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European Journal of Social Theory 11(4): 443463
Copyright 2008 Sage Publications: Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore
Abstract
This article aims to present a new perspective on contemporary debates about
the transformations of work and employment, and their impacts on indi-
viduals and communities, by focusing on the writings of Christophe Dejours.
Basically, the article attempts to show that Dejours writings make a signifi-
cant contribution to contemporary social theory. This might seem like an
odd claim to make, since Dejours main training was in psychoanalysis and
his main activity is the clinical, psychiatric study of pathologies linked to
work. However, in the course of his career, Dejours has greatly extended this
initial clinical interest, and by integrating insights from philosophy and other
social sciences, has developed a highly sophisticated and consistent theoreti-
cal model of work. Starting from a narrow psychopathological focus, Dejours
has gradually developed a full-blown theoretical defence of the centrality of
work. The article outlines the main features of Dejours metapsychological
model, and the structuring role played by work in his theory of subjective
identity. This allows us to outline the originality of his approach by compari-
son with some of the most significant current accounts of the impact of
transformations of work and employment conditions upon individuals and
societies, notably Honneth, Castel and Sennett.
Key words
Castel critical theory Dejours Honneth psychoanalysis recognition
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444 European Journal of Social Theory 11(4)
founders of sociology, Weber, Durkheim and Simmel, also belong to that tradition
of social thinking.
The aim of this article is to locate the work of Christophe Dejours within this
tradition, and to argue that it makes a decisive contribution to it. At first, this
aim might seem ill-formed, since Dejours work is not in social theory. He is a
French psychoanalyst specializing in pathologies related to work. In this capacity
he has been commissioned to conduct numerous studies in workplaces where
serious cases of individual or collective dysfunction had taken place. However,
in the course of his career, he has greatly extended his initial clinical horizon
and propounded much broader sociological diagnoses on contemporary French
society, as well as highly provocative theses about the nature of work, its struc-
turing role for individual psyche, and as a result, its decisive impact on social
relations, in short theses of a social-theoretical nature. Indeed much of the inno-
vativeness and fruitfulness of Dejours work relies precisely, I will argue, on the
above-mentioned dialectic of diagnosis and theory.
To present Dejours work as an intervention in critical social theory implies
most simply that he offers an original critical diagnosis of contemporary society.
As we shall see, this is mostly a diagnosis of the pathologies of contemporary
work. We look at this diagnosis in the third part of the article. The title of the
article, Work and the Precarisation of Existence intends to capture Dejours main
view of contemporary society: he argues that the transformations in workplaces
and the changed nature of work processes have caused many individuals to suffer
from a sense of increased existential precariousness, which manifests itself in new,
sometimes dramatic, individual and collective pathologies. This phenomenon of
an increased sense of precariousness, leading to high levels of anxiety, with its
attendant individual and social impacts, is well studied by contemporary sociol-
ogy, notably by Richard Sennett (1998, 2006) and Robert Castel (2003). Like
Dejours, the two great sociologists have linked the subjective phenomena of drift
and disaffiliation to structural transformations in the nature of the working
activity and the institutions of work. The first justification for the ugly neolo-
gism of precarisation is precisely that this French term is today increasingly used
in English-speaking forums to denote this feature of contemporary society.
Although Dejours diagnosis overlaps in many ways with the sociologists, it
is also markedly original. This is first because his is radically pessimistic. Accord-
ing to Dejours, the gravity of contemporary abnormalities of work (to use a
Durkheimian terminology) is extreme. Contemporary mode of working, he
contends, destroy individuals lives, social bonds and communities. Rarely since
the pessimistic diagnoses of the late Adorno had a social-theoretical account of
modern society been so pessimistic. The other unique aspect of Dejours diag-
nosis relates to the source of these individual and social pathologies: for him, the
destruction of psyches and of the social bonds that used to help individuals
sustain the contingencies of social life is due mainly to the nature and the organiz-
ation of work in the post-Fordist model of economic production. The picture
that Dejours draws of contemporary workplaces is one where lying is instituted,
reality denied, where suffering, as a result, cannot be said. Consequently, broader
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Deranty Work and the Precarisation of Existence 445
forms of social injustice are for him directly rooted in the pathologies of the
workplace. In other words, his diagnosis is grounded in a highly original vision
of the centrality of work, both for individuals and for society. This is an unusual
thesis to defend today, given the large consensus in contemporary sociology and
political philosophy regarding the end of the centrality of work (Wilson, 2004).
