1

The (Cis, White, Gay) Mans Foreshadowing:

Exploring the Politics of Respectability and the Futures of Queer Undocumented Migrants

E. Nory Kaplan-Kelly
6/2/12
Final Paper: Politics of Immigration
PLSC 26913
Prof. Chris Zepeda-Millan
TA: Claudia Sandoval
 2

I. Introduction

One of the most frustrating aspects of the United States legal system is the power that one

decision has in influencing how law is interpreted. The same goes for the strategy created to

achieve these decisions. Law is a selfish practice and most cases and strategies are meant to

serve the interests of the parties involved, not those in the future. The consequences of this

practice have been seen in cases dealing with the intersections of queer identity and migration. In

1967 the Supreme Court heard a case entitled Boutilier v. Immigration and Naturalization

Service in which a white gay Canadian migrant battled a clause in the Immigration and

Nationality Act of 1952 which deemed persons with psychopathic personalities deportable.1 As

will be discussed, the strategies of Boutilier and his attorneys created a need for respectability

for queer immigrants fighting deportation.2 Despite failing for Boutilier, this strategies used in

his case have had impact on more modern cases and this impact has often been negative. This

paper seeks to examine the consequences of the Boutilier decision and extend these

consequences to current intersections between sexual, gender, and race identities within

migration cases and movements.

This impact can be examined in the case of Christina Madrazo, a Mexican transgender

woman who fought for recognition of her mistreatment in an immigration detention center.3

Madrazos case exposes how the framework of Boutilier establishes (perhaps inadvertently)

Professor Cathy J. Cohens concept of secondary marginalization within the immigrant and the

1 Boutilier v. INS, 387 U.S. 118 (1967).

2 Stein, p.67.

3 Madrazos story can be found in Solomon, p.3.

 3

queer community.4 This theoretical framework will lead to a discussion of how to fight the

marginalization and I will explore W.E.B. DuBoiss concept of double consciousness as a way

of forming mobilizations that have the potential to empower coalitions of migrants of all

identities.5 I will trace this to an examination of recent youth movements and how the concept of

coming out is reshaping how queer migrants are seen and reframing immigration politics to

champion intersections of identities, instead of hiding from them. Finally, I will conclude by

reflecting on these recent mobilizations as a means of reforming how both the queer and

immigration rights communities struggle for legal recognition and by asking the question of

whether identity can affect coalition building.

II. Boutilier v. INS: Homosexual Respectability

Clive Michael Boutilier was a Canadian citizen who migrated to the United States in 1955.6

In 1959 he both re-entered the country after a brief time in Canada and was arrested on charges

of sodomy in New York. He disclosed this arrest in his application for citizenship in 1963, which

was subsequently denied after he issued a deeper disclosure of his life as a gay man in 1964.

These two disclosures led to an order of his deportation based on a section in the Immigration

and Nationality Act of 1952 which subjected undocumented migrants with psychopathic

personalities to deportation under US law.7 Boutilier challenged the law, arguing that

homosexual persons should not be included under the psychopathic personalities label, and the

4 Cohen, p.70.

5 DuBois, p.2

6 Boutilier v. INS, 387 U.S. 118 (1967) and Stein, p.48.

7 Ibid.
 4

case went as far as the Supreme Court of the United States in 1967. The Supreme Court upheld

the clause which led to Boutiliers deportation.8 The Court went as far to find that Congress had

intended for persons with psychopathic personalities to include homosexuals and, even further,

that Congress had the authority to restrict persons from entering the United States (and order

their deportation) based on qualities that Congress could decide.9

For queer people, immigrants, and especially queer immigrants, this ruling had strong

consequences. Despite a dissenting opinion arguing that homosexuality was being disputed as a

mental illness, the majority of the court established the framework of the homosexual as a

deviant personality within the law and this personality warrants exclusion from the nation.10 This

gave Congress the potential power to deem all homosexuals to be deviant, even if they were

citizens, which contributed to the criminalization of people in the latter half of the 20th century.

