GVPT289J Final Paper Catriona Law

United States arms sales to Taiwan

Introduction

A large barrier to United States-Chinese relations is the United States continued

relationship with Taiwan. U.S. arm sales to Taiwan is one of the most pertinent parts of this

relationship and is extremely concerning to Chinese officials, who feel the U.S. should stay out

of this internal issue. As long as the arms sales continue, contention between the United States

and the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) will not subside. While the two nations have been

flexible in the past when dealing with this issue, improvements were never made and for China

the salience of the issue has gone unchanged. Further cooperation on this issue is ideal, however,

I am doubtful the U.S. or PRC will sideline their own interests in Taiwan to better their

relationship. Throughout this paper I will identify past agreements between the U.S. and China

concerning Taiwan, U.S.-Taiwan relations, cross-strait relations, and U.S.-China relations in

order to support the above point.

The Three Communiqus

The United States delay in recognizing the PRC as the sole China created an atmosphere

of distrust that is still visible in their relations. The Taiwan issue is one of the most salient in

Sino-U.S. relations. The two countries first tried to solve this difference of opinions through the

Shanghai Communiqu. This first communiqu is a stepping-stone to normalized relations

between the PRC and the United States, but at the time of creation the U.S. still recognizes the

ROC as the leading government of China. One of the most underhanded lines in this

communiqu was stated by the United States and follows the PRCs statement that it is the true

governing body of China and Taiwan is a part of China. It reads, The United States

acknowledges that all Chinese on either side of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China
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and that Taiwan is a part of China (Kastner). The U.S. seems to subtly weave its way around

admitting that either the PRC or ROC is the true government of China. This communiqu also

touched on U.S. military installments in Taiwan. China insisted that any and all U.S. military

devices and personnel in Taiwan must be removed, while the U.S. countered that eventually they

want to retract military assistance, but not until they are confident Taiwan is secure (Kastner).

While this communiqu opened up lines of communication, the lack of agreement on the Taiwan

issue delayed further normalization of relations. Additionally, the coy wording on what the

Chinese perceive to be a serious matter by the U.S. is an obvious obstacle in the relationship.

The 2nd communiqu known as the Joint Communiqu on the Establishment of

Diplomatic Relations was conducted nearly seven years after the first. The two countries

continue to work through the Taiwan issue and as the name suggests, finally establish normal

diplomatic relations. Along with this, the U.S. ended diplomatic ties with the ROC, pulling all

military personnel from the island and initiating the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) (Kastner). On

the surface, this communiqu seems to be a win for the PRC and the final leap toward a strong

relationship between the two nations. However, the deception persists with the TRA; meaning:

the United States continues to assists the ROC militarily because of its distrust in China. Thus,

creating a threat to Chinas perceived sovereignty on this issue.

The U.S.-PRC Joint Communiqu is the third and final statement between the two

governments. The two sides ultimately committed to peace in the Taiwan Strait. In regards to

this, the U.S. agreed to, in time, completely cut arms sales to Taiwan as a peaceful resolution is

reached. The United States goes on to establish that the amount and quality of future arms sales

will be equivalent or less than past sales. Since this statement was issued many flags have been

raised on U.S. arms sales to Taiwan regarding whether they honor this agreement, such as
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Clintons sales in 1992 (Kastner). However, the interpretative nature of this statement is just one

more piece of evidence as to why contention exists in Sino-U.S. relations, despite the normalized

status.

History of U.S.-Taiwan Relations

When the United States finally recognized the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) as the

legitimate governing body of China in 1979, it held a lingering relationship with the Republic of

China (ROC) through the Taiwan Relations Act (Kastner). To the PRC this can be seen as a stab

in the back. Through this process, the PRC insisted that the U.S. halt all non-commercial

relations with the ROC. But, among the text of the TRA is a faux embassy and a promise to assist

militarily. As passed by Congress this act asserts that:

it is U.S. policy to consider any nonpeaceful means to determine Taiwans future

a threat to the peace and security of the Western Pacific and of grave concern
to the United States; to provide Taiwan with arms of a defensive character; and
to maintain the capacity of the United States to resist any resort to force or other
forms of coercion jeopardizing the security, or social or economic system of
Taiwans people (Congressional Research Service 1).

With regards to this promise the United States also remarked that it would aid in

Taiwanese defense services through the arms sales. The act states that this is in such

quantity as may be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense

capability (Congressional Research Service 1). Additionally, in 1982 following the

inauguration of President Ronald Reagan, the Six Assurances were issued to Taiwan.

These assurances were used to calm the worries of the ROC and enforce the idea that

there was no set end date for the ceasing of arms sales and that the PRC had no say in

regards to the arms sales (Congressional Research Service 1). These assurances were

conceived following the completion of the third communiqu. While they were used to

reassure both the U.S. government and Taiwan, they offer what appears to China as
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continuing relations between the two countries as America continues to place itself in the

middle of this internal issue.

