Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
Doctor of Philosophy
September 27,1997
I+IofNational
Canada
tibrary Bibliothque nationale
du Canada
Acquisitions and Acquisitions et
Bibliographic Services services bibliographiques
395 Wellington Street 395. nie Wellington
OttawaON K1A ON4 OetawaON K1AON4
Canada Canada
The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accord une licence non
exclusive licence allowing the exclusive petmettant la
National Library of Canada to Bibliothque nationale du Canada de
reproduce, loan, disttibute or sell reproduire, prter, distribuer ou
copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thse sous
paper or electronic formats. Ia fome de microfichelfilm, de
reproduction sur papier ou sur format
lectronique.
OOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
O 1997
Permission has been granted to the LIBRARY OF YORK
UNIVERSITY to lend or seIl copies of this dissertation. to the
NATIONAL LIBRARY OF CANADA to microfilm this dissertation
and to lend or seIl copies of the film, and to UNIVERSITY
MICROFILMS to publish an abstract of this dissertation.
The author resewes other publication rights, and neither the
dissertation nor extensive extracts from it may be printed or
otherwise reproduced without the author's written permission.
ABSTRACT
Over the past ten years, there has been a marked increase in the number of young
offenders (ages 12-17) placed in custody. Detention centres are full of youth who have
cornmitted alamiing acts of violence. At the same t h e , federal deficits and budget
cutbacks have produced a system that offm o d y a bare minimum of services. Solution-
focused therapy (Berg, 1991; de Shazer, 1985) may be particularly well suited to young
offenders, given the structure of the prese~tsystem and the resources available. Its
(Hoyt, 1994) may give young offenders new choices or options, while creating an
atmosphere of acceptance and hope (Friedman, 1994). The purpose of this research
secure custody young offenders. Forty residents were involved in the study: 21 in the
treatment group and 19 in the control group. Treatment consisted of ten sessions of
gathered kom teachers and correctional officers at each assessment period. Participants
were assessed for behavioural change, attitude change and cornpliance to institutional
programming. Preliminary investigation revealed that there is some evidence for the
utility of the solution-focused model. Compared to the control group, offenders who
received treatment had Iower scores on chernicd abuse tendencies scales between initial
assessrnent and follow-up. There was a statistical trend for lower scores on a scde
greater degree of ernpathy for others and an increase in feelings of guilt relative to
members of the control group. They also indicated greater progress in solving problems,
higher confidence in their ability to maintain changes, higher optunism for the fture, and
a trend for greater control over their Lives after participating in the treatment program.
this dissertation and made this expenence an intereshg and enjoyable one. First of dl,
independence. Her dedication and thoughtflness were indeed appreciated. The rnembers
of my supervisory cornmittee were also very helpfl: Dr. Debra Pepler, with her wealth of
knowledge and enthusiasm for the subject area; and Dr. Tim Moore, with his support and
sofi-spoken insights.
Part of what contributed to such a positive research experience was the clinical
support that 1 received nom two exceptionally taiented clinicians: Dr. Raymond Parthun,
who taught me the joys of being brief, and Dr. Judith Mack, whose appreciation for the
would not have been possible without the cooperation and support of the Ministry of the
Solicitor General and Correctional Services, and the talented and cheerfil staff of
Brookside Youth Centre. The overwhelming support of the staffand administration were
well appreciated.
1owe my heartfelt gratitude to ail the residents who participated in the study,
particularly those members of the treatment group, whose trust and candor helped me to
Finally, 1can never thank my family enough for al1 their encouragement,patience,
insights and practical help. Parcicular thanks are extended to my husband, Joseph, for his
unwaivering support (and editing skiiis), and my mother, Cynthia, for helping me to pull
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction ...................................................... 1
An overview of the literature review ................................... 8
CHAPTER ONE
THE PROBLEM OF YOUTH VIOLENCE ............................ 10
The Incidence of ViolenVAnti-Social Behaviour Among Youths ...... 10
Youth Crime Statistics ................................ . I I
The Nature of the OEnces ............................. 14
Trends in Disposition .................................. 14
Factors to Consider When Examining Crime Rate Statistics ... 16
Recidivism Rates ..................................... 17
Costs to the Taxpayer .................................. 19
CHAPTER TWO
UNDERSTANDING YOUTH VIOLENCE ............................ 20
Introduction ............................................... 20
Individual Factors .......................................... 24
Implications of Individual Factors on Treatment Planning .....32
ne Role of the Family in the Development of Violent Behaviour ....33
Implications of Famiiy Factors for Treatment Programming ... 40
Cognitive-Developmental Factors .............................. 42
Implications for Treatment ............................. 55
Social and Politicai Factors ...................................57
Access to Firearms ....................................61
Involvement with Aicohol and Dmgs ..................... 63
Involvement in Antisocial Groups ........................ 64
Exposure to Violence in the Mass Media .................. 67
Implications for Treatmenflrevention .................. 69
Chapter Surnmary and Conclusions ....................... 70
viii
CHAPTER THREE
A REVEW OF THE T R E A T M . LITERATURE
FOR YOUNG OFFENDERS ....................................... 75
Introduction ............................................... 75
Treatment within a socio-political context: ....................... 77
A review of the treatment literature ........................... 82
Sumrnary of the treatment literature ............................ 87
CHAfTER FOUR
SOLUTION-FOCUSED THERAPY .................................. 92
Introduction
The Influence of Milton H. Erickson ............................93
The Solution-Focused Approach .............................. - 9 6
A Review of the Research to Date ..............................99
C W T E R FlVE
MEASURING OUTCOME:
FACTORS RELATING TO POSITIVE TREATMENT OUTCOME ....... 106
DenningSuccess .......................................... 106
The Context of Treatment................................... 107
Gauging Success .......................................... 109
The Impact o f Methodology ................................. 111
C H A P n R SIX
METHOD AND PROCEDURES ...................................114
Introduction to Brookside Youth Centre .............................. 114
TheHypotheses ........................................... 115
Rationde for the Study ..................................... 117
Design .................................................. Il8
Participants .............................................. 119
Procedure ..............................................121
Critena for Selection of Measures: ............................ 124
DataAnalysis ............................................ 124
CHAPTEK SEVEN
A DESCRIPTION OF TIHE PROGRAMME .......................... 128
A Detailed Description of the Ten Sessions: ..................... 129
TheInitialInterview: ................................. 130
An Example of an Initial Interview: ............... 135
The Second Session: ................................. 138
CaseExample: ................................ 140
The Third Session: ................................... 141
CaseExample: ................................ 142
The Fourth Session: .................................. 147
Case Example: ................................ 149
The F i f i Session .................................... 151
Case Example: ................................ 153
TheSixthSession: ................................... 154
CaseExample: ................................ 155
The Seventh Session: ................................. 157
CaseExarnple: ................................ 158
The Eighth Session: .................................. 159
Case Example: ................................ 160
The N i Session: ................................... 161
Case Example: ................................ 162
The Teath Session ...................................164
CaseExample ................................. 164
CHAPTER EIGHT
RESULTSOFTHESTUDY ....................................... 166
The Shidy Participants ...................................... 166
Response to the Programme .................................. 171
Effectiveness of Solution-Focused Therapy ..................... 173
Resident Self -Report Measures over Time 1 and Tirne 2 . . . . . 174
Resident Self -Report Measures over Tirne 1 and Time 3 ..... 177
Teacher Ratings of Resident Behaviour ................... 180
Correctionai Officer Ratings of Resident Behaviour ......... 183
The Hypotheses ........................................... 184
Self ............................................... 184
Family ............................................186
Peers .............................................. 186
Environment ........................................ 187
Cognition .......................................... 187
Behaviour .......................................... 188
Process ............................................ 189
Impact o f the Strike on Resident Attitudes and Behaviour .......... 189
Weely Mood Reports ..................................... 190
Relationship between Targeted Areas of Intervention and Recidivism . 196
Figure 13: Teacher ratings of resident behaviour - Total TRF scores 181
LIST OF TABLES
Table 8: Mean, Standard Deviations. and F values of Self Report Outcorne Measures
as a Function of Group and T h e (over three assessrnent periods) ......... 179
Table 10: Means. Standard Deviations and F Values of Initial Self-Report Measures
Related to Recidivisrn at Six Month Follow-up ....................... 192
Table 14: A Cornparison of Treatment vs. Controi. and Recidivists vs.Non-recidivists 197
Introduction
centre for one year is $92,064. In Ontario done, during the year 1992-93, $33,775,339
were spent incarcerating young offenders in youth detention centres. This amount rose to
1995). Over the past ten years, there has been a marked increase in the nurnber of youths
Division, 1994). It is unclear whether this increase is due to changes in police charging
in judicid sentencing, or an achial increase in youth crime. The end result, however, is
clear: Canada is dealing with a significant increase in the number of youths within the
correctional system. Many of these youths are serving time for violent offences against
people andor property. In the province of Ontario, considerable attention has been given
Despite best efforts, recidivism rates for youth detention centres remain high, ranging
fkom 54% to 76% (Dohex-ty & de Souza, 1995; Leschied, Austin & M e , 1988; Leschied
High rates of recidivism and public cries for increased protection have resulted in
pressures on the Solicitor General's office for changes in the Young Offenders Act, with
proposais for harsher sentencing and higher numbers of youths being tried as adults for
violent crimes. CurrentIy, the legal systern is crippled by backlog, overburdened courts,
and overpopulation of prisons and detention centres. Ironicaiiy, these backiogs have
prompted correctionai facilities to implement early reiease programmes to make room for
youth violence in society, as weii as changes to the way in which acts of violence are
this objective, numerous campaigns have been launched to educate the public on the
harrnfid effects of violence on children. A multitude of studies and large scale research
projects have investigated ways of identifjmg and treating violent prone behaviour
among young children before it escalates to a level which is tnily problematic (Coie,
Underwood, & Lockman, 1991; Forehand & Long, 1991; Hawkins & Lishner, 1987;
Kendall, Ronan & Epps, 1991; Offord ,Boyle & Racine, 1991;Pepler, King & Byrd,
seem costly, in the long nui they lead to savings - in social, emotional and financial
tenns. Unfortunately, the fact remains that prisons and youth detention centres are full of
youths who have committed a 1 a . g acts of violence. Fecieral deficits and budget
cutbacks have resulted in a system which puiports to "treat" offenders, but in reality
offers only a bare minimum of services. Intensive treatment is a luxury afforded to few.
Under such conditions, the t h e that professionals spend with offenders is often limited to
This paucity of treatment is not surprising, since approaches in the past have met
with mixed results. No single approach has achieved dennitive success. Often treatment
is a costly and time intensive affair, with the long-term effects fkequently unclear or
careers, graduating to adult correctional facilities (Doherty & de Souza, 1995). This
process is costly to the tax payer, hstrating to professionals and staff within the
correctional system, discouraging and disillusionhg to the individual who has undergone
youth violence, few have been subjected to empincal evaluation of their actual impact
(Tolan & Guerra, 1994). T'ose outcome studies which have been conducted have
treatment literature on young offendm. The authors concluded that clinically appropriate
treatment does, in fact significantly decrease the rate of violence. The most promising
need of the offender, be based on a coherent and empincally defensible model, prepare
the cIient for setbacks or high nsk situations, specifically target problematic behaviour,
and be delivered in an open, caring and enthusiastic manner. Treatment should not be
viewed as a discrete event, but rather, should serve a s a launching pad into a continuum
of care (Leschied & Thomas, 1985). Individuais involved must have a sense of
institutional cornmitment to their success, and believe that they are, in fact, "treatable"
(Ibid).
The chdenge for professionals working with young offenders is to utilize a
treatment model which achieves these goals w i t h the Limiting factors specEc to
and labour efficient. Since most onenders do not stay in any one faciiity for extended
penods of time, programmes must be bnef in nature, enabling residents with average
reduced recidivisrn rates, many of these are both labour and time intensive. When
funding restraints and cutbacks are the norm, the search must continue for alternative
One form of treatment which appears to lend itself particularly well to working
with young offenders is solution-focused therapy (Berg, 1991; de Shazer, 1985).
the elements of "promising programming" (Andrews, Leschied & Hoge, 1992). It is one
of the "Brief Therapy" models that has its roots in systems theory and family therapy
developments during the 1960s and 1970s. Since then, it has evolved into a method
proven to be useful in treating a variety of patients. It differs ffom many traditional foms
of therapy Ui that there is a paradigrnatic shift fkom deficits to strengths, from problems to
solutions, and nom past to f h r e (Hoyt, 1994, p.2). The therapist works with the client
to open up new choices or options, while creating an atmosphere of acceptame and hope,
and where the client's dignity and resources are respected (Friedman, 1994, p.248). It is
problems, taking into account individual ciifferences in background, culture, ability, and
need.
pathology. Scientific inqujr has delved into creating an understanding of the genesis
(O'Hanlon & Weber-Davis, 1989, p. 1). Thus there is a trend away fiorn explanations,
problerns, and pathology, and towards solutions (Ibid, pl). Solution-focused therapy is
results oriented, not insight-oriented. It assumes as given that each client has the
resources that are necessary for change. Since it is a systemic therapy, placing emphasis
on the family situation within which the youth was raised, solution-focused brief therapy
is highly sensitive to the social context within which the client spends hidher daily life.
sessions.
with a nurnber of client groups, to date, there have been no anpirical investigations of the
efficacy of solution-focused therapy with young offenders. The purpose of this research
project is to conduct such an investigation, applying this relatively new forrn of therapy to
a population of secure custody young offenders. The ultimate goal of any new treatment
the incidence, causes and treatmmt of violent and antisocial behaviour among youths.
placed on violent behaviour, since the study population involves secure custody young
offenders. Although not al1 offenders involveci in the research project have been
convicted of violent crimes, the acts which they have canied out have been deemed
Relative to the generd population, secure population offenders are seen a s violent
offenders. They constitute the end point of a continuum which ranges fiom probation and
open custody at one end, to secure custody at the other. For the purposes of this project,
person or property. Within a secure custody facility, this may translate into convictions of
murder, manslaughter, aggravated assault, assaulf or even multiple break and enten,
The literature review is broken down into five chapten. In the fkst chapter of the
literature review, the problem of violence among youths is addressed and examined in
ternis of trends over tirne. Factors which affect prevalence estimates are identified and
discussed.
The second chapter focuses on what is h o w n about the causes of violent or
with regards to the political and social context within which it occurs.
The treatment literature is reviewed in the third chapter, with an emphasis on the
charactenstics of approaches that have proven to be effective with young offenders. The
politicd context of treatment is discussed, with specid note being made to the hancial,
time and political restrictions currently being placed on the correctional system.
In the final chapter of the literature review, the concept of treatment outcome is
presented, dong with a discussion on the criteria for establishing success.
CHAPTER ONE
Over the past few years, there has been significant public pressure put on
legislators to hcrease the seventy of punishment for young offenders who are convicted
Uicreasingly concemed about the incidence of youth crime in their communities and the
court's ability to deal effectively with these youths (Doherty & de Souza, 1996, p.2).
Many concerned citizens have voiced the opinion that the system should be more
punitive, in the belief that harsher punishments will resdt in greater detemence.
emphasis on the more shocking or heinous crimes. This attention, in tum, serves to
continues to grow about the incidence and nature of youth involvement in crime. As
fears about public safety increase, so do demands for increased police protection, harsher
sanctions against offending youths, and policies of "zero tolerance" within the school
systems.
specificaily with violent youth crime, have been enacted In the past, it was the
10
responsibility of the Crown to prove wby a violent young offender shouid be processed
through the adult system. Now the onus is placed on the youths (or their counsel) to
show why their respective cases should be heard in youth court. For those cases that are
not transfmed to adult court, maximum sentence length has been increased nom five to
ten years for youths charged with first degree murder. Thus it appears that politicians are
hearing and responding to public demands for "get tough" policies (St. Amand &
Greenberg, 1996). Clearly the public's fears have been raised, and the legal system is
responding. What is not as clear is the validity and accuracy of these fears. Has youth
crime, in fact, reached epidernic proportions? Are Canada's troubled youths turning to
violence as an acceptable form of conflict resolution or are these perceptions simply the
Trends in youth crime are particularly interesting because they appear to fluctuate
independently of adult the. Over the past two decades, the violent crime rate for adult
offenders has increased significantly, tripling during the period fkom 1962 to 1992
(Statistics Canada, 1996). Only in the past few years has there been a decrease in the
violent crime rate for adults with the 1995 rate being the third year in a row that it has
declined (Johnson, 19%). Many law enforcement officiais have atributed this decfine to
With the exception of 1994, the rate of youths charged with violent crimes has been rising
steadily since 1986. (Statistics Canada, 1996, p.2). From 1986 to 1993, youth violent
crime had been increasing at an average annual rate of 12%(Statistics Canada, 1994).
While the overall youth crime rate decreased for three straight years, then rernained stable
in 1995 (Johnson, 1996) violent youth crimes clearly did not follow this trend (Statistics
b m e t e r of public safety (Statistics Canada,1994, p.5). One of the best indices of the
than other types of crime statistics because they are not as easily affectai by subtle
(Johnson, 1996, p12). While the homicide rate for adults has been decreasing over the
past decade, the rate for youths aged 12 to 17 has remained stable. Thus although the
absolute number of violent crimes committed by youths appeats to be on the rise, the
actual violent crime among this group of offenders does not appear to be changing.
Nonetheless, in the context of decreasing crime rates among addt offenders, such figures
are cause for concem. An increase in the incidence of violent youth crime represents an
increased burden on society and the criminai justice system. Poce reported 65 youths
charged with homicide in 1995,8 more than in the previous year, and the second
consecutive increase. It was the highest number of youths charged in a single year since
1975 (Statistics Canada, 1996, p.7). Youths account for an average of 8% of al1 homicide
suspects in Canada over the 1st 10 years (Ibid., 1994, p.8). Given recent advances in
medical technology and emergency response systems (whkh should result in a reduced
number of fatalities), these homicide statistics are cause for concem. It would appear that
Canada does indeed have a problem of growing rates of violence among its youth.
The Nature of the Offences
A breakdown of the nature of offences helps to shed Light on the types of violent
behaviour in which these youths are involved. Between 1986 and 1995, there was a
140% increase in the number of youths charged with comxnitting violent crimes in
Canada (Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, 1996). Although there was a decrease in
the total number of break and e n t a over this nine-year period (with figures f d b g nom
27,371 in 1986 to 18,605 in 1995), ail forms of robbery and assault showed marked
increases. The total robbery rate tripled fiom 1986 to 1995, with the number of incidents
ivolving fieamis jumping from 155 in 1986 to 498 in 1995. A similar increase in
robbenes involving other weapons is demonstrated (458 to 1,221 respectively). The total
number of charges laid for assault rose in a similar manner, increasing h m 6,119 in
1986 to 1S,86 1 in 1995. Only sexuai assault charges appear to have levelled off,
Trends in Disposition
srnaIl, it translates into 41,000 youths, 5,000 of whom are serving time in custodial
facilities. Close to 40% of al1 youths in custody were serving their sentences in secure
custody facilities (St.Amand & Greenberg, 1996, p. 1). The number of youths in both
secure and open custody facilities has increased steadily since 1990-9 1, with overall
offending, and consequenty the number who are being placed in custodial facilities @oth
Recent changes to bill C-37 will likely have a signifcant impact on trends in
custody, since greater emphasis is being placed on rehabilitation for nonviolent offenders,
and will likely result in more community placements. In contrast, youths convicted of
violent offences will be treated more harshly and will likely spend longer periods of time
Over the past ten years, there has been a marked increase in the number of youths
Division, 1994). It is mclear whether this increase in the number of youths in detention is
in youth crime. Clearly there are a nurnber of factors which may impact on crime rate
statistics. Over the past ten years, there has been a reduction in societal tolerance of
violence, and this has placed very real pressure on police to be involved in situations
where they might not previously have been expected to intemene (Le., school yard
violence). S imilariy, legislative changes have been made which result in harsher
penalties for violent behaviour. Variances in poiicing resources and personnel certainiy
would impact on the number of charges laid and changes in the actuai dennition of crime
(for example assault, sexual assault). This, in tum, will impact on crime statistics.
Advances in rnedical technology and emergency rnedical response may result in fewer
deaths. Thus a case which might have been classified as homicide twenty years ago may
be aggravated assault today due to the increased capabilities of the medical profession.
Thus there may be significant variances in the crime rate due to factors which are
reflect local variances, and may not even reflect provincial rates. For example, Manitoba
reported a dramatic increase in violent crime during the 1990s while Alberta reported an
equally drastic decline (Johnson, 1996, p. 1). Crime rate statistics provide a crude
indication of the current situation, without consideration of the factors which may have
contributed to variation. Aithough they are a helpfui statistic, it is importaut that they be
examined within the societal context in which they occur. When viewed within the
Recidivism Rates
The next question which arises is "To what extent do court imposed sanctions act
offenders in Canada's youth courts in 1993-94 found that about 40% were repeat
offenders (Doherty & de Souza, 1995, p. 1). That is, 40% of al1 youths who were
involved in the legal system retumed due to fkther criminal activity within the next few
years. Aithough recidivists are more likely to receive harsher sentences than k t t h e
offenden (i.e., secure versus open custody), the Iength of sentencing for recidivists,
progression Eom nonvio lent to violent crimes among recidivists, however, both property
and violent offenders tend to commit crimes of increasingly serious nature in their
Transfers to aduft court and the use of aIiases make it difficult to establish
recidivism rates for secure custody residents. It is Imown, however, that 76% of al1
offenders entering secure custody facilities have previously offended (Ibid., p. 10). It is
likely that the recidivim rate for these individuals is higher after they leave the secure
custody facilities, since it has been shown that the older a recidivist gets, the greater the
A recent article in the Financial Post Magazine (1995) reveded some interesting
statistics about recidivists. Young recidivists become adult recidivists, since the average
per year, with 6% of offenders accounting for 52% of al1 arrests. Aithough this figure is
likely inflated due to the fact that it may be easier to catch recidivists than first time
offenders, the fact remains that this srnall group of offenders is committing a large
nurnber of crimes. Finally, the article mentioned that 90 per cent of youth anests are of
recidivists. Since many young recidivists are pooled together in secure custody
institutions, it is logical to focus rehabilitative eBorts at this stage, since the youths are
high nsk (thus according to Andrews et al. (1990) are more amenable to treatment),
centre for one year is $92,063.95. In Ontario done, during the year 1992-93, $33.8
million were spent incarcerating young offenders in youth detention centres. This
amount rose to $34.7 million in 1993-94 (Ministry of the SoIicitor GeneraI and
Correctionai Services, 1995). With increasing numbers of youths coming through the
systern, it can be expected that these numbers will continue to rise accordingly.
Summary
Violent crime arnong youth is escalating in Canada, courts are overburdened, and
the correctional systern is working at maximum capacity. Millions of dollars are spent
on the youth justice system each year, with iucreasing numbers of youths being sentenced
general, violent crimes are clearly on the nse. What are the causes of youth violence, and
why do Canada's youth seem to be following this alamhg trend? The responses to these
questions are complex; the clearest answer which c m be provided is that no single factor
can account for youth violence. Violence is the result of a multitude of complex factors
which work together to predispose an individual to aggression. The goal of the next
Introduction
In Febniary, 1993, the world reeled as it heard the shocking news that two eleven
year old boys had beaten and killed a two year old toddler, James Bulger, in Liverpool,
England. James' body was found battered and s h e d in half on a lailway line two days
&ex- he was abducted. The age of the accused children and the bmtality of the act sent
troubled nation contemplated the meaning of the event. How could it be possible for
Two possible explmations arise which may account for the terrible deed. The
fifit is that the children are "%adseeds"- children who, despite any attempts at guidance,
support or understanding, ruthlessly and maliciously use others to fulfill their own needs.
They are genetic aberrations, with defective intemal wiring which prevents them Erom
incarcerate them, thereby minllnizing damage which they may inflict on others. This
these children, and relieves society of any responsibility towards them (Reyes, 1996).
The second explanation, far more troubling, is that the act they committed is the Iogicd
consequence of individuai and environmental factors: these two hi&-risk youths were
exposed to a series of situations which supported and promoted the use of violence and
of learned behaviour, the developmental outcome of the life experiences of the children.
