IIIUAMARE PUBLICATIONS

EDltcO by RlcharO Msnnig

No.

VERSAILLES IN LIQUIDATION
FRIEDR1CH GRIMM/ BERLIN

PUBLISHED BY TERRAMftRE OFFICE BERLIN

 VERSAILLES IN LIQUIDATION
PROF*FRIEDR1CH GRIMM, L.UD BERLIN

1938

TERRAMARE OFFICE, BERLIN W 8

(\ Npublished
March 27, 1935, an American periodical, The Nation,
) an article dealing with the restoration of
military service in Germany through the Law enacted on
March L6, 1935. The article was entitled: HITLER LIQUI-
1 IATES VERSAILLES. That phrase exactly defined one phase

the great task of German liberation to which Adolf Hitler

l

Iuih set himself. The Fuhrer's goal is to free Germany from the

IhftCkles of Versailles. He is combatting the Peace Treaty of

\ri,;;ullcs because it is unjust. And he combats it especially

because this Treaty reduces Germany to the position of a State

which does not enjoy equal rights with other states.

Hitler is convinced that there can be no lasting peace in

Europe as long as there are states against which a definite dis-

crimination is made and which

in regard to sovereign rights

therefore stand from those States which

on a different footing
DQWess full sovereignty. Therefore Hitler demands complete
tquality of status for Germany, being conscious of the fact that
Only a Germany in possession of full juridical equality can take
up ;i rightful and honourable position in the European comity of
nations, for the purpose of guaranteeing the peace of Europe.

I litler's fight for Germany's equality and military sovereignty

il therefore an essential part of his peace policy. But this peace
policy means the abolition of the Versailles Treaty as it stands
today.

Those who do not clearly understand the Versailles Peace

I n,iiy cannot understand the great political task which the
/ Uhrer has undertaken. They cannot understand because they
.In i nit realize the disastrous consequences which that Treaty
li had, not only for Germany but for the whole world.
' in March 16, 1935, the Filhrer promulgated the Law which
i. itored Germany's military status and made military service
m. again obligatory on all German citizens. The new military
<

i
s are to consist of 12 Army Corps made up of 36 divisions.
 Hitler'sannouncement of this enactment was accompanied by
new "guilt-clause" had been coined. There was total silence
\
a statement which explained to the German public and the
he fact that Germany alone of all European
iboul I

whole world the reasons for the steps he had taken. nations had
OOmpletely and effectively disarmed several years
previously
March 16, 1935, proved a day of historic significance for mm (hat for her it was now only a
I

question of attempting to
Germany. was then that Germany again took her place among
It '."<li up with the armaments of
other European powers.
the comity of European nations on an equal footing
and with 1 sponsible war-mongering became widespread.
The Geneva
equal rights. She re-established that sovereignty which, 1
-

although
having been left to her de jure by the Treaty of Versailles, had
i
seemed as if an attempt was to be made to
diet resulted. It
return to the methods of Versailles. The interested
nevertheless been mutilated by dishonourable limitations parties were
so ;
m session at Geneva to pass judgment on Germany. For Hitler,
that m practice there was actually no equality of status and however, this struggle for Germany's status of
sovereignty. equality was
in S but a struggle for German right,
German honour,
For fifteen years Germany had borne this iniquitous status liberty and equality.
of a nation with inferior rights. That is why the
restoration _of_ n none of the many problems
military conscription in Germany was hailed as a measure
I
left to us by the Peace Treaty
that
would cancel the Treaty of Versailles.
Ol Versailles is justice so much on Germany's side as on the
question of the right to her own military defence. In the speech
But concurrently with this step a wave of propaganda set in Which he delivered in the Reichstag on the occasion
of the
throughout the world and even today follows every advance restoration of military conscription the Fuhrer
emphatically ex-
which Germany makes in the direction of establishing her pl lined and justified to the European
public the step he had
status of equality. i
en. The case could not have been put more
ll
clearly. There
"Germany deals with treaties as with scraps of paper." I U never so much talk about righteousness as in the
That negotiation
incl preambles concerned with Versailles.
is what is "Chiffons de papier"
said. is the slogan used by And never did facts
that section of the public press whichis under the influence
" strongly contradict these professions of righteousness.
and in the service of those bitter anti- German forces that fhii righteous phraseology paid Wilson ideal. homage to the
organised this propaganda campaign in March 1935. W llionhad come to Europe to give peace to the world.
Before
! iving America he had declared to Congress
that no people
That
particular section of the press conveniently omitted to 1
M be robbed and no nation punished and that the injustice
state that Russia had shortly before increased its
grant for I", Uhad been perpetrated in the war could not be remedied
military armaments from 1,2 to 6 milliard roubles.
They also '", ' similar injustice to Germany,
omitted to state that France had introduced compulsory con-
'There is only one thing that can bind people together,
scription for a period of two years and that England as well had and
decided, prior to March
tlml v. common devotion to right." Such was Wilson's de-
16, 1935, considerably to increase its
'
n 1<> the merchants of Manchester.
armaments. I