From a migration standpoint, this ruling also gives Congress tremendous power to decide who is

eligible and who is ineligible to immigrate to the United States. This power sets up the

foundation for the possibility of Congress to restrict access to this country based on identity

characteristics, such as political beliefs, religion, or even, race.11This is a very conservative ruling

which, while expanding congresss power, set both immigrants and queer people back in the eyes

of the law.

Yet as historian Marc Stein has pointed out, the gay community virtually ignored this

ruling. Steins reasoning is, first, that leaders of the community at the time believed that this case
8 Ibid and Lewis online article.

9 Ibid.

10 Lewis, online article.

11 See Johnson for a broader discussion of this reasoning.

 5

would only marginally affect gay people.12 However, as Stein expands his argument, it can also

be seen that the conservativeness of the ruling comes from the conservativeness of the approach

that Boutiliers took in presenting him to the court. This presentation is, potentially, more

important to the future of queer immigrant rights than the ruling itself.

In his article All the Immigrants Are Straight, All the Homosexuals Are Citizens, But Some of Us

Are Queer Aliens: Genealogies of Legal Strategy in Boutilier v. INS, Stein establishes three key

areas of Boutiliers defense: 1. Deference to science, 2. Use of analogies to other social groups,

and most importantly for this paper, 3. A strategic politics of respectability.13 For the purposes

of this paper, only the use of analogies and the politics of respectability are important for further

discussion.

As Stein shows, Boutiliers lawyers compared his homosexuality to innate and involuntary

characteristics such as hair color, instead of parallels to religion, sex, or race.14 The lawyers

reasoning for this was that comparisons of queerness to hair color were less controversial or

risky to those of race, sex or religion.15As a counter the question of psychopathic personalities,

these comparisons seek to normalize queerness just as it is normal to be left-handed or color-

blind (other examples of testimony in the case). However, normalizing queerness to that of left-

handedness does not do the identity justice to its complexity. This oversimplification of the

identity via comparisons is one of the contributing factors to the impacts of Boutiliers case.

12 Stein, p.46.

13 Stein, p.66-69

14 Stein, 67-68

15 Ibid.
 6

Like with comparisons, the lawyers decision to place Boutilier into a politics of responsibility

also had a normalizing effect. As Stein writes:

Boutiliers lawyers emphasized that their client was young, white,

Christian, and Canadian; his mother and stepfather were U.S.
citizens; his siblings were married and had children; his brothers
were serving in the U.S. military; and his social activities included
going to church and bowling. In general, Boutiliers defenders
tried to convey the impression that he was a desirable immigrant
with characteristics that matched the preferences encoded in U.S.
immigration law. While this may have been a good strategy for
defending Boutilier, it reinforced dominant social values and risked
winning a favorable ruling only for the most respectable gay
aliens.16

Thus, the model portrait for a queer undocumented immigrant was painted. Despite the loss in

court, this approach to creating a defendant has become a crucial defense in immigration trials

and LGBTQ based cases. Normalizing the defendant is part of the selfish attitude of the United

States Justice System, as discussed in the introduction. It is based on protecting one individual in

the pretense of serving social groups that that individual represents. By establishing a model of

what is respectable for queer immigrants, a concrete wall was built. As section III will show, this

wall can be almost impossible to penetrate.

III. Christina Madrazo: Secondary Marginalization

Christina Madrazo is in many ways the opposite of Clive Michael Boutilier. A transsexual

Mexican woman seeking asylum in the United States, Madrazo was raped twice while in a

Miami immigration detention (by a prison guard) and later filed a civil suit with the federal

government in 2002.17 As journalist Alisa Solomon writes in her essay Trans/Migrant:

16 Stein, p. 66-67.

17 Solomon, p.3. (I have been unable to find out whether Madrazo was ever granted
asylum or if she won her civil suit).
 7

It is hard to imagine a person less recognized by U.S. legal regimes

than a transsexual undocumented migrant from Mexico. In a
myriad of ways, her very humanness is disavowed by the
limitations of civil rights and immigration laws and the policy
principles that underline them. Christina Madrazos plight and plea
were illegible, even invisible, to the guardians of these realms.18