Originally the intent of United States military assistance and a formal alliance

with the ROC was to prevent the spread of communism in Asia. As China evolves and is

shifting away from ruling through this form of governing, the United States reasons for

continuing the relationship also differs, but it holds clear that Taiwan is of strategic

security importance.

Much to this dismay of the PRC, the United States military relationship with

Taiwan continues to advance in a breach of agreement made in the communiqus. The

journal Asian Survey reported, the U.S. is essentially the sole source of imported arms

for Taiwans military (McClaran 622). The Congressional Research Service reports, In

2011 alone, Taiwan ranked eighth among worldwide recipients, receiving $800 million

worth of U.S. defense articles and services (Congressional Research Service 2). This in

itself can be considered commercial business; however, the U.S.s large business role can

be seen as a threat since Taiwans main purpose of these weapons is to defend itself from

the PRC. The service also states, Taiwans F-16 fighter pilots have trained at Luke Air

Force Base, AZ, since 1997 (Congressional Research Service 2). Moreover, starting in

1997 the U.S. and Taiwan have participated in strategic defense meetings (Congressional

Research Service 2). In February 2000, the U.S. House of Representatives passed the

Taiwan Security Enhancement Act. The Act seeks to strengthen military ties between the

U.S. and Taiwan through deeper interaction in operational matters and expands the scope

and scale of military training opportunities for Taiwan in the U.S. (McClaran 635). The

United States assured China that its relations with Taiwan are purely commercial, but the
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fact that it is open knowledge that the U.S. assists the Taiwanese military and conducts

security meetings is another betrayal of word established in the communiqus.

Balancing Relations

The conflict in cross-strait relations dates back to the Chinese civil war, when the Chinese

Communist Party prevailed and the ROC government fled to Taiwan. The PRC hoped to

someday take control of Taiwan, reinforcing the idea that it was still a part of China. While the

ROC government hoped it would get its chance to take back the mainland. The PRC launched

shells at a select few ROC occupied islands in the strait causing events known as the Taiwan

Strait Crisis. This eventually ended due to normalized diplomatic relations with the United States

(Kastner). Taiwan and China now pursue what can be characterized as informal relations.

The issue only escalates the contention in U.S.-Sino relations as the relationship between

the PRC and ROC worsens. As the ROC government looks toward a future of independence it

further threatens the U.S.s relationship with China. As Taiwans main arm dealer, the U.S. will

be seen as a co-conspirator by China if Taiwan decides to become independent. A statement

published in The Japan Times by a Taiwan official surely angered China, Should the enemy

insist on invading, we will weaken their capabilities by striking enemy troops at their home

bases, fighting them at sea, crushing them as they approach the coastlines and wiping them out

on the beaches (AFP-JIJI). Chinas response to this included sending an aircraft carrier through

the Taiwan Strait and (as noted below) a public comment disapproving of the Trump

administrations actions (AFP-JIJI). In this scenario, if the quest for independence does lead to

war, the U.S. will have to pick a side. Based on the TRA, it will back Taiwan, but its relationship

with the PRC would become virtually irreparable. The United States is caught in a complicated

situation. It needs to manage both its individual relationships with the ROC and PRC, but also
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their relationship together. This relationship is imperative to the success of other foreign policy

goals, specifically in Asia.

Effects of US-Sino Relations Going Forward

Ultimately, China has not let go of Taiwan. The PRC has no interest in letting Taiwan

pursue a path of independence and is not happy that the U.S. continually supports this endeavor

through arms sales. Economically, the U.S. is imperative to China, but a relation advancing

anymore than that (i.e. allies) is unlikely until this issue is resolved. In many past instances, the

PRC tried to bargain with the U.S. regarding the subsiding of arms sales. For example, in

October 2002, the PRC offered the U.S. a freeze or reduction in Chinas deployment of missiles

targeted at Taiwan, in return for restraint in U.S. arms sales to Taiwan (Congressional Research

Service 23). A 2017 report by The Japan Times reiterates the PRCs feelings towards arms sales.

The foreign ministry spokesperson for China said, China firmly opposes U.S. arms sales to

TaiwanWe hope the U.S. side fully recognizes the high sensitivity and serious harmfulness of

its sales to Taiwan (AFP-JIJI). The issue continues to persist and the dividing interests of the

two nations will aid continued contention.

Conclusion

United States arms sales to Taiwan is one of the most pressing issues in Sino-U.S.

relations. Ultimately, what China sees as a sensitive, internal issue is consistently being

challenged by the U.S. despite attempts to resolve the situation. This perception of mistrust and

lack of support is evident in their struggles to develop a successful relationship. This issue that

arguably dates back 5 decades is preventing the PRC from becoming a strategic partner for the

United States in Asia. As laid out in the paper, I am not optimistic that the United States and the

PRC will resolve their differences over Taiwan. Based on previous events and current relations
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among the three nations, it is not likely this issue will resolve any time soon and Sino-U.S.

relations will continue to suffer.

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