Predisposing individual nsk factors combine with famiy, school, peer and environmental
factors to produce aggressive and violent behaviour patterns in childhood that extend into
adolescence and adulthood (Pepler & Slaby, 1994, p.38). In this model, vioIence is a
learned behaviour which results when a hi&-risk individual is paired with a combination
less palatable since the implications are far reaching. If a violent individual is created,
There are a smdl number of offenders who appear to fit into the %ad seed"
category - individuals who, despite supportive, loving and enriched backgrounds, fail to
offenders has been termed "psychopaths"and are estimated to account for approximately
10% of prison populations (Hare, 1993). The majority of offenders, however, do not fa11
into this category. It is the position of this paper that for most young offenders, violence
trajectory" towards violence (Loeber 1988), one must identify and understand the
behaviour patterns. Only then is one in a position to design treatrnent programmes that
are meanin@, relevant and effective.
A number of risk factors have been identifed which increase a youth's propensity
to violence. Risk factors are those factors that, if present, increase the likelihood of a
selected child h m the general population (Garmezy, 1983). For example, an "at-risk"
parenting, have poor attachrnent to others, identifjl strongly with an antisocial peer group,
and live in a neighbourhood rife with violence. Certainly not dl children who are
exposed to such conditions will develop violent behaviour patterns. The presence of
protective factors may be suficient to temper the negative influence of such nsk factors.
Protective factors are "those attributes of persons, envirorments, situations and events
status" (Kimchi & Schafier, 1990,p.476). Protective factors provide resistance to risk,
and foster outcornes marked by patterns of adaptation and cornpetence (Rutter, 1990).
Examples of such factors are self coddence, good communication skills, family
cohesion, identification with a supportive adult, ftiendship, and good infoxmal sources of
support through peers, extended family, neighbours, ministers and teachen (Kimchi &
Schafher, 1990).
Rutter (1990) argues that protection or risk is not a quality of the factor itself, but
rather is a function of the way in which it interacts with other factors. In the absence of
stress, 44protectivefactors" have no impact. Thus he refm to protective mechanisms and
which reuiforce either social or antisocial behaviour. Caims and Cairns (1 99 1) emphasize
the links between social cognition in aggressive children and the social networks in which
they are embedded. The authors argue that the scientific understanding of social pattern
requires a holistic, integrated view of the person over t h e . Thus, the developmental
perspective holds that "the factors that influence social behaviours are fused and
codesced in development: they do not interact or maintain their separate identities in the
child or adolescent" (Ibid, p.250). Highly aggressive children and adolescents are not as
popdar with peers in general as are nonaggressive children (Coie, Doge & Kupenmidt,
1990). Consequently, they tend to hang aromd children who are like themselves (Elliot,
Huizinga & Ageton, 1985). Once a person enters a group, reciprocal processes lead to
values and a contagion of social problems ( C d & Cairns, 199 1). Thus, coercive,
conditions which promote violence. The interaction among these mechanisms may
fouowing section, risk factors are divided into five broad categories: individual, family,
cognitive-developmental, social and political. Risk factors within each category are
IndiMduaI Factors
In the last century, research on human motivation and behaviour has taken many
locations in the brain. During this time the concept of phrenology became popuiar, with
the view that the shape of a person's skull refiected underlying proportionate brain
development. Each region of the brain was seen as responsible for a particu1a.r
behavioural faculty, such as wisdom, love, ambition, impulsion, and aggression. In the
features, such as a low forehead and protruding ears" (Adams, 198 1, p.258). Although
thinking has advanced significantly since the tum of the century, behavioural scientists
continue to look for biological detenninants of aggressive or violent behaviour. It is
predispositions have been identified which may increase the likelihood that an individual
gender are ali individual factors which have been linked to increasing the likelihood of
violent behaviour.
From the day a child is bom, events may have already occurred which will
violent offenders has revealed that many have extensive histones of perhatal difficulties.
property offenders, and 55.6% of one-time violent offenders had high numbers of
higher percentage) had hi& numbers of delivery complications. Although some of the
complications may result fiom unhealthy lifestyle practices of the rnother, the
consequences to the fetus may be biologically based. One of the potential complications
of perinatal difficulties is head injury. It has been found that head injury, and the
perinatd problems (79%) as weii as a history of head injury. Extremely violent behaviour
was associated with psychotic symptoms and neurological impairment. The authors
found that one of the major factors distinguishing the homicidally aggressive children
fkom the nonhomicidal children was a history of seizures. Of the 21 homicida1 children
in the study, 48% definitely had a history of seizures. Given the prevalence of head
trauma and/orperinatai problems, the authors felt the signifficance of seinires was an
indication of central nervous system dysfnction. They speculated that CNS dysfunction,
Research by Bender (1959, cited in Lewis et al., 1983, p. 148) alo supports the
link between brain dysfunction and violence. In his research, Bender followed 33 young
epileptic, and three as intellectually defective. Thus it appears that in this sample of
for 76% of them. Although the emphasis of the research was clearly on identification of
Lewis and Bender's studies, attention was cailed to environmental factors, such as
extrerne violence in the family, as significant in a developmental mode1 of violence.
which mi@ explain violent behaviour. Others have emphasized the importance of
understanding the actual workhgs of the brain in an attwpt to differentiate violent fiom
nonviolent individuals. Robert Hare (1993), for example, has spent a great deal of t h e
analyzing the actual thinking processes of violent offenders. His research on a population
of violent psychopathic offenders revealed that this group actually seemed to process
rnaking tasks. Although the psychopaths in his study appeared to know the dictionary
meaning of words, they failed to comprehend their emotional value or significance. Their
knowledge of language seemed 'Mo dimensional, lacking in emotional depth" (p. 129).
psychopaths) the actual wiring of the brain may be diffient, thus leaduig to unusual or
entity of offenders, as they are five times more likely to recidivate than the regular
opposed to reactionary (Hart,1996) and are much more resistant to treatment than non
the brains of some violent offenders which help to account for their antisocial behaviour.
In addition to brain hction, an individual's g e n d disposition may be relevant
in predisposing him or her to violence. Bates, Bayles, Bennett, Ridge and Brown (1991)
present a strong argument for child temperament as the ongin of extemalized behaviour
problems. The authors argue that previous models of social development relieci on
relatively simple causal mechanisms with a fairly exclusive focus on parental behaviour
and peer rejection in explainhg youth violence. They feel that behaviours, akhough
dispositions. A child's response to bis or her parents will determine, to a large extent, the
nature and quality of fiiture interactions which the parent has with the child. For
example, a child with a difficult temperament may affect the mother's perception of her
child. She may feel that her child is difficult/unmanageabIe, and resort to coercive
presented by Raine and Jones (1987) in a study which examined attention, autonomie
arousal, and p ersonality in behaviourally disordered children. The authors found that,
Iink with hyperactivity/Attention Deficit Disorder. They dici, however, find a link
between lowered heart rate and antisocial conduct, and suggested that this reflected a
"fearless" uninhibited temperament. Farrington (1987) also found a link between pulse
rate and antisocial behaviow. In his longitudinal study of 411 males,he found that
conviction rates. Pepler and Slaby argued that "given additional nsk factors, such as poor
parental monitoring, low socioeconomic status, and a delinquent peer group, a fearless,
which predispose a child to violence or aggression. Recent research has revealed that
temperament may, to a certain extent, be detemiined genetically. Eron and Slaby (1994),
cite a number of studies which state that childhood disorders that are hypothesized to
predict later violence, such as hyperactivity and conduct disorder, may be partially
heritable, since evidence can be found for a gene by environment interaction in crime and
delinquency (Mednick, Gabrietii & Hutchings, 1984, as cited by Eron & Slaby, 1994,
p.7). At particular risk for developing aggressive or violent behaviour are children who
have been diagnosed with attention deficit disorder (with hyperactivity) cornbined with
conduct disorder (Barkley, Fischer, Eldelbrock & Smallish, 1990; Farrington, Loeber &
and found that hyperactivity, impulsivity and attention problems were common
characteristics.
Historicdy, IQ has been Iinked to aggressive behaviour, with low IQ being
research, however, has chailenged this assumption. Moffitt's (1993) review of the
fnctions. The authors found that the import of neuropsychological deficit was greatest
only apply to a small @ut senous) subgroup of antisocial youths and for that subgroup,
the strength of the association may be stronger than previously thought (Ibid, p. 136).
Pepler and Slaby (1994) argue that dthough low IQ mimight contribute to the early
development of aggressive behaviour patterns, once they are established low I.Q. plays a
&al role in the M e r trajectory toward adult criminal behaviour. Hinshaw (1992)
demonstrated that Iow achievement may be a stronger predictor of delinquency than Iow
mediator for ADHD (Attention Deficit Disorder with Hyperactivity) individuals "at nsk"
for criminal involvement, Babinski (1996) found that a low rate of readuig achievement
was predictive of conduct disorder, whereas childhood ADHD, when not accompanied by
conduct problems or aggression, was not related to addt antisocial behaviour. The
authon suggested that although the negative effects of ADHD may reach into adulthood,
positive school achievement in t e m s of good reading skills may reduce the likelihood of
Violent behaviour also seems to be Linked to sex, with men much more Iikely to
commit violent crimes than women (Hanies, 1990). This difference in physical
aggression is apparent in early childhood (Fagot, Hagan, Leinbach, & Kronsberg, 1985,
as cited in Pepler & Slaby, 1994, p.45). Girls do display aggressive behaviour, but the
fom it takes is often different fkom boys, and is more Iikely to take the form of emotional
or verbal bullying than actual physical contact (Pepler & Slaby, 1994). Although this
several biological factors have been identified as potential causal rnechanisms in gender
1973) indicate that there may be grounds for a biological basis to the sex differentid in
violent offender, available evidence clearly points to the contribution of organic factors
in understanding aggression. In recent research, emphasis has shifted away fiom solely
protective factors for those children who are identified as biologicaily "high risk."
Implications of Individuai Factors on Treatment PIunnUig
be put into place. Perhaps more than anything, the one treatment strategy which should
available to hi& risk teens, such as sex education, readily available contraception, dmg
treatment programmes, and support services for pregnant girls, the negative impact of a
services must be readily available. This may take the form of high quaiity day m e ,
support groups for single mothers, hancial assistance, or education in parenting and
lifestyle. For those children with obvious and disruptive aggressive behaviour patterns,
address the issue of aggression, but each may foxm a component of treatment for
individuals suspected of having a biological basis to their difficulties. Coie and Jacobs
(1993) argue that since the trajectory for continued conduct problems tends to be initiated
early, preventive measures should be implemented early - at initial school entry and
transition to middle school - to stop the snowballing pattems of negative interactions with
family members, teachers, and peers. Individual ternperament, combined with family
problems, may Iead to social difficdties,and eventually rejection by peers. Possibilities
for adaptive change become increasingiy narrow over time a s conduct disordered children
alienate themselves fiom many essential socializing influences and support (Ibici, p.264).
Thus the authon feel that even when problems appear to have a biologicai bais,
interventions should include both the individual and the broader social context if there is
Children who corne from happy, healthy homes are more likely to be well adjusted than
those children who are less advantaged. A number of research studies have been
conducted which emphasize the fundamental role of the family in a child's life. Not
surprisingly, the family plays a major role in deteminhg whether or not a child develops
delinquency, Loeber and Dishion (1983) concluded that the principal predictors of
discipline), the child's conduct problems, parental criminality, and the child' s poor
prefoxmed repertoires of aggressive behaviour, they m u t Ieam them" (Bandura, 1983, p.4
as cited in Pepler and Slaby, 1994). T'usalthough a child may have a biological
predisposition to aggressive behaviour, it is his or her interactions with the world which
detexmine whether or not aggression becomes a leamed response. Since the formative
years of a child's life take place within the family environment, the nature of the
of aggressive behaviour among children. Among them are harsh attitude and disciplinary
(Fankgton, 1978), parent self-eficacy (MacPhee, Fritz, Miller, Hall, 1996), parental
conflict (Martin, Schumrn, Bugaighis, Jurich & Bollman, 1987; McCord, McCord &
Howard, 1963) inconsistent parenting practices (McCord, 1979) parenting style (Miller,
rejection, matemal psychiatrie hospitalization (Lewis, Shanok, Grant & Rituo, 1983),
matemal withdrawai and parental warmth (Coopeman, 1996; Tarter, 1983), single
Huesrnanu and Eron (1984) collected data which indicated that the "scripts" for
aggressive behaviour are leamed at an early age and become fairly entrenched as the child
"those in which the child has many opportunities to observe aggression, in which the
child is reinforcd for his or her own aggression, and in which the child is the object of
violence, or they may be more subtle, in the case where a child is rewarded for aversive
or aggressive behaviours within the family or fails to receive praise for prosocial
share a number of other common characteristics: the parents are often in contlict; the
children are poorly supervised; the parents are rejecting and punitive; discipline is erratic;
(McCord, McCord & Howard, 1963). Thus for those children who corne fiom families
occur both as the result of one's own behaviours as well as the environment's response to
Witnessing family violence, or being the object of violence, raises the probability
that a child will engage in such behaviours. Views on the importance of family in
maintainhg or perpetuating violence are so strong that it is common to hear of the coined
violence within families. One of the most pervasive claims that appears in the scholarly
literature is that "violence begets violence" that is, adults who were abused as children
will themeIves become abusers. In 1987, the Canadian Advisory Council on the Status
of Women issued a report entitled "Battered but not Beaten . . . Preventing wife battering
in Canada" (MacLeod, 1987). One of the main themes of this report was the
social leaming theory which explains violence as leamed behaviour. According to social
leaming theory, children who witnes violence in the home are more likely to leam
violence as a method of conflict resolution than children who were raised in households
where violence was absent (Bandura, 1973; Fesbach, 1980). In their research on
homicidally aggressive children, Lewis, Shanok, Grant and Rivto (1983) noted that a high
percentage of the children were abused by their mothen (25%) and had fathers who were
physically violent (62%). The authors concluded that paternal violence encouraged
violent aggression in children by fumishing a mode1 for behaviour, and secondly, when
directed toward the child, could potentially cause vulnerabiiity to impulsiveness. They
also felt that being a victim of kational violence engenders a rage and fhtration which,
when directed inward, expresses itself as suicida1behaviour. When directed outward and
displaced fiom the father, it may manifest itselfas homicidal aggression (p. 153).
Despite its popularity, the concept of violence as leamed behaviour has not met
with universal acceptance. Cathy Spatz Widom (1989), in an article entitled "Does
conclusion that the existing knowledge of the long-term consequences of abusive home
environments is limited and suggests that conclusions about the strengths of the cycle of
violence are ternpered by the dearth of convincing empirical evidence. Widom cites a
and scientific validity of existing research on the theoxy of violence breeding violence:
After reviewing the literature, both Kadushin (1974) and Jayaratne (1977)
concluded that little convincing evidence supporteci the theory that abusive
parents were themselves abused as children. More recently, Ka&an and
Zigler (1987) concluded that unqualified acceptance of the
intergenerational transmission of violence hypothesis is unfounded .. .On
the basis of their review of the literature, K a h a n and Zigler estimated
the rate of intergenerational transmission of abuse to be 30%. This means
that about one third of the individuals who are abused or neglected will
abuse their own children and that two thirds wiii not. "Beingmaltreated as
a child puts one at nsk for becoming abusive but the path between these
two points is far h m direct or inevitable" ( K a h a n & Zigler, 1987,
p. 190 as cited in Widom, p.6-8).
far too simplistic. Focusing on the abuse itselfas the procreator of future violence is easy
but misleading. Violence rnay be the direct byproduct of early expenences. However, a
direct causal Link to previous physical abuse is unsubstantiated. It is tme that having
violent parents May put a child at increased nsk for violent behaviour, but the fact
remains that children who were not raised in a violent household still may exhibit violent
behaviour, and children who were brought up in violent environments often lead
Rose-Kransor, 1991; Caims & Caims, 1991; Dodge, 1991; Pepler, King & Byrd, 1991)
have attempted to look at the nature of the interpersonal relationships an individual has
with his or her social environment, including both family and peers, in an attempt to
of interest here, as opposed to a study of the presence or absence of specific risk factors.
Martin (198 1, as cited in Patterson, Capaldi & Bank, 1991, p. 145) draws a line not
directly between violent expenences and violent behaviour, but rather between coercive
experiences and later violence. He postdates that certain specifiable reactions fkom
parents will produce a toddler who displays stable patterns of coercive behaviours and
non cornpliance. This point is dso made by Paterson, Capaldi and Bank (1991):
...The key requirement for training in antisocial behaviour is that the child
lives in a highly coercive family. This would maximize the likelihood that
he or she codd leam coercive behavioun as a means of adapting to the
social environment. The accompanying hypothesis would be that ali
members of families referred for treatment of antisocial children are likely
to be significantly more coercive than are conesponding members of
normal families. The data collecteci [upheld the hypothesis that] . . .
members of antisocial famifies engaged in the highest rates of totally
aversive behaviour, and those h m nomial families the lowest (p. 147).
general, whereas others have differentiated between children who start offending at an
early age, and those who f%st offend later in adolescence. Although family plays a major
role with both groups, the degree of family dysfunction seerns to dictate the chronicity of
progression for antisocial behaviour which starts in early childhood, with poor parental
discipline and monitoring, and then develops into child conduct problems. By middle
childhood, these conduct disordered children are rejected by noxmai peers, and often
expenence academic failure. By late childhood and adolescence, these children have a
cornmitment to a deviant peer group, which later progresses to delinquency. The authors
describe two major pathways to delinquency. In the early starter model, boys begin their
antisocial training in the home early on (age 4-9). Problem behaviom are accompanied
by deficits in social skills, placing the children at chronic nsk for offending. Thus the
child who receives antisocial training fiom the family during the preschool and
elementary years is ikely to be denied access to positive sociahtion forces in the peer
group and school. The second path, termed the "late starter model," consists of youths
who begin theu dehquency in early adolescence. They are at Ieast marginally skilled in
becomes involved in a deviant peer group, and subsequently in delinquent activity. Late
starters, according to the authors, do not begin offending until the age of 15 or later.
Capaldi and Bank (1991) state that the reinforcement for aggression is provided directly
through interactions among family members. They emphasize that the age at which the
Thus it is broady accepted that a child's family enWonment sets the b a i s for his
or her interactions with the world. When the training or socialization of a child is
There is a general agreement among researchers that the quality and nature of
social interactions, both at home within the family and outside of the home with peers,
plays a significant role in determining how that youth l e m to interact with the world.
resolution training are ail significant factors which may increase the likelihood that a
programmes, then, are likely to involve family systems, and do so at an early stage,
before the child's disruptive behaviours result in peer difficulties, family breakdown, or
involvement with the criminal justice system. For those youths who are already in
conilict with the Iaw, treatment programming m u t target the COercive or antisocial
behaviour patterns which have been acquired. These youths must be trained to replace
their antisocial behaviows with more socidy appropriate and effective ways of relating
to others.
Cognitive-Developmental Factors
combined with high nsk family factors, set the stage for youth violence. By the time a
youngster reaches the age of six, patterns of aggressive behaviour are so weU engrained
that they persist into adulthood, despite a wide range of environmental contingencies and
events (Eron, Huesmann & Zelli, 1991). In order to address the problem effectively,
knowledge must be gained about both the circumstances that support violent behaviour,
as well as the cognitions of the offending individuals. Kendall, Ronan and Epps (1991)
argue that the more we know about how aggressive youth perceive and process their
expenence of the world, the more we can adjust the targets of intervention programmes
and react to the world in a manner which is different from non-aggressive children. For
exarnple, Dodge (1991) found that aggressive children often misperceive the intentions'
&or thoughts of others around them. When placed in negative situations where the
intentions of others are ambiguous, aggressive children are more likely than their non-
aggressive counterparts to feel that the negative circumstances were caused with
malevolent intent. They were also more likely to react with hostility when they believed
they had been intentiondy harmed. Similarly, Fondacm and Keller (1990) found that
aggressiveness among young offenders was associated with an attributional style that is
Thus, the cognitions of aggressive children may diner in fundamentai ways fiom
offenders, Dodge, Pnce, Bachorowski and Newman (1990) found that attributional
biases were implicated in interpersonal reactive aggression that involved anger. Not al1
offenders demonstrated the same bias in perception, however since socialized delinquents
did not display the hostile attributional bias which was evidenced in undersociaiized
aggressive conduct disorder children. The authors made the distinction between reactive
and proactive aggression. In the case of reactive aggression, a child rnay be overly
focussed on threatening cues in the environment. T'us, problems may lie in the
inaccurate reading of the cues of others and the tendency to over attribute hostility to
ambiguous cues as threatening, and respond in anger to situations which may have been
instnimentally to achieve their goals, making it proactive in nature. Research has linked
the ability of a child to empathizc with others to prosocial behaviours (Abraham, Jackson
& Jones, 1996). It may be that socialized delinquents are able to be aggressive, not
because they blame others for their problems, but rather because they lack empathy for
those individuals they are affecting. Thus it seems that aggressive children view their
have focused on developmental issues relating to attachment, tnist and security. John
Bowlby posits that children build working models of their world and thernselves through
their relationships with earty attachment figures (as cited by Janoff-Buhan, 1992,p. 13).
leam to view the world as a safe and tnisting place. HeaIthy chi1dren grow up believing
in three fuidamental assumptions: the world is benevolent, the world is meaningful, and
the self is worthy (Janoff-Bulman, 1992). If the eariy experiences of a child contradict
these assumptions, for example through abuse, neglect, or trauma, the child is likely to
view the world through jaded, unbnisting eyes. Instead of striving to obtain the approval
and favour of others, these children stniggle to suvive - w o n d e ~ gon a daily basis
whether they will have their basic needs met. The beiief in a "just world, in which people
get what they deserve, and deserve what they get" (L,emer, 1970,as cited in Janoff-
Bulrnan, 1992, p.9) is shattered and is replaced with an inner sense that "the world is a
hostile place where events are randornly distribute, and we are unable to be protected
have themselves been exposed to traumatic events. These events threaten their survival,
making it impossible for them to feel safe and secure. According to Janoff-Bulman, "the
essence of trauma is the abrupt disintegration of one's huer world . . .A very different
psychological reaction typically coexists with fear and anxiety stemming from the trauma
the offender is not iikely to view the therapist as a dependable, tmstworthy source of
support. The necessity of a continuum of care is also underscored, so that the oBnder
does not feel abandoned or rejected following any particular corne of treatment.
involving abuse or neglect, it is understandable that the child might have difficulties
experiences which serves to create difficulties in friture relationships. The child has
leamed that adults cannot be trusted and the world is a hostile place, and this perception
may continue into adulthood. In fact, it is not uncornmon for abused chiidren to
themselves be abusive later in Me. This phenornenon is perhaps best understood fkom the
displaceci anger in the victim can be as damaging as the acts of the original abuser. In ber
research on the effects of trauma, Janoff-Buhan found that survivon are iikely to engage
Other researchers have similarly studied the link between children's early
exposure. Garbarino, Dubrow, Kostehy and Pardo (1992) researched the effects of early
exposure to community violence in a child's world view. The authors argued that acts of
intentional evil, person against person, undermine a child's basic trust in humanity, and
may create a lifelong inability to develop close, trusting relationships (p.69). Werner
(1990) in her study of children at nsk, found that secure attachments in infants were
related to the presence of a supportive family member, although not exclusively the
primary caretaker. Thus when the parents or primary caretakm are doing well, children
seem to prosper. When parents are not doing weii, their children's behaviour ofien serves
the effects of the trauma which they may have experienced. For many suMvors of
trauma, the resulting feelings of rage or powerlessness are not cIearly connecteci to the
trauma itself. Individuals ofien internalize such feelings, amibuting them to personai
harmful act. For intervention to be effective, such individuals must leam to separate their
childhood expenences as undesenring, unavoidable, and something which they had the
A number of authors have argued that shame, diminished self esteem, and
negative identity play a crucial role in generating violence (Miller, 1983; Goldberg, 1996;
Tagney, 1996). Alice Miller (1983) emphasizes the importance of a child's early
relationships with parent and authority figures in developing a healthy sense of self and a
benevolent attitude toward others. She describes how childhood mistreatment and abuse
perpetraton of extrerne violence, also traces the mots of such behaviour to a fundamental
growing beings, whose healthy development is dependent upon the relationships they
How does one account for children who, despite being adopted at an early age
addiction to dmgs and alcohol? Why, when given nich supportive environments, do
these children tum their backs on those who care for them and take up antisocial
behaviour pattern. Erikson (1950) would respond that for each child, a sense of "basic
trust" m u t exceed a sense of mistrust if the child is to enter the larger world with a
feeling of confidence and goodwill. Perhaps then, for these children, the basic sense of
trust was lost, or in fact never had the oppomuiity to develop. If the circumstances of
their early childhood were extreme enough, the child may have leamed never to lower bis
or her protective shields, and thus also eliminated the possibility of forming a loving and
this Iink, and they do so by building upon the work of Helen Block Lewis (1971) who
h t noted the link between shame and humiliated fhry in her clliicd case studies. Lewis
understood shame to involve hostility initiaily directed toward the self. Over time, this
pent up hostility fin& release, and is directed outwards onto the offending individual (i.e.,
the rapist, the incestuous relative, the abusive parent). Such actions are attempts to correct
June Pnce Tangney (1993) built on Lewis' clinical observations, and linked shame
drawing a distinction between guilt and shame. Guilt, she explains, involves a focus on
some specific behaviour which is negatively evduated, and motivation to remedy the
situation, therefore, is quite hi&. The individual is likely to take action, then, to alleviate
the source of the guilt. Shame, according to Tangney, unlike guilt, involves a focus on
often motivates a desire to hide. She mentions that there are suggestions in the
theoretical and clinical literature that shame can motivate anger as well "in particulz, a
behaviours may be the result of anger which arises from unresolved shame. As long as
the shame rernains unresolved, the anger will continue to surface. In an effort to test this
theory, she conducted a senes of studies with four groups: children, adolescents, college
students, and non-college adults. Tangney found that the consistency in shame proneness
across the four groups was trikuig (Tangney, Wagner, Barlow, Marschail, & Grarnzow,
experience the feeling of shame was consistently related to malevolent intentions, al1
contrast to shame, the tendency to experience guilt about specific behaviours was
intentions, attempts to discuss the matter with the target of the anger in a non-hostile
fashion, cognitive reappraisals of the target's role in the anger situation, and ulhately
positive long-terni consequences. Tangney came to the conclusion that not only are
sharne-prone individuah more prone to anger than their non-shame-prone peers, but once
angered, they are also prone to manage their anger in a distinctly unconstructive fashion
@id, p.4).