This invisibility is not based on Madrazos sex, her gender identity/expression, her race or

undocumented status. Instead, her invisibility stems for a combination of all of social

categorizations that both defy the framework of respectability and bring this story into a new

theoretical ground. Compared to Boutilier, Madrazo is a deviant based on her otherness, her

gender expression is not acceptable, her race and status place her in the category of a problem

and her quest to challenge authority over her treatment makes her even more dangerous. The

very notion of humanness echoes the idea that Madrazo, like all humans, has an identity that is

not linear and instead, is complicated. Yet all of the factors of her identity are codified into (what

others perceive as) a deviant identity that is bent on destroying the status quo and thus render her

invisible in an attempt to combat her. In short, Christina Madrazo is the perfect example of how

the framework set up in Boutilier unwittingly (and presumably unintentionally) created a new

frame in current cases for queer immigrants: secondary marginalization.

In her book The Boundaries of Blackness: AIDS and the Breakdown of Black Politics, political

scientist Cathy J. Cohen conceptualized power and oppression relations within the black

community. She finds that in oppressed groups there are hierarchies of those who have

privilege and those who do not and that those who have privilege often dominate the discourse

and exercises of power of the group.19 For example, members of black middle class with

financial resources have more power and thus more ability to manage the entire black
18 Solomon, p.14.

19 Cohen, p.70.
 8

community.20 This management is inherently tied to the politics of respectability in two ways:

first, secondary marginalization creates a standard that all members of the community must

adhere to and second, it establishes gaze from the oppressors of the community.21 Cohens

example is the influence of the black Baptist churchs standard of changing individual behavior

as the way to combat AIDS within the black community. This standard was painted as a benefit

for the black community, but as Cohen shows, it also served as way of appeasing the white

gaze, since it also conformed to the rigid norms that white people used to oppress minorities.22

This idea of a gaze from an oppressor enforces codes of conduct and codes of presentation of

the oppressed communities. These codes develop a standard that those with privilege within the

group can then manage. This management establishes hierarchies within the oppression and thus,

secondary marginalization.

So what does this have to do with Clive Boutilier and Christina Madrazo? First, in the context of

legal proceedings, Boutilier set a code of behavior and presentation for all undocumented queer

immigrants. As a white, cisgender23, gay, and (perceived) as conservative man, he gave an air as

being a safe homosexual.24 Madrazo, on the other hand, experienced a form of secondary

marginalization particularly from the gaze of the legal system. Since Madrazo did not conform to

the strict gender and sexual orientation norms established by Boutilier, she was put at a major

20 Cohen, p.70-71.

21 Ibid.

22 Ibid.

23 Non-transgender, cis is the latin root for same so cisgender literally means
same gender.

24 Stein, p.67.
 9

legal disadvantage. As Cohen demonstrates, being an individual with privilege, Boutilier had the

resources (and luck of timing) to establish the codes of behavior and presentation for future cases

of queer immigrants. Another complicating factor was race. During the time of Madrazos

confinement and mistreatment, the United States was in a period of construction of a Latino

threat to the American Way of Life through an influx of undocumented Mexican migrants into

the country.25 From the gaze of the legal system, Boutilier was a good citizen with an unfortunate

condition while Madrazo was a deviant on multiple levels and, while both were deemed unfit to

be in the country, Madrazo was particularly unwelcome.

Another factor of the Latino threat of Madrazos case is its unraveling of the analogies during the

Boutilier defense. Madrazos plight highlights the idea that her race and gender identity are

closer in relation than queerness is to being left handed. This is a shift in the innate qualities

being recognized by the legal gaze as being analogues. Race, sexuality and gender are now

similar instead of sexuality and hair color. The root of Madrazos secondary marginalization is

rooted in this change and analogy, her gender is not like her dominant hand, instead it is closer to

her race.

IV. Combating Secondary Marginalization: Employing Double Consciousness and

Mobilization

Is it possible to combat the secondary marginalization of migrants like Madrazo? Two

connecting concepts can be employed in an attempt to counter the secondary mariginalization

caused by codes of behavior and presentation: Du Boiss theory of double consciousness, and

theories of collective action or mobilization. Both complex concepts serve as mechanisms to

25 Chavez, p.23.
 10

reframe how queer immigrants are viewed in the legal system, by taking them out of the

courtroom and into the streets.