U hen men laid down their arms they believed

the war-tired
"Germany is to blame." That is what they said.
"Germany
Qil xiod of peace and justice would ensue. In a speech
]<
is wrecking peace. She has started the race for armaments. <
which
l il( Hvcred at Mount Vernon on July 4, 1918, Wilson
Germany has again sown discord and distrust in the world." stated :

1
hi ie great objects can be put in a single sentence.
What we
 seek is the reign of law, based upon the consent of the governed, .
coming into the War, on January 22, 1917, Wilson
ii before
and sustained by the organized opinion of mankind/' Mil programme for security and disarmament* in his
I his

ipocictt before the American Senate, as follows "There can be :

Even the preamble to the Treaty of Versailles illustrates this

phraseology of righteousness. It runs as follows : "Bearing in ,. ii-.c of safety and equality among the nations if great
.i

mind that the and Associated Powers being equally

Allied I-,, |
armaments are henceforth to continue here and
[crating

desirous that the war should be replaced by a firm, just and Ihorc to be built up and maintained. The question of armament
durable peace." im the most immediately and intensely practical question con-
\\\ .1 with the future fortunes of mankind."
i.

Furthermore the preamble to the League Covenant also makes

Merc again we find the concepts of security and equality
an appeal to righteousness. It states: "The High Contracting
hound together as an indivisible unity.
Parties In order to promote international cooperation and to
The same applies to Point XIV of Wilson's 14 Points, in which
achieve international peace and security, by the acceptance of
I., demands the creation of the League of Nations. Point XIV
obligations not to resort to war, by the prescription of open,
follows: "A general association of nations must be
just and honourable relations betweens nations, by the firm
,
:is

purpose of affording
i
irmcd under specific covenants for the
establishment of the understandings of international law as the
MMiiii.il guarantees of political indepedence and territorial in-
actual rule of conduct among Governments, and by the main-
tegrity to great and small states alike. In regard to these essential
tenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for all treaty
fications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves
obligations in the dealings of organized peoples with one another,
tu be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples
agree to this Covenant of the League of Nations,"
ated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be
Here in the Versailles Treaty we find the idea of security
I parated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together
expressed for the first time, for which security disarmament is
Until the end."
so important. And it is significant that, at this very first point in
Here also in Point XIV, which deals with the League of
1

the Treaty of Versailles where we find the League of Nations

us, \vq find the principle of equality laid down for big and
mentioned, the concept of international security is placed in the
mall nations alike. This principle of equality is essential for
foreground.
ill imminent and for the League of Nations.
That was the system of collective security as Wilson under-
\i i
ording to Wilson's programme, the idea of equality em-
stood it. It rests on the Wilsonian idea of security. According to
I ,
also the idea that this equality should be simultaneously
Wilson's idea the security of the peoples could only be inter-
Mot only must disarmament follow on the same basis
-,|.
national. He opposed the French principle which starts with the
I mi same time. According to Wilson's programme
also at the
idea of "national safety".
.... distinction must be made regarding highly armed states
Therefore Wilson's international concept of security rests on liul dinarmed states.
the principle of equality. Universal peace was to be guaranteed 5, 1918 the
i I
gh the Preliminary Treaty of November
to the peoples and the nations in full equalityand with equal Note all the Allies and Germany were bound
i tiled Lansing
rights through the restriction of their armaments. Thus the Versailles Treaty represented
.1 i m'a programme.
. |
I
ition of this Preliminary Treaty and Wilson's programme,
 because in the Versailles Treaty it is demanded that Germany 919 "President Wilson suggested that it would make
\ |
.i l 10, 1 :

must lead the way in disarmament; whereas, according to military and air terms more acceptable for the enemy,
i,. n ival,
Wilson's programme, all were to disarm simultaneously. were presented as preparing the way for a general
. i 1 1
1 1
y

