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https://books.google.ro/books?

id=nXuaVeRortkC&pg=PA6&dq=abortion+in+romania&hl=ro&sa=X&ved=0a
hUKEwj6q9KYysbTAhXEzxQKHbnnBfMQ6AEIRTAE#v=onepage&q=abortion%20in%20romania&f=false

Gail Kigman The Politics of Duplicity: Controlling Reproduction in Ceausescus Romania. California: The
University of California, 1998.
Avortul n Romnia lui Ceauescu a fost interzis prin lege n anul 1966 i se cerea ca o familie s aib 4-
5 copii, ca o metod de cretere a populaiei. (era totu;i partid muncitoresc, aveau nevoie de for de
munc)
Astfel, avortul ilegal a devenit cea mai utilizat metod contraceptiv.
Politica pronatalist a lui Ceauescu, rmas n picioare pn la data de 26 decembrie 1989, a fost
considerat a fi una dintre cele represive astfel de politici din ntreaga lume.
Printr-o astfel de politic pronatalist, precum cea a lui Ceauescu, intimitatea corporal a intrat n
contact direct cu Statul, femeia pierzndu-i astfel dreptul asupra propriului corp.
Ce difereniaz perioada ceauist de prezent este motivul pentru care s-a dorit li se dorete interzicerea
prin lege a avortului. Dac n era comunist dorina de cretere a populaiei aduce o astfel de lege n
vizorul populaiei (Ceauescu fiind ateu, politica pronatalist neavnd nicio legtur cu religia), n
prezent, o parte a politicului, dar i a populaiei i ndeosebi Biserica Ortodox Romn nu se axeaz
numai pe creterea populaiei, ci i pe normele religioase, conform crora avortul este o crim.

In Ceaucus Romania, individual rights did not form part of public or private discourse. The state
legislated socil equality and ideologically suported social rights. The banning of abortion and the
bearing of children were realted to citizens obligations to the patrtalist stated that `cared` for them.
Neither women nor men ever expressed their thoughts or recounted their experiences in terms of rights.
(p. 6)

Political demographic policies that turned women into human machines that reproduced future workers.
(p. 8)

The Communist Party used legislative activity to reshape the relatinship between the public and private
spheres of daily life such that the latter would become a partner, willing or not, in the radical project of
societal change upon which Romania, had embarked after World War II. (p. 43)

http://jfprhc.bmj.com/content/39/1/2.full

Romanias communist leader Nicolae Ceausescu made abortion broadly illegal, permitting the procedure
legally only under a narrow range of circumstances: for women with four or more children, over the age
of 45 years, in circumstances where the pregnancy was the result of rape or incest or threatened the life
of the women, or in the case of congenital defect. (Horga M, Gerdts C, Potts M. Journal of Family
Planning and Reproductive Health Care 2013, 39, 2.)
At the same time deaths from unsafe abortion rose rapidly. Between 1966 and 1989, while abortion was
illegal in Romania, overall maternal mortality increased dramatically, from 85 per 100 000 live births in
1965 to a peak of 169 per 100 000 live births in 1989. (Horga M, Gerdts C, Potts M. Journal of Family
Planning and Reproductive Health Care 2013, 39, 2.)
In 1990, 913 973 registered abortions were performed, and 314 746 births were recorded: a three to one
ratio.5 Initially, contraception use was slow to catch on.6 Traditional contraceptive methods were
common, but modern methods became quickly and widely available through international donations and
in pharmacies. (Horga M, Gerdts C, Potts M. Journal of Family Planning and Reproductive Health
Care 2013, 39, 2.)
increased access to modern contraception in Romania over the last 15 years has not reduced fertility in
the country, but instead has reduced the need for women to resort to abortion. (Horga M, Gerdts C, Potts
M. Journal of Family Planning and Reproductive Health Care 2013, 39, 3)

https://books.google.ro/books?id=YNY8NqdsA6UC&pg=PA183&dq=abortion+in+romania&hl=ro&sa=X&ve
d=0ahUKEwj6q9KYysbTAhXEzxQKHbnnBfMQ6AEIKzAB#v=onepage&q=abortion%20in%20romania&f=f
alse

