Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
Perspective
Author(s): Elizabeth Wolfe Morrison
Source: The Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 37, No. 6 (Dec., 1994), pp. 1543-1567
Published by: Academy of Management
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/256798 .
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I would like to thank Joseph Porac, R. Sean Morrison, Sandra Robinson, and two anony-
mous reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this article.
1543
(Graen, 1976), for example, have noted that roles in organizations are rarely
fixed and that role perceptions evolve as employees and supervisors nego-
tiate the scope of work activities. Further, Rousseau's (1989) work on psy-
chological contracts indicates that most employees have an understanding of
their employment obligation that differs substantially from their employers'
understanding. In addition, advocates of social information processing the-
ory (Salancik & Pfeffer, 1978) have proposed that jobs are cognitive construc-
tions created when employees (and employers) make sense of social and
behavioral cues. These streams of research all suggest that the boundary
between in-role and extra-role work behavior is ill-defined and subject to
multiple interpretations.
OCB research has tended to sidestep the potential ambiguity and sub-
jectivity of the OCB construct by adopting a single perspective with respect
to the boundary between in-role and extra-role behavior: that of supervisors
(e.g., Fahr, Podsakoff, & Organ, 1990; Moorman, 1991; Niehoff & Moorman,
1993; O'Reilly & Chatman, 1986; Organ & Konovsky, 1989; Podsakoff et al.,
1990; Smith, Organ, & Near, 1983; Witt, 1991). Thus, if supervisors see early
attendance as an extra-role behavior, an employee who comes to work earlier
than required is defined as engaging in OCB regardless of how the employee
sees this behavior. Relying solely on supervisory definitions of extra-role
behavior is problematic, however, when research attempts to explain good
citizenship by linking it to employee affect and cognition (e.g., Bateman &
Organ, 1983; Moorman, 1991; Organ, 1990; Organ & Konovsky, 1989; Smith
et al., 1983; Witt, 1991). In this article, I argue that such an approach requires
understanding how employees define their job responsibilities, since an
important factor driving employees' behavior is whether they define a given
activity as in-role or extra-role. For example, if an employee defines helping
co-workers as an in-role behavior, he or she will conceptualize the behavior
very differently than an extra-role behavior and will perceive a different set
of incentives surrounding the helping behavior. In terms of understanding
OCB, therefore, it makes a difference whether an employee helps a co-
worker because he or she wishes to engage in extra effort on behalf of the
organization, or alternatively, because he or she simply sees the behavior as
part of his or her job. In sum, if researchers wish to understand "the moti-
vational basis of organizational citizenship behavior" (Organ, 1990: 43), they
must first understand how job incumbents conceptualize their responsibil-
ities and whether they define given behaviors as in-role or as extra-role.
helping co-workers and not taking excessive time off, as falling outside of
what is expected. Another employee, however, might define the same job
very broadly and thus see many traditional OCBs as part of the job. Research
on both role making (Graen, 1976) and social information processing (Salan-
cik & Pfeffer, 1978) support this argument, suggesting that jobs are socially
constructed rather than objectively defined. Research on category formation
also supports the argument. Rosch (1978) proposed that cognitive categories
have ill-defined boundaries. If an employee's view of his or her job can be
considered a cognitive category, it can be concluded that both the construct
of in-role behavior ("my job") and the construct of extra-role behavior ("be-
yond my job") are somewhat fuzzy.
The above premise suggests not only that behaviors will be seen differ-
ently across employees, but that they will also be seen differently by em-
ployees and their supervisors. If perceived job requirements are in part cog-
nitive constructions, subject to a variety of social cues, a given behavior may
be classified as in-role by an employee and extra-role by that employee's
supervisor, or vice versa. The result is that employees and their supervisors
will differ in how broadly they define the employees' responsibilities. This
divergence has important implications not only for how OCB is conceptually
defined but also for how researchers empirically assess extra-role behav-
ior-from the perspective of supervisors or from that of subordinates.
Hypothesis 1: Employees and their supervisors will differ
in whether they define various behaviors as in-role or
extra-role and will consequently differ in how broadly
they define the employees' job responsibilities.