The disarmament question is based not only on the provisions limitation of armaments for all nations."
laiddown in Wilson's programme and in the Preliminary Treaty I rcneral Bliss, who was Wilson's expert on questions of dis-
of November 5, 1918, but also in the Versailles Treaty itself. irmnnicnt, laid special importance on this clause. Baker says :

In the disarmament controversy which arose after the Treaty "(tencral Bliss regards this as one of the most important
of Versailles came into force Germany demanded incessantly ftQ} iaions of the Treaty. 'In all good faith and honour' he said
that at least the Versailles Treaty should be fulfilled in this iu In ; address at Philadelphia, 'these [twenty-seven nations and
respect inasmuch as it presupposed that when Germany Ooi many] have pledged themselves to initiate as soon as practical
:

herself had disarmed on the one hand the other states would i i ticral limitation of armaments, after Germany has complied
also have disarmed and that the full equality of status should rli her first obligation'."

be restored, which had been previously abolished by the fact '

I 'lie fact that this question of general disarmament was looked

that Germany had already disarmed and the others not. Upon as a legal obligation binding all the signatory Powers is

This legal obligation

i o clearly expressed in the exchange of notes between the
binding the former Allies follows logi-
cally from Article 8 of the lli< s and Germany which preceded the signature of the Treaty.
Versailles Treaty and from the
introduction to Section V of the same, knd it was solemnly acknowledged by the conclusion of the
I M ,n no Pact.
Article 8 envisaged universal disarmament on the part of all
the signatory Powers. This was expressly formulated in Wilson's The authoritative representatives of the opposing Powers have
programme for universal disarmament and also in the 14 Points. in v-t seriously denied the justice of the German claim in this
i. pect. Especially Paul Boncour, the leader of the French dis-
In the preamble to Section V it is "In order to render
stated :

delegation, clearly admitted over and over again that

ament
possible the initiation of a general limitation of the armaments
i In victor nations were legally bound to disarm. At the third
of all nations, Germany undertakes strictly to observe the
lion of the preliminary disarmament commission he declared
and air clauses which follow." Therewith Ger-
military, naval
|| follows : "What lends special value to this stipulation is that
man disarmament is stated to be an obligation the fulfilment of
.i i i Kit. only a condition imposed upon one of the signatories to
which had to be followed by the other states.
Mm Treaty; it is also a duty, a moral and legal obligation to
Therefore there is question here of an obligation that upon the other signa-
is vc al general disarmament, devolving
mutually binding. Just as Germany was obliged to lead the way
tories to the Treaty as well."
in disarmament so were the other signatories to the Versailles
During the debate which took place in the Disarmament
Treaty bound, on their side, to disarm subsequently.
I bum on January 20, 1931, the Chairman, Mr. Arthur Hen-
il

That was clearly expressed in the first discussion which Wilson bring it home to
d< non, declared as follows: "It is for us to
had with Clemencau about this text. Wilson's secretary, Mr. QUI parliaments and peoples that every member of the League
Baker, who
published Wilson's memoirs, gives the following
|| bound to this policy of collective
disarmament by solemn
account of the discussion which took place on that occasion on Liligiiliuns that are binding upon us in international law and

8
national honour. May I remind the Council that Article 8 of - In. ii an attempt was made, under Article 53, to perpetuate the
the Co&venant, the preamble to Part V of the Treaty of Ver- pOtulition of juridical inferiority in which Germany was since
sailles, the final Act of the Conference of Locarno, and resolutions 1 1.< Versailles Treaty and which should have been only temporary.
adopted by the Assembly every year since 1920, mean that all Therefore they did not hesitate to violate the Versailles
members of the League share a common responsibility with I
rciUy, dimply because they wanted to keep Germany in a
regard to this question ? We
have obligations, and if we fail
all pi 1
1. iiual condition of one-sided defencelessness.
to fulfil these obligations, doubt may be cast upon our pacific
In hinuary 1932, the Disarmament Conference sat at Geneva.
intentions and the influence and the authority of the League
I |ii' ilions of qualitative and quantitative disarmament were
may be impaired." l< i iiftsed, questions of aggressive and defensive weapons and
The French Prime Minister, M. Briand, endorsed this attitude ii.. Lunous war potentialities. Especially the military experts in
in the following declaration : "In my country's name I associate |
in debate brought forward all possible kinds of questions ; but
myself with the declaration made by our Chairman in opening nobody brought forward the question of German equality of
the Session,I believe as you believe and I have often taken the On that point we must be quite clear.
;.