Alaka Malwade Basu The Sociocultral and Political Aspects of Abortion: Global Perspectives

Worldwide, women have always turned to abortion as a last reort to prevent unwanted biths, both
historically and now. (p. 15)
Ethical, moral and religious values and beliefs are reflected in societal attitudes and public opinion
concerning abortion, and they affect womens willingess to discuss and report on abortion. This is seen
in the fact that even in many countries where abortion is legal and widely practiced, a high proportion of
women will not report abrotions that they have had in concentional surveys. (p. 16)
ntr-un sondaj fcut n Romnia, unde rata avorturilor este foarte ridicat, 80% dintre persoanele
intervievate au recunoscut c au recurs la o astfel de metod pentru a ntrerupe o sarcin nedorit.

https://www.historia.ro/sectiune/general/articol/imaginea-si-rolul-femeii-in-perioada-comunista

Radu Alexandra Imaginea i rolul femeii n perioada comunist

Ceauescu lauda femeia pentru dublul ei rol, de mam i de muncitoare, dar aceste cerine nu
fceau dect s mpovreze femeia, imagini greu de reprodus vizual. Astfel, perioada anilor '80 a
reuit sa creeze o dubl imagine:una a femeii productive i una a femeii reproductive, niciodat
aceste dou viziuni nu s-au contopit vizual.
nceputul anilor '80 nu aduce cu sine schimbri majore n viaa cotidian. Coperile i coninutul
revistei Femeia, care a reprezentat un important mijloc de propagand n rndul femeilor, i
urmeaz tiparul obinuit.
Anul 1983 marcheaz ns o schimbare, aceasta fiind vizibil nc de la o simpl privire asupra
coperii revistei adresat tuturor femeilor din Romnia comunist.
o Primii trei ani din 1980 reprezint o continuitate, coperta lunii ianuarie fiind dedicat
apariiei copiilor alturi de anumite simboluri ale lumii comuniste. n 1980 ntlnim un
copil vesel, ce este mbrcat n hinue roii simboliznd tinereea, energia i iubirea -
i avnd pe fundal dou blocuri i o macara, simboluri ale ordinii socialiste.
o Anul 1984 aduce cu sine o schimbare, coperta revistei i promoveaz pe Elena i Nicolae
Ceauescu, la fel de zmbitori ca i copiii care au aprut n anii precedeni, dorind s
creeze o atmosfer de destindere, iar apariia lor s evidenieze importana familiei n
societate. Apariia acestui cuplu pe coperta revistei din luna ianuarie, i nu numai, va
deveni curnd ceva firesc. Schimbarea are rolul de a surprinde sensul evoluiei societii
romneti, se accentueaz promovarea cultului personalitii lui Nicolae Ceauescu, n
luna ianuarie fiind ziua acestuia de natere, iar copilul din braele lui semnific rolul su
liderul Partidului Comunist Romn se autointitula printele tuturor romnilor,
considerndu-se drept cel mai iubit fiu al patriei.
Dei se doreau o imagine i un statut ale femeii egale cu cele ale brbatului, realitatea arat o
femeie anonim pn i n diferitele sale forme de reprezentare artistic, chiar i pe coperile
revistei Femeia, reflectnd astfel anonimitatea femeii n societatea romneasc.

https://www.historia.ro/sectiune/general/articol/politica-pronatalista-a-lui-nicolae-ceausescu

