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Smokescreens in Islam: Confusing the Public about
CONTENT:
the Facts Email Address Submit
by Denis MacEoin
April 29, 2017 at 5:00 am
https://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/10283/islam-facts
Top Issues
Qadri does not just insist that Islam is a religion of peace and
security. By tucking all references to jihad in footnotes in
transliterated Arabic, he never has to explain what it is about and
how it relates to his rulings on what is and what is not permissible.
We should not give any religion a bad name and these people need to be
dealt with in full force and there should be zero tolerance when it comes
to dealing with them.
My heart goes out to these victims. And my heart goes out to the people's
families and those who are injured. I pray they all have peace in their
minds.
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He added:
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There is no place for these acts in the religion of Islam.
for the Rise of Islam
The people are being radicalised and the young and vulnerable people by Giulio Meotti
need to be protected.
France: The Ideology of Islamic
We need to disassociate this with Islam, as Islam is a religion of peace. Victimization
by Yves Mamou
This view was echoed in a press release by the Foundation, in which sympathy for
the dead and their families was followed by a commitment to non-violence: "as a A Month of Islam and Multiculturalism in
A Month of Islam and Multiculturalism in
community, we need to come together to condemn violence and hatred and work Britain: April 2017
towards cohesion and tolerance". by Soeren Kern
More recently, a document about Islamophobia published by the Green Party of the Links Between Islamism and Executions
United States affirmed the purportedly peaceful character of Islam: by Majid Rafizadeh
The highest goal of the Islamic faith is Peace. Peace is pursued over all Palestinians: Tomorrow's Secret 'Day of
and for Muslims the world over, 'holy war' has nothing to do with the Rage'
concept of jihad. The Arabic word translates as 'struggle,' and is used a by Bassam Tawil
handful of times in the Quran to speak of the struggle to stay on the
righteous path, to fulfill obligations to family, community and Creator, Germany: Should Migrants Integrate?
what the Islamic scholars call a higher jihad. by Soeren Kern
Or:
And prepare against them whatever you are able of power and of steeds
of war by which you may terrify the enemy of Allah and your enemy and
others besides them whom you do not know [but] whom Allah knows.
[Sahih International] Verse (8:60)
There are said to be 123 verses in the Quran concerning fighting and killing for the
cause of Allah -- more than a few.
These claims also show that many people seem to be buying into the narrative of
Islam as a perfect religion of peace, even if saying so runs counter to more than 1400
years of history and the official record of classical Islamic scholarship about jihad.
Islam, after all, conquered Persia, Turkey, North Africa and the Middle East, Greece,
Spain and most of Eastern Europe -- until its armies were stopped at the gates of
Vienna in 1683.
At the same time, there can be no doubt that Muslim leaders who speak out against
terrorism and radicalism need our support and that they must be the very people
governments, churches, and the security services speak to and work with if we are to
head towards the deradicalisation of Muslim communities in the West. Qureshi's
remarks deserve to be taken at face value. Neither he nor his foundation and its
associated mosque and academy has any known links to radicalism. They belong to
the largest mainstream form of Sunni Islam, the Hanafi school of Islamic law, and
there is no overt reason that Qureshi is not sincere in his belief that Islam is a religion
of peace.
At the same time, however, he must know better. His own second name is Mujahid,
which means "a fighter in the jihad". Not only that, but his mosque is, like most
others in the UK, Deobandi in orientation; and it is out of Deobandimadrasas [Islamic
religious schools] that the Taliban originated. Deobandi Islam, although mainstream,
has over the years appealed to Muslims in Pakistan and abroad who have a
fundamentalist disposition. Qureshi cannot be unaware of that. It is hard to be a
reasonably knowledgeable Muslim and not know that calls for violence pervade the
Qur'an and sacred Traditions, or that Islamic armies have been fighting European
Christians, Indian Hindus, and others since the 7th century.
What we in the West know is that a string of modern politicians and churchmen in
Europe and North America have, like Qureshi, insisted -- perhaps in a sometimes-
desperate attempt to dissociate Islamic terrorism from the religion of Islam -- that
Islam is a religion of peace. The violence, they say, is a perversion of Islam, and they
say this even as terrorist after terrorist invokes Islam as his motivation and shouts
"Allahu Akbar!" ["Allah is the greatest!"] while committing the crime. Terrorist groups,
such as al-Qaeda and Islamic State, confidently quote the Qur'an, Traditions [Hadith]
Western leaders often turn to Muslim imams and scholars to confirm their view that
Islam is essentially like modern Judaism or Christianity, if not a mirror image of the
Quaker religion. A major expression of this approach is a book by a leading Pakistani
scholar, Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri. Translated into English, this book of some 400
pages is entitled, Fatwa on Terrorism and Suicide Bombings (London, 2010). It has
been widely praised as an outstanding authoritative text that demonstrates that
terrorism of any kind is contrary to Islamic teachings and law -- an argument
reinforced by hundreds of citations from the Qur'an, Traditions, and a host of
classical Muslim authorities.
Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri (1951-) is a scholar and religious leader with an LLB and a
PhD in Islamic Law; a politician (he founded the anti-government Pakistan Awami
PhD in Islamic Law; a politician (he founded the anti-government Pakistan Awami
Tehreek party in 1989), and an international speaker. He is touted as having studied
since childhood the many branches of religious studies under his father and other
teachers, and having authored on Islamic topics one thousand books (not an
uncommon claim among Muslim writers). He comes from a Barelvi/Sufi background,
the main opposition to Deobandi Islam in Pakistan and abroad. Qadri is also the head
of Minhaj-ul-Quran, an international organization that promotes Islamic moderation
and inter-faith work.
Qadri and his organization have made a mark on political and religious leaders in
many places. On September 24, 2011, Minhaj-ul-Quran held a large conference in
London's Wembley Arena. Qadri and other speakers issued a declaration of peace on
behalf of representatives of several religions, scholars and politicians. The conference
was endorsed by the Rector of Al-Azhar University (the chief academy in the Sunni
Islamic world); Ban Ki-Moon (Secretary General of the UN); Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu
(Secretary General of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation); David Cameron
(British Prime Minister); Nick Clegg (British Deputy Prime Minister) and Rowan
Williams (Archbishop of Canterbury), among others.
It is not surprising, then, that Qadri's fatwa has made a great impression on many
concerned about terrorism instigated and carried out by organizations that lay claim
to a connection with Islam. There can be no doubt that a condemnation of Islamic
terrorism coming from an eminent Muslim figure is an important contribution to the
struggle to contain and eventually eliminate not just the terror but the radicalisation
that inevitably precedes it.
At the same time, however, it may be argued that while Qadri presents strong
religious rulings that reject acts such as suicide bombings that characterise modern
movements as in Islamic State, he fails to prove his claim that, "Islam is a religion of
peace and security, and it urges others to pursue the path of peace and protection"
(p. 21). His fatwa, in fact, only proves that certain types of violence and certain types
of victims are illegal within Islamic scripture and law. It does not show that Islam is,
in its essence, a pacifist, peace-loving faith. Let us try to disentangle this.
The fatwa rightly devotes several chapters to important topics: "The Unlawfulness of
Indiscriminately Killing Muslims" (chapter 2); "The Unlawfulness of Indiscriminately
Killing Non-Muslims and Torturing Them" (chapter 3); "The Unlawfulness of Terrorism
against Non-Muslims Even During Times of War" (chapter 4); "On the Protection of
the Non-Muslims' Lives, Properties and Places of Worship" (chapter 5); and "The
Unlawfulness of Forcing One's Belief upon Others and Destroying Places of Worship"
(chapter 6).
This is certainly a massive improvement on the rulings of Salafi sheikhs who support
Islamic terrorist groups and issue fatwas to support things such as murder and
suicide bombings. The leading Muslim Brotherhood ideologue, Sheikh Yusuf al-
Qaradawi, for example, for a long time insisted that suicide bombings carried out by
Palestinian terrorists were a legitimate form of self-defence -- and his fatwas
encouraged other sheikhs to advocate suicide attacks.
The average reader is unlikely to read the entire book; even in a glance through it,
much will be missed. One might well assume that Islam, as portrayed by Qadri,
opposes terrorism for much the same ethical reasons that Jews, Christians and others
oppose it. But a close reading shows that he is operating from a different premise to
non-Muslims. His concern is to read everything in a close context of Islamic law -- not
ethics. This is particularly noticeable in the legal underpinnings he gives to almost
everything. He devotes chapters 8-11 (pp.171-237) to an extremely conventional
discussion of the evils of rebelling against an Islamic government even if its ruler
were corrupt. Terrorists, he asserts, are to be condemned because they take up arms
against their governments. By this definition, the rebel groups fighting against
Bashar al-Assad in Syria must be condemned because they have taken up arms
against their lawful ruler.
Qadri's admirable take on terrorism conceals a large elephant in the room. Islam has
for centuries used violence against non-Muslims in what is considered a legitimate
manner, through jihad. It is not simply that Muslim armies have fought their enemies
much as Christian armies have engaged in war. Jihad is commanded in the later
verses of the Qur'an, is endorsed in the Traditions and the biography of Muhammad,
and codified in the manuals of shari'a law. Qadri knows this perfectly well, and at
times inadvertently reveals as much in several ways.
The word jihad, for example, occurs many times in the fatwa, usually when he refers
in footnotes to chapters in the great Tradition collections -- records of prophetic
injunctions to holy war; the prophet's own engagements in jihad, or his sending out
raiding parties to engage with non-believers. Thus, when Qadri tells us that it is
unlawful to kill non-Muslim women and children, the elderly, traders and farmers, and
so forth, he is citing the rules of engagement in jihad, and not that holy war against
non-Muslims is foresworn in Islamic texts. Everything he cites against the use of
terrorism is actually taken from classical sources that explain the rules that apply to
fighting jihad; not that jihad is illegitimate.