opportunity of saying that the obligations which were under- Disarmament Conference in Geneva
The first stage of the
taken by the nations who signed Article 8 of the Covenant 1932. It ended with a resolution
on July
Dime to a close 23,
should not remain a dead letter. They represent a common I icd by the General Committee. In that resolution some dis-
it)

undertaking which is sacred and a country that should renounce lament measures were decided upon which were much more
this would be dishonoured." mild than those that the Treaty of Versailles imposed upon
How have the Allies fulfilled their legal obligation in regard ( Jennany. But in this resolution German equality of status was
to general and simultaneous disarmament ? [U)l 'i M'lvtioned. Thus the Conference entered into a decisive stage.

In the year 1927,

fulfilling the provisions laid down in the Twelve-and-a-half years after the Versailles Treaty came into
Treaty,Germany had completed her disarmament. The Control fori i lermany was refused the right of juridical equality with
<

Commission was withdrawn. Marshall Foch himself acknow- ili. other nations and they in turn were allowed to ignore their
ledged that Germany had disarmed in accordance with the obligations to disarm uniformly.
provisions of the Treaty. This was the latest date at which the < ; many withdrew from the Disarmament Conference. Then,
i

other states should have begun to disarm and they should have lecember 11, 1932, came the Geneva Declaration on the
Dn I

carried through their process of disarmament within a reasonable Germany's

i
i the Five Powers. According to this Declaration
period from then. i'i Lo equality of status within the frame of a general security
tl

But no such thing happened. i- in was acknowledged. This Declaration enabled Germany
During the first five years after the Treaty came into force t ntertheDisarmamentConference.Butthefurtherdevelop-
they contented themselves from year to year with solemnly - Conference were extremely dis-
that took place in the
preaching the principle of disarmament at Geneva. Then a rtppointing. Theoretically Germany's equality of status had been
committee was formed for the purpose of preparing the way oi/.cd but they refused to put this recognition into any
for a Disarmament Conference. After carrying on its labours i
ii lii ul effect. Reservations were being constantly made s

for five years thiscommittee produced a form of agreement in I

. ully since Adolf Hitler took over power in Germany, and

10 ii
 aided limitation of armaments such as was imposed upo n
a certain trial period was demanded before the equality of status
could take effect.
In i mi i he Treaty of Versailles. She now claimed full freedom
h lion once again.
No other course was left to the government that represented
the national revival under Adolf Hitler except to_draw the final Vu\ more than fifteen years Germany had waited and had
conclusions from the situation. Germany withdrew from the in up with the most dishonourable treatment inasmuch as she

Disarmament Conference for good and announced her with- || was forced to disarm while all the other states around her
drawal from the League of Nations. I. til .11 ined themselves to the teeth.

On October 1933, the Fiihrer made an appeal to the

14, Realizing that Germany was only acting within her rights,

German people which he summarized the results of the Dis-

in Hi. i titire country gave its approval to the measures enacted by
armament Conference so far, and submitted his decision to the i
hi Fiihrer.

ratification of the whole German nation. On November 12, In other countries as well leading personalities had long since
1933, a plebiscite was held, the result of which was that the fmized that Germany had a right to its claim for military
whole country endorsed the policy of Hitler by an over- 1

i'('ignty t
whelming majority.
I
I -avallaz, the French professor of International Law,
But same time the Fiihrer declared himself ready to
at the i
Inrd already in 1926, in an article on Disarmament and
negotiate with the other nations as an equal partner and consider > 'ur of Nations: "We are not afraid to declare that when
any reasonable from of disarmament that might be suggested. i
many has fully disarmed and when the Inter-Allied Control
In January 1934 came the MacDonald Plan. Hitler declared mnmission has ceased its work, that the question of German
himself ready to enter negotiations on the basis of this Plan. ill niiiment can then be upheld only so long as the Allies and
ii

pi
iated Powers on their part fulfil the obligations laid upon
On March 17, 1934, France broke off disarmament negotiations.
(In mi by the Treaty of Versailles,"
That was a decisive step which had a disastrous significance.