Avortul mai fusese interzis i nainte (articolul 482 din Codul Penal din 1948), n primii ani de
comunism, cnd noul guvern a ncercat s impulsioneze creterea demografic grav afectat de
rzboi, apoi de secet i criz economic. Atunci ns, pedespsele pentru femeile care fceau
avort nu erau att de grave precum vor fi dup 1966, ele riscnd doar 3-5 luni de nchisoare.
Apoi, avortul va fi legalizat un deceniu mai trziu, n 1957, cnd regimul ncepe ncet s ia
msuri pentru ctigarea de partea a sa a populaiei pe care o terorizase cu civa ani n urm.
Msura nu a afectat sever creterea demografic, artnd c, dac statul continu s ofere
beneficiile materiale i sociale necesare, tinerii nu vor evita s-i ntemeieze familii cu unul sau
mai muli copii.
Chiar intrarea pe piaa muncii a femeilor a fcut ca acestea s amne ntemeierea unei familii,
mai ales n zonele n care standardele de via lsau de dorit. ns viziunea noului lider era
diferit: femeia emancipat trebuia s fie i mam pentru a-i face datoria fa de patria
socialist, patrie care, n viziunea lui Ceauescu, trebuia s aib o populaie ct mai numeroas.
ns rata natalitii scade din nou ctre anii '70. n schimb, decretul a creat o presiune foarte
mare asupra femeilor care, dac refuzau s-i lase viaa privat controlat de regim, riscau nu
doar nchisoarea, ci chiar moartea (fie din cauza condiiilor n care se realiza avortul ilicit, fie
pentru c, odat aduse la spital, medicii refuzau s le acorde ngrijirile necesare). n acest sens
sunt edificatorii statisticile privind rata mortalitii materne n Europa:Romnia se nregistra o
rat de 210/1000, de 5 ori mai mare dect n URSS i de 25 de ori mai mare dect n RFG.
ntreruperea cursului sarcinii reprezint un act cu grave consecine asupra sntii femeii i
aduce mari prejudicii i sporului natural al populaiei.

https://www.historia.ro/sectiune/general/articol/planul-securitatii-lui-ceausescu-de-urmarit-gravidele-si-
doctorii-in-vremea-decreteilor-90-la-suta-din-femei-mureau

Urmrile ordinului care a bgat groaza n femei, n anii 70 i 80, au fost devastatoare. n ncercarea de a
scpa de sarcinile nedorite, multe gravide recurgeau la orice fel de metode, care le puneau viaa n pericol
sau se terminau chiar cu moartea lor. De exemplu, numai n judeul Constana, medicii trebuiau s salveze,
n fiecare zi, viaa a cel puin 30 de femei care ncercau s-i provoace avortul sub diferite forme.
https://www.historia.ro/sectiune/general/articol/decretul-antiavort-prostitutia-si-decreteii

Lavinia Betea Decretul antiavort, prostituia i Decreeii

Romncele din fabrici i uzine au fost obligate la examene ginecologice periodice n scopul
depistrii gravidelor. Astfel, elementul cel mai intim al vieii umane, sexualitatea, a fost supus
controlului de partid.
Aa au aprut Decreeii". Copiii nedorii au dublat, n 1967, rata fertilitii din anul precedent.
Atunci s-a nscut cel mai mare numr de copii din ntreaga perioad de dup 1944 n Romnia.
n 1973 ns, rata fertilitii totale a revenit la nivelul de 2, 4 copii nscui n medie de o femeie.
Iar n anii urmtori s-a meninut la cotele de dinainte de adoptarea decretului.