With this, we have shifted to the second, theoretical, pole of the dialectic.
Dejours argument in favour of the centrality of work is not just a diagnostic one.
It is in fact founded on a sophisticated argument about what work is, and how
it brings together subject, society and materiality in highly specific ways. Here,
Dejours intervention is no longer that of a medical practitioner making forays
into social commentary, but of a social theorist and philosopher. It is easy to
understand how this came about: his interest in psychopathologies of work forced
him to develop a theoretical understanding of the activity that causes them. This
conceptual study of work complemented his meta-psychological approach to
subjectivity, that is, his theoretical account of the formation and structure of the
individual psyche. Beyond the critical picture of contemporary society, this article
aims to highlight this more social-theoretical aspect of Dejours work, notably
the way in which the critical vision is underpinned by a highly original and in
my mind fruitful theoretical perspective on the nature and significance of social
bonds. Dejours startling claim is that bonds created through work and via the
inscription in the division of labour remain constitutive moments for subjectivity,
at a quasi-anthropological level. In this, he can be said to pursue a line in social
theory that runs from Hegel (1991) to Honneth (2007b), via Durkheim (1984),
for whom the main medium of social integration is cooperation through the
division of labour. Indeed, as we shall see, an important element in Dejours
theory of work in fact amounts to a theory of recognition. However, we will also
see that it is precisely in that account of recognition through work that Dejours
differs most strikingly from Honneth and earlier, sociological accounts of the
integrative power of the division of labour.
The neologism precarisation of existence therefore finds here a second justifi-
cation. I use the term having in mind Marcuses vision of a non-alienating ration-
ality, and thus, of non-alienated forms of subjectivity and society, which he
summarized in the notion of the pacification of existence (Marcuse, 1969). This
is to suggest that Dejours extension of his clinical observations into a fully-
fledged theory of subjectivity, work, and the centrality of work for subjects and
societies, can be pitched with some justification at the same general theoretical
level and somewhere near the tradition that Marcuse represents. In particular, this
is to suggest a proximity to the fundamental methodological assumptions and
references (Hegel, Marx, Freud, and so on) that the name of Marcuse conjures up.
As we shall see, Dejours theoretical grounding of his clinical and critical
insights overlaps to a great extent with another philosophical tradition, namely
phenomenology, in particular the strand of phenomenology that insisted on the
embodied, fleshy nature of intentionality (Michel Henry and Merleau-Ponty).
This of course does not contradict the reference to Marcuse. The connections lie
precisely around the attention to the embodied nature of socialized subjects, and
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446 European Journal of Social Theory 11(4)
The tradition of critical social theory has regularly understood the dialectic of theory
and critique as the articulation between sociological and psychological arguments.
The most illustrious example is Adorno, who, despite his highly negative view of
the inter-connections between the psychological and sociological sciences of his
time, himself repeatedly grounded his analyses of contemporary society in the core
affects of the modern individual. Fear, in particular, had a central place in his diag-
noses, as the affect arising when vulnerable subjects are overwhelmed by challenges
questioning the very basis of their socially constructed identity (Adorno, 1967).
To cite a more contemporary reference, Robert Castels great historical recon-
struction of the transformations that led to the wage society also illustrate the
bodily rootedness of social experience and the deep subjective impact of social
change. In particular, his genealogical analyses demonstrate with the wealth of
historical detail the crucial importance of a simple aspect of human life in society:
namely, that a massive experience of human beings over historical time, has been
the fear of tomorrow, the most basic uncertainty, felt in ones bones and making
ones existence miserable, over ones own physical well-being and survival.