A general race in armaments began. Barthou

l lit 1 1 r justified Germany's attitude in his speech before the
commenced his
tours of negotiation. The French policy returned Ki ii lintag on May 21, 1935. On that occasion he supported his
to the question-
I ii ruts with declarations of leading statesmen of former
able methods of the pre-war alliance svstem which had finally
brought about the World War.
|
Mir countries all of which statements acknowledged Ger~
lli ui) 'h right to re-arm.
And then a real pactomama set in.
tndon April 26, 1930, M. Paul Boncour wrote in "Le Journal"
On December 5, 1934, Laval signed the Franco-Soviet Protocol.
I mI lows : "After all, there is no need to be a prophet. It is
The consequences took a dramatic course. One heard of li II ii i 1 1 1 to keep one's eyes open to be sure that Germany, which
gigantic armaments in Russia.
otherwise freed from compulsion, will set about shaking off

On March 15, France restored the two years military service. I lull disarmament, if the Disarmament Conference finally breaks

Finally, on March I'-- n, or even if it is being continually adjourned, and will no

16, 1935, Hitler took the only course that
was possible in view of the international situation. He declared ' n - i alone submit to a restriction of armaments which the

that Germany would no longer consider itself bound to maintain IVi ily of Versailles itself designated not only as the condition,

12 *3
 but also as the promise of a general reduction of armaments.
have no choice."
We
w i

try
i
ichstag
ii
on January 31, 1937.
report and an account of the
On that date Hitler gave the
work done in the past

The however
Filhrer steadfastly refused to be diverted from i- .in years.

the road he had taken.

On taking office Hitler had asked the country to grant
When it became known that the French Chamber of Deputies l lour years. Hitler concluded his struggle for German
would sanction the Soviet Pact, thus making it impossible for I
and equality of status within that time, Solemnly he
'
the Locarno Pact to operate at all, Adolf Hitler re-established ill i lured :"the time for surprises is past. Germany has been
German military sovereignty in the Rhineland on March 7, 1936, ii.. rated."
The policy which France had adopted since the Barthou regime When one looks back today on the Fiihrer's policy for over-
made the Locarno Pact meaningless. It was found how unfortun- ling Versailles then one cannot understand why such a policy
ate it was that the men who made this Pact had believed in
honour and right finds so little understanding in France. It was
I

hampering the aggreement wich was to be one of peace with Hi. French government in particular, after the Peace of 1815,
guarantees which in part were based on the unjust peace of 1 1 1
1 1 1 resented the world with an example of a struggle that for
1

Versailles and which Germany would never be able to tolerate

ky and preseverence has seldom been equalled by any
permanently. i innent.
The restoration of German military sovereignty in the Rhine-
On March 5, 1848, the French Minister M. Larmatine
land brought forth a storm of indignation in France and there
plli cased a Circular to the representatives of France accredited to
were many who pressed for war. But intelligent people kept the
I j-n governments (published in the "Moniteur Universel,
upper hand.
fournal Officiei" of the same date) in which he wrote: "You
M. Domartial came forward as the spokesman of these intelli- u -quested to concerntrate your thoughts on the following
|ri
gent circles and undoubtedly expressed the true public opinion
rid lumtions in conformity with the principles which are the
j
in France on March 12, 1936 when war-mongering in certain principles of France, fundamental motives, that is to say,
circles in France had reached its zenith by writing "If one
Which France can present to its friends and its enemies
had imposed conditions on France in 1871 similar to those The 1815
Ithout fear and without defiance. treaties of
imposed on Germany in 1919, then France, in its efforts to free no longer valid in the eyes of the French Republic. The
Ifi
itself, would have done exactly the same as Germany has done
1. 1 1 itorial boundaries of these treaties are a fact, it is true, which
today. But in all probability Francewould not have waited so long.
i i in v accepts as the basis and the starting point of its relations
That is what one must bear in mind today if one wants when the treaties of 1815 offer no actual
(Vlth other nations. But
correctly to judge German re-armament and German re-mili-
u | -
1 .. h I for changes basis of mutual agreement and when,
on a
tarization of the Rhineiand."
.hi the other hand, the French Republic loudly and openly
The re-militarization of the Rhineland w as followed by the
r
pi I. l.i i ms that is it her right and her mission to arrive at these
re-establishment of full sovereignty over German rivers and li . i .ii ions by regular and friendly means, then that is a testimony
waterways. This policy of liberation was brought to a conclusion tO the sound sense, the moderation, the conscientiousness, and
through the solemn and formal renunciation of the war guilt 1
1.- i
:
.u ily of the French Republic, and all that is a better and