Qadri does not merely insist that Islam is a religion of peace and security. By tucking
all references to jihad in footnotes in transliterated Arabic, he never has to explain
what Islam is about and how it relates to his rulings on what is and what is not
permissible. He expands on this theme:
"The most significant proof of this is that God has named it Islam. The
word Islam is derived from the Arabic word salama or salima. It means
peace, security, safety and protection. As for its literal meaning, Islam
denotes absolute peace. As a religion, it is peace incarnate." (p. 21).
A few pages later, he expands on this, writing a long passage "On the Literal Meaning
of the Word Islam" (pp. 25-34), interspersed with quotations illustrating this. He
correctly links the word "Islam" to the three-consonant root "s-l-m", which has
undisputed connections to concepts of peace and security. He even writes at one
point "... every noun or verb derived from Islam, and every derivative or word
conjugated (sic) from it, essentially denotes peace, protection, security and safety".
Just a minute. Qadri is a fully trained Arabist; he even makes references to major
Arabic dictionaries. So he really has no excuse for writing such nonsense. It is exactly
that on at least two levels. Arabic roots create dozens of words with different
meanings, and "slm" is particularly rich in vocabulary. Salma and silm may indeed
mean "peace", but salam means both "forward buying" and a variety of the acacia
tree. Sullam means a ladder, stairs, a musical scale, a means, instrument or tool.
Salama means "blamelessness, flawlessness, and success". Salim can mean
"healthy" or "sane". Sulama means the "phalanx" bone. Sulaymani is mercury
chloride there are many more examples.
At a deeper level, most Arabic verbs can have up to fifteen (more usually ten) forms,
each with different meanings. The root that Qadri relates to peace has almost no
forms that relate to peace at all. The fourth form, aslama, is the one that gives us the
verbal noun islam. The fourth form has several meanings, none of which refers to
peace. Instead, it means "to forsake, leave, abandon, to deliver up, surrender, to
resign oneself or to submit". The most reliable Arabic-English dictionary by Wehr
translates islam as "submission, resignation", including submission to the will of God.
Unfortunately for Qadri, therefore, Islam does not mean peace. The word for peace is
salam. The word Islam means, unambiguously, submission [to the will God or Allah].
Let us return to Chapter 5, where Qadri inadvertently reveals the extent of the
pretence he is making that Islam is a religion of peace that cares for non-Muslim lives
and property. The examples he gives are genuine, but he omits a crucial fact. Only
Jews and Christians (and later, Zoroastrians in Iran) are entitled to protection within a
Muslim state or empire. Qadri calls them "citizens", but the truth is that only Muslims
can be regarded in that light. Jews and Christians are dhimmi peoples, tolerated
under certain humiliating conditions. They are somewhat favoured on account of
their having been sent scriptures and prophets, but disfavoured because they have
not accepted Allah, or God's last prophet, Muhammad. Moreover, if they initially
resist Muslim invaders, they must be fought through a jihad war. Once defeated,
they only have the right to keep their lives, property, and places of worship on
payment of a special tax known as jizya, a form of protection money. They are also
forced to live under severe restrictions, penalties and mistreatment designed to
humiliate them and keep them in their place as the inferiors of Muslims. By not
speaking of dhimmitude, the payment of jizya, or more than one thousand years of
vulnerability of Christian nations to jihad wars, Qadri again pulls the wool over
unquestioning, if well-meaning, eyes of non-Muslims.
So what exactly is Qadri up to? He is concealing important information and distorting
the Arabic vocabulary in order to drive home a narrative of Islam's deep connection
to peace and security. His strictures against terrorism are sincere and valuable, yet
his whitewashing of historical, legal and scriptural treatment of non-Muslims and the
actual practice of jihad only serves to perpetuate a myth.
Qadri and many others who adopt this position are, sadly, engaged in setting up a
smokescreen. The tactic, as a comment explains, may be found online:
"To get people to believe in two contradictory beliefs, present them both
as part of a larger belief system where it is more important to accept the
whole system than question 'minor' inconsistencies within it."
That, surely, is exactly how Qadri and so many others (even members of America's
left-leaning parties) come to function.
It is crucial to be able to see and identify this smokescreen if we do not want to throw
the baby (opposition to Islamic terrorism) out with the bathwater (whitewashing the
truth). Nevertheless, it is vital to expose and to challenge it if we are ever to come to
terms with the true nature of Islam as an expansionist, religio-political ideology.
When Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri conceals important information and distorts Arabic vocabulary in order
to drive home a narrative of Islam's deep connection to peace and security, he is engaged in setting up a
smokescreen. (Image source: ServingIslam/Wikimedia Commons)
Dr. Denis MacEoin has spent a lifetime studying Islam and related
matters. He has been a Distinguished Senior Fellow at the Gatestone
Institute since 2014.
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15 Reader Comments
only understand force, this religion of peace. The longer we tolerate it, the harder it
will be.
Reply->