ntreruperea voluntar a sarcinii (avortul) este o tem sensibil pentru romni. Avortul este ferm respins
de toate bisericile cretine, iar 98% dintre romni se declar credincioi cretini i majoritatea dintre ei
spun c respect morala cretin. ns n acelai timp avortul rmne cea mai important metod de
contracepie pentru un numr mare de femei. Aceast aparent contradicie s-a dezvoltat ntr-un context
aparte, marcat pe de o parte de ignorarea deplin de ctre regimul comunist a educaiei sexuale i pe de
alt parte de politicile aceluiai regim cu privire la avort.
n cei douzeci de ani de la Revoluie nu s-a pus aproape niciodat serios problema limitrii sau chiar
interzicerii dreptului la avort. Biserica Ortodox a continuat s condamne ntreruperea voluntar a
sarcinii, fr ns a insista foarte mult pe incriminarea ei n legislaia n vigoare. De asemenea au existat
ntotdeauna organizaii non-guvernamentale care susin c apr valorile cretine sau familia i care
militeaz pentru interzicerea avortului, dar nu s-a pus nc serios problema unei schimbri legislative.
Mai nou, subiectul este readus n discuia public, cu precdere pe Internet, de intelectuali ce se
revendic de la curentul cretin-democrat, care au o anume influen asupra politicienilor din partidul de
guvernare. Dac un partid i-ar asuma deschis pe agend limitarea sau interzicerea avortului discuia s-ar
muta la un alt nivel. Sunt ns romnii gata s renune la dreptul ctigat la Revoluie?
Persoanele cele mai conservatoare sunt femeile cu venituri mici, cu nivel sczut de educaie i care
locuiesc n mediu rural, iar la polul opus, cei care susin n cea mai mare msur avortul sunt brbai cu
venituri mari i foarte mari, studii superioare, locuitori ai oraelor mari i foarte mari.

http://www.marsulpentruviata.ro/

Ajut mama i copilul! Ei depind de tine!

https://republica.ro/avortul-si-vina-colectiva-de-care-fugim

Sunt femei care o fac pentru c nu pot s creasc singure un copil, iar tatl nu i asum responsabilitatea
pentru el. S nu mai vorbim de cele care o fac din motive de sntate sau de viol. i da, este regretabil,
dar pentru fiecare avort care se ntmpl, nu exist o scorpie fr suflet acolo, ci sute, mii de oameni care
mpart vina fr s tie mcar. Avortul este, n primul rnd, un eec al societii noastre. Al societii
nchistate, obsedate de control i care consider c e ok s vedem fotografii cu oameni torturai la tiri,
dar e o ruine fr mrgini s vedem un corp gol la plaj sau s discutm la coal despre metode
contraceptive i de protecie.

http://www.catchy.ro/portretul-unei-epoci-in-4-luni-3-saptamani-si-doua-zile/31617