clause by the Filhrer hi the course of a memorable meeting of liiMiuiirable guarantee for Europe than the letter of these

H '.S
 /n of Urcnnus to the defeated Romans there has never been
which have often been violated or altered by Europe.
treaties,
m In history of the world a peace treaty which represented ft
As Ambassador, you are requested to apply yourself to the task
i

-
Iti i misuse of power than the Treaty of Versailles.
of making this negative attitude of the French Republic towards'
the treaties of 1815 at once understandable and acceptable, Hitler's light against Versailles does not endanger the peace
and of proving that this frankness is not incompatible with the I Europe. On the contrary: Hitler is striving for real peace,

peace of Europe . .
." I pi n r of justice, which Versailles failed to establish. His struggle
i
itruggle for the right For Germany's right and Germany's
At another place in the same Circular we read : "The three n, for her freedom and equality. A legal aim that is being
words "freedom", "equality", and "fraternity", when applied
inn ncd through legal means.
to our foreign relations, are to be interpreted as follows. The
['he same principle of legality to which Hitler owes his
liberation of France from the shackles which have hitherto
lirni mjii in domestic politics is the guide for his further conduct.
been a burden upon its principles and its dignity. Recovery of
w Imrvcr uses means in striving towards a legal goal will
legal
the rank which it must occupy among the Great Powers of Eu-
in. illy reach that goal. Such is Hitler's belief. In this belief he
rope, and finally a declaration of alliance and friendship with
i' |
ill*- support of the whole nation. The German people cannot
all nations."
i
mm .iiiontly be denied the right to national unity and freedom
Therefore France can blame herself if Adolf Hitler has had to In* ii r; denied to no nation.
act on the same principles as Lamartine laid down for the Tims Hitler's work is a work of peace and conciliation, as
conduct of France.
I hi lo himself clearly explained in his great speeches of May 17
And in France itself not all think alike on this matter. There Hill < Mober 14, 1933. As representative of the soldiers who
is one group of people who
on the sanctity of treaties and
insist nj-Li iii the front line trenches and experienced all the horrors
cling fast to all the advantages which the unjust Treaty of Ver- i , he has no wish for war, just as the whole German people
sailles guarantees them. But there is an opposing circle
of people
i> only for peace. But he wants a just peace, which will
who recognize that the Treaty of Versailles is not a Treaty which - ti i nirc the honour of the nation and its right to equality of
is calculated to maintain the peace and that therefore it ought I nl ii ! inch a peace alone can have a lasting existence.
to be revised. +
* r was his struggle for a just peace so finely described as

In point of fact, what do people mean when they talk about mi In nirmorable peace speech of May 17, 1933, in which at the

the sanctity of the treaties ? Which treaties are to be considered

lime- he mercilessly laid bare the failure of Versailles :

as sacrosanct? The Preliminary Treaty of November 5, 1918, European States evolved through the centuries and
the
whereby all the signatories, including France itself, solemnly permanent frontiers they were exclusively
tilimlly fixed
bound themselves to observe the Fourteen Points in the final limlcd by the idea of the State, But during the nineteenth
treaty concluding the Peace ? Or the Treaty of Versailles
the v the principle of nationality became predominant,
terms of which violated a treaty already solemnly concluded ? iti i
which had been founded under other conditions failed to

ftki pi uctical account of the new idea. This failure was the seed
In the Revue Mensuelle, of Geneva, M. Perich, the Serbian
i i ni in > discord.
Professor of International Law, declared that since the Vae