Indeed, another conclusion deriving from Castels analyses was that wage society,
as a historical construct, had its own specific, quasi-anthropological impact, by
creating subjective expectations of security of existence and social protection,
expectations which neoliberal society massively disappoints and challenges.
Those two basic affects of the social life of individuals, the fear of a threaten-
ing future overwhelming ones powers, and the hope to be able to cope with its
uncertainty, as well as the fact that these affects are deep, that is, relate to the
very root of subjective identity, and are therefore indissolubly psychic and bodily,
all of this is at the heart of Dejours metapsychological model of subjectivity. We
need to reconstruct in schematic terms the main elements of that model in order
to fully grasp the originality of his intervention in social theory. His most decisive
arguments in relation to the nature of work and his critique of contemporary
society depend on it.
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Deranty Work and the Precarisation of Existence 447
This subversion of the biological body is economically essential for the subject,
as it channels the overpowering instinctual, organic life of the body into a
construct that tames and shapes it. In the end, it represents the process of subjec-
tivation itself, that is the basis of individual identity, since the history of the erotic
subversion as well as the biologically given body are each radically unique.
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448 European Journal of Social Theory 11(4)
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Deranty Work and the Precarisation of Existence 449
crucial for the analysis of work pathologies since it provides a powerful analyti-
cal tool to relate the two areas of subjective experience.
On that model, the anticipation of suffering as a result of ones being in the
world is constitutive of subjectivity. Subjectivity is structured as the expectation
or anticipation that one will be able to cope with the affections involved in the
situation present and to come. This anticipation can become a representation
and be formulated in the form of conscious hopes and expectations, but it is also
and primarily felt pre-consciously. Subjectivity, the unity of personal identity,
requires this sense, sensing in ones bones so to speak, that I will be able to deal
with a structural vulnerability that limits me at the same time as it defines me.
When subjective identity is sufficiently strong and allows for autonomous action,
the self can trust its mental and physical capacities, or more accurately, it can
trust its own self as a unity of souled body and embodied psyche, that it will
maintain its own integrity in a future and under the challenge of objects that will
necessarily affect it.
Suffering in the sense of pain arises when the defence mechanisms are over-
whelmed by the situation. The conclusion Dejours draws from the observations
of psychopathologies at work is valid more broadly for all subjective suffering:
It is not so much the extent of mental or psychic constraints in work which lets suffering
appear (even though, obviously, it is an important factor), but rather the impossibility
of any evolution towards its lessening. The certainty that the level of dissatisfaction can
no longer diminish marks the entrance in suffering. (Dejours, 2000: 79)
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450 European Journal of Social Theory 11(4)
Before we can approach Dejours diagnosis of the way in which recent changes
in economic, political and social-cultural orders have affected individuals, we
need to see the structural links he establishes between subjectivity, work and
suffering. For him, the pathologies of modern society are rooted in the new
organisations of work. However, these organizations could not have such an
impact if subjectivities did not continue to be centrally structured by the experi-
ence of work. Here, Dejours argues in direct contradiction to all the contempor-
ary sociologists and social-theorists, for example, to cite authors in the same
intellectual tradition, to thinkers like Habermas and Offe, who assume that the
society emerging from the demise of the welfare state is characterised by the end
of work as a central experience and a central institution.
In his approach to work, Dejours borrows a general insight from the contem-
porary anthropology of techniques, notably the French tradition inspired by
Mauss (1979), which confirms at the general social level the insight that arose
from the theory of the subject: namely that social relations, like subjective
identity, are always co-constituted by their mediations with the objective dimen-
sion. Intersubjective interactions do not function in isolation from reference to
objective worlds. This general insight applies most especially in the case of work.