e un portret fidel i zdrobitor al monotonei i represivei epoci comuniste


Filmul descrie felul n care dou prietene apropiate Otilia, jucat de Anamaria Marinca, i Gbia Drgu,
jucat de Laura Vasiliu, fac fa dificultilor morale i practice puse de faptul c una din ele vrea s fac un
avort n anii 80. Nu este o decizie uoar, nici moral nici practic, dat fiind ilegalitatea controlului natalitii i
avorturilor n acea perioad n Romnia, cnd cei care inclcau aceste legi riscau pedepse severe. A vrea s
ofer cteva informaii de fundal despre acea perioad, pe care filmul o capteaz att de bine.
La nceputul anilor 80, guvernul a luat msuri i mai intruzive pentru a reglementa ciclurile reproductive ale femeii.
Aa cum ilustreaz i filmul lui Mungiu, medicii fceau controale ginecologice obligatorii tuturor femeilor de
vrst propice reproducerii pentru a detecta i monitoriza sarcinile. De asemena, guvernul a lansat n aceat
perioad o campanie de propagand prin care aducea laude cuplurilor patriotice care aveau mai muli copii.
Aceste msuri nu au reuit totui s ajung la rezultatele dorite. Dup decenii de politici represive, rata natalitii
n Romnia era doar cu puin mai mare dect la naiunile unde avorturile erau legale. Totui, aceste msuri
draconice au reuit s creasc numrul de copii nedorii, dintre care muli au fost dai spre adopie n orfelinatele
de trist renume ale Romniei, care ncepeau s atrag atenia mass-media internaional n timpul anilor 80.
Aadar ce fceau femeile cnd rmneau nsrcinate i nu voiau s creasc un copil n asemenea condiii
ngrozitoare? Adesea luau decizia dificil pe care a fost forat s o ia Gabriela Drgu n filmul 4 luni, 3
sptmni i 2 zile: un avort ilegal. Aceast alegere presupunea dou riscuri inerente. Primul, acela evident al
nclcrii legii i faptului de a fi prins, care putea rezulta n pierderea slujbei i statutului, i chiar n sentine cu
nchisoarea. Dar cum ilustreaz filmul, exista un i mai mare pericol, acela de a cdea pe minile celor care fac
din nclcarea legii un obicei: prdtori sociopai lipsii de scrupule. Este exact ceea ce ntlnesc Otilia i Gabriela
n brbatul la care fac apel disperat pentru ajutor: practicantul ilegal de avorturi cunoscut drept Dl. Bebe. De la
nceput, simim c ceva nu e tocmai n regul, din punct de vedere psihologic, cu Dl. Bebe. El se ocup de orice
situaie i pare un btu chiar i atunci cnd nu-i ridic vocea. Este, de asemenea, obsedat de control. De
exemplu, i interziice propriei mame s ias din apartament ca s cumpere zahr. tim c acesta e un semnal de
alarm, pentru c sociopaii ntrein izolarea i i controleaz minuios victimele.
Prelundu-le pe cele dou tinere de ndat ce se afl singur cu ele n camera de hotel, le foreaz s accepte s
se culce cu el. Tipic pentru un sociopat, el prezint acest act de viol drept un avantaj moral. ntorcnd situaia n
devafoarea lor, dl. Bebe le face s se simt imorale i ieftine. Le strig c nu este un ceretor i c nu va face o
aciune ilegal care poate rezulta n pierderea libertii pentru nite amri de 3000 de lei, suma pe care fetele
putuser s o adune pentru a plti avortul ilegal. Nevznd nicio cale de ieire, tinerele accept preul impus de
el, care, din punct de vedere emoional, este mult mai mare dect se ateptau. n timp ce ele sunt traumatizate de
experiana de a se prostitua pentru un avort, Dl. Bebe ia totul ca firesc. Dup ce se culc cu ele, ncepe s li se
adreseze chiar n moduri familiare i prietenoase, ca i cum nimic nu s-ar fi ntmplat. Emoiile superficiale ale
sociopatului contrasteaz acut cu reacia ncrcat emoional, devastatoare, a celor dou femei.
Filmul capteaz ntunecimea epocii comuniste nu doar prin caracterizrile convingtoare i intriga realist ci i
printr-o art cinematografic spectaculoas. Aproape ficare scen e gri sau ntunecat, cu excepia imaginilor
albe, clinice, ale scenelor medicale. Otilia e de obicei filmat din spate, pentru a sugera faptul c i lipsete
capacitatea de aciune atunci cnd alegerile la care e forat sunt att de limitate i abjecte. Dup ce Dl. Bebe
prsete camera de hotel, cele dou tinere mediteaz asupra situaiei, revizuind greelile pe care le-au fcut i
gndindu-se la ce ar fi putut face diferit pentru a evita adnca umilire pe care tocmai au ndurat-o.

Otilia o acuz pe prietena ei petru c a bgat-o ntr-o situaie aa de groaznic i dificil, aproape transfernd
vina de la prdtorul sociopat aflat n afara controlului ei la dulcea, neajutorata i pasiva ei prieten Gbia, care e
o victim ca i ea. Situaia lor este, totui, simptomatic pentru ceea ce practic fiecare romn a ndurat n acele
vremuri n multe decizii de via: o sever limitare a libertii, a alegrilor i violarea repetat a limitelor morale i
emoionale. Cnd majoritatea aspectelor normale ale veii umane sunt interzise, aa cum erau pe vremea
regimului lui Ceauescu, omul e forat s ia msuri drastice i adeseori ilegale care cad de multe ori n
domeniul celor mai lisii de scrupule i manipulativi indivizi din lume sociopaii ca Dl. Bebe.
4 luni, 3 sptmni i 2 zile d dovad de o art cinematografic isusit i copleitoare adaptat subiectului i
perioadei pe care o descrie; acuratee istoric; caracterizri realiste i emoionante; interpretare superb i mai
presus de toate regie excelent. Dac acesta nu este divertisment adevrat din care privitorii vor fi i fost
nvat cte ceva despre istorie i despre natura uman atunci nu tiu ce mai poate fi! nainte ca Hollywood-ul s
se apuce de nc o comedie romantic previzibil sau de un film de aciune asementor cu un desen animat, cred c ar
trebui s-i ia cteva notie de la Cannes.