In his legendary work, The Souls of Black Folk, scholar W.E.B. Du Bois articulated the

perception, self-image, and political metaphor of blacks in America. Calling his argument

double consciousness, Du Bois wrote that there was twoness to black identity in America:

first an identity as an American citizen, and second, as an other via being black.26 This

otherness is a major signifier of secondary marginalization within communities because it sets

social categories as dividers and hierarchies of who is privileged and who is not. In order to

apply double consciousness to the plight of queer migrants and to the cases outlined, the concept

needs to be extended. Instead of simply double consciousness with racial identity, sexual

orientation, gender identity/expression, class and immigration status must also be added to

equation. Double consciousness must become triple, quadruple, or even quintuple consciousness

based on the marginalized categories within certain communities. By creating a more

comprehensive conscious, social categories are shown to be intersectional and connected in

many ways. This connection promotes the concept of coalition building and ally-ship between

individuals, organizations, and institutions. Expanding double consciousness will also expose

more the systemic social issues that affect and create secondary marginalization within

oppression. This unveiling of systemic social inequalities and oppressions is the first step in

recognizing and combating them. The next step is popular mobilization.

In the conclusion of his book Activism Against AIDS: At the Intersections of Sexuality, Race,

Gender and Class, sociologist Brett C. Stockdill argues for collective consciousness and action

26 Du Bois, p.2.
 11

in order to combat systemic inequalities.27 Mobilization of individuals, organizations, and

institutions has two benefits in combating oppression and the marginalization associated with it.

First, it removes the oppressed from the constrictive and specific realms of the legal system.

Second, mobilizing movements have the potential for working together to form positive cross-

movement change.28

Historian Temma Kaplan has argued that popular mobilization changes how people see

politics by transforming and liberating space.29 In contrast to courtrooms where security and

rigidity are applauded, demonstrations and movements have the opposite effect. They are open

and have more possibility of reframing discourse. This reframing is central to Stockdills point

that collective action must target multi-faceted parts of society.30 Collective consciousness must

go beyond attempting to solve specific problems, as law seeks to do. The popular transformation

of space has the power to change consciousness on many levels, while law only applies specific

reasoning to specific facts. By taking queer migrant issues out of the courts, there is more

possibility for a change in social consciousness, which may someday influence reform via public

opinion. However, this influence is a circuitous process and will take time and many collective

actions to secure a greater consciousness. The first step however, is to continue the movements

of the arena for seeking rights away from courts and into the streets.

27 Stockdill, p.157-159.

28 Stockdill, p.159.

29 Kaplan, p.4.

30 Stockdill, p.57.
 12

But who are the people mobilizing in the streets? Stockdill makes the point that the benefit of

mobilization is the possibility for positive cross-movement alliances.31 These alliances, or

coalitions, can have tremendous power in liberating space. The more people that merge, the more

collective consciousness and actions develop. Alliances can also exemplify the expanding double

consciousness. For example in queer immigrant activism, there is possibility for queer rights

advocates, immigration rights advocates, anti-racism advocates and prison reform advocates to

come together to achieve some anti-oppression based change. All of these social problems can be

deemed an other within consciousness. When all of the social consciousness comes to form

collective consciousness, collective action is established.

However, this is all good in theory, but may not work well in practice. The idea of oppressed

groups partnering with each other based only on the fact that both groups are oppressed makes

sense on paper, but the reality is more complicated.32 Just because two races are discriminated

against, for example, there is also conflict based on systemic oppressions. These outside

oppressions then influence the social groups themselves which generates more divides (based on

class, gender, or sexual orientation for example). Thus, as socially oppressed groups become

more insular they begin to develop their own politics of respectability (based on these new

privileged hierarchies based on the oppressive gaze) which brings us back to the cycle of

secondary marginalization. The question of alliance building will be explored again in the

conclusion after a discussion of current double-consciousness movements and the future of queer

immigrant activism.