The second premise underlying this research is that if an employee
defines a behavior as in-role, he or she is more likely to perform it than if he
or she defines it as extra-role. A critical difference between an in-role and an
extra-role behavior is the extent to which others reward the behavior and
impose sanctions if it is absent (Organ, 1988, 1990). Both in-role and extra-
role behaviors may be intrinsically rewarding. However, in-role behavior is
more likely to be linked to extrinsic rewards and sanctions, both formal and
informal (Katz, 1964; Organ, 1988; Puffer, 1987). Activities defined as OCB
should be perceived as relatively independent of extrinsic rewards since, by
definition, OCB is behavior that is not organizationally rewarded (Organ,
1988). On the average, therefore, the motivation for in-role behavior should
be greater than the motivation for extra-role behavior (Katz, 1964; Organ,
1988; Puffer, 1987). Indeed, much of the interest in OCB derives from the
very fact that the incentives for extra-role activities are weaker than the
incentives for in-role activities. The research strategy has been to specify
behaviors that most organizations define as extra-role and to posit a special
class of motivators to explain their occurrence (e.g., Moorman, 1991; Organ
& Konovsky, 1989; Smith et al., 1983).
The premise that an employee will be more likely to perform an activity
if it is defined as in-role rather than extra-role implies that an important
determinant of supervisory ratings of so-called OCB will be how broadly
tures concerning their jobs and thus are likely to define their job responsi-
bilities more broadly.
Hypothesis 6: Job tenure will have a positive effect on
how broadly employees define their job responsibilities in
such a way that longer tenure will be associated with
more so-called OCBs being defined as in-role.
Whereas satisfaction, commitment, and tenure are likely to affect the
number of behaviors employees define as in-role, these variables do not
determine which behaviors will be defined as in-role. Such categorizations
will depend in part on cues from others. The literature on social information
processing suggests that cues from co-workers have a powerful effect on
individuals' perceptions and cognitions with respect to their jobs (cf. Thom-
as & Griffin, 1983). There is also evidence that social cues have a strong effect
on beliefs about responsibility. Trevino and Victor (1992), for example,
found that individuals feel more responsible for reporting unethical behav-
ior, and are more likely to do so, when such reporting is supported by group
norms. Thus, I expected cues from co-workers to affect perceptions of re-
sponsibility with respect to the activities typically assumed to be citizenship
behaviors. That is, employees will come to define their job responsibilities
in a manner consistent with the cues that they receive from others. There-
fore, to the extent that two or more employees are exposed to similar cues
from others, they will come to define in-role and extra-role behaviors simi-
larly (cf. Burt, 1978). An indication of the extent to which employees are
exposed to similar social cues is structural equivalence, defined as the extent
to which actors in a social network interact with the same subset of others
(Knoke & Kuklinski, 1982). I propose, therefore, that employees will define
their job roles similarly to the extent that the employees are structurally
equivalent.
Hypothesis 7: To the extent that employees are structur-
ally equivalent, they will define their job responsibilities
similarly.
Social cues are provided not only by co-workers, but also by supervi-
sors. Supervisors provide both information about formal job responsibilities
and subtle cues about the informal responsibilities that employees should
consider to be parts of their jobs. This process is ongoing, and these cues are
likely to have an important effect on how employees themselves define those
behaviors (Graen, 1976). To the extent an employee interacts with his or her
supervisor, therefore, the employee's definition of his or her job will be
similar to the supervisor's definition of that job.
Hypothesis 8: The more frequently an employee interacts
with his or her supervisor, the more similarly the em-
ployee and supervisor will define the employee's job re-
sponsibilities.
METHODS
whether you yourself see them as part of your job" and were given examples
to clarify this point.