"Psychology of Evil," ofTemi f i d e r examples of the link between shame and violence
through his clinical work and a review of the personality characteristics of convicted
violent offenders. In his tdc, Goldberg cited shame as the underlying force which
shamefbl child, who has been scorned and criticized, to the inculcation of the "bad"self,
the child who believes bim/herself to be lying and deceitful. It is this %ad" child who
rationakation, and denial when perpetrating violent crimes. The heinous crimes they
commit are frmiy rationalized in their minds, and the "magic"associated with their
obsessed compulsive killers. Lowenstein found that serial killers suffered fiom:
omnipotence (illusion of total control, infated self importance); disregard for other's
problems. Following Goldberg's thinking, then, one might assume that serial killers are
iodividuals who have a great deal of shame and anger about their pasts. They might
simply represent an extrane of a shame continuum, with their denial so great, and
defenses so rigid that they actually rationalize their actions and view themselves as
invincible.
Kirschner (1992) conducted a study which investigated the notion of the '%a#'
self by examining three cases of patricide by adoptees. The author felt that the three
usually identified with the fmtasized biological parents, is dissociated. Under conditions
against the adoptive parents and ottiers. Kirschner argues that those suffering fiom the
Adopted Child Syndrome, like victims of child abuse, are especially prone to dissociation
Thus, the hdings of research conducted to date are highly suggestive of a link
between shame, personai identity, and an individuai's propensity for violence. Shame
affects self-esteem and assessrnent of self worth, which in turn determines an individual's
perception of power within the world. It has been estabtished that shame-prone
individuals are more prone to anger rhan their non-shame-prone peers, and once angered,
they are aiso prone to manage their anger in a distinctly unconstructive fahion. The level
of shame and denial in repeat violent offenders may be so great that such individuais
leam to protect themselves by viewing their offences as circUMSfances where they wield
great power, control, and strength.
One would expect, therefore, that nrst time offenders of violent crimes would
have low self-esteem and be very strong externaiizers, whereas violent offenders with
high levels of self-esteem would see thanselves as intemaiiy controlled, and would
represent the srnail segment of tmly "hardcore" repeat violent offenders. Data from
Kenderson and Hewstone's (1984) research would support this theory. These authors
found that inmates with previous crixninal records tended to make more stable attributions
(in the direction of internality) than first tune offenders. The implications of such
ridings for treatrnent are that a Link must be drawn between feelings and behaviour. For
those offenders who have long histones of denid and extemalization, this iink must be
made slowly, since the derual plays a strong protective h c t i o n in allowing the individual
to tolerate past abuse, and continue antisocial behaviour. For example, offenders may
show absolutely no remorse for the consequences of theh actions, but may be plagued
The incarceration which inevitably follows such antisocial behaviour serves to worsen the
depression, and cause the offenders to question their self worth. Getting beyond the
hostile, carefiee, flippant or antisocial protective amour of the offender, and forming an
honest link between feelings and behaviour, becomes the primary challenge of the
therapist.
Although there are many background variables which help to shed light on why
an individual may be predisposed toward violence, fiuidamentaf to the study of
innovative research on men who, despite adverse backgrounds and high risk situations,
managed to Live violence fiee lives. She studied the process (or change in selfpercept
and cognitions) of nonviolent men who witnessed spousal abuse in childhood. Despite
living in households in which violence was common, these men managed to break the
cycle of violence, and live violence fee lives. Using grounded theory, Balshaw was able
to understand the success of these men on a process fevel - that is, what cognitive factors
were key in their adoption of healthy (nonviolent) modes of relating. The proposed
theoretical mode1 arising fkom her study suggests that men who successflly break the
cycle of abuse are living intentionally. According to Balshaw, they are becoming aware
of themselves and their environment, they are resolving to be different nom their fathers,
to live positively, and contribute to the world. These men are acting on theu decisions by
relationships with others, and spirituality) and the cultural context (patriarchy, gender-
role socialization, cultural condonation of violence) seem to influence how these men can
control or volition which a "high nsk" individual has in detexminhg whether he or she
will commit a violent act. Certainly the variables are in place in predisposing such
individuals toward violence, yet it was the moderathg thought processes which
ultimately detennined the course of action of these high risk individuals. A treatment
programme which emphasizes the inner resources of clients, the possibility of change,
and the degree of control which they could have in determining their lives, therefore, is
more likely to encourage clients to live intentionallv, and minimize the damaging ef5ects
Implcationsfor Treufment
undemiines their ability to develop a basic sense of tmst in others. The child's basic
sense of trust and attachment to others may be so badly damaged that he or she is unable
question their own seif-worth, and may feel that they have very little power in controliing
their destinies. The view of a "just world" may be dissolved, and instead is replaced with
chronic feelings of shame, self-doubt, and negative personal identity. The child rnay have
difficulties in correctly perceiving the intentions of others, and may routinely make enors
in attribution. The child rnay leam to perceive the world as a hostile place, where others
are unsupportive, and Iittle is gained h m prosocial behaviour. In such cUCumstmces,
the stage for violence may be set as victim is transformed in perpetrator, and violence
offers the illusion of power and control, and provides an outiet for intolerable feelings of
and fostering the individual developing child's cognitive resources for controlling
and behaviour. They felt that ,although aggression is typically quite stable over time,
cognitive factors that may play a central organizing mie in its regdation.
those children who, despite intolerable conditions of abuse, are able to make the
conscious decision to lead violence-fiee lives. Perhaps their success is grounded in their
ability to separate themselves nom their abuse, and to consciously process their
expenences in a way which allows them to maintain their personal sense of integrity and
worth. Therapeutic programmes must build upon uch examples of success, and convey
messages of hope, competency and optimisrn to those undergoing treatment. By helping
connections with prosocial peers, develop detailed and realistic release plans, and find
appropriate ways of expressing anger and shame, therapists start sowing the seeds for
change. Fundamental to this process is the therapist's h m belief in the client's ability to
change, that is, the ability to live intentionally, and create a brighter and more successful
fiiture.
political context will contribute significantly to how he or she leams to perceive and react
environmental context within which it occurs. A number of social context variables have
been identified which contribute significantly to the likeiihood that an individual will
behave in a violent manner. These include variables such as: social support (Cairns &
Kosteiny & Pardo, 1992); access to firearms (Berkowitz, 1994); peer-group noms and
expectations (Elliott, HuiPnga & Ageton, 1985; Offord, Boyle & Racine, 199 1); group
rnembership (Goldstein & Soriano, 1994); prejudice and discrimination (APA, 1993;
Roper, 1991; Samson, 1993); the formation of mobs (Staub & Rosenthal, 1994); and
glamourization of violence in the media (Domerstein, Slaby & Eron, 1994). In 1991, the
goal of the Commission was to summarize the research on youth violence and provide
recommendations on how to best address the issue. It was recognized by the commission
that societd characteristics have a significant effct on the rate of violence. Amibutes
which were specifically highlighted were: attitudes toward violence in the larger society;
The generai social context clearly plays a significant role in how violence is
perceived and may range fiom a society in which the climate is permissive of violence, to
one which clearly opposes violence as a means of conflict resolution (Miller, 1983). It
stands to reason that youths who grow up in neighbourhoods or political climates rife
with violence will be more likely to view violence as a necessary part of survival. The
Life for the past 12 years, children grow up leaming that anger is expressed throu*
violence, and power is gained through the annihilation of one's enemy. Although the war
in this country is now over, the treets are reigned by uncontrollable youth gangs whose
numbers are gmwing at an exponential rate. Many of these youths spent the Iast few
yean in the Unites States, but were deported when they gavitated to Los Angeles and
became involved in youth gangs. They were not viewed as American ciizens when in
the States, and now in their native country are strangers. These youths are displaced and
oppomuiities or dreams in their fritures. Violence is what they know, and what they
practice. A recent documentary on this group of youths in which the leaders were
interviewed (CBC, The Journal,Dec.6, 1996) revealed that they held a fatalistic view of
the future. Due to their experiences and cment lack of opportunity these disenfhnchised
youths believe that they have no hope of huning things around. They know with
certainty that they will be killed, as many of their niends already have been, and see their
killed, and do onto others more than they have done onto you so that they rnight l e m a
The above example is an extreme one, but it effectively conveys a message about
the importance of a child's environment in determining how he or she leams to regard the
world. Whether the context is war, social disintegration, marginalization, or lack of
opportunity, the product can be the same: angsry, rebellious disempowered youth who
have lost the ability to dream or believe in a better future. For children who are members
Youth who are barred from full participation in the econornic and social
oppommities of the mainstream may be at risk for involvement in
violence, particdarly when ethnic minonty cultures are devalued by the
mainstream culture (APA., 1993, p.37).
disillusioned. They rnay join gangs to feel a sense of connection, belonging, and self-
definition (Ibid., p.28). It is of note that 90% of gang members in the United States are
members of ethnic minority groups (Ibid., p.30).The incidence and prevaience of violence
differ across social and cultural groups (Hill, Soriano, Chen & LaFramboise, 1994).
Violent crime victimization and perpetration rates have consistently reveaied differing
patterns of violence associated with various ethnic minority groups (Roper, 1991). Social
nsk factors such as unemployment, high population density, poverty, and drug abuse are
al1 associated with violence (Samson, 1993) and many of these factors Vary in a
significant manner across culturai groups. For many minonty groups, problems are
discrimination and institutional racism, (Ibid., p.69). Thus violence becomes a political
issue, with the sources of this problem being tied into structural hequities within society.
An example of an ethnic group with particularly high rates of homicide and suicide is that
of Native Americans. Aithough figures differ between ibes, the levels of unemployment
among these groups are exceptionally high, ranging as high as 90% in some areas (Berlin,
1987). Ho (1992) retrieved data h m the U.S.congress which revealed that the median
income in 1986 for Native American families was $13,768, compared with $17,786 for
Aican Amencan families and $29,152 for white families. The average income for
native families on reserves was $9,942 (Ho, 1992, a s cited by Yung & Hammond, 1994,
p.137). Thus the links between poverty, resources, oppominity and violence are made,
with the groups at greatest risk being those with the fewest resources. Violence when
the APA Commission identified four types of individual social expenences which were
felt to play a significant role in the development of violent behaviour: access to firearxns;
involvement with alcohol and other dmgs; involvement with antisocial groups; and
Access to Firearms
The APA Commission described the linkage between violence and access to
fireanns: the availability of guns rnakes youth violence more lethal; handguns are more
likely to be owned by socially deviant youth than by their more socidy adjusted peers;
when y o u h who are already predisposed to violence have access to guns, they may be
more likely to become violent; and finally although youths c m easily obtain f i r e m s and
see them used fiequently on television as a means of contlict resolution, few violence
p.26-27). In the late 1980s, homicide was the second leadhg cause of death for 15-24
year old men in the US.,with fireamis, mostiy handguns, being involved in more than
three quarters of the adolescent killings (Fingerhut, Kleinman, Godney & Rosenberg,
1991, as cited by Berkowitz, 1994, p.254). The youth homicide rate has been steadily
climbing, with guns clearly playing a major role in this increase. Research has supported
the link between frearm accessibility and homicide, with murder rates substantially
higher in cities where firearms are readily available as compared to similar cities which
are govemed by tight gun control legislation (Sloan, Kellemann Reay, Ferris, Koepsell,
Rivara, Rice, Gray & LoGerfo, 1988). The increasing deadhess of newer firems also
adds to the equation. Newer f i r e m s are easier to use, more accurate, far more lethal,
and require little or no expertise to use (Berkowitz, 1994, p.254). Laws of supply and
demand dictate that the greater number of guns that are available, the lower the cost,
hence making it possible for even young people to obtain them. There is no doubt that by
living in an area where guns are readily accessible, highiy lethal, and inexpensive, a
youth's chances of becoming involved in violent crime are greatly increased. Intervention
of such weapons.
The Commission also commented on the significant influence that aicohol and
dnig abuse can have on a youth's behaviour. In their report on Violence and Youth, the
and violence. The use of aicohol was identified as playing a major role in interpersonal
The report also mentioned the role of other dmgs in contributing directly to
violent behaviour, citing the expense and addictive nature of these substances in causing
users to resort to violence in order to support their habits (p. 28). Finally, the report
mentioned that parental abuse of alcohol and other drugs has been associated with violent
behaviour by their children, as we11 as placing the children at greater risk of violent
out as a coping strategy, it may,in tum, become the source of the problem, due to the
turn to gang involvernent in an effort to have his or her basic needs met. Gang
involvement might offer peer fiiendship, pride, identity development, self esteem
tradition, resources which may be absent in the youths' home (Goldstein & Soriano,
1996, p.3 13). Such goals may not be achievable through legitimate means in the
disorganized and Iow income environments fiom which many gang youth are drawn
(Ibid., p. 3 13). A youth may wrestle with the option of staying away fkom gangs, and
fending for him or herself in a potentially threatening environment, or joui the aggressor,
and benefit fkom the security, resources and opportunities which it afTords.
Often gang involvement is a factor which has been associated with violence.
Youths who belong to gangs, for example, are three t h e s more likely to commit violent
offences such as homicide and aggravated assault than non-gang-related delinquents
detrimental. OAen the "problem" is identifiecl as the gang itself, as opposed to the social
and political forces which led to the gang's creation. Children respond to the conditions
in which they are raised. In certain areas, gang membership is a critical factor linked to
Garbarino (1996) emphasized the importance of thinking about youths as social weather
vanes, reflecting the deep structure of adult culture. He suggested that gangs be thought
of, not as problems targeted for extermination, but rather as political entities whose
rneaning is a function of the context in which they perate. It is possible for gang
significant degree of youth violence is gang related, even in the most violent inner city
gangs, IO-15% of members are responsible for 85% of violent activities (Garbarino,
1996). Garbarino suggests that there rnay be "tipping points" in communities - points
where cornmunity disintegration changes community gangs fiom social groups to hard
core crime units/organizations. This group may be seen not as a source of violence which
opportunity. The roots of violence in such a context are not the groups themselves, but
rather the social and political forces which create a need among youths for a supportive,
The phenornenon of mob violence is similar to gang violence in that it too serves
injustices, devaiuation of the person or property that is the object of the violence, matenal
gain, and social change (APA, 1993, p.30). Mate adolescents and young adults are the
most fiequent participants in mob violence, and a loss of individual sense of idenity
plays an important role for those who participate in mob violence (Ibid., p.3 1).
programme. A young offender's antisocial actions may have been influenced by group
behaviour, with the individual spending Little or no time t h k i n g about his/her own ethic
of behaviour. The gang or peer group serves as an important social support for the youth,
and treatment programmes which threaten such support will not readily be accepted.
Even if a youth decides to attempt change, such a decision may not be easily carried out.
Therapy may be undermined by loyalties to other gang members, fear, and codes of
out" of a gang, therefore, must form a component of any treatment programme that deals
associated with gang membenhip, but at the same time acknowledge the social and
financial benefits provided by such an affiliation. A cornplete and outright rejection of
gang membership will only serve to alienate the offender h m the therapeutic process,
since these are the ties which may be perceived a s linked to Survival in his or her home
acknow ledgment of the politicai and social inequities facing impoverished minority
The media plays a major role in defining the culture of a society. Histo~cally,
there has been a great deal of controversy over the issue of whether or not television
viewing of violent material can be linked to violence. It appear, at this point, that this
images of violence in the media, it is likely that they wi11 incorporate aggression into their
behavioural repertoire. In 1982, the National h t i t u t e for Mental Health (NMH) issued
concluded:
more subtle, for example in aggressive sporting events. The degree and angle hmwhich
violence is reported serve to shape public perceptions and reactions to such occurrences.
Ofien the victims in such shows are wornen, and the violence is sexual in nature. Studies
have shown those male youths who view s e d z e d violence or depictions of rape on
television are more likely to display callousness toward female victims of violence,
especially rape (p.34). Violence viewing increases fear of becomuig victimized, as well
as desensitizing its viewers to the issue, resulting in cdoused attitudes toward violence
Media coverage may take the form of television, newspapers, radio, or even
and behaviour can be reinforced, Thus it is dear that al1 forms of media can have a
potential impact on how the public perceives violence, and in turn, how the public cornes
social and political intervention is underscored when dealing with this important issue.
for Treatmenflrevenfron
Ihqiriatrmons
It is clear that a child's social and political context contributes signincantly to the
likelihood that he or she will engage in violent behaviour patterns. General societai
groups, and exposure to violence through the media ail are social context risk factors
which have been linked to an increased propensity to violence. Aithough these issues
need to be addressed individually with offenders, there is a clear necessity for change at a
societal level. Individuals and their groups are nested wiuiin the values and structure of
development (Cairns & Caims, 1991). Ca& and Cairns (1991)argue for the
system, thus increasing the likelihood that skills learned will be relevant and meaningful
within the client's home comrnunity. In many ways, violence is a social and political
issue, and intervention strategies m u t be multidimensional, addressing this issue at the
correlates and predicton of both dehquency and repeat eny into the young
This list reinforces the fact that violence springs h m many sources - intra-
context of the offenders' lives be made in order for treatment programmes to be relevant
and rneaningful. When an individual cornmits a violent act, that person, and no one else,
Iearned response to particular situations. Although the act might be so common that it is
is not a simple cause-effect statement which can be made to explain youth violence. It is
the result of a complex mix of factors which have varying degrees of infiuence on
and coercion are common forms of control. It may be the direct byproduct of leaming, or
response to living in an area which is physically unsafe, or it may spring fiom a youth's
intervention programmes, that individual circunrsfances and nsk factors are considered,
so that treatment will be personally meaningfiil and relevant to the offender. The fact bat
there are a multiple of causes for violent or antisocial behaviour indicates that treatment,
solution; anything else would simply be window dressing. Ideally, treatment programmes
should be offered to high nsk children at young ages, and shodd involve family and peer
components. Social programmes must be aimed at alleviahg the social, political and
economic hardships which promote gang involvement and antisocial behaviour. For
youths to choose a path of nonviolence, they must feel they have realistic and viable
education, the availability of appropriate social support, and the provision of quality
treatment services ail are part of the multidimensional approach which must be taken to
reduce violence in society. As James Gdarino (1996) so succinctly stated "Youths are
the weather vanes for adult culture." If youths are going adrift, it is the responsibility of
each adult to consider how he or she rnight contribute to the solution - whether it is
Therapists face many challenges when tackhg the issue of violent crime. Without
control over resources, opportunities, and social systems, the therapeutic process may be
reduced to an exercise, the gains of which are lost as the offender reenters the complex
challenges of his or her home commmity. To be tnily helpful, intemention must include
consideration of the problems and pressures of the offender's home environment, so that
treatment approaches have been atempted with young offenders, resulting in varying
degrees of success. The goal of the next chapter is to review the treatment fiterature, with
Introduction
multitude of treatment programmes for children, youths, and thek families. Existing
(individual, family, group) and context (home, clinics, schools, community settings).
Although the energy and enthusiasm which go into the development and implementation
Tolan & Guerra, 1994). Many of these interventions were created primarily for service
delivery, without scientific underpinnings or plans for outcome evaluation (APA, 1993).
perception of what effectively reduces criminality and that which has been documented as
effective in promoting public safety (Leschied, 1994). For example, in Canada, over the
past ten years, there has been a strong movement away h m rehabilitation and toward
deterrence, despite the fact that research does not support deterrence as an effective
75
method of crime control (Ibid., 1994). Alan Leschieci presented an argment against
deterrence when he addresseci the Cornmittee on Justice and Legal M a i r s regarding Bill-
37, an act to amend the Young Offenders Act and the Criminal Code:
they may actually have the effect of increasing the likelihood of recidivism. Despite the
fact that evidence does not support the deterrent effect of punishment, the political and
legal system has nonetheless moved increasingly toward a system which emphasizes
deterrence over treatment in dealings with young offenders. The predominant philosophy
is one which assumes that youths will be less likely to commit crimes if they face severe
penalties when caught. According to this model, having been punished, or the thought of
(IDA), which had been in place since 1908. The emphasis of the Act was clearly on
the courts acted as parent in making treatment decisions for youths in custody. Since
1984, however, and the introduction of the Young Offenders Act (YOA),the mode1 has
changed, and emphasis has shifted to the protection of civil rights through guarantees of
access to due process, and provision of greater community protection through the
principle of accountability and responsibility for young people's behaviour while also
acknowledging their specid ne& (Jaffe, Leschied & Farthing, 1987; Leschied, Austin
& J a e , 1988). According to J a e , Leschied and Farthing (1987)' the philosophy of the
Juvenile Delinquents Act was based on a philosophy of concern for the youth' s needs:
"... while young persons should not in al1 instances be held accountable in
the same manner or suffer the same consequences for their behaviours as
adults, young persons who commit offenses should nonetheless bear
responsibility for their contravention." In other words, young offenders
have the same rights as adults and are to be held responsible for their
behaviour (Ibid., p.3 15-316).
One of the unfortunate consequences of the YOA is that the mderfyhg
Leschied, JafEe, Andrews and Gendreau (1992) in an article on treatment issues and
young offenden. The authors pointed out that the Young Offenders Act, the cwent
use of custody. The authon state that the YOA denigrates the importance of treatment,
and appears to be the product of "the naive belief of the ability of a detement-focused
philosophy to reduce crime" (p.354). Other authors have similady noted the emphasis on
With an increased emphasis on deterrence, the very nature of custody itself has
changed for young offenders. Punishment and treatment need not be mutually exclusive.