V. The Future of Queer Migrant Mobilizations: Youth, Internet, and Coming Out
31 Stockdill, p.159.

32 Sandoval, p.36.
 13

There is a new generation of queer people. The fact that the current generation of LGBTQ

people has reclaimed Queer as an identity and political signifier exposes a desire to embrace

intersection and denounce the politics of respectability. Queer youth are a major faction within

the current generation of LGBTQ people.. As mobilizing forces, queer youth have extreme

potential to take over the movement especially with increase of social media within activist

realms. However, the plight of queer (and especially undocumented) youth is a battle against

what scholar Cindy Cruz calls the culturally approved self of heterosexual and cisgender

identities and citizen status. 33This self is also known as the politics of responsibility. Cruz notes

that pressures of cultural approval lead to silences from undocumented youth, even in so-called

safe spaces for queer youth.34 Her solution to these silences is for adult educators to create

even spaces where intersections between document status and queer identity are recognized and

listened too.35 However, this is another path: direct youth mobilization.

There is a growing movement of queer undocumented youth that found a home on the

internet as a gateway to the streets. This next section describes two different undocumented

immigrants and undocumented queer immigrant movements dealing with combinations of art,

technology, protest, and advocacy.36 It will also discuss the main tactic that links these two

movements together, the act of coming out as undocumented and queer (both separately and
33Cruz, p.68.

34 Ibid.

35 Cruz, p. 72-73.

36 There are more than two movements dealing with undocumented immigrants
and queer undocumented migrants, however, I chosen to highlight these two based
on their difference as one persons personal movement and one organizations
tactics.
 14

together). Coming out is a direct challenge to respectability because it evokes double

consciousness and specifically highlights secondary marginalization.

I am Undocumented Unafraid Unapologetic is the motto of Chicago-based organization the

Immigrant Youth Justice League (IYJL).37 IYJL is the one of the backing organization of

National Coming Out of the Shadows Days in March since 2011.38 The goal of the event was to

bring together as many undocumented immigrants as possible to share their stories and to protest

for their rights, particularly the DREAM Act (a piece of legislation that would provide some

amnesty for undocumented youth and help those seeking education). The key point of their

mission was not just to come out as undocumented but to create a consciousness based in

courage, being an other in a positive light. Thus, the goal was to empower. This is a prime

example of Kaplans framework of changing space into action through mobilization and

collective consciousness. Space in this case was not just in front of the Daley Center in Chicago

but also on the internet. The organization used YouTube, a video sharing website, to record and

spread their message to activists all over Chicago, Illinois, the United States, and even globally.39

While not the only group to use this medium, IYJLs message was particularly effective because

it utilized empowerment and themes of solidarity to counter the rest of society. In essence, IYJL

created a collective double-consciousness that was then mobilized both on the internet and in real

life.

37 About Us section on the IYJL homepage.

38 Hing, ColorLines Online Article.

39 Particularly good examples are here http://www.youtube.com/watch?

feature=endscreen&NR=1&v=bATPoDrxkAA and here
http://colorlines.com/archives/2011/03/dreamers_come_out_im_undocumented_unaf
raid_and_unapologetic.html
 15

In 2011 activist Julio Salgado created a project called I am UndocuQueer on Tumblr, a

social networking site. I am UndocuQueer is a collection of painted images of undocumented

and queer individuals expressing themselves and since 2011, has turned into a medium of

information about social actions.40 The project developed from Salgados frustration with

mainstream immigration rights activists arguing that undocumented queer immigrants should

hide their sexual orientations and gender identities for the betterment of the greater movement.41

This direct rebuke of the mainstream movement sparked growing subchapters within national

immigration rights agendas to include queer people. This was most prominent in youth-based

organizations. Salgados project was connected to the national organization, United We Dream,

which established a queer safe space and national strategy to include queer undocumented

immigrants particularly youth.42 This work was also echoed by the National Immigrant Youth

Alliance, which created its own project that was also titled UndocuQueer.43 The projects goal

was to connect queer undocumented youth and activists with each other and provide safe spaces

both online and in organizing. Thus, Salgados use of the internet and coming out strategies

changed the status quo of national organizations.