Thirty of the 40 behaviors were taken from existing measures of OCB
(Podsakoff et al., 1990; Smith et al., 1983). These items have been used in
most OCB studies to date (Fahr et al., 1990; Moorman, 1991; Neihoff &
Moorman, 1993; O'Reilly & Chatman, 1986; Podsakoff et al., 1990; Smith et
al., 1983; Witt, 1991), where they have been assumed to describe extra-role
behaviors. The 30 items reflected the five dimensions of OCB Organ (1988)
identified and defined as follows: Altruism consists of behaviors that help a
specific other person. Conscientiousness consists of behaviors that go "well
beyond the minimum requirement" in the areas of attendance, obeying
rules, taking breaks, and so forth (Podsakoff et al., 1990: 115). Civic virtue
consists of behaviors reflecting responsible participation in, involvement
with, and concern about the life of the employing organization. Sportsman-
ship is willingness to tolerate less than ideal circumstances without com-
plaining-refraining from activities such as "complaining, petty griev-
ances" (Organ, 1988: 11). Finally, courtesy consists of behaviors aimed at
preventing work-related problems with others.
In converting the items from measures of OCB to measures of job defi-
nitions, I made some minor changes. First, items reflecting undesirable be-
haviors (those that are reverse-coded in other OCB studies) were worded in
the reverse since it did not make sense to ask whether dysfunctional behav-
iors were an expected part of a job. For example, I changed "spending time
on personal telephone conversations" (Smith et al., 1983) to "not spending
time on personal telephone conversations." In addition, on the basis of pilot
work with three employee focus groups of approximately eight persons each,
items that were seen as vague or value-laden were either eliminated or made
more specific or neutral to minimize social desirability bias. For example,
"being conscientious" was changed to "doing the highest quality work pos-
sible, even when something less would be acceptable." The focus groups
also suggested that some of the behaviors were regarded as in-role by most
employees. I therefore reworded these items to allow for a more stringent test
of the main arguments underlying this study. For example, "being punctual"
was changed to "being punctual every day, regardless of weather, traffic,
etc." in order to better capture the spirit of OCB. This change was consistent
with Organ's contention that "regular attendance is an obvious, contractual
obligation ... [yet] no one can deny that there are instances in which atten-
dance is discretionary, and over long periods of time one can note patterns
of attendance well beyond that which would constitute the minimum or
satisfactory level" (1988: 9).
Because this study was designed to highlight problems with how OCB is
typically conceptualized and operationally defined, it was important to stick
as closely as possible to how OCB is usually measured. However, it was also
important that the study capture behaviors that might be unique to the par-
ticular setting. The focus groups discussed above were used to identify such
behaviors. I defined each of the five OCB dimensions and asked participants
rate for each of the two divisions, reflecting the percentage of dyads for
which there was agreement. Reciprocation rates were 89.5 percent for the
financial division and 96.4 percent for the hospital services division. The
high level of agreement can be attributed to the fact that employees inter-
acted with a relatively small number of other employees (x = 12.44, s.d. =
9.26), generally people within their own departments.
Supervisor Data
Sixty-eight supervisors provided data. They first indicated whether
each of the 40 job activities was in-role or extra-role for their clerical em-
ployees. They then completed an evaluation form for each subordinate of
theirs included in the study. The average number of subordinates rated by
each supervisor was 3.86 (s.d. = 3.36). The evaluation form asked the su-
pervisors to indicate, on a five-point scale, how characteristic each of the 40
behaviors was for a focal employee (cf. Podsakoff et al., 1990; Smith et al.,
1983). It also asked them to indicate the number of hours per week that they
typically spent working closely with the focal employee.
RESULTS
Principal Components Analysis of Job Behaviors
A principal components analysis, with a varimax rotation, was per-
formed on the items indicating the extent to which employees displayed the
40 job behaviors. A six-factor solution emerged. There were items, however,
with moderately high loadings (>.40) on more than one factor, particularly
among the courtesy items. After eliminating items that did not load clearly
on a single factor, I conducted the analysis again. There were five factors
with eigenvalues greater than one, and the results of a scree test supported
a five-factor solution. The five factors were very clearly defined, with items
having a high loading (>.50) on their primary factor and a difference of at
least .20 between this loading and the next highest loading. The factors were
highly interpretable, and except for the lack of a courtesy factor, the results
corresponded fairly well to the results reported by Podsakoff and colleagues
(1990). The first factor was defined by eight items and reflected altruism; the
second factor was defined by six items and reflected conscientiousness; the
third factor was defined by three items and reflected sportsmanship; and the
fourth and fifth factors were defined by three items each and represented
different aspects of civic virtue: participation in organizational functions
(involvement), and keeping informed about organizational events and
changes (keeping up).