However, incarceration is extremely costly, thus an emphasis on this approach leaves few
resources for rehabilitation. It appears that one is being emphasized at the expense of the
1997). At present, over 80% of youth justice dollars are spent incarcerathg young
offenders, with very Linle remaining for treatment or prevention (Ibid.). Youths are being
sentenced for longer penods of t h e , are more likely to be placed in secure custody
A study by Leschied and JafTe (1985) has found that sentences for
children, age 12 to 15, have iacreased 135% for those being sent to
training schools (closed custody) and 2 10% for those sentenced to group
homes (open custody) . . . The use of secure detention apparently has
changed. . .There has been a marked decrease in the use of treatment
senices. An extrernely lllnited number of treatment orders have been
made under section 20(1) [of the YOA] and, of the ive orders made, two
were terminated at the request of the young person who withdrew their
consent. The year previous, there were over 200 such treatment
dispositions made . . .Thus, these trends indicate a "correctional" response
is preferred to the needs-based rehabilitative response by court under the
JDA . . . Young persons in open custody appear to have been drawn
nom those who may have been previously ordered into the care of the
CAS or placed in a treatment centre (Leschied & Gendreau, 1986, p.3 19-
320).
incidence of serious crime. Nonetheless, in such a case, one would expect an increase in
the number of treatment referrals. In fact, the opposite has been the case. It is clear that
the primary objective of the current youth system is the protection of society, 'khich is
best served by the rehabilitation of young offenders whereverpossibIeJ'(YOA, as cited
offenders, for example, those with severe leamhg disabilities or mental hedth needs.
This fact was demonstrated by Leschieci, Austin and Jaf5e (1988) in a study aimed at
assessing the impact of the Young Offenders Act on recidivism rates of special needs
youth. niese authors found that recidivism rates were higher for specid needs young
offenders under the YOA when compared to the JDA (27.5% recidivism under JDA,
1982-84 versus 56% under YOA, 1984-86). The implication is that those youths who
need treatment services, and clearly benefit fiom them, are not as likely to receive them
Thus it is apparent that legislation affects both the nature and availability of
treatment services which are offered to young offenders. There has been an increased
emphasis on punishment and the protection of the public, and a decreased emphasis on
treatment. It is important to note that general social and economic conditions aiso have a
Shrinking hancial resources and cutbacks in personnel affect the nature and number of
which reduce the iikelihood of treatment, it is clear that a correctional response is being
that the services Offered are effective. S&ce providers, therefore, have a responsibility
to deliver programmes that are supportai by current research, and are themselves
empiricdy evduated for efficacy. It is also crucial that when govemment resources are
being allocated, the decisions are based on the substantial body of research which has
evolved in the field over the past few decades. Leschied (1994) in his submission to the
Standing Cornmittee on Justice and Legal Affairs re: the Young Offenders Act
social risk factors (Kimchi & S c h f i e r , 1990). Service providers must identiQ, support,
and promote such positive influences, utilizing only those therapeutic methods or
techniques which have proven effective with this hi&-risk group of individuals.
A review of the treatment literature
In total, more than 800 studies have been conducted evaluatmg the effects of
this paper to evaluate the relative contribution of each of these studies, a number of
review papers are cited which provide a criticai view of the literature to date.
and Shamsie (198 1) came to the discouraging conclusion that "nothing works." Similarly
Whitehead and Lab (1989) concludeci that comectional treatment had little effect on
recidivism. More recent reviews of the effectiveness fiterature*however, have found that
positive effects (Andrews, Zinger, Hoge, Bonta, Gendreau, & Cuilen, 1990) The newer
studies differ fiom previous research in that they attend to the issues of offender need,
programme characteristics, and the circumstances under which programmes are being
delivered. Andrews et al. argued that rather than being a rational appreciation of
evidence, the attack on rehabilitation may have been a reflection of broder social and
intellectual trends.
appear to have successfully addressed the ne& of training school residents. They found
that programmes which have decreased recidivism in youths fkom residential centres have
emphasized: the development of positive peer relations (Birkenmeyer & Polanski, 1977),
psycho-educational intemention (Bareton, 1978; Bosse & Leblanc, 1981), and a teaching
(wiiher, Braukmann, Kirigin & Wolf, 1978). The emphasis of individual differences
Leschied and Thomas concluded that successN programming for young offenders
programme; and provision for a continuum of care and treatment witb the cooperation
both residential and cornmunity-based p r o g r m g . Most important, the authors cite the
move to consider this gmup as treatable within a children's mental heaith perspective.
found that 64% (285) of 443 studies found differences in recidivism that favoured
treatment over cornparison conditions. The treatments with recidivism reduction rates of
30% or more were structured and focused. Andrews, Zinger, Hoge, Bonta, Gendreau and
noting, however, that treatment approaches varkd greatly in their degree of eficacy.
1) Treatment services are delivered to high (as opposed to low) risk cases
since the effects of treatment typically are found to be greater among high
risk cases
3) Styles and modes of treatment are employed that are capable of influencing
criminogenic need and are matched to the leaming styles of the offenders (for
example, cognitive behavioural and social leaming approaches rather than
relationship-based and insight-oriented counselling (pp.370-374).
Thus Andrews et ai. concludeci that the major source of variation in eEects of
recidivism in this particdar meta analysis was the extent to which service was
appropriate according to the principles of risk, need, and responsivity. Linking these
mechanisms, the concept of need might be measured in terms of risk factors. High nsk
cases tend to be those with a great many risk factors and very few protective mechanisms.
efficacy, and increased in non-criminal activities - all factors which migbt altematively be
ternis of the type or quality of treatment, one can expect a reduction of about 15% in
(those that target high need clients and important risk factors such as attitude, values,
quite cornmon among young offenders, developmentalIy it ofien follows rather than
precedes conduct problems (Loeber, 1988). Serious substance abuse, however, does
that treatment programmes should incorporate addiction support seMces into long term
treatment programming.
Concem for high recidivism rates within training school systems has been well
which did not appear to be successful in reducing recidivism. According to these authors,
programmes which met with the lem success tended to be characterized by:
parents (Birkenmeyer & Polonski, 1976); poor academic performance, personality and
gestures), rejection f%omparents (Zarb, 1977), and an inability to separate oneself fom
the influence of delinquent peers upon discharge (Lambert & Birkenmeyer, 1972).
Summary of the treatment literature
that despite the fact that detemence has not been proven effective in reducing crimin&
literature have shown that appropnate intervention is better than no intervention. One
factor which appears fundamental to the difference between programmes that 'work' and
those that do not is the conceptuakation of criminal behaviour on which the programme
is based (Izzo & Ross, 1990). It seems that the traditional medicddisease mode1 that
condition requiring "cure" is giving way to more effective treatment rnodels based on
Leschied and Hoge (1992) summarized the treatment literature when they stated
appropriately, and employ appropxiate styles of service" (p. 150-152). Labelhg the
intervention within correctionai systems (Gendreau & Ross, 1979). Interventions must be
directed at the highest need offenders. No matter what the characteristics of the
Punishment, although it may satisQ a need for justice and retribution, should not be
confued with treatment, since the deterrence effects have been shown to be negiigible, or
in some cases, even harmfl. Leschied, Jaffe, Andrews, and Gendreau (1992)
mmmarized the state of afFairs in young offender justice succinctly when they stated:
Although many people assume that young offendm receive treatment while in
custody facilities, budget cutbacks and financial restrictions often prevent this kom being
the case. Many talented clinicians within the correctionai system spend a significant
proportion of their tirne simply managing risk. They perform assessments with the goal
of predicting future dangeroumess, or do short tenu crisis management work with those
offenders who are suicida1 or aggressive while incarcerated (Palmer, 1997; Wong, 1997).
When young offenders are sentenced to custody facilities, it should not be under the
illusion that they are going to treatment facilities. A smdl percentage of offenders will
have the privilege of treatment, but in many institutions, skeleton staff, lack of
prohibit appropriate ireahnent for the majority of offenders. Within the curent
programmes which are cmently in operation be evaluated for effectiveness. Only then
opinion would suggest that Canada's justice system is soft on youth crime. The evidence
is much to the contrary, with Canada standing as the second leading nation in rates of
incarceration per capita within its youth justice system (Leschied, 1997, p. 116).
Currently, a number of forces are pushing for change, with mental health professionals
and interacts with, several systems and subsystems, with the most influential of these
ecological context (Henggeler, 1982, p.2). Interventions must focus on systems, or the
relation between systems to effect change (Ibid). The earlier the intervention, the greater
the likelihood of treatment success (Hawkins et al., 1992). Intervention should be aimed
at high nsk groups, and focus on the identification and promotion of protective processes
family in the treatment process is cruciai. With such programmes in place, it is likely that
fewer numbers of cbildren wouid develop severe antisocial behaviour problems. Family
intervention is based on two premises (1) the sooner the problem behaviour is treated, the
better, and (2) the intervention should be within the child's community, and include
hislher family and school experience (Gendreau & Ross, 1979, p.470). In cases where
security institutions, the need for appropriate intervention is paramount, before the youth
progresses to the adult correctional system. In such cases family therapy may not be
effective with families that show severe disintegration, or in cases where the child's
incarcerated youtbs is that correctional facilities represent a poor context for promothg
should be Knplemented.
Considerable progress has been made through the anpirical evaluation of
treatment programmes. Perhaps the rnost salient conclusion which can be reached
regarding the juvenile justice system is that there should be a dismissal of the claim that
"nothuig works" and a narrowing of focus on those programmes which have proven to be
relevant treatment services do, in fact, provide a promising route to reduced tecidivism.
CHAPTER FOUR
SOLUTION-FOCUSED THERAPY
Introduction
limit the degree to which such programmes can be implemented. Those geographic areas
of highest treatment need are often those facing the greatest degree of poverty (Coie &
Jacobs, 1993). While continued efforts are made to develop programmes which are
preventive in nature, the reality is that increasing numbers of youths are being sentenced
treatment methods for those youths already in the criminal justice system. Such
programmes should adhere to the principles of nsk, need, and responsivity (Andrews et
al, 1990) and be sensitive to the social, political and economic realities of the onender's
One form of treatment which appears to lend itself particularly well to working
the elements of "promising programming" (Andrews, Leschied & Hoge, 1992). This
mode1 is heavily based on the therapeutic ideals of Milton H. Erickson, and is an offshoot
of the Bnef Problem-Focused therapy approach of the Mental Research Instihite theorist
92
(Fisch, Weakland, & Seagal, 1988). It has its roots in systems theory and famy therapy
developments during the 1960s and 1970s. Since then, it has evoived into a method that
fiom past to friture (Hoyt, 1994, p.2). In a sense, the emphasis is shifted away 60mrisk
protective processes. The therapist works with the client to open up new choices or
options, while creating an atmosphere of acceptame and hope, where the client's dignity
and resources are respected (Friedman, 1994, p.248). It is behaviourally based, and
individual differences in background, culture, ability and need. Surprisingly, very little
attention has been paid to the solution-focused brief therapy mode1 as a useful
intervention with difficult adolescents (Selekman, 1993). To &te, there have been no
his therapy approach was unusuai and controversial. His writings are centred on the idea
significant contribution to the field (Hayley, 1993). One of the problems when
theoretical fhmework available for describing it. Erickson wrote in the format of case
studies and experiments, and did not systematically state his premises. A great deal of
the theoretical foundation of Erickson's work, therefore, was written by his colleagues,
strong tendency for the personality to adjust if given the opportunity" (Erickson & Rossi,
198 1). Erickson aIso stressed the importance of respecting and working with the abilities
of the client " . . . You ought to rely on the capacity of the individual patient to fumish
you the cues and information by which to organize your psychotherapy, because the
patient can if you give him the opportunity" (Erickson, 1966, as cited by OYHadon&
Weiner-Davis, 1989). Thus in Erickson's work there is a deep respect for the inner
resources and wisdom of the clienf as weU as a recognition that people will naturally
foilow a path of heaith when given the opportunity. Erickson believed that it was
essential for therapists to capitalize on whatever their clients brought to therapy: their
Ianguage, beliefs, strengths and resources, utiliPng these client attributes in the
He did not adhere to any particular theory of personality, but rather, centred his beliefs
around an expectation that therapeutic change resulted fkom helping clients reorganize
and reassociate their natural abilities and experiences so that these resources became
available in new ways (Lankton, 1985, p.62). Elements or characteristics which are
and emphasinng indirect methods of communication (Tbid., p.61). Thus Erickson was
operated within systems, viewing each person within his or her Iarger social context.
Erickson believed that 'Tsychological problems exist precisely because the conscious
mind does not lmow how to initiate psychological experience and behaviour change to
the degree that one would Iike" LanMon, p.28, 1985). The goal of Erickson's therapy,
then, was not the removal of symptoms, but the integrtion and utilization of unconscious
resources that exist outside of the conscious awareness of the client (Ibid., 1985).
The Solution-Focused Approach
not adhere to particular theonsts or rnodels of human behaviour, but rather, consists of a
variety of techniques which have proven effective in assisting clients reach their
identified goals. Solution-focused therapy should not be thought of as a model, but rather
offenders, for example, might ciiffer greatly from those that might be used with a different
client group. In ths method of therapy, the therapist is not in a position of authority over
the client, but rather, works collaboratively with the client to reach mutually agreed upon
goals:
pockets of time or instances in which the problem is absent. It is believed that the keys to
solutions lie in the behaviour patterns which accompany pexiods of success:
brief treatment (O'Hanlon & Weiner-Davis, 1989), the solution-focused approach shares
a number of assumptions:
since it often leads to implications of the origins of problems, prognosis of treatment, and
(Furman & Ahola, 1994). The therapist's task is to identiQ and amplify change. It is
beiieved that small changes in behaviour c m lead to a ripple effkct in the social
formulas or tasks which should be canied out, but rather, an assortment of exercises
which may be used as resources to help move clients toward their goals. What is
traditionally identified as "raistance" is viewed as an indication that the therapist has not
properly attended to the client's goals, and a signal that the treatment goals must be
revisited in order to venQ that they are mutuaily agreed upon (Berg, 1991;Miller, 1994).
The use of solution-focused therapy involves inclusion of kuowledge or methods h m
responsibility for their actions. It is a collaborative effort between client and therapist,
highlighting clients' areas of strength, and, therefore, increasing the iikelihood of client
participation. It is fuhue oriented and does not dweil on problems of the past, particularly
important in cases where offenders have histories of abuse or repeated failure. FinaiIy,
enthusiasm. An international training school has been fomed, with seminars and
workshops readily available to interested ciinicians. Claims about the efficacy of this
approach have been made for a number of client populations: individuals (de Shazer,
1991 ); couples (O'Hanion & O'Hanlon, 1994); families (Adams, Piercy & Junch, 1991);
alcoholics (Berg & Miller, 1992);chronic mental patients (Booker & Blymyer, 1994);
homeless substance abusers (Berg& Hopwood, 1991); substance abusers (Berg, 1995;
Miller, 1994); individuals with eating disorders (McFarlan, 1995); suMvors of physical
and sexual abuse (Dola. 1991); and troubled adolescents (Selehan, 1993). In the vast
majority of these studies, the focus is on programme description, with success described
through case studies. Those saidies which do contain evaluative components tend to rely
heavily on client self-report data, with criteria being satisfaction with therapy and the
degree to which clients felt they achieveci their set goals. Very little controllai research
One of the f h t questions with any form of brief therapy is "Cm serious problerns
(Orlinsky & Howard, 1986). In a recent study pubfished by the Meninger clinic, it was
demonstrated that clients who received blief, supportive treatment profited as much nom
oriented treatment (Wallerstein, 1986, 1989; as cited by Berg & Miller, 1992). Fischer
(1980)cornpared farnily therapy with a 6-session limit, therapy with a 12-session Mt,
follow-up. Analysis of data provided some evidence that families who received treatment
fared better than those on the waiting list. There were no consistent differences between
6-session, 12-session, and unlimited therapy groups. The conclusions in this shidy were
weakened by the fact that the significant ciifferences between treated and untreated groups
emerged only on measures obtained fkom the parents, and not on measmes obtained fiom
the child. At one year follow-up, Fischer (1994) found "no evidence for deterioration in
any of the three groups of families that received treatment a s part of the original m d y . . .
(p. 104).
able to meet their therapeutic goals within a minimum number of sessions. At the Brief
Family Treatment Center, no limit is set on the number of sessions allowed per case,
however, the average is 4.7 sessions. At the Center, therapy ends when the clients meet
their goals for therapy (de Shazer, 1991). In work with substance abusers, Berg (1995)
f o n d that 8 1% of clients stated that they had met their goals six months afler
termination, with an average of 4.2 sessions per case. The brevity of the therapy refiects
the fwidarnental shifi in philosophy which has been made in this approach. Instead of
optimistic view of people as unique and resourcefil (Hoyt, 1994). Therapists within this
(Tbid.). Weakland, Fisch, Watzlawick and Bodin (1974), in a study of outcomes with a
general mental health clientele, reported that 72% of their cases either met their goals for
selected sample. In these studies, however, satisfaction was measured through client self-
reports. Clearly further clinical research should be done, irnplementing more rigorous
methods of evaluation.
Another study which has been presented by Miller and Berg (1992) as supporting
the notion that treatment need not be a t h e intensive flair is that conduced by Edwards,
Orford, Egert, Guthrie, Hawker, Hensman, Mitcheson, Oppenheimer and Taylor (1977).
In this project, researchers divided a group of severe problem drinkers (male) into 2
groups. Those in the first group received only one session of therapy with a psychiatrist
who told them that they were suffering fkom alcoholism and recommended that they
abstain fiom al1 drink. The advice-group members were told that "the responsibiiity for
attainment of the stated goals lay in their own hands, rather than it being anythmg which
could be taken over by others, and the message was given in sympathetic and
constructive terms" (p. 1006). It was explained that the patient would not be offered a
further appointment at the clinic, but that someone would call each month to see the
patient's wife and collect news of the progress. The second group was offered an
and dmgs to relieve withdrawal symptoms and make alcohol consumption unpalatable.
The problem drinkers were aiso O ffered admission to an inpatient hospital treatment
programme. Mer one year, the problem drinkers in the two groups were evaluated. The
drinkers who received intensive programming fard no better than those who received
only a single session of advice. Statistical cornparisons were only made between groups
in this study (as opposed to within groups over time), so the actuai efficacy of either
approach was not addressai. Miller and Berg cited this shidy as being important, because
they claim it dernonstrated that intensive, long-term programmes are not necessarily more
effective than short term therapy. This study does not, however, answer the question of
the efficacy of either approach, nor does it account for the potentiaiiy confouuding effect
Miller and Berg have written extensively about the use of solution-focused
therapy with problem drinkers (1995; Berg & Miller, 1992). Miller, in particular, voiced
this particdar patient group. He found that 30-60% of clients dropped out of treatment
programmes only &er a few sessions. In an attempt to address this problem, Miller and
Berg (1995) i n t e ~ e w e dand worked with hundreds of clients who have alcohol
probiems. The focus of the research was on identifying how those clients who
successfully overcame tbeir problem with alcohol were able to do so. As a result, they
developed a method for dealing with alcohol problems based on what was learned fkom
majority of those treated with this method being seen for an average of 4.7 sessions.
These fndings appear to de& the assumption that alcoholism is a disease, with recovery
being a long-term process. The authors noted that an unexpected finclhg in their work
was the fact that the solution to people's alcohol problems o h were not related to that
problem (Le., abstaining fiom drinking often involved focusing on or being involved in
things other than alcohol). Once again, the results are weakened by the fact that there is a
chronic mental patients, Booker and Blymyer (1994) chailenged the assumption that
people with certain problems are treatment resistant and need long-tem care. The
authon found that they were able to yield rapid resolution of cornplaints with chronic
important to note that goals of the therapy were those generated by the clients, and not
on cornpliance and outcorne in family therapy (Adams, Piercy & Jurich, 1991) it was
found that when compared to one week of standard problem focused structural-strategic
problem.
frame. The major* of these claims are based on qualitative data, with v e y little in the
way of empirical research. With properly controlled studies, and a quantitative analysis of
Whether the issue at hand is aicohol abuse, substance abuse, family conflict, marital
conflict, eating disorders, homeiessness or generd mental health concerns, it appears that
step in the development of the solution-focused approach i to put these methods to test
MEASURING OUTCOME:
Iinked to "successfl" treatment outcomes for young offenders. In the majority of these
studies, success was equated with reductions in recidivism. A particular mode1 of therapy
was presented, the solution-focused approach, with the question being raised as to how
number of factors have been as linked to establishg positive treatment outcomes. The
manner in which success is dehed, the context within which a programme is delivered,
the cntena which are identified as rneaaingfid indicators of success, and the
methodological design of the study al1 contribute to the likelihood that a programme will
Defining Success
which data are interpreted. Treatment outcomes may be assessed short-term, through
institutional adjustment, attitudes, values and behaviour on discharge. They rnay also be
106
Treatment success may be measured as a dichotomous variable - recidivists versus non
recidivists, or it may be assessed through more relative ternis, for example through
Justice and Legal Affairs respecting Bill C-37,an act to amend the YOA and the criminal
young person and create a pro-social sentiment so that there is a reduction in criminality"
the context within which treatment is occurring, since context has a potentiaily pro found
explanations might be offered for this finding. First, it may be that many offenders lack
the ability to transfer and generafize leamed skills fiom one context to another.
Secondly, the delinquent subculture of secure custody institutions might compound the
problem by overrihg any potentid positive treatment effects gained by residents during
their residency. Thirdly, treatment may be quite effective, but when thrown back into the
the Arnerican Psychological Association's annual convention. Reyes pointed out that
many people draw m n e o u s conclusions about treatment effectiveness with youths who
are put back into the comrnunities they corne fiom without proper follow-up. She
provided the analogy of a surgeon,who penorms surgery on a youth who was shot by a
gang member:
ln this particular situation, the surgical skills of the doctor are not called into
question. The initial surgery is not deemed ineffective a s a result of the second wound,
but rather, as a tragic consequeme of the youth's social environment. The analogy
treatment as part of a continuum of care. It is essentid that offenders are provided with
adequate support following release. Otherwise, they are simply being sent back into the
troubled circumstances which led them into conflict with the Iaw in the k t place. An
institutional programme rnay effectiveIy change offender attitudes and behaviour by his
or her release date, but without a context of opportunity, encouragement and support,
Gauging Success
standard clinical practice, traditional gauges of success have been increased self-esteem
and increased codidence. Currently, such masures are not valued for good programme
increased self-esteem has not necessarily been linked to reduced recidivism. In a study on
correlations between attitude change during the period of incarceration and recidivism.
who increased their identification with the delinquent subculture, those who also
increased in self-esteem experienced less follow-up success than those with decreased
self-esteem. Thus it may be that within correctional settings, antisocial behaviour may be
reinforced by a delinquent peer group. Identification with this peer group may lead to
constnict with offenders was problematic since seu-esteem is inextricably related to any
of risk, need and responsivity - providing treatment to the highest need clients,
specifically addressing criminogenic need, using a style and mode of service that is
appropriately matched to the style of the offender. Outcome measures should target areas
linked with recidivism - antisocial attitudes, feelings and peer associations, familial
(Andrews et al, 1990). Positive changes dong each of these measures should be linked to
self esteern should be examined within context, so too should the characteristics of the
relative to past history and detemiined level of risk. Recidivism rates of 6O%, for
example, may be assessed as poor within low risk populations. In the context of high
risk repeat offenders, however, 60% might represent a significant outcome, and be
indicative of treatment success. The selection of appropriate criteria for gauging treatment
outcornes is the methodological design which is selected for the evaluation. Effect sizes
are detemiined by a number of factors, many of which are within the experimenter's
control. In a review of treatment methods for young offenders, Lipsey (1990) identified
evaiuation are important because they demonstrate clearly how the characteristics of the
research design and research procedures actuaily iduence estimates of the effects of
111
Leschied and Hoge, 1992). In addition to the study methodology, the actual statistical
tests used to analyze the data wiU contribute significantly to the iikelihood of obtaining
commonly used in outcome studies, are questionable in validity since they are affected by
the phenornenon of regression to the mean. With this technique, exeme scores are Likely
appearance of a treatment effect when there May not have actually been one. Simple t-
tests, or analysis of variance techniques are potentially misleading due to the high
incidence of Type 1error in cases where multiple cornparisons are being made. These
For the purposes o i this study, treatment outcome is measured through a number
behaviour (fiom a teacher and correctional officer), and achial fkquencies of behaviour
cases where appropriate seMces are being offered, offenders may refuse treatment or be
slow to change. In such instances, treatment gains may be measured in more modest
outcome being associated with a wide range of potential indicators. AIthough ultimately
reduced recidivism is the treatment goal for every offender, it should be recognized that
change is a process, not an event, and outcome studies shouid be evaluated with
communities at the time of their release. Only under these circumstmces will measures
Brookside Youth Centre is a secure custody facility for young offenders. The
residents living at Brookside are sewing "phase two" custody sentences (i.e.,aii are 16 to
19 years old at the time of sentencing). The vast rnajority of the youths are repeat
offenders, or single time offenders of violent crimes. In totai, Brookside can house up to
109 residents.
cluster of six brick buildings (residences), a school, dining hall, maintenance house,
fence, and passage to and frorn the facility is controlled through a main gate.
compound.
chair, and shelves for clothing. Occasionally, when the facility is crowded, some youths
are required to share rooms. Residents attend classes daily in the recently constmcted
and spintual nature. Consistent with Ontario's consent to treatment guidelines, al1
114
counselluig is volmtary and optional. Public visits are ailowed once weekly, for one
hou. Residents are supervised by correctional officers at all times. The day of a youth in
the centre is highly stnictured, with littie fkee time lefi. When they are not at school or
involved in sports or programming, residents may stay aione in their rooms,or socialize
The Hypotheses
cornmitment to the counselling process. Hypotheses for the study and a summary of
measures are provided in Table 1. A number of attitude changes were predicted. It was
expected that members of the treatment group would feel more optimistic about
themselves- feeling they had more power and control over their lives, and feel more able
and an increase in prosocid attitudes and behaviours. Such feelings would be reflected
substance abuse tendencies, fewer antisocial tendencies, increased guilt for their crimes,
Relationship with peers H :Fewer social problems YSR,TRF (teachers and oficers)
Number of Behaviour reports
Jesness - unobtrusiveness
Environment=
Coping with difiieult environment H :hproved attitude towards staff Carison item #20
Cognition:
Optimisrn for the fture H : More optimistic Carison item # 10, SFQ
Thought disturbance H : Less thought disturbance Carison, YSR, TRF
Anti-social tendencies H : Fewer antisocial tendencies Carlson
Note, The TRF and Jesness Recidivimi Scales w m completed by b o t . teachers and correctional officers.