i7
 "When the Great War had come to an end such a condition
of affairs ought to have been clearly recognized, and no nobler
hull National Revival that in this new Germany we are inspired
i ilt-cp understanding for similar feelings and opinions
task could have been undertaken by the Conference than to
I 1 1 1 ins that are based on the vital interests of other peoples."
attempt to bring about, under the light of this recognition,
a territorial and political readjustment of the European States I linn I Iitler*s peace policy signifies a guarantee for European
wherein the principle of nationality would have been treated i
in No movement of great magnitude has ever more
political

with the fullest possible measure of justice. The more this

ili liniirly emphasised the principle of suum cuigue as the rule
readjustment succeeded in identifying the ethnical frontiers with -mntional relations than Hitler's movement.
the political frontiers of the various States the more surely
n Kurds France, Hitler has declared that since the settlement
would have been eliminated a whole series of grievances I
llu Saar problem there can no longer be any territorial
affording grounds for future quarrels. Yes, this territorial read-
linns between Germany and France. Through the Naval I

justment of Europe in accord with the actual national

|| i
he lias given practical assurance to Great Britain that her i

boundaries would have

been a genuine historical solution, [let ml i ipjits and interests will be respected.
and would have made such wise provision for the future
that both conquerors and conquered alike might well feel Why then, it may be asked, did Germany leave the League
ions ?
that the sacrifices of the Great War had
not been in vain,
ll

inasmuch would have given to the world the foundations

as they I '. i
Jermany the League of Nations is not an instrument

of a real and abiding peace. But what really happened was 1 League of Nations we see rather an instrument
In the
otherwise. Through ignorance and passion and hatred the] I" in r dictated by the victors at Versailles. It is a misfortune

measures adopted were so unjust and so contrary to common ili< League of Nations is so closely connected with the
sense that they actually gave rise to new grounds for discord."
:|
I'eace Treaty.

wanted disarmament allround. It was Wilson's idea

1

'I -mi

On October 24, 1933, the Fiihrer once again solemnly declared tl i League of Nations should serve to carry through a
himself as the champion of peace. "A world order cannot endure
1
1
mil simultaneous disarmament of the nations. Wilson had
if it be on the principle of hate", he said. And he added:
built that the peace which was being made at Versailles was
"Before the whole nation I hereby declare that we are ready to ijiihl peace, such as the public in all countries had hoped for.
offer the hand of conciliation to the French people." n I- ii r he made the League of Nations a part of the Peace

The National Socialist Movement has shown Mr. Baker, who was Wilson's secretary and publi-
its courage by
openly coming forward on behalf of Germany's unquestionable I'ii iident's memoirs, says that Wilson's idea was that true
rights; but at the same time it has always fully acknowledged i
M t iot be achieved except through a gradual revision
the similar rights of other nations. i ii" oppressive clauses in the Treaty as soon as the spirit of
unreason had passed away.
And Hitler emphasised this point also in his speech on May 17,
I

1933. He said :- I *
M'ue of Nations has failed to fulfil the task which

"Speaking at this moment as a German National Socialist,

1

(i in ijmed to it. It has not carried out disarmament. Nor

'i
vei Bcriously applied the Revision Clause of Article 19
name of the National Government and the

I declare in the
1
i>vrnant.

n.
 The League of Nations has become more and more the
guardian of the status quo, guaranteeing the continued existence
of the injustice established through Versailles. For that reason
Hitler left the League. And the whole German nation has]
sanctioned this step.
At the same time Hitler has not refused to take part in am
international collaboration for peace allround. On the contrary,
he has taken every opportunity that offered itself to help in
the organization of international peace.

Slogans like "collective security" and "indivisible peace" ERRATA

get nowhere. Indivisible peace may easily lead to an indivisible
war, while collective security signifies nothing else than thej |Uu \'\ from top, read between nations

League of Nations and the status quo of Versailles. i.im lit independence
i
1m. .! Covenant
Adolf Hitler has overcome Versailles. He has restored to
llni III potentialities
Germany her equality of rights, her freedom and her honour.
I
.. 17 from
Free and strong, the new German State is willing to live
in peace and friendship with every other free and independent
P as

r: agreement
State. i
I m I! which
llnr 1-1 perseverance
i- . Hi Lamartine
llni !" ........ concentrate
! it is

thePresident's

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:,..,. i
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