Table 1 gives results of the principal components analysis. On the basis
of these results, I averaged items to create five OCB subscales. The correla-
tions among these scales were comparable to or lower than those reported in
other OCB studies (MacKenzie, Podsakoff, & Fetter, 1991; Moorman, 1991;
Niehoff & Moorman, 1993; Podsakoff et al., 1990). The factor analysis results
were also used to form five measures of job breadth, which I computed for
TABLE 1
Results of Principal Components Analysis
Factor Loadingsa
Items 1 2 3 4 5
1. Covering for absent co-workers .79 .11 .07 .09 .15
2. Helping others with workloads .79 .16 .06 .13 -.01
3. Helping orient new people .78 .10 -.01 .28 -.01
4. Helping others who have been absent .76 .19 .13 .14 .26
5. Helping others with problems .70 .28 .04 .18 .27
6. Volunteering to do things .68 .29 .13 .17 .25
7. Helping people outside department .63 .10 .09 .21 .23
8. Helping patients and visitors .63 -.03 .03 .01 .21
9. Beginning one's shift on time .24 .83 -.06 .16 .08
10. Being punctual every day .21 .79 -.05 .14 .06
11. Not spending time on personal calls .00 .69 .36 -.16 .08
12. Not engaging in non-work-related talk .16 .65 .32 -.06 .17
13. Coming to work early if needed .27 .63 .10 .23 .07
14. Not taking excess time off -.04 .50 .30 .10 .29
15. Not finding fault with Medical Center .03 .09 .82 .05 .06
16. Not complaining about things .08 .15 .81 .00 .02
17. Not blowing problems out of proportion .15 .09 .78 .11 -.04
18. Attending voluntary functions .19 .12 .02 .85 .13
19. Attending voluntary meetings .17 .11 .12 .79 .15
20. Helping organize get-togethers .31 .01 .02 .63 .21
21. Keeping up with changes .33 .20 .01 .28 .75
22. Reading announcements .28 .17 .03 .38 .74
23. Assessing what is best for Medical Center .33 .14 .02 .05 .67
Eigenvalue 8.27 2.74 1.62 1.52 1.04
Percentage of variance explained 36.0 11.9 7.1 6.6 4.5
a Boldface indicates factor
loadings greater than .50. The associated items were averaged to
create each of the five subscales.
each of the five OCB dimensions by summing the number of behaviors that
an employee indicated as being part of his or her job and then dividing by the
total number of behaviors for that dimension.
Table 2 gives descriptive statistics, reliability coefficients, and correla-
tions for the scales. The reliability coefficient for the sportsmanship job
definition scale was quite low ((x = .40). Thus, the scale was not used to test
the hypotheses. Although the reliability coefficients for the conscientious-
ness and keeping up scales were marginal, it should be pointed out that the
job definition items were dichotomously scored and had limited variance.
Both of these factors may have restricted the interitem correlations.
Because the job definition scales were newly constructed and relatively
novel in format, it was necessary to demonstrate (1) that employees were in
fact reporting how they saw their job responsibilities rather than how they
felt they should see their job responsibilities, and (2) that employees were
not simply reporting their behavior. There is evidence for both contentions.