116
Mernben of the treatment group were also expected to show irnprovements in
behaviour: having fewer social problems with peers, dealing in a more positive way with
and c o d t m e n t to the counselling process. It was also hypothesized that rnembers of the
treatment group wouid improve their relations with their families relative to members of
The solution-focused bnef therapy mode1 was used with a mal1 group of young
offenders at Brookside Youth Centre during a doctoral internship over the t h e period of
week. Although the number of residents who were able to participate in more than eight
sessions was limited, examination of the clinical records of these clients suggested a few
general trends. Change in attitude and behaviour (as reported by the clients during the
regular course of therapy) appeared to take place without exception between the third and
sixth session. The mean tirne that change started to take place was after 4.3 sessions,
with modes of 3 and 4 sessions. Clients appeared to be weU into the change (i.e., positive
reports about behaviour fkom self and others, impmved self-esteem, increased confidence,
increased belief in ability to control fture, optimism about the future) after a mean of
8.4 sessions (range 7-1 0, modes of 7, 8 and 10 sessions). On the basis of this prelirninary
informal investigation, it was decided that in any formalized assesment of this treatment
model, the minimum number of treatment sessions to be offered should be ten. Fewer
than ten sessions wouid not provide an adequate exposure to the programme, whereas an
rates due to releases and transfers to open custody. Since high number of offenders
obtain early releases, an optimal minimum sentencing period of six months was identified
for inclusion into the study to ensure that participants were able to complete the full
course of treatment and remain in the facility long enough for post-treatment follow-up.
Design
The study design consisted of one treatment group and one control group.
length of sentencing. A list was made of potential participants (rank ordered dong the
variable of sentence length) with every second name being placed into the treatment
group. This ensured that the groups were equally balanced in terms of seriousness of
offence. It was necessary to split the treatment and control groups in two cohorts @hase 1
and phase II) to accommodate scheduling requirements of the researcher and the
institution. A chart summarizing the stages of assessrnent and study design is presented
in Table 2.
Table 2
Stages of A s s e E s
Stages of Assessment:
10 weeks 10 weeks
Participants:
Centre. Refieshments (Pizza and pop) were served &er each assessment session as an
Services Advisory Cornmittee on Research and Evduation (ACRE), a court order fiom a
youth court judge was necessary to aiiow access to the criminal history files of young
offenders involved in the study (pursuant to section 44.1 of the Young ~ n d e rAct).
s
Copies of ACRE'S requirements and the court order are provided in Appendix A.
Brookside (with long-term residents being chosen over short-term residents), as well as
recency of admission to Brookside (with most recent admissions being chosen over
the study, three were unable to complete their involvement (all were part of the first
cohort of study participants). One member of the control group was granted early release,
and was transferred out of the institution five weeks into the study. The remaining two
offenden who left the study before completion were members of the treatment group. In
both cases, it was muhially agreed that withdrawal fiom the study would be best. In the
f h t case, the resident was of borderhe intelligence. It became evident during the course
of the initial interview that he did not understand the purpose of the study, and was
unable to give fully informed consent to participate. The resident made it clear that he
had no wish to be involved in the study, and was therefore excluded nom the project. In
the second case, it was evident that the resident was unwilling to engage in any fonn of
participate, he opted to discontinue (after the third session). Three new participants were
recruited for the second phase of the study (to replace the drop-outs). Requests h m
participants to transfer fkom control to treatment group were refused. One participant was
transfmed fiom the control to the treatment group at the request of the Chief
integrity of group equivaiency, the clinical and ethicai concems were deemed suniciently
serious to merit the transfer. No appropnate substitutes were available in the institution
at the t h e (potential candidates ail had sentences which were too short), thus removal of
the resident fiom the study was not a preferred option. With the exception of the one
transfer, there was no attrition fiom either treatment or control group during the second
Procedure:
purpose of the study was explained, as well as the requirements for participation. Of the
participate in the study: one because he had been told he was tramferring to another
institution, the second because he felt his English was not adequate. Three assessrnent
sessions were conducted, each IO weeks apart. Consent forrns were completed by di
participants pnor to their involvement in the study (Appendix B). The assessments (self-
lasted approximately forty minutes (with a range of 25-65 minutes, depending on the
therapy, offered over ten weeks. The sessions were 45-60 minutes long, with one session
requirements of the institution. Conditions of the two treatment groups were identical
with the exception of one significant occurrence. A 10 week labour dispute occurred
during the fim phase of treatment. A short survey was administered to study participants
(Appendix C) following the strike, to assess the effects (if any) on the residents.
The rnajority of the participants continueci with their regularly scheduled bi-weekly visits
with their social workers, as well as fully participating in the academic and sports
programmes. Thus, the only structural difference between the treatment and control
brief mood report, rating how their day was going, and how the week had been in general
(see Appendix D). A correctional officer (in most cases the participant's key worker) and
they were involved with were participating in the study, very few seerned aware of the
difference between the treatment and control conditions. The therapist kept detailed
progress notes, for the sake of record keeping and to serve as a reference to measure
progress at the end of the study. Each note detailed the goals of the session, the exercises
completed, and the therapist's impressions of the session. Offender files were read and
any Behaviour Reports (formai disciphary records) accumulated during the course of the
study were noted. The hrst and last session with each offender were audio recorded, and
these recordings, combined with weekly session notes, were rated for therapeutic
integrity (the degree to which the therapist adhered to the solution-focused model) by an
Appendix E. Thus, evaluations on client progress were collected f?om the following
sources:
readability, ease of completion, and administration tirne. Any individuds with difficulties
in reading were offered the oppominity to have the questions read to them. Identical
instruments were &en out at each assesment, with minor adaptations to the Solution-
Table 3. Copies of the Solution-Focused Questionnaires and full descriptions of the test
Data Analysis
Correctional Officer
Teacher
Extemal rating of progress notes and Rated for therapeutic integris. according to
audio tapes pre-determined criteria
(1996) a multivariate analysis of covariance was used to assess change in individuals over
time. This method was selected over a repeated rneasures technique because it guards
against regression to the mean, and pools the degrees of fieedom, thereby increasing the
power of the test. This is especially important given the relatively smaii sample size in
this study.
therapy sessions) were used to illustrate the hdings derived fkom the quantitative
analysis. Specific demographic idonnation was collected (e.g., length of sentence, IQ
scores, LSI scores, presence or absence of a learning disability) for use in assessing the
The programme developed for this research project was based on a number of
commonly used solution-focused techniques (de Shazer, 1985;Berg, 1991; Miller, 1994;
Dolan, 1991) and incorporated exercises designed specXcally to address the ne& of
young offenders. Ideally, with the solution-focused approach, clients define the own
treatrnent goals. With a young offender population, this rnay not be appropnate, since
that the therapist and client work collaboratively to identify goals which are mutually
acceptable. The therapist rnay have to work to r e k e a client's goals - helping hlln or
her understand how the desired end result rnay be reached through socialiy appropriate
means. For example, many clients wiil deny that they have substance abuse problems, or
indicate that their substance abuse does not have a detrimental effect on their lives,
despite sirong evidence to the contrary. In such situations, it is appropriate that the
therapist gains consent to discuss these issues, using the client's identified goals as a
vehicle for tackling such concerns. In a particular case, a client rnay Say that he wants to
leam to be a better father. He rnay claim that he does not feel he has a substance abuse
problem, nor feel ready to give up his criminal lifestyle. Within a general discussion
about leaming to be a better parent, the therapist rnay bring up issues such as
dependability, availability, role rnodelling and support, and discuss the effects of h g
use/criminaI iifwle on such factors. Thus the client may realize that these are areas
which need to be addressed, and be willing to look in more depth at the ramifications of
such behaviours. The aim of the therapist is not to tell clients what they need to change,
with each session lasting approximately 45-60 minutes. The context of each session
varied fkom client to client, dependkg on the issues which were brought forward for
discussion. A general plan was drawn up for each session, to ensure that the therapist
was clearly following the solution-focused approach. The order or ernphasis of each
session varied greatly, depending upon the needs of the client. An outline is provided for
the 10 sessions, to give a generd impression of the types of exercises/issues which were
qualitative nature of the counselling. Names and specific details relating to the offenders'
lives have been altered, to preserve confidentiality. Creative writing pieces remah in their
original fom, with potentially identi-g sections omitted. Al1 prose and artwork is
client, and orient him or her toward solution (MiUer, 1994). The frst few minutes of the
session are generally spent getthg to know the client. Inquines are made as to his
adjustment to the institution, his relationships with staff and fellow residents, and his
feelings about being incarcerateci. ORen the offender is asked about the cucumstances
which fed to his arrest, and his current feelings about the onence. Since many of the
clients are 'Yherapy veterans," a few minutes are spent outlining the solution-focused
The method used for orienting the client toward change is to ask an "outcorne"
Suppose tonight, after our session, you go home, go to bed, and fa11 asleep and,
while you are sleeping, a miracle happens. The miracle is that al1 the problems
that brought you here today are solved! But you don? know that the miracle has
happened because you are asleep. When you wake up tomorrow moming, what
wiil be some of the 6 s t things that you will notice that will be different that will
tell you that the miracle has happened?
(Ibid., p.5)
By asking this type of question, one forces the client to imagine the specific
details of how things would be different if everything was going well. By examinig
very closefy the behavioural bases of this change, one starts forming a concrete pian of
what the client needs to do in order to make the desired changes. Throughout this
exercise, clients are asked "what else?",encouraging them to expand and ampli@ their
description of what they wouid like to be different. The more detailed the description, the
Throughout this exercise, the client is asked a series ofquestions that shape the
evolving description into srnall, specific, achievable, behavioural terms (Berg, 1991).
What will be the smallest sign that the miracle has happened?
When you are no longer in trouble with the law, what will your f?iends/family
members notice about you that wili tell them a change has happened?
What do you know about yourself (things fiom your pst, or things about
yourself) that tells you this could happa for you?
(Miller, 1994, p.6)
Clients are dso asked to think about exceptions, that is, instances of t M e s in the
past, or in their curent iives, where aspects of the mimcle currently are, or have, taken
place:
Tell me about the times when pieces of the miracle you have been describing are
aiready happening? What is different about those times? (Ibid., p.6)
Many times people notice in between the time they make the appointment for
therapy and the first session tha things start to improve. What have you noticed
about your situation? @id., p. 7)
Scaling questions are often used toward the end of the session to help the client
On a scale fiom "1 to 10"where "1" is when this situation was at its worst and a
"10" being the day afler the miracle, where would you Say you are today?
(Ibid.5 p.7)
Scaling questions are also used to help break large tasks d o m into manageable
chunks:
You said you were a 4 on the scde today, what would it take for you to move one
notch up the scale? (Ibid., p.7)
feedback that invites and facilitates change. Toward the end of the first session, a break
is taken, foilowed by a formal "feedback" session. In general, the message begins with
positive feedback about what the client is doing right. Often between the time that the
offender is charged and actualiy sentenced in court, he initiates positive change (i.e.,
cutting down on dmgs). Such initiatives are highhghted and the offender is
complimented on aiready taking steps to get "on the nght track." Thus change is
identified not as sornething which must begin, but rather, as a process which the offender
has already initiated independently. Area of difficuliy are identified ("bridgingy')and a
task is generally assigned to facifitate change. The nature of the task varies dependhg
on the degree of cornmitment of the client to the therapeutic process. Miller (1994)
observing something. If the client is merely visiting, a task may not be appropriate, but
rather positive feedback and an invitation to retum for mother session are recommended.
If the client acknowledges this to be the case, a role reversd may be suggested:
1imagine with al1 of the experience you have ha& and the number of
institutions you have been in, you get quite good at recognizing which
residents will be coming back, and who is most likely to stay out of
trouble after release. Do you fhd, in your experience, that there are
certain behaviours or attitudes that you see in guys who you know are
coming back? What are they?
At this point, it is often useful to do a de-playing exercise, with the client
playing the therapist, and the therapist playing a variety of residents, ranging nom '%ad
by the client) is asked to rate, on a scale of 1-10 how likely he feels it is that the "client"
recidivists versus non-recidivists. At the conclusion of the exercise, the client is asked to
rate himself, based on his current attitude and behaviour, on whether he tbinks he will be
a recidivist or someone who is able to turn his Iife around. OAen this exercise motivates
the client to enter into a detailed discussion on what needs to be done in order to ensure
he does not r e m to custody. The role playing exercise may be followed up with a
couple of questions:
What did you, as a therapist, feel when you hterviewed the '%ad" client?
How did you feel when you interviewed the motivated guy?
What do you think it would take for you, the therapist, to get the %ad ass"
guy to work with you?
The goal of this exercise, is to encourage the client to clearly visualize success,
within the confines of the custodial setting, and to use his own wisdom to determine
"heavy. " Encouraged by his newfmnd source ofpower, Hank regularly attended the
gym,where he pumped weights to improve his physique.
At 19, h k is an ertremely mucular young man with a quick smile. and a
cheerfil disposition. He has a reputationfor having an explosive temper. When he was
on the outside, instead of attending school. where hefound he could not concentrate. he
stayed at home and began diinking. He fel2 into a pattern of criminal behaviour, both to
fiance his drinking, as well as to provide h i m e r with a source ofpower and
excitement. During the initial interview, Hank w m chee@l and outspoken. Cleurly it
was very dzflcult for him tofocus on any one taskfor an extended period of time.
Despite his obvious restlessness, Hank was able to provide a detailed list of things which
hefelt needed to change in orderfor his Ive to go better:
Hank was complirnented on the detail which he was able to provide in the
exercise. Despite his outward appearance of being happy and carefre, he cleurly had a
great many ureas of concern. Hank responded by describing himselfar someone who
outwardly smiles d l the tirne, but who never smiles on the inside. Based on his answer to
the miracle question, a number of concrete treatment goals were established:
1.Address h u substance abuse problem
For hisfirst tu& Hank was asked to think about rimes in the past when he did
things that he wer proud of;but which were not illegal or aggressive. Through the
course of Hank's therapI the theme of illiteracy continuall'y arose, with discussions on
thefeelings offNtration andpowerlessness which accornpany it. A number of
disa(ssions were heid on the link between hyperactivity, and underachievement in school.
For thefirst time, Hank considered the possibiliq that he may be capable, but simply
need support in order to achieve his goals. The idea of consulting with a psychiarnstI
previously insulting to Han4 became something that he wamed to as he learned t h t
there was a possibility of d n g intervention to assist in his leurning. Afler a consultation
with the consultingpsychiahist, he was prescribed Ritalin, and experienced a remarkable
transformation in his ability to concentrote and follow a line of thoughtfor an extended
period of tirne. For thefirst time Hank was able tu think through his problems. and
clearly articulate poientiai solutions. On discharge. he had been working individuaIZy
with a reading instnrctor, and was qite pleased with hir progress. n the last interview,
we discussed how it would feeZ to walk into an employment office and be able tu complete
his own fonn. His plans were to continue on the Ritalin,find a dayjobI and enrol in a
special education coursefor adults during the evening.
The case of Hank is an interesthg one because it demonstrates quite clearly how
crucial it is to have client involvement in goal setting. Because he had a goal of leaming
to read, Hank was open to investigating ways of improving his leaming skills, including
consider. The rich detail which arose hmthe miracle question enableci the therapist to
see Hank's life through his unique perspective. A Link was established within the frst
sessions. Most important, Hank realized that he knew what had to be done in order to
initiate positive change. Instead of being told what he needed to do to straighten out,
Hank found hunself in the position of sharing his hopes and aspirations with someone
who supported and understood his goals. Although the steps Hank initiated were only a
The goal of the second session was to identify and build on exceptions - pexods
of time when the problem was not present. Clients were asked to identify relationships,
activities or behavioun which they felt were good for them and worth building on. By
eiiciting, amplifying, and reinforcing positive changes which the client has made, the
client is encouraged to maintain these changes, and to build on them. Often offenders
will have a difficdt time identimg anythuig positive which has happened to them
during the week It is the job of the therapist to dig, and pick out the mallest thing which
the client feels he did weii. An attempt is made to identify concrete behavioural changes
which wouid be the marks of success. Leaming to recognize srnail successes, and to
An exercise which is used to as& the client in identifjmg the particular actions
this exercise, the therapist acts as the interviewer, and aked specific questions of the
client's fiiends or family members (role played by the client). Al1 of the questions
revolve around the issue of recoguizing when the offender is "on track." Often the client
detemiine the impact that positive changes (on the part of the client) have on them
personally:
Joe, I'd Wre to do an exercise with you. How are your acting skills? Often
when people make changes, they are the last to notice. It c m be helpful to
involve other people, to obsenre and comment on which changes are
happening, and what the effects on others are. I'd like you to play the role
of your mother (father, brother, fn'end, girlniend). I wili interview you,
and ask you how you know when Joe is on track, or offthe rails. The
point of this exercise is to identiQ how the people who are closest to you
know when you are doing well. M e r that, you can be the interviewer, and
1'11 play your family members.
This exercise can quite enjoyable, as therapist and client take artistic licence in
playing the various roles. It is useful in that it clearly deliver the message that actions
have a x-ipple effect on others, and changes are noticeable, however smali.
Case Esample:
Jeff was a quiet, angry looking young man who wore a permanent scowl. He w m
sening six months for a senes of break and enters. Within the institution, he had
dz%ficuZtiesadjusting, fiequently getting intofights with fellow residents. Stafldescribed
him as having a chip on his shoulder, ssice hefiequently addressed them in a rude or
disrespectfd manner. Prior to incarceration, Jefl resided with hisfather and
steprnother. Jeff holds a strong desire to meet his naturd rnother, but feels
uncomfortable bringing the subject up at home. Jeff h m a dzflcult time with schooi,
and gives up easily whenfiutrated. He describes himse@s always angry, and
ashomed. He h m a serious substance abuse problem, and daims he spent a great dea2 of
the l u t year of his lge being high. He y e a m to do things he con be proud of; and win
back the respect of his father. He says that hefeels trapped inside of himself: always
dweUing on the bad things he has done. He wishes that he could befiee of his angry
thoughts, and be able to be open with others. Jeff responded partzrtzcularly well to the
'Zecognizing Signs of Success" erercise. He said that he had been thinking a great deal
about the way he h m treated hisfather, andfor that reason, chose tofocur on a
confrontation the two of them had jwt pnor to his incarceration. Jeff played hisfather,
and requested that the therapist be he. nie scenario was enacted wice, once with Jeff
being high, and once when Jfwas straight. Jeff w u suprised by the emotions he felt
as thefather. Instead of being uncaring and aloof;Jeff realked that hisfather felt guilty
and powerless about his inability to guide his son. When hisfather tried to tulk things
over, "high " Jeff dismissed him in o disrespectful manner. The second situation, that of
the 'Straight " son, went much more smoothly. Although awkward, Jeffs father (still
pZayed by J e n was able to express his concents to his son without being yelled nt. The
roles were switched, and Jeff tried to explain to hisfather that he did care, and did not
want to hurt him anymore. In subsequent sessions, the theme offamily was central. Jeff
am'ved at one session quite pleased with himself: It had been Mothers ' day on the
weekend, and he had initiated a conversation with his stepmother about his natural
mother. Jefffeelt quite good about the conversation, as he did not offen have close ta2h
with his stepmother. J@ inteniewed hisfamily members over the phone, askingfor
details of how they know when he ir drugFee and doing well. For thefirst time he
on others. His confidence Msibly increared
appreciated thefull impact of his behavravrmr
as each week Ire reported the steps he had takm to graduallly win back hisfather 2 m t .
When complimented on such initiatives, Jishowed obviousphysical discornfort, stating
that he was no?used to hearing anythingpositive about himeIf: During one session, he
volunteered that he played a musical imtmment. He accepted an invitation to pe$om,
and revealed himse&zs a talented murician. During hik trectment, he chose tof o m on a
number of imporant issues: his relationship with his family; h k desire to increase to
number of things which he is able tofeelproud of;.Zearning to express hisfeelings in
sociall'y appropriate ways; leuming to deal with anger; d d o p i n g a healthier lifestyle;
and recognizing when his approach with others is e~ectiveinoffective.He made
signzpcant progress on ail of these goals, as well as identrfiing additional areas which he
wanted to work on.
The goal of the third session is to create a bndge to the present. Many young
offenders have histories of neglect or abuse. Their actions are often expressions of anger
or hstration, an acting out of the powerlessness or shame which they felt as children.
Since many of them have histories of repeated failure- in relationships, school, and
employment, they often find it difficult to recognize any progress which might have been
made. For those who are recidivists, the sense of failure may be quite profound. Once
incarcerated, the excitement and feeling of power which accompanied their antisocial acts
are quickly replaced by depression and a deep sense of personal failure. Some offenders
mask this depression through a carefkee, flippant attitude, others may act in an antisocial
manner within the institution. In order to turn their Lives around, it is necessary for many
of the residents to put their pasts in perspective, identifjhg the actions of their abusers as
separate fiom themselves, and as something undeserved. Identimg the anger which
stems fiom mdtreatment, and the behavioural consequences which often resuit fkom it
c m be quite usehl for many young offenders. For many, this session provides an
determination, and tenacity. Clients vary greatly in the degree to which they want to
discuss their pasts. Some express a strong need to tell their stories, whereas others may
simply want to focus on the fuhue. Whichever is the case, the client's wishes must be
respected. In this particular session, an exercise entitled "A bridge to the present" (Dolan,
1995) was used. It offered an opportunity for client's to tell their story, by encouraging
them to write down their mernories of events in their past which were significant in their
identity formation. Clients were asked to identiS> both positive and negative events, and
during the session, this list was reviewed, with emphasis on identiwg the inner
strengths that enabled them to endure their hardships. Thus an opporhmity is provided to
the client to shift the focus away from shame and self blame and move toward
Case Example:
The reason I'm wrting th& is because 1want tu read this when I'm
really old and look back on kow my life started and turned out from bad
to good ... When I was between I I and 13 years old Igot bea a lot by
my step-da& He used to beat me reguarly, on a number of occasions 1
had to go to the hospita&1used tu have bowelproblents su every time
something happened lgot beaL lgot beat up by Rim spanking me with a
2' x 4': He woufd wet my ass and hit me about nine times before 1
worrld be able tu pull mypants up. So I stole a bunch of his strff to get
men. Everything I could get my han& on that was kis. Getting beat
with a piece of wood was noihing compareif to getthg an Vonpot over
the heud and being strangled to almost unconscious. 1I i n k the worst
w u when he beat the shit out of me on my back because my back was
black and blue so 1coufd bareiy walk To this duy 1have to doback
workouts because If1 don 't my back willgive out and lprobably wrll
never walk again. 1know this because 1aimost happened tu me in
minimum custody. 1Ihad to stay in bed for two weeks and take pain
H e r s because 1never did my back exercises. My mom stood up to my
stepfther when he beat me. 1think she was afiaii of him, but ai the
same tirne, was afruid IO leave him 1offen acted bad and -le fiom my
stepfather tu get oren with him and to keep him Rom picking on my
mother. If Z was the bad guy, my stepfather woufdn't be mad at my
mother ...Some duys I sii here in my bed and feel sorryfor myseif
because I've Iiad so many chances in my fve to stan over. 1screwed up
my reWonsh@ with [a @ru, 1fos myjob because my power went out
and 1slept in. In the country you have to be there on time or don 't conte
..
at all because you need to be dependable. I daydreum a lot so maybe
that's why I don 4 get a lot of *done because Idream of dreams that
will never come &UR The one dream rhat wiZ hopefully come m<e U
that Iget mamd tu a wonderfiri wife und hme as many kids as she
wants because 1want my wife to be h q p y not mean und unhappy.