Work is par excellence an activity involving in equal measure the pole of the
social and the pole of objectivity.
As a consequence, work is not well defined in pure instrumental terms, as
articulation of means and ends, or in pure intersubjective terms, as employment
or work relations. Instead, these different dimensions need to be integrated. The
result is a triangular definition of work as subjective activity under the constraints
of cultural expectations and social demands, but confronted with the resistance
and non-complying demands of the real. More precisely, it is defined as the
activity that is demanded of subjects so they can bridge the gap between the
prescriptive aspects of the task and the reality of its realization. The prescriptive
originates in the external demands from the client and the hierarchy (and indeed
the shareholders), but also from the specific social context constituted by the
working peers who impose specific constraints on the activity. The real, on the
other hand, is whatever opposes the direct application of the prescriptions:
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Deranty Work and the Precarisation of Existence 451
whatever, in the world, lets itself be known through its resistance to technical mastery
and scientific knowledge. In other words, the real is that element that makes technique
fail when all the resources of technique have been correctly used. The real . . . is that
which exists in the world and escapes us and becomes in its turn an enigma to be deci-
phered (Dejours, 1995: 401)
We find again here the moment of objectivity mentioned in the first section, that
dimension of objectivity that limits the subjects action in the world, and bends
the flesh back onto itself. The real is not necessarily the material in the sense,
say, of Sartres in-itself . It is whatever exerts resistance to the accomplishment
of the task. Very often, the real is in fact of social nature. Dejours, for example,
highlights the fact that work organisations are often counter-productive, that the
prescriptions, rules and regulations, the technical procedures governing work
processes often contain contradictory or counter-productive elements that make
the activity of workers more rather than less difficult. In such cases, the real is
of direct social origin. In all cases, however, there is always an element in work
that resists the efforts of subjects who attempt to apply the rules that have been
defined to achieve productive ends.
This emphasis on the gap between the prescriptive and the effective leads to
the emphasis on the efforts and subjective investment demanded of subjects at
work in order for the prescribed task to be accomplished according to the
prescribed rules and for the prescribed ends. In such a definition of work, the
risk of failure, the resistance to subjective efforts is an irreducible element. From
a perspective focusing on what work means for subjective life, work designates
what the subject has to do in order to deal with the possibility of failure inherent
in the application of rules that are mostly defined and imposed externally.
For the clinician, work is not above all the wage relation or employment but working,
which is to say, the way the personality is involved in confronting a task that is subject
to constraints (material and social). What emerges as the main feature of working is
that, even when the work is well conceived, even when the organization of work is
rigorous, even when the instructions and procedures are clear, it is impossible to
achieve quality if the orders are scrupulously respected. Indeed, ordinary work situ-
ations are rife with unexpected events, breakdowns, incidents, operational anomalies,
organizational inconsistency and things that are simply impossible to predict, arising
from the materials, tools, and machines as well as from other workers, colleagues, bosses,
subordinates, the team, the chain of authority, the clients, and so on. In short, there
is no such thing as purely mechanical work. (Dejours, 2007a: 72)
The relation with the general model of the subject is clear. Work is the paradig-
matic case of an experience where the human subject makes the experience of
her own finitude, of the resistance of the world (natural, material, social, tech-
nical, and so on) to her intentions and her individual, bodily, affective and intel-
lectual capacities. If we accept that human subjectivity is characterized in general
by ambiguity, an undecided balance between activity and passivity, creativity and
contingent facticity, work typically brings that ambiguity to a head. Because it
always tests the subjects capacities, it touches precisely the essential vulnerability
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452 European Journal of Social Theory 11(4)
of the human agent that is at the heart of its subjective identity. When the gap
has been bridged, when the working activity has been successful, the individual
subjective construct has made its proof; it comes out strengthened and reaffirmed.
When, on the contrary, the resistance of the real has been too great, the working
experience directly threatens and can even destroy the fragile construct of subjec-
tive identity.