https://www.theguardian.com/film/four-months-three-weeks-and-two-days

Cristian Mungiu is an unlikely leader of a cinematic revolution. But ever since his
second film, the harrowing abortion drama 4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days, won the
Palme dOr at Cannes film festival in 2007, Mungiu has become the best-known
director, and de facto leader, of a group of film-makers who emerged a decade ago
from post-communist eastern Europe and most particularly, the new wave that
exploded from Romania, the country that experienced the toughest transition from
Soviet domination in the late 1980s.
The metaphor of an illegal abortion defined the new societys birthing agonies in 4
Months, and gruesomely illustrated the stillborn hopes of post-Ceauescu society.
Mungiu talks a lot about reality and truth as he describes his cinematic project:
the aim is to contain and distil some kind of authentic experience along with the
demands of narrative. That is the ambition of every social-realist film-maker
from Ken Loach downwards, but Mungiu can claim to have created a distinctive
texture, with agile camerawork, harsh, unpretty visuals, unconventional editing, and
an intense focus on character viewpoints. I dont jump from one character to
another. We know as much as the main character knows; this is the way things
happen in life. I wont use music because there is no music in life, and I wont signal
to you as a spectator how to feel. Its not fair. As film-makers, we can do better than
this.

http://www.rogerebert.com/reviews/4-months-3-weeks-and-2-days-2008

For Gabita, the notion of taking responsibility for her own actions is completely unfamiliar. We
wonder how she has survived to her current 20-ish age in a society that obviously requires
boldness, courage and improvisation. For starters, she persuades Otilia to raise money for the
operation. Then she asks her to go first to meet the abortionist. Then she neglects to make a
reservation at the hotel that the abortionist specifies. That almost sinks the arrangement: The
abortionist has experience suggesting that hotel will be a safe venue, and suspects he may be
set up for a police trap.
The movie deliberately levels an unblinking gaze at its subjects. There are no fancy shots, no
effects, no quick cuts, and Mungiu and his cinematographer, Oleg Mutu, adhere to a rule of one
shot per scene. That makes camera placement and movement crucial, and suggests that every
shot has been carefully prepared. Even shots where the ostensible subject of the action is half-
visible, or not seen at all, serve a purpose, by insisting on the context and the frame. Visuals are
everything here; the film has no music, only words or silences.
Otilia is heroic in this context; she reminds me a little of the ambulance attendant in the 2005
Romanian film "The Death of Mr. Lazarescu," who drove a dying man around all night, insisting
on a hospital for him. Otilia grows exasperated with her selfish and self-obsessed friend, but
she keeps on trying to help, even though she has problems of her own.
One of them is her boyfriend Adi (Alex Potocean), who is himself so self-oriented that we
wonder if Otilia is attracted to the type. Even though she tries to explain that she and Gabita
have urgent personal business, he insists on Otilia coming to his house to meet his family that
night. He turns it into a test of her love. People who do that are incapable of understanding that
to compromise would be a proof of their own love.
When the friends finally find themselves in a hotel room with the abortionist, the result is as
unpleasant, heartless and merciless as it could possibly be. I'll let you discover for yourself. And
finally there is a closing scene where Otilia and Gabita agree to never refer to this night again.
Some critics have found the scene anticlimactic. I think it is inevitable. If I were Otilia, I would
never even see Gabita again. I'd send over Adi to collect my clothes.
Filmmakers in countries of the former Soviet bloc have been using their new freedom to tell at
last the stories they couldn't tell then.
nd in Romania, the era has inspired a group of powerful films, including "Mr. Lazarescu" and
"12:08 East of Bucharest" (2006) and "4 Months," which won the Palme d'Or at Cannes 2007,
upsetting a lot of American critics who admired it but liked "No Country for Old Men" more.
The film has inspired many words about how it reflects Romanian society, but obtaining an
illegal abortion was much the same in this country until some years ago, and also in Britain, as
we saw in Leigh's "Vera Drake." The fascination of the film comes not so much from the
experiences the friends have, however unspeakable, but in who they are, and how they behave
and relate. Anamaria Marinca gives a masterful performance as Otilia, but don't let my
description of Gabita blind you to the brilliance of Laura Vasiliu's acting. These are two of the
more plausible characters I've seen in a while.