First, as will be discussed below, many behaviors that supervisors defined as
1. Altruism job
breadth 0.65 0.28 .77
2. Conscientious
job breadth 0.78 0.23 .32** .60
3. Sportsmanship
job breadth 0.69 0.29 .23** .42** .40
4. Involvement
job breadth 0.43 0.37 .44** .27** .17** .70
5. Keeping up job
breadth 0.80 0.29 .28** .22** .33** .27** .64
6. Altruism
behavior 3.59 0.92 .40** .20** .20** .33** .09 .90
7. Conscientious
behavior 3.52 1.01 .22** .35** .14* .20** .10 .47** .83
8. Sportsmanship
behavior 3.86 1.04 .10 .16** .18** .07 .16** .24** .37** .78
9. Involvement
behavior 2.63 1.12 .14** .21** .13* .41** .12* .52** .27** .15* .77
10. Keeping up
behavior 3.42 1.03 .16** .23** .22** .20** .31** .64** .41** .16** .54** .84
11. Job satisfaction 3.76 1.02 .19** .20** .19** .16** .17** .16** .19** .15** .14* .23** .80
12. Affective com-
mitment 4.38 1.21 .27** .29** .30** .21** .23** .23** .26** .27** .22** .24** .53**
13. Normative
commitment 4.04 1.31 .20** .19** .15** .22** .09 .24** .17** .08 .16** .20** .32**
14. Job tenure .17** .25** .11* .15** .17** .14* .28** .24** .09 .20** .54**
15. Age .15** .19** .16** .05 .13** .18** .27** .01 .09 .22** .19**
16. Female gender .16** .16** .05 .16** .04 .05 -.00 -.06 .09 .03 .09
17. Salary .08 .13* .16** -.01 .09 .09 .05 .02 .12* .10 .16**
job responsibilities. Although this premise does not lend itself to a rigorous
statistical test, Table 3 illustrates that there was considerable disagreement
with respect to how employees defined their job behaviors (the table con-
tains the 20 behaviors used to form the four job definition scales). In fact, it
is interesting to note that there was variance not only across employees for
each behavior (on average, employees were split 35-65%), but also across
TABLE 3
Employees' Role Definitions and Correlations with Supervisors'
Role Definitions
Percent
Defining Employee-
Behavior Supervisor
Items as In-Role Correlationa
1. Covering for co-workers who are absent or on
break 78.2 -.03
2. Helping others who have heavy workloads 56.8 -.02
3. Helping orient new people even when not asked 56.5 .03
4. Helping others with work when they have been
absent 62.1 -.07
5. Giving time to help others with work-related
problems 65.9 .10
6. Volunteering to do things without being asked 60.6 .06
7. Helping people outside department when they
have problem 53.6 -.02
8. Helping patients and visitors if they need
assistance 75.7 - .08
9. Arriving early so you are ready to work when shift
begins 80.1 .05
10. Being punctual every day regardless of weather,
traffic, etc. 88.6 .09
11. Not spending time on personal telephone
conversations 79.5 -.05
12. Not spending time in non-work-related
conversation 68.1 -.15*
13. Coming to work early if needed 71.9 -.05
14. Not taking excess time off, even if you have extra
sick days 65.6 -.12
15. Attending voluntary functions that help the
Medical Center's image 35.3 .06
16. Attending voluntary meetings considered
important 54.6 - .01
17. Helping organize departmental get-togethers 31.9 .12
18. Keeping up with changes and developments in the
Medical Center 77.3 - .05
19. Reading and keeping up with organizational
announcements 83.9 -.05
20. Using judgment to assess what is best for the
Medical Center 70.7 .05
a Because the data were dichotomous, the correlations were
equal to phi.