Working cannot be reduced to the pathic experience of the world. Insofar as it marks
an interruption of action, the affective suffering of the encounter with the real (an
absolutely passive form of suffering) is not only the result or end point of the process
linking subjectivity to work. Suffering is also a point of departure, for the concentra-
tion of subjectivity that it entails prefigures a subsequent period of expansion, redeploy-
ment, and re-expansion. Suffering is not simply a final consequence of the relationship
to reality but at the same time a protention of subjectivity towards the world; it is a
search for the means of acting on the world in order to get beyond itself by surmount-
ing the resistance of reality. Thus, suffering is at once a subjective impression of the
world and the source of the attempt to conquer that world. To the extent that it is
absolute affectivity, suffering lies at the origin of the intelligence that sets out in search
of the world in order to challenge, transform, and increase itself. And thus, in this
movement that starts out from the reality of the world as resistance to will or desire
and culminates in intelligence and the power to transform the world, subjectivity itself
is transformed, increased, and revealed to itself. (Dejours, 2007a: 73)
A passage like this one clearly indicates what perspective leads Dejours to the
unfashionable claim that work continues to be the central experience for modern
subjects and the central institution in society. Work, approached this time from
a normative, not a clinical perspective, is central, in the strongest possible sense
of the metaphor, in the sense notably that there can only be one centre, simply
because no other type of experience can provide the subject with the same oppor-
tunity to develop his/her capacities, skills and abilities, his ability to think, in
the widest sense of the term, in a sense notably that also takes into account the
embodied form of intelligence. Work takes the subject out of itself, where it is
always on the brink of alienation in the old medical sense of the term, that is,
on the brink of being severed from others, the world and itself. Through work,
the subject is put in the most direct and genuine relation with the world, and is
related to others at the same time as he/she is related to the world. All of this
does indeed smack of the now unfashionable tradition, originating in the Marx
of the 1844 manuscripts, which made work the central institution of society, the
central subjective experience and the medium of social interaction. The main
difference, however, is that this vision of work as central to the human subject
and human society is no longer rooted in a metaphysics of human nature and
human history, but rather in a metapsychological model nourished by both
theoretical and clinical insights. This is also a point where we can emphasize the
double philosophical reference alluded to in the introduction: Merleau-Ponty
(1965: 176) in his first book also characterized the fundamental unity of repre-
sentative consciousness, action and life, which defines human existence, as work,
not in a metaphysical, but in a naturalistic sense.
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Deranty Work and the Precarisation of Existence 453
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454 European Journal of Social Theory 11(4)
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Deranty Work and the Precarisation of Existence 455
the mature personality structure can be tested, challenged, and in the best cases
strengthened and developed, are the two central experiences for the modern
subject. As noted, a whole tradition of social theory and philosophy, from Hegel
to Durkheim and Honneth, would agree with this on the basis of a certain
interpretation of the nature of societal differentiation, interpreting the division of
labour in normative terms. The phenomenological, deep-psychological approach,
however, uncovers new normative aspects to work, beyond the social status of
professions and the type of social interactions made possible through work.
Precisely, it leads to a quasi-anthropological vision of the structuring aspect of
work. The thesis of the centrality of work acquires a whole new, much more
radical, dimension.
However, Dejours can also back up his claim about the continuing centrality
of work from a more empirical, sociological perspective, ex negativo, so to speak,
by diagnosing the emergence of new pathologies in the recent, post-Fordist
organization of work, and in the social arrangements that come with it. At this
level, his pessimistic diagnoses of neoliberal work are confirmed by a great wealth
of established sociology.
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456 European Journal of Social Theory 11(4)
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Deranty Work and the Precarisation of Existence 457
targets); the fear of not being able to adapt in the face of the systematic compul-
sion to introduce rapid and constant changes, and so on. For Dejours, given the
constitutive importance of work for subjective identity, those different types of
fear all ask of the subjects the same, terrible question: will you be able to cope,
and for how long? In brief, contemporary society, articulated around a flexibi-
lized, fluidified, individualized organization of work, produce massive amounts
of anxiety (see also Sennett, 2006: 534).