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/25/movies/25mont.html

In 4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days, a ferocious, unsentimental, often brilliantly


directed film about a young woman who helps a friend secure an abortion, the camera
doesnt follow the action, it expresses consciousness itself. This consciousness alert to
the world and insistently alive is embodied by a young university student who, one
wintry day in the late 1980s, helps her roommate with an abortion in Ceausescus
Romania when such procedures were illegal, not uncommon and too often fatal. Its a
pitiless, violent story that in its telling becomes a haunting and haunted intellectual and
aesthetic achievement.
And 4 Months deserves to be seen by the largest audience possible, partly because it
offers a welcome alternative to the coy, trivializing attitude toward abortion now in
vogue in American fiction films, but largely because it marks the emergence of an
important new talent in the Romanian writer and director Cristian Mungiu.
With a lack of ceremony and no music to set the mood, Mr. Mungiu opens 4 Months
on the pale, lithe Gabita (Laura Vasiliu) moving about a cramped university dorm
room, rearranging this and that, and packing a plastic tablecloth in a travel bag while
exchanging seeming banalities with Otilia
But 4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days is nothing if not a triumph of aesthetic choices, of
fluidly moving camerawork, rigorous framing and sustained long shots that allow you to
explore the image rather than try to catch hold of it. The film starts off quietly despite
Gabitas jitters, but subtly shifts registers once Otilia leaves to run some errands. With
the camera sometimes leading and sometimes following, Otilia cruises through the long
dorm halls, drops in on some other students and buys cigarettes from a resident
vendor. Theres urgency in her step despite the casualness of these exchanges, an
exigency thats expressed both by the worry in her face and the way Mr. Mungiu keeps
her steadily locked in his cameras sights.
Over the course of the film this persistence of vision creates an extraordinary level of
tension. Otilia, it soon emerges, has just begun a harrowing journey that will take her
from one bleak hotel to another (where the customer is always and often comically
wrong) and through a labyrinth of near-pitch-black streets and darker human behavior.
Otilia will stand by Gabita, who will almost collapse in turn, and go up against her own
lover, Adi (Alex Potocean), and a grotesque back-alley abortionist cruelly known as Mr.
Bebe (Vlad Ivanov, terrifying), who will test the limits of the womens friendship.
Throughout her odyssey Mr. Mungiu and his camera will keep watch on Otilia without
close-ups, speeches, false morality or judgment.
In interviews, Mr. Mungiu has resisted some of the metaphoric readings of his film (say,
as an attack on the Ceausescu regime) and resisted making overt declarations on
abortion.

https://theculturetrip.com/europe/romania/articles/the-new-wave-of-romanian-cinema/

Romanian cinema was stunted for many years by the repressive regime of Ceausescu.
However, a new generation of dynamic Romanian directors is currently probing the
countrys turbulent history.

The industry was heavily influenced by the arrival of communist rule in 1947, after which
cinema grew but censorship and propaganda hindered creativity

Recognizable for their minimalist filmmaking, which was often due to scarce resources,
these directors are obsessed with authenticity. The films below all share a preoccupation
with Romanian identity and the way in which the country is moving on after the years of
dictatorship.

At last, Otilia stares at the dead foetus. A poignant scene that condemns the only possible
outcome of a totalitarian state: waste.
A drama shot as a thriller where the psychological state of the victims is emphasized.
Accentuated by the documentary style, a sense of sordid realism is created as if Mungiu
wanted to remind us that this fiction was once a reality.