* p < .05
TABLE 4
Differences in Behavior as a Function of Role Definitions
Mean Mean
Behavior Behavior
When When
Defined Defined
Items In-Role Extra-Role ta
1. Covering for co-workers who are absent or on
break 4.14 3.20 6.50***
2. Helping others who have heavy workloads 3.99 3.49 4.55***
3. Helping orient new people even when not asked 3.73 3.02 5.43***
4. Helping others with work when they have been
absent 4.15 3.25 7.61**
5. Giving time to help others with work-related
problems 4.13 3.59 5.05*
6. Volunteering to do things without being asked 4.29 3.70 5.38***
7. Helping people outside department when they
have problem 3.91 2.92 8.06***
8. Helping patients and visitors if they need
assistance 4.50 3.96 4.73***
9. Arriving early so you are ready to work when shift
begins 4.35 3.43 6.78***
10. Being punctual every day regardless of weather,
traffic, etc. 4.27 4.00 1.87
11. Not spending time on personal telephone
conversations 3.84 3.63 1.79
12. Not spending time in non-work-related
conversation 3.70 3.55 1.51
13. Coming to work early if needed 4.38 3.36 7.57***
14. Not taking excess time off, even if you have extra
sick days 4.35 3.63 7.25***
15. Attending voluntary functions that help the
Medical Center's image 3.17 2.28 6.63***
16. Attending voluntary meetings considered
important 3.12 2.32 6.31***
17. Helping organize departmental get-togethers 3.82 2.65 7.43***
18. Keeping up with changes and developments in the
Medical Center 4.10 3.34 5.58***
19. Reading and keeping up with organizational
announcements 4.26 3.49 4.87***
20. Using judgment to assess what is best for the
Medical Center 3.85 3.21 4.74***
a For difference between
employees defining behavior as in-role and those defining it as
extra-role.
*** p < .001, with Bonferroni adjustment.
equation. In all cases, job breadth had a significant effect and explained a
significant amount of additional variance (see Table 6). These results pro-
vide strong support for Hypothesis 2.
There is also evidence that job breadth mediates the relationship be-
tween affective commitment and OCB. Testing for mediation required con-
TABLE 5
Results of Regression Analyses for Employees' Role Definitionsa
Variables Altruism Conscientiousness Involvement Keeping Up
Satisfaction .06 .11* .06 .15*
Affective commitment .20** .15* .11* .17*
Normative commitment .06 .05 .16* -.04
Tenure -.02 -.10 -.03 -.22**
Age .04 .20** - .09 .15*
Female gender .11* .13* .17** -.05
Salary .00 .02 - .05 .10
R2 .11 .15 .11 .11
F 5.14*** 7.25*** 4.76*** 5.05***
a Entries are standardized
regression coefficients.
p < .05
**p < .01
** p < .001
similarity, and then correlating these two matrixes using UCINET IV (Bor-
gatti et al., 1992). The structural equivalence matrix contained Euclidean
distance measures, reflecting the degree of profile similarity for pairs of
employees. The matrix of job definition similarity was created by comparing
each employee's vector of job definitions with all other employee vectors.
Because the job definition data were dichotomous, the similarity measures
reflected the proportion of matches, or the number of activities that the
parties defined in the same way, rather than correlations.
The procedure that correlated the two matrixes first computed the cor-
relation between corresponding cells of the two data matrixes and then
randomly permuted rows and columns and recomputed the correlation. The
second step was repeated 500 times to compute the proportion of times that
a random correlation was larger than or equal to the observed correlation.
For the hospital division, the observed correlation was .072 and the average
random correlation was .001. The proportion of random correlations that
were as large as .072 was only .002. This low proportion suggests a strong
relationship between the matrixes that is unlikely to have occurred by
chance (p < .01; Borgatti et al., 1992). For the financial division, the ob-
served correlation was .062, the average random correlation was -.006, and
the proportion of random correlations as large as .062 was only .026. This
pattern also suggests a relationship that is unlikely to have occurred by
chance (p < .05; Borgatti et al., 1992). Hypothesis 7 was thus supported.
Hypothesis 8 predicts that the more frequently an employee and a su-
pervisor interact, the more similarly they will define the employee's job
responsibilities. A measure of job definition similarity between employee
and supervisor was computed for each employee. This measure reflected the
proportion of behaviors that the pair defined similarly. The correlation be-
tween this measure and the number of hours per week that the supervisor
and employee typically interacted was significant (r = .14, p < .05), thus
supporting Hypothesis 8.