Before any kids come I would IiRe to have a stablejob and have a house
of some sort. I don 'f cure where I ved as long as my kids don 't end up
injuii because ifthey did I would gink I f d e d at bringing up a f m d y
tliat knew rightfiom wrong. I would &O think that H would be my fault
that my chd was in jail because I must not have spent enough tinte with
the child when it was linle and leming to cope with the rough world
.
that they have to grow up in. . Do you know that most Cunadkns don 't
know how to read? Weil,1was one of ?hem unf i l I came into custody. I
learned tu read by reading comic books then Igot right into love novels.
It seems &ange because I d .'t like books unt I came to jaiL Weil, 1
have to admif the on& reai reason I started to read wus because it gets
ioneiy in your roum about 18 or 19 houm a day su since we were in our
...
rooms su much I started ri0 enjoy reading I wish lknew my reai
father because I have this empty space a my heatt that feek deprived of
sornetliing. 1know whnt it is deprived of; ofher or afun and curing
man for a role-model su thaf I could have had some encouragement as 1
was growing into an ad& I have been thinking about myfather und
..
wouid be interested in meeting him. I called my stepfather dad but I
only said it once and that once was the duy they got married He was
nice to mefor about six months but when my [siblind was born it
seemed tu me that once he Lad a [childl 1was dropped off the edge of
the world Afer ail our arguing 1would aiways say "You're not my
father so I don'? have to &en to you. * I guess that hurt hisfeelings a
lot because my sister and I thougfiriand looked up tu him as the greatest
thing that happened to us but as it turned out he was the worst thing
ever to happen tu my family. n e reason dlthis arguing surted wus the
day he said my reaifather wus o worthless piece of sliit and the only
reason we (me, mom, sister) made if thisfar in life was because he came
into our lives. Wellltold him that ifhe noter came into our liwes our
famiiy would be happy and Iprobabiy would not ever have come tojail.
Ion& started to steal because I wanted ATTENTION because I was
aiways iefl out. So 1stole money and we& to the arcade tu w<rstemy
energy on fighting gantes. So when I won thefigliting games 1would be
happy because 1either hurf or Med sonteune. me on& reason Iplayed
them was so thut 1could be one guy and my stepdad would be the other.
rvlioever Ifought 1npped tfieirheuds off and pidure my stepdad dying
in blood and gore. I loved thefeeling cd the time but now 1think I have
grown up a lot and thought tlings out better. Id we before my mom
got married, i never did well in schook but I never got into mime. ..
F school] I always had a problem concentrathg on one Ling. I f d e d
myfirst year in gradefour. me second year in g r d e 4 Iparsed by a
ha+. I didn 'tpass nny c h s in my life except kindergarfen because a
was the eariest of dl und we were leurning. 1think and know I could
have done a lot better because I have a bruin between my shoulders
because everyone wiihin the Zast hua to threeyeats hm told me so 1
know iflput my mind to it there is a one inf i e chances I wiZl be able to
do i&
The degree of candour in Shane's "life history" is quite remarkable, given his
history of denial and noncornpliance. Although one might be tempted to challenge the
accuracy or veracity of his clairns, such an action would not be in line with the solution-
focused approach. The goal of this therapy is not to "help" the client to see things
through the therapists eyes, but rather, for the therapist to join with the client's reality. In
cases where a client articulates antisocial or criminal sentiment, the job of the therapist is
to understand the motivations of the client, and attempt to unveil alternative (and
prosocial) behavioural choices which result in client bbsuccess". in the above example,
Shane was clearly able to articulate the sources of his anger, as well as identifymg the
antisocial manner in which he expresses bis rage. In this single exercise, Shane opened
the door to candid discussions about his past. When r e f e h g to his aggressive responses
to his father, Shane stated: Whoever Ifought 1ripped tlieir heu& off and picture my
stepdad dying in blood and gore. 1oved thefeeling at the time but now I think I have
grown up a lot and thought tliings out better. Here Shane provided the opening to
discussions about change. He signalled a recognition of the inappropriateness of his
response, and a readiness to change. Through the course of therapy, Shane came to
realize that he wore the mask of someone who was cocky, loud, and arrogant in an
attempt to gain atention and be recognized. By going out of his way to hitate people, he
would gain their undivided attention. When he opened up and candidly discussed his
feelings, he proved to be a iikeable, sensitive and thoughtful young man who was
stniggling to h d his place in the world. To succeed, Shane reaiized that he would have
to learn to express his feelings in sociaIIy appropriate ways. This included taking
responsibility for the role he plays in nitiating difficulties he has with others and
allowing himself to trust others. For Shane, the first few steps he took in opening up
during the course of therapy were the initial steps he needed to take to get his iife on
track. He was congratulated on having the courage and the t w t to s t a a making such
change. At the end of the ten-week session, Shane was transferred to a minimum security
institution. He was extremely unhappy about having to go there since he had a track
shipped back to maximum security within a period of a few days, as was the case in past
experiences. At the six month follow-up, Shane had been released h m open custody
misconduct.
The Fourth Session:
The goal of the fourth session was to help clients understand how their actions
(both past and present) are related to their feelings. ui this session, a graph was drawn
charting client feehgs and behaviours over tirne (for an example, see Figure 3).
Figure 3
2 --
i
O'
!
-
2 y r s ago Prior to Arrest Now 1 year from
- Fam ly
- i
Self Eateem
- School
Crime
-
Time Frame
-J-
Orugs
Frlende
- Phyetcal Health
records which continually play the same piece over and over, they have difficulty kding
alternative behaviours to substitute for the maladaptive ones. Most often, these
individuah have areas in their lives where they have succwsfiilly used prosocial
behaviours, but they are often unable to identify such occurrences. The focus of everyone
around them may have, for many years, been on everything that they are doing that is
''wrong" instead of building on those areas which are ''nght." Understanding the
Toward the end of the session, clients were asked to identify someone who they admire,
and would consider a role model. A detailed list was made of the positive qualities of
this person, with specific reference to how he or she hande3 troublesome situations. For
the weekly task, clients were asked to pick a day during the week, and to "be" that person
they admired. Tnis involveci interacting, behaving, and thinking in a way which they
believe their role models would behave. They were then asked to notice how others
reacted to them when they changed their behaviour, and ask their fiiends whether they
Kurt came into nrrtodyfdowing a srnies of break and enfers. Within thefirst
fmweeks of residency, he had created a reptation as a trouble maker. Hefiequently
bullied the other residents, was d e to stag und dento11stmteda complete inability to
follow rules. He hud accumulated a number of Behuviour Reports (imtitutiond
misconduct notes). Staffforwarded concerns about his mental state, and express& the
opinion that perhaps Kurt sufferedfiom somefonn of leuming disability, since he
appeared to be unable to learnfiom his rnistakes orfollow any of the basic nJes of the
institution. KWt ran into dzFculty, falling into patterns of bullying, imubordination and
lack of cooperation. It becume clear that Kurt w m in need of additional treahnent
services. Initially in the control group, Kurt was ham$med into the treatment group
rather than being disqualz~edfiomthe study entirely. &During thejrst two sessions, he
related well individually, but continued to hase djcultitier in the raidence. The third
session o c m e c i early at Kurt 5r request. Stafffelt Ae was in crisis, and supported his
request During this session, Kurt did the 'felnting actions tofeelings" exercise.
Following this session, a drarnatic shift in both behaviour and attitude ocnrrred. Kurt
suddenl'y demonstrated a willingness to cooperate, and an ability tofunction within the
system. He starteid cooperating with stafi hzk bullying behaviotrr stopped, and he rose in
rank on the housepoints list. His insubordination was replaced by good humour and
cooperation. Kurt worked with the theropist to chart hi&attitude and behaviours over the
previous 18 months. He identifedfour significant dates, and we charted his progress
dong a number of dimensions over th& tirne period: dmg use, involvement in crime,
relationship with mother, relationship with father, fien&, girls, school, mental health,
andphysical health. After discussing the state of affairs in each of these categories over
thefour tirne periods, they were graphed, with lines connecting eachfactor over time.
Suddenly Kurt was able to understand how hLF actions were a refection of hisfeelings.
Many of thesefeelings were a direct result of his behoviour. lrough the graphing
exercises, Kurt wcr able to identzfi the incidents which initiated his duwnward slide. In
contrast, he was able to clearly idennfi those actions which appeared linked to success -
with hisfamily, fien&, social and acodemic l i f . Despite his initial dzficulties adiusting
to custody, Kurt rad made some significant progress. He Lod been unable to recognize
these due to hi$ constant acting out.
In the initial part of the session, Kurt claimed that he did not care about anything,
and therefore did not try to do well. He was told that the staflat his old unit thought he
might be leaming disabled, because he seemed to make the same rnistakes over and mer.
This w m presented as an apparent paradox, ssice outwardly he appeared to be bright
and capable. Kurt pointed out that he h m started to improve at the end of his stay, and
attributed th to thefact that he had stared trying. He set a goal for himselfthat week -
to earn back his prvileges, and not get any BehaMour Reports. He agreed to continue
graphing his progras, so that there would be an accurute gauge of how he w u doing.
Kurt seemed quite h a p to~ have recognition t h he w m capable of doing weU, and
seemed detennined to prove it. By the end of the tenth session. he had rwied tltings
around, and stayed troublefiee. FFolwing the end of the programme, Kurt 's behaviour
once again plummeted. After a fmv weeks, he was able to tum things around. A letter
was receivedfiom him the day b@re he trunsferred to a drug rehabilitationprogramme
in an open m t o d y setting:
P.S.- Ienclosed a cupy of my P.D.R. to show you wha the court system
has to say about me, and to show you how much 1have changed!
The radical change which took place in this case was quite remarkable. A
"learning disabled" seemingiy dim-witted angry youth transformed into a sensitive, quick
witted self-duected and articulate young man. Cleariy he stiii has a lot of work to do, as
his temporary lapse into his old behaviour patterns demonstrated foliowing the
termination of therapy. What is significant, though, is that Ku?was able to turn things
around on his own volition, using his inner knowledge and wisdom to guide him. A
simple senes of behavioural exercises helped to lay the initial stages of a mapping which
would serve to guide him in the fuhue. For the first time in many years, Kurt started
expenencing success, both at school, and in his relationships with otbers. He quite
proudly showed off a copy of m assignrnent he had done in school on which he had
received 10/10.
programme, and two months of open custody placement. He had no additional charges,
The goal of the fifth session was to examine relationships with peers, and to
address criminogenic thinking, To begin this session, the role modelling exercise of the
previous week was reviewed. As usual, the therapist asked about any positive changes
that occurred over the week, but in this session, focussed specifically on any new changes
which might have arisen h m the role modelling exercise. To examine relationships with
peers and address criminogenic thinking, an exercise entitled 'Tublic self / Mvate self'
was canied out. Two pictures were drawn, the k t of an angry. sullen individual, and the
second, srnaller in size, of a smiling happy looking person. Cartoon characteristics of the
client were drawn in (glasses, curiy hair, etc.) to help clients realize that the pictures were
of them. Offenders were then asked to list the characteristics which described each of
these people. The label over the larger figure was c'criminalself," and the label over the
smaller figure was "good self." A detailed description was drawn up of each figure, with
family, drug use, criminal activity, criminal thinking, and feehgs about self M e r a
complete description was drawn up for each character, the offender was asked to rate
what percentage they felt they were composed of these two characters. Ratings were
done over tirne, with the k t at t h e of arrest, the second at the present, the third in six
months nom now, and the fourth a year fiom now. The purpose of this exercise is to
and actions, and the influence which fiends have on such actions. It also helps oRenders
thinking and behaviour) and that these changes have a strong positive impact on family,
The goal of the sixth session is to address addictions. Although this issue, like
point, much of the ernphasis has centred on helping the offender recognize that he
actually has a problem with dnigs. The focus of the s k t h session is to find soiutions to
the problem. This is done by focusing on periods of abstinence. These penods are used
as blueprints for future behaviour. Clients are asked to examine periods of success in the
past (no matter how small). The Question to be asked is not "What do I do to stop
drinking" but rather, m a t activities am 1 doing when 1am not drinking, and how do 1
Aithough the above letter was written only two mon& d e r release, it is
encouraging to leam that Carl has managed to put so many hedthy practices into place.
Unlike previous releases, where he was released with many promises but within a few
weeks had fallen back into his old habits, Cari worked out the details o f this release in
painstaking detail. He realized that to succeed, he had to start the changes while
incarcerated. His ninning proved to be a measure of his detennination to plot a new path
for himself. By starting with such a mal1 and simple idea, he was able to build on if and
gradually felt the ripple effct of positive attitude and behaviours which accompanied
such change. Car1 ailowed h e i f to care about the runnjng, and in so doing, granted
himself the permission he needed to start caring about his me. His ability to succeed in
such a simple task as running help to give him the confidence he needed to attack other
The goal of the seventh session was to work on Mproving relationships with
family, and plan for the future. Clients were asked how things were going with their
families. They were also asked to identify signs of progress which would be noticeable to
their families. A significant amount of tirne was spent on dissecting the feedback that the
client had received nom his family, and recognizing the signs that they are either on or
off track. Emphasis was placed on a description of how the family will know when
changes are permanent, and they no longer need to wony for the client's wellbeing. In an
effort to encourage clients to make detailed plans for themselves after release, the "Older,
Imagine that you have grown to be a healthy, wise old man and you are
looking back on this period of your life. What do you think this
wondefil, old, wise man would suggest to you to he$ you get through
this cuirent phase in your life? What would he tell you to remember?
What advice would he give you on how to smooth things out in your
family? What would he tell you would be the most helpful in helping you
heal fiom the past? Does he have any advice on how therapy could be
most useful and helpful?
As a follow-up task for this session, clients were asked to let their families h o w
that things were changiug. They were directed to be very specific about the types of
changes which family members could expect. They were also asked to let family
members lmow how they couid assist in the change. Clients were asked to do something
with their family which would indicate that this time is different.
Case Example:
The title of the eighth session is "Actions and Feelings: Leaming to Effect
Change." The focus is on identiwg and managing triggers to anger or self hamng
behaviours. For those offenders with histories of violent behaviour, emphasis is placed
on recognizing the intemal signals for anger,and developing healthy strategies for
and an enjoyment for the feelings of power and release which aggression brings on.
Links are made between these behaviours, and the long tenn consequences - such as the
feelings of depression and failure which accompany incarceration. Plans are drawn up for
alternative activities which might serve as a release, and increase feelings of power,
without involving aggression. Benefits to self, family and others are highlighted. For
behaviours which ofien accompany feelings of being powerless and ineffective. A simple
behavioural exercise, entitled "Good day/ Bad day" (Duvail, 1994) is done to help
offenders understand the extent of control which they can exercise in theu lives. In this
exercise, offenders are asked to identiQ the specinc attitudes,actions and behaviours
which are tied to having a good &y or a bad day within the institution. This exercise is
often extended to situations in the past, with offenders being asked to identify those
specific activities which were tied to particularly happy or successfi days on the outside.
Case Exampie:
The goal of the &th session was to reinforce and ampli@ any positive changes
which had occurred over the counselling programme. The focus was on encouraging the
offender to recognize, and build on, the fact that he had created a self which was separate
fiom that person whom others used to know. Keeping that self separate, unique, and fiee
komthe pressures and expectations of others becomes the issue. For the exercise, the
client was asked to write himself a "Letter fiom the future" (Dolan, 1991). This letter is
composed by the client, who imagines hirn or herself in a position of success and
happiness at a meaningful point in time in the fiiture. The client was asked to be as
relationships, thoughts and behaviours over the designated period of t h e . The letter wa
Case Example:
Jordan is a g@ed artist who ttsted in the superior range of intellectual ability.
Despite this, he har a listory of underachiewment in school, dropping outjust prior to
his ofiens. Jordan Lr acuteiy avare that hefeels dtflerentfrom others. Social&
alienated, ke turned to heavy drug use and the quick compnionship it offeredfor
acceptance. One night, while high, he shot a stranger in a racial& bared conflct.
Sentenced to thme yeurs of closed ntstody, Jordan passed his time wntingpoetty and
working on his art. nie extent of hir isolation is captured in one of his poems:
Dear MyselJ;
I'm finai& outta here. Twoyears closed and nine months open. I'm
finallyprep<rred social& and mentdy. In secure custody l g o t my higlr
school dipiorna and started work on OAC EngiM. 1alsu upgroded my
I I genertzl muth tu advanced muth. APer artiving in open, Iput the
cunteen money 1saved in the bank and &O got new clothes. I found
work and saved up aii of my pay checks. One of thefirst things Idid
when Igot my first puss wcrs visit Jmy girlfiend]. We had a lot to catch
up on. I registered in an addt Ieurning centre undfinished my OAC's,
und iook rny [art diplorna]. 1was studying while in h m Riglt now, a's
a matter of my decision. I'm thinking about doing the Social Work
course at Collegefor money and then going to universi@tofolow [art$
p y girrfriend] is not sure of her go& but WUbefollowing up on
cornputers and math in unn>ersity. I am also going to purchase a new
car.
Despite his handrome lookr. obvious intelligence and irresistible cham. Jordan
is crippled by selfdoubt. In thepast, he w m unable to recognize his areas of strength.
and instead, dwelled on perceived inadequacies. He Iearned to tue his wt and chann as
a way of ski[fulZysidestepping such sensitive issues in conversation. On& through hb
p o e q and his writing was he able to express his bue thoughts. Through the ''Leiter to
the Future" exercise, Jordan was able to take thefirst few steps toward sening concrete,
achievable goalsfor himec Hs goals appeared to be su@singZy modest. given his
high levd of intelligence. For Jordan, however, theyfelt safe and achievable, and
represented movement toward a productive lfe.
me TenfhSession
The goal of the tenth session is to solidify friture plans for success, to leam to
recognize and deai with setbacks, and to bring closure to the treatment programme.
Clients are asked to review the specinc details of a successful release plan, and well as
identifjing the indicators that they are on (or off) track Setbacks are discussed as a
normal part of change, and plans are put into place to recognize and deal with such
Case Example
John was sentenced to sir months of secure ctutodyfor a series of break and
enters. He h m a lengthy history of involvement with the criminaljustice system. and was
releasedfrom open custodyfor a short time before he reoffended. In his open custody
setting. John wa labelled as unruly, disrespectfu uncommunicative and uncooperative.
In hisjile* it was noted that he was unwilling to participate in group coumelling sessions
and a question wes raised as to the extent to which he was capable of expressing hime&
During thefirst session, John was painfuly shy. He entered the room with his back
slouched. his head d o m . and his eyes downcast. He w m hesitant to speak and when he
did venture an opinion, did so in a tentative manner. John responded well to the
"miracle" question, qlaining that he always got into trouble because no one
understood how he wa feeling. He proceeded to explain that his dzBculties in open
custody arose as a resuit offeelings of anger andfricriration.
John cited exumples of situations in which hefelt unable to articulate his feelings.
On thefirst day of high school. he w m transfmedfrom a country school of 30 students
to a secundary school of more than 900. Intimidnted and scared, hefelt unable to enter
the school. He explained that he thought others would luugh ut him. Instead of telling
people of his fears, he went through the motions of leaving home each dny at the regular
time. and returning home at night when the school day was over. John started to hang
around school dropouts. and the boredom which accompanied the long hours of the day
soon becamefilled with drug use and crime.
John was congratuZated on the artzrtzcuZate, honest and open way in which he w m
able to express himerfduring the session. As h b.eatment progressed, he became quite
talkatiw, and made it very clear that he Zookedfomard to the weekly sessions. In
contrast to the uncommunicative, uncoopmatiw and disrarpectjrl behmCNIow d&bed in
hLrjZe, J i n nus courteous, talkativeIand extremely motivated. At the end of ten
sessions, he q r e s s e d regret that he war no? able to continue. John requested a copy of
liis open custody report, so that he could send it to his mothet, and c o n m t it with the
"cert@ate of achievement " he had eomed while at Brookride. Dunkg his stay, John
found that he was able to renew his interest in school. Despite thefact that he had never
in his Zife read afUZZ noveZ, John found that he hud quite an interest in books, and read a
number while in detention. Each w& he proudly entered the interview raom, reporting
on which books he had read. and the opinions he held ofthe various plot lines and
authors. A m revimeMng his progress over the ten weeks, John excluirned that hefelt a
huge weight hud been lijled oflhis shoulders. To know that he was capable of good
behaviour, getting along wiih others, comrnunicating open&, doing well in school, and
hmringpeople hold him in high regard were al2 imporiant achievements to John.
John seemedproud of his accomplishments. He asRed to hear pa* of the audio
recording of thefirst session, so he could hear how htk speech and thinking had changed
mer the 10-week counselling period.
John's case serves as an excellent example of the potentid of the use of positive
up, John was reported to have adjusted to his open custody setting, with no record of
Results for the study are presented in the sections below. First, participants are
descnbed, and the issue of equivaiency between treatrnent and control groups is
documented. Cornparisons are made on questionnaire scores between time 1 and tirne 2,
and time 1and time 3 for the resident, teacher and conectional officer data. These
fkdings are discussed in the context of the study hypotheses. Next, the impact of the
strike on resident attitudes and behaviour is discussed, and the hdings of the weekly
rnood reports are presented. Findly, the issue of recidivism is exarnined, and the
in the control group. They ranged in age, fiom 16 to 19 years old, and were serving
sentences of a meau duration of 12.4 months,with a range fiom 4 to 36 months. Ten per
cent of the participants were first t M e offenders, with no pnor convictions on file, while
90% were recidivists. Seventy-three per cent of the study participants had been
previously incarcerated, in either open or closed custody facilities. Eighty-five per cent
166
of the sampie (n = 34) had a history of violent behaviour (as documented by school
officials, corrections officials, child welfare agencies, etc.). Sm-five per cent (n = 26)
were currently being incarcerateci for having committed a violent offence (assault,
functioning, with mean IQ scores of 98.5, and a range of 73-124. Verbal IQ scores
ranged fiom 77-120 (below average to above average), and performance IQ scores had a
-
similar spread, ranging fiom 71 131 (below average to supenor). Thus, there were
members of the study who scored in the low level of intellectual functioning relative to
others their age, and there were some individuals who were above average or even in the
superior range.
One of the standard assessrnent tools used in the Canadian correctional system to
assess levels of need and nsk is the Level of SeMce hventory (Ministry of the Solicitor
General and Correctional Senices, 1996). It is completed by traied staff within the
entering the systern. Low scores represent low risk, whereas higher scores identifjr a
greater degree of risk (and need). Individuais with high scores tend to have many
them in the "High" nsk category for reoffending. The distribution of scores on the LSI
Table 5
Sixty-three per cent of the study sample (n=25) fit this cnterion. The LSI inventory
provides a breakdown of offender needs and risk factors covering a variety of areas:
Note. Hi& scores = greater degree of dificulties / higher risk No significant Merences
were detected between treatment and control groups on either total or subscale scores of
the LSI.
with school problems and criminal history being areas of particular concem. It is not
surprising that the youths expenenced a high level of difficulty with school, since 75%
of the participants had been formaily diagnosed as having a leaming disability, and 28%
were diagnosed as having attention deficit disorder (with hyperactivity). As a group, they
that were either fairly favourable toward treatment/supervision, on one hmd, or were very
criminally minded and closed to the idea of treatrnent and supervision, on the other. The
"Antisocial Tendencies" scale was negatively skewed, indicating that most of the
participants held attitudes which were criminal, or had exhibited behaviours which were
antisocial in nature (violence, escape history, breech in supenision, early and diverse
antisocial behaviour). Most participants indicated that they had criminal acquaintances.
