered from this
site.

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Another consideration is that not all the embossing represented manufacturing concerns.
We recovered three bottles embossed with the name of "The Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea
Company", which is now known as A&P. The embossing indicates the shop rather than the
contents. These bottles represent another retailing innovation of the late 19th-century--the
national chain grocery store, of which A&P was one of the largest (Tedlow 1991).

The remaining glass from Site 807 included 55 fragments from press-molded vessels,
including tumblers, bowls of various types, a measuring cup, and a salt shaker. The rest of the
artifacts included shoe and boot fragments, cartridges, a copper alloy shaker, possibly for talcum
powder, and a white glass cosmetic jar. A surprising find was eight fragments of 10-inch
gramophone discs. The discs were single sided with only one track each. Discs such as these,
and the players for them were featured in the Sears catalogue for the first time in 1902 as
"graphophones". These are a rather surprising item to find in a tenant household as gramophones
were somewhat expensive items. The cheapest one advertised by Sears in 1902 was $20.00,
which was, for purposes of comparison, in the same league as cheap buggy or expensive stove
(Sears, Roebuck, and Co. 1969).

The site assemblage illustrates that, although they were at the bottom of Chesapeake
society, at least some tenant farmers were able to, and had the desire to, invest heavily in
purchased commodities and in items that we would not necessarily consider "necessities" (in
quotes). The assemblage from Site 807 indicates that tenant farmers felt it necessary, for
example, to preserve and prepare food in a certain manner and serve it in a certain style, a
manner and style that required the same stoves, cookware, condiments, and plates that were
being used throughout the United States. Mass-produced consumer goods were, by the
beginning of the 20th century, integral to the rural way of life, and in some cases, such as canning
jars or the Sears catalogue, actually came to symbolize that way of life (e.g. Stewart-Abernathy
1992).

Merely noting that tenant farmers in the early 20th century had a lot of "stuff" is not, in
and of itself, an interesting observation. Rural life was implicated in the broader world economy
and had been for a while. But we should be wary of giving the incorporation of the rural
population, as well as other groups in the United States, into an economy based on
mass-production and mass consumption an inevitability that it did not necessarily have. This
process was contingent and subject to struggle and negotiation, the result not only of the
economics of industrial capitalists, although that is what I have emphasized here, but also on the
strategies and practices of consumers. The penetration of the marketplace into even the poorest
levels of rural society led to new wants, new needs, the transformation of luxuries into
necessities, and the redefinition of what constituted a necessity. In turn, the meanings of these
commodities were also changed through their incorporation into preexisting categories and ways
of life (Miller 1987).

Capitalism in the late 19th and 20th century created "imagined communities" (Anderson
1983) of consumption. Maintenance of a certain appearance in a "real community" was as

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important to tenant farmers as it was to the planters, and what it took to participate in this
community was being defined by manufacturers and advertisers, and also by the consumers
themselves. In reference to the 18th century, Neil McKendrick (1982) noted that the Industrial
Revolution required a Consumer Revolution, and was founded upon "the sale of humble products
to very large markets." The consumption of these "humble products" and changes in
consumption through time are one of the main entry points historical archaeologists have in
studying the articulation of the world economy with the household and everyday life.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adams, William. H.
1991 Trade Networks and Interaction Spheres -- A View from Silcott. In Approaches to Material Culture
Research for Historical Archaeologists, edited by George L. Miller, Olive R. Jones, Lester A. Ross and
Teresita Majewski, pp. 385-398.

Anderson, Benedict.
1983 Imagined Communities. Verso, London.

Ewen, Stuart.
1976 Captains of Consciousness: Advertising and the Social Roots of the Consumer Culture. McGraw Hill Book
Company, New York.

Ferguson, Hervie
1992 Watching the World Go Round: Atrium Culture and the Psychology of Shopping. In Lifestyle Shopping:
The Subject of Consumption. Edited by Rob Shields. Routledge, London.

Fine, Gordon. J.
1987 A Tenement on the Brome Plantation: Analysis of Surface Finds from an Early 20th-Century Site (18ST1-
48) in St. Mary's City, Maryland. St. Mary City Research Series , 5. Historic St. Mary's City, St. Mary's
City.

Gates, William. C., and Dana C. Ormerod

1982 The East Liverpool Pottery District: Identification of Manufacturers and Marks. Historical Archaeology
16(1-2).

Leach, William. R.
1984 Transformations in a Culture of Consumption: Women and Department Stores, 1890-1925. Journal of
American History 71(2):319-342.

Lears, Jackson
1992 The Ad Man and the Grand Inquisitor: Intimacy, Publicity, and the Managed Self in America, 1880-1940.
In Constructions of the Self, edited by George Levine, pp. 107-141. Rutgers University Press, New
Brunswick .

Mandel, Ernest.
1978 Late Capitalism. Verso, London. (First published in German in 1972).

McDaniel, George W.
1982 Hearth and Home: Preserving a People's Culture. Temple University Press, Philadelphia.

McKendrick, Neil, John Brewer, and J.H. Plumb

1982 The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England. Indiana
University Press, Bloomington.

Miller, Daniel.
1987 Material Culture and Mass Consumption. Basil Blackwell, Oxford.

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Paynter, Robert
1988 Steps to an Archaeology of Capitalism: Material Change and Class Analysis. In The Recovery of Meaning:
Historical Archaeology in the Eastern United States, edited by J. Mark P. Leone and Parker B. Potter, pp.
407-433. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington.

Sears, Roebuck and Co.

1969 1902 Edition of the Sears, Roebuck Catalogue. Bounty Books, New York.