DISCUSSION
An important premise of this research was that organizational citizen-
ship behavior is not a clear-cut construct because the boundary between
in-role and extra-role behavior is ill-defined and varies from one employee
to the next and between employees and supervisors. The results were con-
sistent with this premise. The results also indicated that employees saw
many of the behaviors studied as in-role rather than extra-role, despite the
fact that prior research has assumed the behaviors to be extra-role (Fahr et
al., 1990; Moorman, 1991; Neihoff & Moorman, 1993; O'Reilly & Chatman,
1986; Organ & Konovsky, 1989; Podsakoff et al., 1990; Witt, 1991). This latter
finding is consistent with the arguments of George and Brief (1992) and
others (McAllister, 1991; Van Dyne et al., 1992) that certain dimensions of
OCB are more in-role than extra-role in nature. The results raise important
questions about how OCB is conceptualized and measured. The very impor-
tance of OCB has been tied to its being extra-role behavior and thus concep-
tually and motivationally distinct from in-role behavior. The results of this
study demonstrate that the boundary between in-role and extra-role behav-
ior is not clear at all and that researchers might need to reconceptualize
extra-role behavior as something that varies across persons. The results also
suggest that before assessing extra-role behavior empirically, researchers
should consider whose perspective to adopt.
Another important contribution of this study is the finding that OCB is
a function of how employees define in-role and extra-role job behavior. This
finding is important for the understanding of OCB because it implies that
employees typically seen as good citizens may simply be doing what they
consider to be components of their jobs. Such behavior is very different from
employees' deciding to exceed what they perceive to be their jobs' require-
ments. Only the latter reflects citizenship behavior as discussed in the lit-
erature. Organ defined OCB as "contributions that participants choose to
proffer or withhold without regard to considerations of sanctions or formal
incentives" (1990: 46, emphasis added). Taken together, the results of this
study highlight the importance of researchers' understanding how people
define their job responsibilities if we are to fully and accurately understand
the phenomenon of OCB.
As hypothesized, variations in job definitions were predictable. Per-
ceived job breadth was positively related to satisfaction and to affective and
normative commitment and negatively related to tenure. The negative effect
for tenure was not predicted but, in retrospect, it is not surprising. New
employees may be highly uncertain about their responsibilities and there-
fore define them very broadly, preferring to err on the side of inclusiveness.
As they become socialized, however, and reduce their uncertainty, role def-
initions may narrow. The evolution of job definitions during the socializa-
tion process and throughout an employee's tenure would be an interesting
topic for future research.
The variable that had the strongest and most consistent effect on per-
ceived job breadth was affective commitment, with the results suggesting
that job definitions mediate the relationship that others have observed be-
tween commitment and OCB (e.g., O'Reilly & Chatman, 1986). It appears that
commitment causes employees to define their job responsibilities more
broadly and thus, committed employees are more likely to engage in what
others may see as OCB. This relationship is worthy of future research, as it
points to a very different interpretation for why employees perform acts of
citizenship.
Although there were variations in job definitions across employees,
these variations were not entirely random. Employees viewed their job re-
sponsibilities similarly to the extent that they held structurally equivalent
positions within the organization's social network, and employees and their
supervisors defined job responsibilities similarly to the extent that they in-
teracted. These results indicate that job definitions may be subject to social
construction. Employees may develop a sense of their job responsibilities
based in part on cues from others. This view is consistent with Graen's
(1976) work on role making and with Salancik and Pfeffer's (1978) work on
social information processing.
In sum, the perspective offered in this article challenges an implicit
assumption underlying most empirical studies of OCB, which is that job
roles are agreed upon and that there is a relatively clear boundary between
in-role and extra-role behavior (Bateman & Organ, 1983; Fahr et al., 1990;
Moorman, 1991; Neihoff & Moorman, 1993; Organ & Konovsky, 1989; Pod-
sakoff et al., 1990; Smith et al., 1983; Witt, 1991). The current results suggest
that researchers studying OCB need to consider how employees themselves
define their behavior. Doing so will allow for greater construct clarity and
will provide a clearer understanding of the meaning and determinants of
employee citizenship behavior.
The argument that OCB reflects employees' role conceptions may have
practical as well as theoretical implications. It is well recognized that organ-
izations reap important benefits from having employees who are willing to
go above and beyond required role behavior (Barnard, 1938; Katz, 1964).