Dmgs posed a problem to the rnembers of the study, with 100% (n=40) reporting
a history of d m g and/or alcohol abuse. Although none of the offenders were married,
Thus the sample comprised a group of high need youths, with at least moderate
scores indicate that this group was at high risk for reoffending compared to other
offenders in Ontario. A number of these boys were themselves already parents, placing
their own children at nsk for the development of social or emotional difficulties. The
offenders were a diverse group, varying greatly in ethnicity, school achievement and
intellect. The one consistent element among the participants was the commission of
run on alI of the demographic information items to determine whether the treatment and
control groups were, in fact, quivalent. No signincant differences were foimd between
groups on any of the following areas: intellect, length of sentence, presence of learning
history of previous incarceration. Similar cornparisons were made with the composite
treatment group reported that they were more anxiouddepressed than members of the
control group (F, (1,38) = 4.3 1, p c .045). Analysis of recidivism data showed that initial
scores on this scale were not related to treatment outcome at 6 month follow-up.
one exception, ail the offenders who were invited to attend the orientation session agreed
to participate in the sudy (by signing the consent fonn). The one resident who declined
to participate was Chinese. He explaineci that his English was weak and he was not
explanation of why they had not been offered the treatment programme. After the study
had begun, 32% of the control participants (n = 6) sent the therapist a note, or initiated
personal contact, asking to be transferred to the treatrnent group. Denying access to the
for help is provided below. This letter was followed up with a discussion, in which the
None of the control participants who asked to b e transferred into the treanent
group were granted their request. One member of the control group was transferred to the
treatment group at the request of the Chief Psychologist of the institution, as his
behaviour was so disruptive and out of control that the alternative was for him to be
withdrawn iom the study completely, and assigned to work with a stafpsychologist.
Thus the number of treatment and control group members were 2 1 and 19 respective1y.
Once the programme ended, severai treatment group members asked to continue. Of
those residents who were placed in the treatment group, 43% (n = 9) went out of their
way to contact the therapist &er the treatmmt was over. They indicated that they had
enjoyed their involvement in the programme, and wanted to continue the weekly
meetings. Such requests were denied, but the participants were congraulated on their
enthusiasm and commitment, and encouraged to continue working on the issues which
in the control group as measured by the total scales and subscdes of the questionnaires
detailed in Table 3 (Jesness Behavioral Checklist, Youth Self Report, Test of Self-
total scales and subscdes were entered as covariates in asswsing group differences in
questionnaires. niose areas in which significant differences arose are reported below.
A complete listing of the means, standard deviations, and F-tests for the multivariate and
univariate tests of the self-report data are provided in Appendix G. Effect sizes are also
Significant group differences emerged in four areas between the time of initia1
assessment, and the completion of treatment. Means, standard deviations, and F-tests are
con- to the contrd group, members of the treatment group indicated that they had
made more progress in solvhg their problems (Figure 5). There was a trend for members
of the treatment group to be more inched to want folIow-up counselhg after release.
Responses to the Carlson Psychological Survey revealed greater optimism for the f - t u e
among members of the treatment group relative to the control group members (Figure 6).
- Treabnent - - Conbol
- --
Abuse Scale compared to those of the contd group between tirne 1 and t h e 2 (Figure
7). There was a trend for lower scores on the Anti-Social Tendencies Scde of the
Carlson Psychological Survey for members of the treatment group. Treatment group
members also indicated significantly higher levels of guilt between time 1 and t h e 2
relative to members of the control group (as measured by the Test of Self-Conscious
-
M e c t Adolescent Version, see Figure 8).
The 1 TMe 2
- Treatment - Controt - Treatment - - Conbol
- - -
Perceived progress
in solving problems
(SFQ)
Chernical Abuse*
(Carlson)
Guilt Scale
(TOSCA)
Note. High scores are indicative of healthy functioning on al1 scaIes except those marked
treatment and control groups between initiai assesment, and nnal foiiow-up. Eleven of
the forty participants were transferred out of the facility prior to the third assessrna thus
reducing the total sample size to twenty-nine for time three analyses. niree areas arose
which significantly differentiated the two groups. Group means, standard deviations, and
F-tests are provided in Table 8. The youths in the treatment group felt significantly more
coddent about their ability to maintain changes between time 1 and t h e 3 compared to
The 1 The3
- Treatrnent - - Conhl
F i m e 9. Confidence in ability to
maintain changes.
There was a statistical trend for memben of the treatment group to feel they had made
more progress in solving their problems than did members of the control group between
time 1 and time 3. Mernbers of the treatment group indicated that hey had significantly
less difficulty concentrating or attendhg between thne 1 and time 3 (as refiected by the
YSR - Attention Problems subscale, see Figure IO), as well as a higher degree of empathy
for others than did members of the control group (as rneasured by the Carlson
Fimire 10. Attention difficulties Fimire 11. Empathy for others. If 1 hurt
members relative to their controis between initial assessrnent and the end of the follow-up
period.
Table 8
Mean. Standard Deviations. and F values of Self Report Outcome Measures
as a Function of gr ou^ and Time lover three assessrnent periods)
Ability to empathize
with others
(Carlson item M3)
AttenConcentration
difficulties*
VSR)
Note. High scores are indicative of healthy functioning on aii scales except those marked with *, for which
high scores represent increased problems.
179
Teacher Raiings of Resident Belraviuur
Each resident was asked to identify a teacher who lmew Uiem weli, and who
would likely be teaching them for the duration of the shidy. Some residents picked the
same teacher, thus there were a few teachers who were asked to fiU out questionnaires for
more than one shident. The teachen received a copy of the Teacher Report Form, as well
as the Recidivism Scaie of the Jesness Behavior Checklist. Of the forty questionnaires
sent to teachers at time one, 77.5% = 31) were completed and returned. At time two
42.5% (N = 17) of the teachers completed the questiomaires. At tirne three, only 20%
(N = 8) of the teachers responded to the questionnaires. One of the reasons for the low
response rate is the fact that residents at Brookside do not tend to stay in any one class for
class. nius the only teachers who were able to cornplete the questionnaires at al1 three
imes were those who actually taught the same student for the blI20 weeks. In the case
of the first cohort, a 10 week strike interrupted the study, thus delaying the follow-up
period for an additional 10 weeks. Very few students remained in the same course for
the hi11 30 weeks, thus reducing the pool of teachers eligible to respond to t h e three
questionnaires. Since the response rate was so Iow for the time three data, analysis was
restricted to the data for times one and two. Multivariate analysis of covariance
cornparisons were made on the scales and totd scores of the questionnaires between the
two time penods. In general, the teachers rated the residents in a much more favourable
Iight than did the correctional offices, or even the residents themselves. Due to the low
between times 1 and 2 only. Means, standard deviations, and F-tests are presented in
Table 9. The teachers noted very iittie change in their -dents over time (see Figures 12
and 13).
between time 1 and time 2 on scales of the Jemess Behavior Checklist. Only the Social
between groups. Teacher behaviour ratings reflected a statistical trend towards higher
participation (les social withdrawal) in members of the treatrnent group over time
Table 9
Withdrawn M 1 .O0 0.60 2.43 2.29 -F (1, 13) = 4.3 1 p< .O58
(T'Rn 0.82 0.70 4.72 3.15 @S., trend)
Note. Statistical analyses were performed on al1 of the subtest scores and total scores of
the Teacher's Report Form and the Jesness Behavior Checklist (Recidivism Scales).
Only those factors that reached (or approached) statistical significance are reported.
Correctional Omcer Rotings ofResident BehPviour
Response rates for the correctional ofticers were very low, with 37.5% (N = 15) of
the ofncers responding to the frst survey, 25% (N= 10) to the second, and only 12.5%
(N= 5 ) to the third and h a 1 survey. Unfortunately, an Ontario Pubiic Servant Employee
Union (OPSEU) strike occurred during the course of the study. It Iasted for 5 weeks, and
morde was extremely low among the correctional officers prior to, during, and after the
strike. With such a poor response, there were not adquate numbers of surveys to
properly test for group differences over t h e . Muhivariate andysis of covariance did not
yield any significant differences between treatment and control groups. Caution should be
exercised in interpreting these results since the assumptions of the statistical test were not
met (e.g., homogeneity ofvariance, normal distribution). With such a smail sample size,
data transformations were not possible since the same transformation codd not be applied
1976). A cornparison of the mean number of infiactions between treatment and control
groups during the shidy period revealed no significant diffrences, with the mean number
Predictions were made for treatment effects a m s s seven areas: self, family, peers,
environment, cognition, behaviour and process. The hypotheses for each of these areas is
self
Four hypotheses were made for treatment group members relative to the control
Treatment group rnembers would indicate improved self esteem relative to control
group members
Treatment group members would improve their ability to empathize with others,
as measured through decreased detachment and increased guilt compared to
members of the control group.
Members of the treatment group did not indicate improved self esteem relative to
members of the control group. Self-esteem, as a concept, was not signincantly related to
recidivism. In retrospect, this hypothesis was not a logical one, since it failed to take into
high self-confidence is cited as a protective factor @ut&, 1990),it is only adaptive in the
184
absence of antisocial values (Wonnith, 1984). hcreases in s e l f ' e e e r n may be Iinked to
may reflect a lack of progress, or may, in facf signal the initiai stages of a shift in values
(firom antisocial to prosocid ideation), and be linked to positive treatment outcorne. With
a larger sample size, the seIf-esteem of young offenders could be elucidated by assessing
the relationship between changes in self esteem, and degree of antisocial or crimindized
thinking (as measured by the antisocial tendencies scale of the Carlson Psychological
Survey).
Contrary to the second hypothesis, treatment goup members did not indicate less
shame relative to members of the control group, nor did they report less detachment.
They did, however, indicate more feelings of guilt (hypothesis four), as well as a greater
control over life (trend), and an cod5dence in ability to maintain changes relative to
It was predicted that treamnt group members' scores would indicate greater
confidence in their ability to manage their family problems. The results of the analysis
suggest that this was not the case, with no significant differences observed between
Peers
It was hypothesized that members of the treatment group would have fewer social
problems than members of the control group. No difference arose in the number of
Behaviour Reports accrued by the respective groups. This may be due to the small
sample size, and the fact that one or two extreme scores could greatly afKect the group
mean. Teachers did report higher participation in class for members of the treatment
group relative to their controls (reporting a tendency for treatment group members to be
less withdrawn than members of the control group as measured by the Teacher's Report
Fom, see Table 9). T ' u s the school is one arena where treatment group members
appeared to improve, with lower scores on a scale measuring social withdrawai between
It was predicted that treatment group members wodd adapt more easily to their
environment, and report a closer relationship with staff than members of the control
group. This did not appear to be the case. On average, membem of both groups reported
that their relationships with stanwere "O.K", with no significant change over t h e .
Cognition
In the area of cognition, the data supported the hypotheses, with offenders in the
treatment group indicating that they felt significantly more optimistic than members of
the control group. Treatment group members also reported significantly less thought
disturbance (increased ability to concentrate as rneasured by the YSR), and a trend for
somewhat fewer antisocial tendencies than did members of the control group. Changes
on the Attention/Distractibilify scale of the YSR are of particular interest, because they
suggest a potential link between intemal confiict and distractibility. Such a relationship
is of great interest since a large proportion of young offenders suffer nom attention
deficit disorder focuses on the biological bais of the disorder. The results h m this
neuroIogicaily-based disorder.
Behaviour
Five hypotheses were made with respect to offender behaviour. Compared to the
controigroup:
HUI) Offenders receiving treotnzent would show lower scores on a substance abuse
tendency scale,
abuse tendencies relative to members of the control group between time one and time
two. There was a tendency for treatment group members to indicated a greater
abuse tendency score is of particular note, since substance abuse has been identified in the
Literature as one of the major factors associated with recidivism (Andrews et al., 1992).
Process
Attendence was good, with few of the participants (7.5%, n = 3) requesting a session
cancellation. Offender participation during sessions was also high, as assessed by the
'nierapeutic htegrity Score" index. The range of scores on this measure was 50-95 out
of a possible 100, with the mean score being 82. Such elevated scores indicate a high
degree of conformity to the solution-focused model, and wilhgness on the part of most
Immediately following the strike, a brief questionnaire was sent to al1 study
participants, to assess the impact of the labour dispute on the residents. Analysis of the
survey revealed that the strike had a variable impact on the residents. Although the vast
majority of the youths reported a negative impact (79%), 21% of them felt that things
were actually easier during the strike. Examples of negative impacts included a loss of
pnvileges (outings, visits fiom family), less kee t h e , more time spent in their rooms, the
loss of school, and disniptions to the mail service. Some boys mentioned that tensions
were running high, and they felt more Iikely to engage in fights with other residents
during this t h e . Of those who felt the &%ceimproved things, most cited an increased
flexibility of d e s within their residences as the reason they were not bothered by the
strike. One of the consequences of the strike was that there was a five week hiatus in
treatment during phase one. Due to this delay, a number of the residents ansfened out
of the facility prior to the third assesment, thus reducing the total sample size for the
complete. The form consisted of two statements to wtiich the residents were asked to rate
has been (1 = temble, 10 = great). Results f b m these self-reports were graphed over
t h e . Analysis of the range of these scores revealed that there was a statisticd trend for
than non-recidivists (F = 3.04, p < .098). There did not appear to be any differences
between recidivists and non-recidivists in weekly mood reports at six month follow-up
(F = .480, p = m.). It is interesting to note that two of the four recidivists in the
treatment group had profiles which were extremely unstable, with weekly estimates of
mood varying much more than did the average scores of those in the non-recidivist group
(AppendBc H). This data suggests that youths who report extreme daily mood
fluctuations may be at higher risk for reoffending than those youths who are somewhat
this particular study, it was not possible to calculate recidivism rates in the traditional
manner, since many of the offenders were still incarcerated at the tme of study
completion. A Liberal dennition of recidivism was used, therefore, and included fom
fiom open to secure custody (under the Y.O.A., Section 24, 2 (9)). Transfers ftom open
to secure custody were considered reoffences because they tend to occur following
incidents of aggression or severe behaviour difficuities (and thus are signals of non-
adaptation). Multivariate analysis of variance tests were run on al1 dependent variables
Table 10.
Table 10
Perceived Control
Over Life (SFQ)
Perceived Control
Over Future (SFQ
Chemical Abuse*
(Car1son)
Anti-Social Tendencies*
(Carlson)
TotaI JBCL
Recidivism Scale*
Behaviour Reports*
Note High scores are indicative of heaithy functioning on a l l scaies except those marked
-'
up. More than twice as many controi group members reoffended than did members of the
treatment group. Twenty per cent of the treatmnt gmup mernber (N= 4) and 42% of
the control group members (N = 8) reoffended within the six month period. This
Scores on the LSI and IBCL recidivisrn scale proved to be strong predictors of
Recidivists were dso much more likely to have difficulties conforming to institutional
regulations than non-recidivists, with the former group accumulating significantly more
Behaviour Reports during the course of the study than non-recidivists. There was a trend
for recidivists to report feeling iess control over their lives, significantly less optimism
for their filme, and signincantly less control over their futures than non-recidivists. They
aiso had significantly higher scores on the Chernical Abuse and Antisocial Tendencies
looking at the set of variables being able to predict recidivism group mernbership, the set
of predictors did discriminate in a significant way, but each variable was highly
comelated with the rest, and on its own did not predict a significant amount. The OLS
regression equation accounted for 36% of the variance, whereas the logistic equation
explained 27% of the variance. in both regression equations, meaningful models were
Univariate F-tests were done since the predictor variables could not be commented on
Summaries of the OLS and logistic regression analyses are presented in Tables 12 and 13
respectively.
Table 11
Variable/Scale 1 2 3 4 5 6
2. Perceived control
over friture
4. Chernicd abuse
5. Antisocial tendencies
Variable -
B SE& Beta Sig.
Table 13.
Variable -
B S U Wald Sig
Of the seven major areas which were targets of intervention, five showed
analysis, sY< factors arose as being significaatiy linked to recidivism: perceived amount of
control over the future; optimism for the future; chernical abuse tendencies; antisocial
tendencies; and the Jesness Recidivism Predictor Scale. Significant differences were
detected between treatment and control groups on two of these seven (optimism for the
future and chemicai abuse tendencies), with members of the treatment group scoring in a
positive direction. Although there were a number of other factors dong which treatment
and control groups differed (Le., perceived progress in solving problems, increased
cornparison of treatment versus control groups and recidivists versus non recidivists is
Locus of ControI Treatment group reported greater Recidivists have less perceived
perceived control over fe control over their lives
Famii'y:
Attitude towards famiiy No significant differences
Peers:
Relationship with peers Teachers reported p a t e r No significant differences
participation in class among
treatment group members
No significant differences in Recidivists have sigruf~cantly
the number of Behaviour Reports more Behaviour Reports
Environment:
Coping with dificult Recidivists have significantiy more
environment aegative attitudes toward staff
Cognition:
Optimism for the bture Treatment group more optimistic Recidivists Iess optimistic
Behaviour:
Chernical abuse Treatment group reported fewer Recidivists report more
tendencies chernical abuse tendencies chemid abuse tendeucies
Discussion of Results
satisQ societal demands for justice, there shouid be no illusion that offenders treated
under this mode1 are being rehabiiitated. Researchers have proven that the delivery of
of more than 50%. In their meta-analysis of treatment programmes for young offenders,
criminogenic need - with the most promising targets being antisocial attitudes, feelings
and peer associations, promotion and identification with anticriminal role models,
affection.
Preliminary investigation of an application of solution-focused therapy to a group
of secure custody young offenders reveais that there is some evidence for the utility of
this model. Although the solution-focused approach appeared to promote change dong a
number of targeted dimensions, there were a numba of targeted areas which did not
change among the treatment group members relative to the members of the control group.
programme. There was a trend for those youths who were in the treatment group to
indicate greater wi1lingness to pumie counselling afler release relative to the controls.
This is particularly important, given the eniphasis in the treatment literahue on provision
of a continuum of care. Such a goal may only be achieved if clients are willing to stay
treatment group members perceived that they had made more progress in solving their
problems, expressed greater optimism for the future, indicated greater guilt for their
crimes and Iower substance abuse tendencies between the first and second assessment
periods. There was a statistical trend for lower antisocial tendencies among the members
of the treatment group. Between the nrst and third assessment periods, treatment group
difficulties, and greater confidence in their ability to maintain changes. These areas of
change are encouraging, since di have been specifically identified as linked to recidivism
(Andrews et ai., 1992).
A number of important areas did not reflect significant change in treatment group
behaviour pattern, and predictor scales specificaily linked to recidWism did not change
significantly over the treatment period. Future programme development efforts should
take these areas into consideration, as they must be addressed effectively if treatment is to
programmes are best administered within the context of a continuum of care. Family
evaluations of resident behaviour. One would expect such extenial ratings to be quite
comparable but in fact, they were not. Teachers tended to rate residents in a much more
positive light than correctional officers. A possible explmation for this discrepancy in
perception is the fact that conectional officers are required to read the criminal history
files of the residents they are responsible for, whereas teachers are not. In fact, many
teachers make a point of reading the offender files, claiming that they like to give
their students a "tiesh" start. As they spend more time with each student, teachers are
more likely to witness problematic behaviour, and thus the "haio" diminishes.
separate h m any evaluative aspects of the research, thereby reducing the likelihood that
The qualities of the therapist and the expectations of the clients combine to
solution-focused therapy, clients receive very clear and consistent messages conceming
their cornpetence, capabilities, and abiiity to instigate change. Although rnany young
offenders enter detention with a negative attitude, at such a point in their lives, motivation
to change is great For many of these youths, their problems may be so ovenvhelming
that custody might offer a temporary reprieve. For a brief moment in time, their basic
needs will be met, and they will be afforded the opportunity to reassess the choices they
-
have made in their lives. These youths h o w that they are standing at a crosmad with
one path leading to the adult conectional systern, and the other, to a way of life which is
productive and prosocial. Solution-focused therapy focuses on the mental health of the
client, with the underlying message being that the offender is treatable, and the greatest
the one factor which appears fundamental to the difference between programmes that
work and those that do not is the conceptualization of criminal behaviour on which the
programme is based (Iao & Ross, 1990). For many young offenders, criminal behaviour
is a leamed response to a series of unsatisf'jmgpersonal experiences. The youth learns to
view the world in te- of his/her immediate needs, and loses sight of the longer t m
consequemes of his actions,both on the self, and others. As Lankton so aptly reiterated:
" Enckson believed that psychological problems exist precisely because the conscious
mind does not kmw how to initiate psychological experience and behaviour change to
appropriate and effective means for achieving them. It is a method of therapy that
nourishes the hope of the client, builds on individual strengths and resources, and
Limitations
Although the findings of this research project are encouraging, they are far f?om
conclusive. With such a srnall sample size and the use of only one therapist, the degree to
which the hdings can be generalized is limited. The poor response rates h m the
teachers and correctional officers compromised the utility of the external observer data.
This resulted in a heavy reliance on participant self-report data. Although the participants
might have answered trutbfiilly to the questions posed, without external validation, the
Although the labour dispute did not appear to have a unifoxm impact on the study
participants, it clearly had a negative impact on some. The degree to which the residents
were able to ident* and m e s s such inauences is unlmown. The reduced sample size at
time three served to reduce the power of the test, increasing the likelihood of type II mor.
One of the areas in which change was predicted, but did not occur, was in the
families lived a significant distance fiom the custody facility, rendering family
korn this anaiysis suggest that, on discharge, there is stiU a need for family work. IdealIy
counselling. In those cases where this is not feasible, family counselling might be part of
prove tncky, when the "real world" demands of the institution compete with the
methodological demands of the shidy. When the research is being conducted in a youth
constraints may significantly affect the degree of control which the researcher has over
who agreed to participate in the study. Two of the study participants were released n o m
the study because it was apparent that they were not voluntary participants. During the
fint interview, it becarne clear that one of the participants cleariy had not understood
what he had consented to. He was of borderline intelligence, and whether he was capable
of givhg infonned consent was unclear. The second participant who left the study did so
such individuals may not agree to be involved in the study, they may agree to being
'?racked7,so that their progress through the criminaljustice system may be compared to
that of residents who agreed to involvement in the study. These non-participants likely
differ fundamentally from those of offenders who are receptive to treatment. An analysis
of the neeh of such youths would form a valuable component of any programme
evaluation.
Conclusions
The results of this study provide some support for the application of solution-
focused therapy to a high-risk young offender population. Aithough forty cases is too
few to make conclusive statements about offender rehabilitation, the r d t s suggest that
this form of therapy appears to be somewhat instnimental in initiating changes above and
programming. Of particular note is the fact that some of the areas which showed the
greatest change were strongly linked to recidivism. The treatment programme targeted
offender attitudes and behaviour. Many of these targeted areas showed change over the
10 week treatment perod. Ten week follow-up indicated that such changes were
relatively stable. Targeted areas which did not show treatment effects indicate future
directions for programme revision. Although the treatment group had a 6 month
recidivism rate which was half that of the control group, this fhding was not statistically
significant. Perhaps with a Iarger sample size and increased test power, levels of
From a quantitative perspective, the results of this research provide at least weak
support for the solution-focused model. Qualitative data indicate a high degree of
receptivity to the model, a pdcularly importaut consideration among this group of high
risk youths.
From a cost perspective, appropriate treatment makes sense. With potentid
reductions in recidivism rates of up to 50%, it appears the question is "How can one
afford not to treat?" If this treatment programme were translateci into dollars, the twenty
members of the treatment group could have been treated for less than $40,000 (paying an
hourly rate of $ IOOhour, and allowing 20 hours per client). Built hto this cost are the
and case formulation, and time for foilow-up afler release. Even if ody prie of the
twenty offenders is rehabilitated, the savings to the justice system would exceed $52,000.
Ifthe recidivism rate of the treatment group remahed half that of the control group,
savings would be considerable (with incarceration costs at $92,000 per person per year).