Schlereth, Thomas J.
1990 Mail Order Catalogs as Resources in Material Culture Studies. In Cultural History and Material Culture:
Everyday Life, Landscapes, Museums. Edited by Thomas J. Schlereth. UMI Research Press, Ann Arbor.

1991 Victorian America: Transformations in Everday Life, 1876-1915. HarperCollins Publishers, New York.

Stewart-Abernathy, Leslie C.
1992 Industrial Goods in the Service of Tradition: Consumption and Cognition on an Ozark Farmstead Before
the Great War. In The Art and Mystery of Historical Archaeology: Essays in Honor of James Deetz, edited
by Anne E. Yentsch and Mary C. Beaudry, pp. 101-126. CRC Press, Boca Raton.

Tedlow, Richard S.
1990 New and Improved: The Story of Mass Marketing in America. Basic Books, Inc., New York.

Walker, Mark K.
1994 Archaeological Investigations at an Early 19th-Century Tenant Site in Anne Arundel County, Maryland.
Paper presented at the Middle Atlantic Archaeological Conference, Ocean City, Maryland, April 1994.

1993 Tenant Farmers and the Georgian Order: The Material Culture of a South River Tenant Site, Anne Arundel
County, Maryland. Paper presented at the 26th Annual Conference on Historical and Underwater
Archaeology, Kansas City, Missouri, January 1993.

----- and Michael D. Petraglia

1992a Planters and Tenants: Archaeological Investigations of Mount Steuart Plantation. Paper presented at the 3rd
Annual Conference on Anne Arundel Archaeology, Annapolis, Maryland, November 1992.

1992b A Look Beyond Annapolis: Archaeological Survey and Excavations at South River Colony. Paper
presented at the Middle Atlantic Archaeological Conference, Ocean City, Maryland, March 1992.

Walker, Mark K., Madeleine Pappas, Christopher Martin, and Michael D. Petraglia
1991 Archaeological Survey and Testing at the South River Colony, Anne Arundel County, Maryland. On file at
Engineering Science, Chartered, Washington, District of Columbia.

Walker, Mark K., Michael D. Petraglia, Madeleine Pappas, and Christopher Martin.
1992a Archaeological Investigations at the Mount Steuart Plantation, Anne Arundel County, Maryland. On file at
Parsons Engineering Science, Inc., Fairfax, Virginia.

Walker, Mark K., Madeleine Pappas, and Michael D. Petraglia

1992b Plantation Tenantry in the Early 19th Century: Excavations at 18AN811, Anne Arundel County, Maryland.
On file at Engineering Science, Chartered, Washington, District of Columbia.

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Weil, Gordon L.
1977 Sears, Roebuck, U.S.A.: the Great American Catalog Store and How It Grew. Stein and Day, Briarcliff
Manor, New Jersey.

Wolf, Eric. R.
1982 Europe and the People Without History. University of California Press, Berkeley.

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POTTERY COMPANY LOCATION DATE RANGE

Edwin Bennett Pottery Co. Baltimore MD 1897-1904+
Knowles, Taylor, and Knowles East Liverpool OH 1890-1910
Potter's Co-Operative Co. East Liverpool OH 1908-1915
Pioneer Pottery Co. Wellsville OH 1884-1891
Greenwood Pottery Trenton, NJ 1868-1933
"Waddock/American China" ? ?
"Hopewell China" ? ?
Wood and Sons Burslem, England 1865+
Anthony Shaw & Co. Tunstall, England 1851-1900
"Made in Bavaria" Bavaria ?

Table 1: Identified Ceramic Maker's Marks from Site 18AN807

VESSEL MINIMUM COUNT

Ironstone/Whiteware
Plates 11
Saucers 13
Teacups 5
Mugs 2
Soup Bowls 4
Serving Bowls 5
Lidded Bowls 2
Unrec.Hollow 8
Unrec. Flat 3
Child's Toy 1

Porcelain
Plates 3
Saucers 5
Serving Bowls 1
Colander 1
Unrec. Hollow 1

Rockingham/Bennington
"Rebecca-at-the-Well" Teapot 1

Stoneware
Butterpot 1
Crock/Jug 2
Bowl 1
Unrec. Hollow 7

Table 2: Ceramic Minimum Vessel Counts from Site 18AN807

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SET VESSELS DECORATION

1) Teacup, Blue banding and gold
Saucer, enamelling
Flatware

2) Saucer, Brown floral transfer-printing

Teacup

3) Plate, Plain, beaded rim

Saucer

4) Three plates Undecorated

5) Two porcelain plates Orange and green banded

6) Bowl, Red and green floral

Two saucers overglaze transfer-print

Table 3: Identified Ceramic Sets from Site 18AN807

BOTTLE EMBOSSING MINIMUM COUNT

Pharmaceuticals/Cosmetics
Vaseline/Cheseborough New-York 3
Porter's Pain King 2
Gelfand's/Baltimore 2
Sloan's Liniment 1
Musterole/Cleveland 1
Resinol Chemical Co/Balto. MD 1
Carwood Philada. 1

Condiments
Rumford Baking Powder 6
Davis O.K. Baking Powder 5
The Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company 3
H.J. Heinz Co. Pat.2 1
Gulden's Mustard 1
Superlative Baking Powder 1

Beer/Soda
Gottlieb-Bauernschmidt-Straus/Baltimore, MD 2
A.G. Herrman/Washington, D.C. 1
Parlett & Pa.../Annapolis, MD 1
Anheuser Busch 1

Milk
Western Maryland Dairy 3
Hi.../Dairy/Baltimore, MD 1

Table 4: Bottle Embossing from Site 18AN807

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