The Immigrant Youth Justice League was also affected by the growing voice of queer

undocumented youth. Similar to their Coming Out of the Shadows Day, IYJL held a Coming

40 See Salgados personal website and his article in the Huffington Post, Zonkel,
and Rivera.

41 Salgado in the Huffington Post

42 Called the Queer Undocumented Immigrant Project (Quip), see Rivera and
Mondragon. A video describing their efforts can be found here:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MUpAn71qcbg.

43National Immigration Youth Alliance UndocuQueer Webpage.

 16

Out: Queer and Undocumented event in Chicago in June of 2011.44 This furthered their

empowerment and collective double consciousness rising by adding the new angle of queerness.

It may be better to say that their collective consciousness rising was now triple. The public event

also created a forum for youth to express their intersecting identities and frustrations. One

speaker, Ireri Unzueta Carrasco, articulated these effectively saying:

immigration laws are pretty rigid, and i didnt know a

community of people i could turn to. It has only been in the last
year and a half that i have met other young undocumented people
who are just as frustrated as i am and want to change how we feel
and break the restrictions society places on us, just like the
LGBTQ communities have been doing for years
Just like being queer has allowed me to say forget the norms, i
want to be able to say forget the laws (immigration laws
specifically) and start living. But i cant.
Because unlike being queer, being undocumented is killing the
person i want to be
Luckily, now, we are building a community of undocumented
people. And even better, undocumented queer people, and pushing
the boundaries of what that means and who we want to be.
Im queer. Im undocumented. And im out.45

Carrascos speech has two themes within it: first, it highlights the growing collective double

consciousness expanding and second, it shows the intersection of Coming Out as an organizing

tactic between the queer and undocumented communities.

Events like those put on by IYJL and projects like UndocuQueer combat both the politics of

respectability and secondary marginalization since they expand the possibilities of empowerment

for undocumented people. By queering their movements and representing more identities, a new

normal was established within their social movements. Once recognized by those being

oppressed, this new normal puts pressure on the oppressor to change their power tactics to adapt

44 Carrasco.

45Carrasco, quote taken as written.

 17

to a new status quo. This has benefits and negative effects within social movements but it shows

a growing trend of complexity between the oppressors and the oppressed in social justice today.

This complexity is created by the tactic of Coming Out.

As Carrasco pointed out, coming out was established by the LGBTQ community to reject

societal and cultural acceptance or respectability in order to create a new norm of respectability.

This tactic of coming out of the closet eventually led to (some) acceptance of gays and

lesbians, while bisexuals and transgender people continue to lag behind. With the growing queer

movement, coming out has been a major political act that has been newly connected with many

levels of privilege and power with the LGBTQ community. Visibility is the key to coming out,

which is what makes it such an effective, yet vulnerable, tactic. By merging coming out as queer

with coming out as undocumented, the communities have been linked in their visibility. Time

will tell if this will have a negative or a positive impact on both movements. For now, it seems to

be empowering.

VI. Conclusion: Does Identity affect Coalitions? The Potential of the New Normal

The transition of rhetoric from the Boutilier case to Madrazos struggle to the mobilization of

undocumented queer youth shows a growing trend to create a new normal for understanding

undocumented queer migrants in the United States. This new normal is a rejection and a

correction of the politics of respectability that acknowledges secondary marginalization and

counters it with empowerment. As described earlier, the question then becomes whether or not

this creation of a new normal culturally respected identity can affect or even create coalitions?