It is worthwhile briefly reviewing the different factors involved in Dejours
thesis of a precarisation of work as they all add to the originality of his position.
At the simplest level, work, he claims, remains a direct challenge to body and
mind. The Taylorian model has not disappeared, often it has just been adapted
to fit more flexible models of management. In any case, the great majority of
work is now much more intense. This is largely confirmed by research from other
disciplinary angles, notably by sociological (Beaud and Pialoux, 2004) and socio-
metric inquiries (Burchell, 2007).
What is forgotten, he adds, is that much work today remains dangerous,
sometimes potentially deadly. Many workers in the developing countries obvi-
ously, but also in developed nations, operate in environments that still repre-
sent direct threats or actual attacks on their health (International Labour Office
[ILO], 2003). This constitutes a different type of exertion for working subjects.
The psychological perspective is again irreplaceable to fully measure the suffer-
ing that is incurred in such situations. The relevant psychological processes here
are the defence mechanisms individuals are forced to develop in order to be able
to continue to function in hostile environments. Such defence mechanisms can
be highly detrimental in the long run, notably because they can make subjects
blind and mute to their own suffering, not to mention the suffering of others.
In particular, one of the most striking results of Dejours research has been to
identify and analyse precisely the logic of collective defence mechanisms, notably
in industrial work, and the virile moral developed by such professions in response
to the specific stress they work under (Dejours, 2000).
Another factor contributing to the precarisation of work results from the direct
contradiction one can observe between the demands for increased productivity
and the pressure put on quality: that is, the quality of finished products and
services, but also the quality of production processes, as well as of work environ-
ments. As can be seen, this ties in directly with the issues of safety and security
at work. Dejours argues that despite the widely received idea that quality has
dramatically increased in new modes of production, and despite the central place
of the total quality motto in it, the quality of work in fact often decrease, some-
times dramatically, in all the areas mentioned. In particular, specific examples
drawn from his work as a clinician have alerted him to the fact that in many
dangerous workplaces, like nuclear or chemical plants, the pressure on productiv-
ity often implies the jeopardizing of long established safety procedures (Dejours,
2003b: 40).
This is without a doubt one of the most controversial aspects of Dejours diag-
nosis. In arguing that the quality of work environments is decreasing, he has to
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458 European Journal of Social Theory 11(4)
face contradictory findings from empirical research (see, for example, the latest
data from the European Working Conditions Observatory, 2005), although an
important recent report from the International Labour Office revealed some
alarming figures, and confirmed Dejours point about the invisibility of the
problem (ILO, 2003).
On the question of quality, however, in arguing that the quality of products,
of production processes and safety mechanisms is in many cases decreasing, he
is very much on his own.
Dejours (1998) has developed an argument to justify his claim that quality
and safety, despite being heralded as certain acquisitions of new production and
management techniques, are in actual fact two victims of the new world of work.
He borrows from Habermas the notion of systematically distorted communication
to analyse the steps through which lying is gradually instituted in contemporary
workplaces (Dejours, 1998: 7189). Underpinning this is the idea, already articu-
lated by Everett Hughes, that real work (like a great part of subjective life), remains
to a large extent invisible. Contemporary organizations, under the pressure to
present the most attractive face to shareholders and potential investors, reinforce
this tendency by omitting all the failures in production processes, silencing
dissent, effacing the traces of mishaps, and more generally, by describing produc-
tion on the basis of the expected results, rather than on the basis of the activi-
ties from which they arise. Ultimately, Dejours argues:
obstacles to the revelation of the truth (about the reality of work) have always been
present in the organisation of work, but the manipulation of threat to silence contra-
dictory opinions and confer to the official description of work a real power over the
minds of all is incomparably more extended than twenty years ago. (Dejours, 1998:75)
Such pervasive instituted lie about the reality of contemporary work dramati-
cally compounds the continued stressful aspect of contemporary work. If, as the
psychodynamic perspective tells us, it is true that subjects invest massively in
their work, and that their working and the product of their working are crucial
for their sense of identity, then forcing people to work badly can be extremely
detrimental to them. This would be true just simply because individuals have a
strong psychological need to be able to identify with their work, and cannot do
so when professional standards are compromised. But this would be even truer,
if on the one hand individuals were forced to work badly, and in increasingly
intense ways, while on the other this reality was covered up in corporate and more
general social representations. The decisive role played by the recognition of the
subjects investment in the task for the fate of the suffering it provokes provides
the theoretical basis for this claim.