There may be situations, however, in which it is desirable to have employees
conceptualize their jobs broadly so that they engage in certain organization-
ally functional behaviors without feeling that they are doing something ex-
tra. For example, when employees' helping others is critical to getting a job
done effectively, it might be problematic if supervisors have to depend on
employees' willingness to engage in extra-role behavior. In such situations,
managers might want to try to get employees to see helping others as in-role
in order to ensure more consistent performance. It might be valuable, there-
fore, for managers to understand the subtle social and psychological factors
that influence employees' perceptions of their job responsibilities. Indeed,
an important management function may be to reduce the perception "that's
not my job" with respect to activities that are critical but not formally en-
forced.
Limitations
Despite its contributions, this study has some limitations. Because the
data were cross-sectional, reverse causality cannot be ruled out. Reverse
causality is unlikely, however, to affect the relationship between behavior
and job breadth. As discussed, results from a pilot study showed an average
correlation of .28 between employee job definitions and self-reports of be-
havior. If reported job definitions were based on behavior (i.e., "I engage in
this behavior, therefore it must be part of my job"), this correlation would
probably be much higher. Reverse causality with respect to the relationship
between job breadth and employee attitudes is also an issue. The most likely
reason to expect that job breadth might affect attitudes is that employees who
perceive themselves as having greater responsibilities might be more satis-
fied and committed. If this were the case, however, employees should have
more favorable attitudes when their jobs are defined broadly by their super-
visors. This was not the case. Although these results do not rule out the
possibility of reverse causality they make such an explanation less plausible.
Another limitation of this study is that both employee attitudes and job
definitions were assessed through self-reports, which creates the potential
for common method bias. It should be noted, however, that these measures
were assessed on very different types of scales. Satisfaction and commitment
were assessed on seven-point Likert scales, whereas job definitions were
assessed by having respondents check one of two boxes. The difference in
formats reduced the likelihood of common method bias. Nonetheless, given
that these data must be collected through self-reports, in the future they
should be collected at different times to lessen the potential for bias.
Future Research
This study raises a wide range of issues for future research. First, there
is a need for additional work on what leads employees to define their jobs
broadly. Perceived job breadth is likely to depend on individual factors,
such as values, attitudes, and experience, as well as on contextual factors,
such as the nature of the socialization process and task characteristics in a
given organization. A second direction for future research would be to iden-
tify additional factors that explain the extent of agreement in a particular
context about the boundary between in-role and extra-role behavior. One
factor that may affect this agreement is the clarity of formal job descriptions.
When job descriptions are very clear, consensus about job responsibilities is
likely to be higher than it will be when job descriptions are ambiguous.
A third direction for the future would be to determine more specifically
how employees conceptualize their various job behaviors. It is likely, for
example, that people see certain in-role behaviors as more central to their
jobs than others and see certain extra-role behaviors as more discretionary
than others. Indeed, one might imagine an employee's definition of his or her
job as a set of concentric circles. In the center are core in-role behaviors, and
in the outermost band are behaviors that are highly above and beyond ex-
pectations. For example, a professor might define research activities as more
central than teaching activities and see both of these as more central than
university service activities. Thus, helping a colleague on a research project
might be defined as more in-role (or less extra-role) than helping a colleague
with committee work. Whereas the present study distinguished between
behaviors seen as in-role and those seen as extra-role, a finer-grained anal-
ysis is needed to determine the centrality of different job behaviors.
Finally, it would be valuable for future research to address how con-
ceptions of the boundary between in-role and extra-role behavior vary across
different contexts. Empirical studies of OCB have tended to imply that the
same behaviors are extra-role across a wide range of organizational settings.
Researchers have used the same measurement instrument for health care
workers, manufacturing workers, bank employees, and university clerical
and administrative employees (e.g., Organ & Konovsky, 1989; Smith et al.,
1983; Witt, 1991). It is likely, however, that although employees in a wide
array of settings see certain behaviors as extra-role, perceptions of others are
more context-specific, such that they are seen as extra-role in some contexts
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