Since this movement is so new, it is difficult to say. However, as shown in the previous section,

the shared tactic of Coming Out has influenced both movements and particularly transformed

immigration rights spaces. The Immigrant Youth Justice League, in particular has created
 18

literature on the intersection between LGBTQ rights and Immigration rights along with personal

testimonies that call for ally-ship between identities and organizers.46

However, this progress still must struggle with the politics established by the tactics used in

Boutilier and the legal selfishness that pervades both queer and immigration policy. Both

movements have been faced (and will continue to face) the difficult question of do we gain

rights for ourselves at the risk of leaving others behind? This has already happened in LGBTQ

rights with the gay community betraying the transgender community in employment non-

discrimination legislation.47 Yet, as time changes, communities will become even further

connected and the complex politics of identity will merge. The new normal has potential to

transform how queer advocates and immigration activists view intersections of community

which could create a larger coalition of communities to create new collective consciousness and

new collective active spaces. In order for this to happen, both communities must reject the

politics of respectability, secondary marginalization, and even the courts. Instead, expanding

double consciousness, collective action and space, and mobilizing to the streets will be the key.

46 Project between ALMA and IYJL (can be found at http://www.iyjl.org/?p=2633) and

Mukahhal.

47 See Queerty article.

 19

VII. Works Cited

7 Simple Reasons Why the LGBTQ Community Needs To Care About Immigrant Rights.
Prepared by the LGBTQ Immigrant Rights Project at the Association of Latino Men for Action
(ALMA) and Posted Online by the Immigrant Youth Justice League. Posted: September 25, 2011.
Accessed: June 2, 2012. http://www.iyjl.org/?p=2633

About Us. Immigrant Youth Justice League Home Page. http://www.iyjl.org/?page_id=405

Boutilier v. INS, 387 U.S. 118 (1967).

Full opinion found at http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/387/118/case.html

Carrasco, Ireri Unzueta. Im Queer. Im Undocumented. Im Out. Text of speech posted on

Immigrant Youth Justice League Web Page. Posted: June 9, 2011. Accessed: June 2, 2012.
http://www.iyjl.org/?p=2282

Chavez, Leo R. The Latino Threat. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2008.

Cohen, Cathy J. The Boundaries of Blackness: AIDS and the Breakdown of Black Politics.
Chicago, Illinois and London, England: The University of Chicago Press, 1999.

Cruz, Cindy. Notes on Immigration, Youth, and Ethnographic Silence. Theory Into
Practice. Vol 47, Issue 1. 2008. 67-73.

Du Bois, W.E.B. The Souls of Black Folk. New York: Dover Publications, Inc. Originally
published in 1903, this edition published in 1994.

Hing, Julianne. DREAMERS Come Out: Im Undocumented, Unafraid, Unapologetic.

Posted on ColorLines: New for Action Web Page. Posted: March 8, 2011. Accessed: June 2, 2012.
http://colorlines.com/archives/2011/03/dreamers_come_out_im_undocumented_unafraid_andunapol
ogetic.html
 20

HRC Finally Ready to Back Trans-Inclusive ENDA. Posted on Queerty Web Page. Posted:
March 26, 2009. Accessed: June 2, 2012. http://www.queerty.com/hrc-finally-ready-to-back-trans-
inclusive-enda-20090326/

Johnson, Kevin R. The Huddled Masses Myth: Immigration and Civil Rights. Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania: Temple University Press, 2004.

Kaplan, Temma. Taking Back the Streets: Women, Youth, and Direct Democracy. Berkley and
Los Angeles, California and London, England: The University of California Press, 2004.

Lewis, Thomas Tandy. Boutilier vs. Immigration and Naturalization Service. In

Encyclopedia of Immigration. Posted: August 9, 2011. Accessed: June 2, 2012. http://immigration-
online.org/388-boutilier-v-immigration-and-naturalization-service.html

Mondragon, Jose. Queer Undocumented Strategy Session: Healing and Movement

Building. Posted on United We Dream Web Page. Posted: May 16, 2012. Accessed: June 2, 2012.
http://unitedwedream.org/2012/05/16/queer-undocumented-strategy-session-healing-movement-
building/

Mukahhal, Alaa. I want to know how your heart hurts, too [A challenge to citizens]. Text of
speech posted on Immigrant Youth Justice League Web Page. Posted: April 21, 2012. Accessed: June
2, 2012. http://www.iyjl.org/?p=2975

Rivera, Gabrielle. I Am UndocuQueer" Shares the Stories of Undocumented Queers, Wants

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