For Dejours, the massive invisibilisation of suffering, in particular of the
physical and mental suffering sustained through intensification, and of the suffer-
ing incurred through the contradiction between the reality and the representation
of work, is the root of contemporary social suffering, well beyond workplaces.
The structural impossibility for suffering occurring in contemporary workplaces
to express itself reverberates throughout society.
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Deranty Work and the Precarisation of Existence 459
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460 European Journal of Social Theory 11(4)
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Deranty Work and the Precarisation of Existence 461
suffering it represents. At the same time, however, the psychological effect of this
precarisation encourages subjects to individualize and insulate their own experi-
ence, and thus to close themselves off from narratives and practices of solidarity
and contestation.
At the broad social-cultural level, economic rationalism, with its blunt accep-
tance of suffering and sacrifice for a great part of the population, replaces
discourses of solidarity and individual defences. It becomes naive in this context
not to accept the suffering of others, indeed ones own suffering. Fear becomes
an irreducible element that is explicitly formulated as such, and is fully accepted,
is factored in in the new social contract. This is the fear of the individual towards
everyone else since they all are now competitors engaged in the same state of
nature. This is also the fear of maintaining ones position, ones status, etc. Fear,
instilling fear, making individuals fearful of their future, is a fundamental element
of the neoliberal discourse, and an important tool for modern, post-Fordist
management (Dejours, 2000: 13855). It represents not just an instrument used
in work places to increase productivity by leveraging individual performance and
destroying work collectives. More deeply, the strategic use of fear produces a
counter-narrative that reinforces the circle of the destruction of hope, that is, the
vicious circle whereby social and individual hope feed off each others destructions.
Neoliberal discourse is thus caught in a contradiction of its own making
between its utopian vision of the fully autonomous, self-realized individual and
the reality of its politics of fear (Browne, 2006). The way out for it lies in concepts
like that of the aspirational classes, or in arguments such as: the political battle
ground is in the middle classes. One accepted sociological premise in these repre-
sentations is that some will have to be sacrificed, that a whole class of individuals
must be abandoned to their own fate, for the economic order (identified with
society) to maintain itself. The premise becomes acceptable for the majority if to
the necessity that some be sacrificed is added the other premise: but it wont be
you . . . unless you dont adapt. This makes fear acceptable: you only have to fear
if you resist, if you dont adapt. The new social hope is therefore the hope of
not being one of the sacrificed. The new social hope is for strictly individual
salvation. This explains the sociological fact that could appear puzzling, that
people are fully aware that society has become more unfair, but do not object to
it. It is simply that they believe it is not unfair to them, or that if they admit to
it, they will already have given signs that they have not adapted, that they are
part of the sacrificed.
Notes
1 See the special issue on recognition in the journal published in Dejours institute: La
Reconnaissance, Travailler 18(2), 2007, in particular the article by Renault (2007),
which highlights the main points of overlap and dissension between Dejours and
Honneths theories of recognition.
2 See also the latest report he has convened, on the contemporary work experiences in
France for the Violence, Health, Work Commission (Dejours, 2007b).
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462 European Journal of Social Theory 11(4)
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