This cost analysis has been calculated without factoring in the expense of apprehending,
Realistically, there will always be a small proportion of the offender population which is
resistant to treatment. In an attempt to offer treatment to those who could most benefit
fiom it, the principles of risk, need and responsivity should be followed. Research has
shown that high offender scores on the Psychopathy Check List (Hare, 1993) conter
indicate positive treatment outcorne. In the sample of offenders in this study, those who
recidivated tended to be higher nsk (as indicated by the LX), with greater anti-social
tendencies, greater substance abuse problems, less perceived control over their lives, and
less optimism for the fiture. It is likely thai a significant proportion these recidivists
would have met Ham's criteria for psychopathy. In hture research endeavours, it might
(Hare, 1993), so that psychopathy scores couid be fatored into the anaiysis.
It has been demonstrated that violence springs fiom many sources. Effective
Hawkins, Catalano & Miller, 1992). Solution-focused therapy is not a solution to the
problem of violence in society. Rather, it is a remedial strategy which has been applied to
youths who, through individual traits, family circumstances, peer culture, environmentai
preventative measures which are designed to address the roots of the problem. For the
problem of violence to truly be addressed, broad scaie social, economic, and political
refoms must take place. In the meanthne, programmes such as this will continue to be
Success is a relative constnict. Although programmes that reduce recidivism rates are
encouraging, the ultimate success occurs only when the circumstances or events which
therapy has some positive effect on secure custody young offenders. The results certainly
warrant further investigation. A number of steps should be taken to improve the validity,
Modifications should be made to the battery of tests used, with some instruments
discarded, and others replaced by more suitable alternatives. During the course of
the research, it became clear that sorne of the test instruments were more usefiil
than others. A summary of participant responses to the test instruments is
provided in Appendix 1. Shorter, more personalized assessment foms would be
used with teachers and correctional officers.
h) In fture stuclies, it is imperative that the researcher be asmed that hdshe h a
obtained informecl consent. It should be recognized that the obtaining of consent
rnay take more than one meeting, and in fact may spill over into the study period.
Those residents who do not consent to participate in the research shouid be
"tracked", so that their progress through the cniminaljustice system may be
compared to the progress of residents who are amenable to ireaiment.
For the past few decades, tremendous pressure has been put on the govemment for
Unfortunately, in times of fiscal restra.int, it is precisely these services which are the fint
to go. Current research on treatment services for young offenders indicates that
appropriate treatment does work, and can lead to reductions in recidivism of up to 50%
(Andrews et al., 1990). Given this howledge, it is hard to rationalize denying such
seMces to youths in cnsis. Youths may be viewed as the 'keather vanes" of adult
culture. If they are in trouble, it is because society has put them there. They can be
treated as aduits and be punished for thei.crimes by serving long periods of time in
custody. The product of such treaiaent is predictable - it will be a society filled with
hardened, jaded individuals who will quickly reoffend and fa11 within the mandate of the
adult correctional system. Once there, they become part of a warehouse of human
suffering and despair, with chances of redemption practicdly nonexistent. Society has an
obligation to its children, to do everything within its power to set them on a path which is
healthy and respecthl of the nghts of others. To deny appropriate treatment s e ~ c e for
s
210
youths who have been convicted of violent offences is to set the stage for M e r
victimization. In the long nin, the cost of such a decision far exceeds that of a weii
formulated treatment service. Not every youth will change hidher ways. With the
Achenbach, T.M. (1 99 1a). Manual for the Youth Self Report and 1991 orofile.
Achenbach, T.M. (1991b). Manual for the Teacher's Report Fom and 1991
Adams, H.E.(198 1). Abnormal Psycholow. Dubuque, Iowa: Wm.C. Brown Co.
Adams, J.F., Piercy, F.P., & Jurich, I.A.(1 99 1). Effects of solution-focused
therapy's "formula first session task" on cornpliance and outcome in family therapy.
Association.
Cornmittee on Justice and Lena1 Affairs. House of Commons Issue No.68. Wed, Nov 30.
Andrews, D.A., Leschied, A.W., & Hoge, R.D. (1992). Review of the
Andrews, D.A., Zinger, L, Hoge, R.D., Bonta, J., Gendreau, P., & Cullen, F.T.
"at risk" for cnminal involvement. Poster presented at the 104th annual convention of
Bank, L., Forgatch, M.S., Patterson, G.R., & Fetrow, R.A. (1993). Parenting
NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Chaiers de Boscoville.
Barkley, R.A., Fischer, M., Elderbrock, C.S., & Smallish, L. (1990). The
prospective follow-up study. Journal of the Amencan Academv of Child and Adolescent
Niemela (Eds.), Of mice and women: Aspects of female aeeression @p. 37-48). San
Berg, LK. (1994). Solution-focused brief therapy advanced seminar. Bnef Family
Berg, LK. (1995). Solution-focused brief therapy with substance abusen. In A.M.
Berg , LK., & Miller, S .D. (1 992).Working with the moblern dnnker. New York:
W.W. Norton.
Berkowitz, L. (1994). Guns and youth. Ln L.D. Eron, J.H. Gentry & P. Schlegel
279).Washington,DC: APA.
Bosse, M., & Leblanc, M. (298 1). BoscovilIe: Evaluation de son efficacite a
violent and property O ffending. In D,J. Pepler & H.K. Rubin (Eds.), The develoarnent
Branch, C.W. (1996). The sane goes to school. Paper presented at the 104th
Volcano Press.
Cairns, R.B., Cairns, B.D. (199 1). Social cognition and social networks: A
developmental perspective. In D.J. Pepler & K.H. Rubin (Eds.)The development and
Canadian Centre for Justics Statistics (1996). CCJS Historical orovincial crime
Carlson, ICA. (198 1). A modem personality test for offenders: The Carlson
stress: A fifteen year experience. Criminal Justice and Behaviour. 12 (4), 485-499.
Coie, J.D., Doge, KA., & Kupersmidt, J.B. (1990). Peer group behavior and
social status. Ln S.R. Asher & I.D. Coie (Eds.) Peer reiection in childhood @p.17-59).
Coie, J.D., & Jacobs, M.R. (1993). The role of social cotext variables in the
with aggressive children in the school setting. In D.J. Pepler & K.H. Rubin (Eds.) The
Coopersmith, S. (198 1). The Coopemith Self-Esteem Inventory. Pa10 Alto, CA:
The child at psvchiatric risk @p. 2 14-227). New York: Oxford University Press.
W.W. Norton.
Dodge, K.A. (199 1). The structure and function of reactive and proactive
Dodge, RA., Price, LM., Bachorowski, I. & Newman, J.P. (1990). HostiIe
=4,385-392.
Doherty, G., & de Souza, P. (1996). Youth court statistics 1994-95 Highlights.
Doherty, G., & de Souza, P. (1995). Recidivism in youth courts 1993-94. Jwstat.
-
15 (16): Statistics Canada. (85-002).
aggression. In L.D. Eron, J.H. Gentry & P. Schlegel (Eds.) A reason to hope: A
Edwards, G., Mord, J., Egert, S., Guthrie, S., Hawker, A., Hensman, C.,
Mitcheson, M., Oppenheimer, E., & Taylor, C. (1977). Aicoholim: A controlled trial of
Erickson, M.H. & Rossi, E.L. (1981). Experiencing hypnosis. New York:
Irvington.
the leaming of aggression. Ln D.J. Pepler & K.H.Rubin (Eds.) The development and
Eron, L.D. & Slaby, R.G. (1994). Introduction In L.D. Eron, J.H. Gentry & P.
neglect: Two distinct forms of maltreatment? Canada's Mental Health, June, 13- 19.
Falk, M. (1977). Men who assault their wives. In M. Roy (Ed.) Battered Women:
precursoe and Iater-iife outcomes. In D.J.Pepler & KH. Rubin (Eds.) The development
research. In S.A. Mednick, T.E. Moffitt, & S.A. Stack (Eds.) The causes of crime (pp.42-
childhood. In L. Robins and M. Rutter (Eds.) Straight and devious pathwavs fiom
punishment and other adversity. Law and Human Behaviour. 2,13 1 1 - 132 1.
Feshbach, S. (1980). Child abuse and the dynamics o f human aggression and
violence. In I. Gerbner, C.J. Ross & E. Zigler (Eds.), Child abuse: An agenda for
September, 23-26.
Fisch, R-, Weakland, J.H. & Seagal, L. (1988). The tactics o f change: Doing
juvenile delinquencv. Ottawa: Solicitor General Canada. (Programs Branch User Repoa
NO. 1986-06.).
Fischer, S.G. (1984). Time-limited bnef therapy with families: A one-year follow-
of six-session, twelve session, and unlimited treatment with families. Familv Process. 19,
(4), 377-392.
problems in the eariy adolescent yem. In D.J. Pepler & K.H.Rubin (Eds.) The
taiking about problems. In M.F. Hoyt (Ed.) Constructive therapies (pp.4 1-66). New
York:Guilford.
c o ~ i n with
e the conseauences of cornmunity violence. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Garmezy, N., & Rutter, M. (1985). Acute reactions to stress. In M. Rutter & L.
(Eds.), Stress. copine. and development in children. New York: McGraw Hill.
287-308.
Goldberg, C.(199 1.) Understanding sharne. Northvale, N.J.: Jason Aronson, Inc.
Goldstein, A. P. & Soriano, F. (1994). Juvenile gangs. In L.D. Eron, J.H. Gentry
Hare, R.D. (1 993). Without conscience: The disturbine world of the psvchopaths
Hawkins, J.D., Catalane, RF., & Miller, J.Y. (1992). Risk and protective factors
for alcohol and other drug problems in adolescence and eariy adulthood: Implications for
behavior in children and adolescents. In D.H. Crowell, LM. Evans & C.R. O'Domeii
(Eds.) Childhood aemession and violence: Sources of influence. orevention. and control
PsvcholoW.52 (9,789-794.
Hill, H.M., Soriano, F.L, Chen, A., & LaFramboise, T.D.(1 994). Socioculhrral
factors in the etiology and prevention of violence among ethnic minonty youth. In L.D.
Eron, J.H. Gentry & P. Schlegel (Eds.) A reason to hope: A psvchosocial perspective on
0,144-148.
Hook, E.G. (1973). Behavioral implications of the human X(Y genotype.
Science. 179,139-150.
Huesmann, L.R. and Eron, L.D. (1984). Cognitive processes and the penistence
Jacobs, P.A., Bninton, M., Melville, M.M., Bnttain, R.P., & McClement, W.F.
(1965). Aggressive behaviour, mental subnomality and the XXY male. Nature. 208,
1351-1352.
JafTe, P.G., Leschied, A.D.W., & FarChing, J.L. (1 987). Youth's howledge and
attitudes about the Young Offenders Act: Does anyone care what they think? Canadian
Work. 22,5-9.
Psychologists Press.
(June. 85-002).
Kimchi, J e , & Schafker, B. (1 990). Childhood protective factors and stress risk.
In L.E. Arnold (Ed.) Childhood stress @p. 476-500). New York: Wiley.
analyzing prograrns with the preventive intervention research cycle. In P.J. Mrazek and
Bninner/MazeI.
Leonard, M.F., Landy, G. Ruddle, F.H., & Lubs, H.A. (1 974). Early development
54,208-212.
alternative sentencine in vouth justice. Paper presented at the annual convention o f the
Leeal Affairs re: The Young Offenders Act. (October 20). Canadian Psychological
Association.
Cornmittee on Justice and Leeal Affairs res~ectineBillC-37. an act to amend the Young
Offenders Act and the Criminal Code. Issue no.51, House of Commons.
Leschied, A.W., Austin, G.W., & Saffe, P.G. (1988). Impact of the Young
Offendes Act on recidivism rates of special needs youth: Clinical and policy
Canadian juvenile justice: Implications underlying theory in the Young Offenders Act.
University Press.
Lewis, D.O., Shanok, S.S., Grant, M., & Rivto, E. (1 983). Homicidally
into the variability of effects. Paper prepared for the Research Synthesis Committee of
associated substance use: Evidence for developmental progressions. In B.B. Lahey &
A.E. Kazin (Eds.), Advances in Clinical Child Psycho10p.1 1. New York: Plenum.
Loeber, R. (1982). The stability of antisocial and delinquent child behaviour: A
Loeber, R. and Dishion, T. (1983). The stability of antisocial and delinquent child
hanh punishment. Poster presented at the 104th annual convention of the Arnerican
Martin, M.J., Schuxnm, W.R., Bugaighis, M.A., Jwich, A.P., and Bollman, S.R.
McCord, W., McCord, J., & Howard, A. (1963). Familial correlates of aggression
McFarland, B. (1995). Bnef therapv and eatine disorders. San Fran.: Jossey-Bass.
Miller, A. (1 983). For your own good: Hidden cruel- in child rearine and the
Toronto.
Miller, S. & Berg, IK. (1995). The Miracle Method New York: W.W. Norton.
Branch.
Service Inventory (OR). Bell Cairn Staff Development Centre, Bel1 Cairn, Ont.
Ministry of the Solicitor General and Correctional Senices (1995). The vear in
review 1993/94.
and Psvchopatholo~5.135-15 1.
Spss 1 7
oriented
York: Gi
Moore, T.E., Pepler, D., Mae, R, and Kates, M.(1989).Effect cf family violence
on children: New directions for research and intervention. In G. Cameron & M. Rothery
(Eds.), Familv violence and neelect: Innovative interventions. Hillsdaie, NJ: Erlbaum.
Norusis, M.J. (1986). Advanced statistics SPSS/PC+ for the IBM PC. Chicago:
Spss h c .
Offord, D.R., Boyle, M.H., & Racine, Y.A. (1 99 1). The epidemiology of
antisocial behaviour in childhood and adolescence. In D.J. Pepler & K.H. Rubin (Eds.),
The development and treatment of childhood awression (pp.3 1-54). Hillsdale, NJ:
Erlbaum.
oiiented marital therapy. In M.F. Hoyt (Ed.), Constructive therapies (gp.160-188). New
York: Guilford.
W.W. Norton.
OrIinsky, D. & Howard, K. (1986). Process and outcome in psychotherapy. In S.
Garfield & A. Bergen (Eds.), Handbook of p-hotherapv and behavior change. (3rd ed.,
dynamic. predictors. and survival anaiysis. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the
Patterson, G.R., Capaldi, D., & Bank, L. (1991). An early starter mode1 for
predicting delinquency. In D.J. Pepler & K.H.Rubin (Eds.) The development and
Pepler, D.J., King, G., & Byrd, W. (1991). A social-cognitively based social
skills training program for aggressive children. In D.J. Pepler & K.H. Rubin (Eds.) nie
on youth and violence. In L.D.Eron, J.H. Gentry & P-Schlegel (Eds.) A reason to hope:
A ~ s vhosocial
c perspective on violence and y u t h (pp.2 19-250).Washington, DC : APA.
Services.
The attack priming effect as tour guide to the central mechanisms of aggression. In K.
Bjorkqvist & P. Niemela (Eds.), Of mice and women: Amects of female ageression
Raine, A. and Jones, F.R.(1 987). Attention, autonornic arousd, and personality
583-599.
Roper, W.L. (1991). The prevention of minority youth violence must begin
despite risks and imperfect understanding. Journal of the U.S. Public Health Service,
106 229-231.
-9
CA: Sage.
Rubin, K.H., Bream, L.A., & Rose-Krasnor, L. (1991). Social problem solving
and aggression in childhood. In D.J. Pepler & K.H.Rubin (Eds.) The develooment and
Rolf, AS. Masten, D. Cicchetti, K.H. Nuechterlein & S.Weintraub (Eds.) Risk and
Rutter, M., & Giller, H. (1983). Juvenile deiinauencv: Trends and perspectives.
Sampson, R.J. (1993). The community context of violent crime. In W.J. Wilson
(ed.), Sociolow and the public aeencv (pp259-286). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
Satterfield, J.H., Hoppe, C.M., & Schell, A.M. (1982). A prospective study of
deIinquency in 110 adolescent boys with attention deficit disordrr and 88 normal
Shamsie, J. (198 1). Antisocial adolescents: Our treatments doriot work - Where
Services.
Sloan, J.H., Kellermann, A.L., Reay, D.T.,F&s, J.A., Koepseli, T., Rivara, F.P.,
Rice, C., Gray, L., & LoGerfo, J. (1988). Handgun regulations, crime, assaults, and
homicide: A tale of two cities. New Endand Journal of Medicine, 3 19, 1256-1262.
Smith, M.L., Glass, G.V.,& Miller, T.I. (1980). The benefits of psvchothera~v.
Sonkin, D.J.,
Martin, D. & Walker, L.E.A. (1985). The male batterer: A treatment
Statistics Canada (1 996). Major Releases: Crime Statistics, 1995. The Dailv,
(85-002)
Staub, E. (1989). The roots of evil: The ongins of genocide and other mou^
instigators, group processes, and participants. In L.D. Eron, J.H. Gentry & P.Schlege1
3 13).Washington, DC:APA.
and violence and other crime in addthood. Social Problems. 38 (2). 133- 154.
Tangney, J.P. ( 1996). Functional and Dysfhctional Guilt. Paper presented at the
(1993). hildren's and adults' autobiomaphical accounts of shame. miilt and onde
(1994). The relation of shame and ilt to constructive vs. Destructive responses to amer
Tangney, J.P., Wagner, P.E.,Gavlas, I., & Gramzow, R (1991). The Test of Self
In Ralph E. Tarter (Ed.) The Child at Psvchiaic Risk (Ch. 1).New York: Oxford
University Press.
Tolan, P., & Guerra, N. (1994). What works in reducine adolescent violence: An
em~iricalreview of the field- Boulder, CO: Center for the Study and Prevention of
Violence.
of the Amencan Academv of Political and Social Science. 381 (74), 59.
Weakland, J.H., Fisch, R., Watzlawick, P., & Bodin, A.M. (1974). Bnef therapy:
and J.P. Shonkoft (Eds.), Handbook of earlv childhood education. Cambridge, ENG:
of Mental Hedth, U.S. Department ofHeaith and Human Senices. Alcohol, Drug
Abuse, and Mental Health Administration (DHHS Publication No. ADM 8 1- 1098).
West, D.J., & Fankgton, D.P.(1977). The delinment way of life. London:
Heinemann.
Heinemann.
Wilher, A.G., Braukmann, C.J., Kirgin, KA., & Wolf, M.M. (1978).
Widom, C.S. (1989). Does violence beget violence? A critical examination of the
3-28.
Wong, S. (1997). Criminal career profile: A auantitaive index of past violence
and the change in violent offence pattem. Paper presented at the meeting of the Canadian
Yung, B.R. & Hammond, WR. (1994). Native Americans. h L.D. Eron, J.H.
Ontario.
Evaluation
August 8, 1995
The Executive Director. Strategic Policy and Planning Division. has exercised his
prerogative. as Chair of the Ministry's Advisory Cornmittee on Research and Evaluation
(ACRE).to approve your research proposal. Solution-focused therapy for violent young
ofenders provided yoo address a concem of our Legal Branch. In this regard Legal
Brancn have advised that in order to obtain information on the cnminai history of the
young offenders involveci in your study you witl neea to obtain from a Youth Coun
Judge a court order pursuant to section 44.1 of the Young OffenderAct.
A written reply, indicating how you intend to deal with the above-mentioned concern.
should be sent to us pfior to undertaking your study.
Yours sincerely,
Richard Rinaldo
Project Co-ordinator (Acting), Research Services
02 November 1995
Dear Ys Seagram:
RE: ACCESS TO YONG OFFENDER PILES
1 undentand that this project is under the clinical supervision of Dr. Mack, and al1
information shared in this project is completely confidential. I will in no way be identified
in any presentations or publications arising out of the research. Confidence will only be
broken in the event that I threaten to hurt rnyself, or others. I have been explained that
no notes or letters will go into my Y.O. file without my approval.
(Signature) (Date)
I also grant permission for my file to be reviewed after an extended follow-up period
(approximately one to five years) to follow my progress after release.
(Signature)
253
Impact of Strike S u r v e ~
Note to: All Paiticipants in the Bnef Therapy Study
Dear (Name)
1. Today l feel:
I 1
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
TekSie Great
Comments?
1. s the solution-focused auestionnaires and background
C o ~ i e of
information on research instrumentq
-
2. Descriptions of each of the scales
Code 8
1 1
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Overwhelrning Manageable
I 1
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
very vev
Low High
I 1
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Very vev
Low High
I I
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Poor Excellent
6. The amount of contml I feel I have over rny life now is:
I I
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1O
No A great deal
Control of convol
1 I
O f 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 IO
No A great deal
Control of control
YES NO -
9. M y past experience with counseliing was that it was:
I 1
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Totally V W
Useless Helpful
1 The likelihood that I will seek out counselling after I am released is:
I I
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 IO
No cnanca Will definately
seek it
CIosing Interview Code #
I I
O1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Ovewtielming Manageable
I I
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
VW very
Low High
3. fhe amount of progress Mich I have made towars solving my pmblems is:
I I
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
No Mucn
Progress Progress
I I
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Poor Excellent
6. The amount of conml I feet I have over my life now 1s:
I I
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
No A great deal
Control of controt
I i
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Totally Very
Useless Helpful
9. The likefihood that I wili seek out counselling after i am released is:
I l
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 IO
No chance Will definately
seek it
Comments:
Foliowup Interview Code #
I 1
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Overwhelming Manageable
I I
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
very very
Low High
3. The amount of progress which i have made towards sotving my probtems 1s:
I t
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1O
No Much
Progress Progtess
1 l
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Poor Excellent
6. The amount of contml i feel I have over my life now is:
I I
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
No A great deal
Controf of controt
I I
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Totally ver^
Useless Helpful
9. The likelihood :bat l will seek out aunselling after I am released is:
I I
O 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
N o cnance WiII definateiy
SeeK it
Description of each scale:
One week test-retest r=.9 1 for YSR total problems among 15-18 year olds. Test-
retest correlations for the subscales for the same time interval were all significant at p=.05
(ranging from ~ 4 to 9rc.93 with a mean r =.83) for 15-18 year olds. In a clinical
sample of 12-17 year olds, the 6-month stability r was .69 for the total problem score.
Measures of the intemal consistency of these scales were not calculated since the
syndrome scales were derived fkom principal components analysis, thus making such an
exercise redundant.
Vafid&:
The manual presents several kinds of evidence for the YSR scores. Content
validity is supponed by the ability of most YSR items to discriminate significantly
between demographically matched referred and non-refemed youths. Cntenon-related
validity is supponed by the ability of the YSR's quantitative scale scores to discriminate
between referred and non-referred youths after demographic effects were partialled out.
2. The Teacher Report Form (TF2.F': Achenbach, 1991b).
The Teacher Report Form (Achenbach, 1991b; problems section only) is similar
in structure to the YSR. It was used for ratings by the youths' teachers and key worken.
It provides information on any perceived behaviouraYemotiona1problems which the
youths might be experiencing.
The test-retest reliability of the TRF was found to be high over a mean interval of
15 days, with the mean r=.92 for the problem scores. Stability was good over 2 and 4
month periods. Inter-rater agreement was similar for teachers seeing pupils under
different conditions (mean r=.54 for problem scores).
VaIidiy :
Evidence was presented for several kinds of validity of TRF scores. Content
validity is supported by the ability of most TRF items to discriminate significantly
between demographically matched referred and non-referred pupils. Cntenon-related
validity is supported by the ability of the TRF's quantitative scale scores to discriminate
behveen referred and non-referred pupils with demographic effects partialled out.
Clinical cutpoints on the scale scores were also shown to discriminate between
demographically matched referred and non-referred pupils.
Intemal consistency has been adequately demonstrated for the adult f o m of the
SEI , with Kuder Richardson reliability estirnates of .80 for grade 12 students. Split-half
reliability estimates for the short form among a population of college students were
reported at -74 for males, and -71 for femaies. Inter-item correlations for college shidents
were reported to be quite low, with the average correlation for 453 students being about
-13. Three year longitudinal studies reveal significant correlations found for al1 grade
levels (grades 2 through 12) and both sexes for the General Self subscale and Total Self
scores, confirming temporal stability of the SEI.
Numerous studies have been conducted demonstrating content validity of the SEI
(Kokenes, 1974, 1978; Kimball, 1972, as cited by Coopersmith, 198 1)). Similarly,
evidence is provided to support the concurrent, predictive, and multitrait-multimethod
validity of the SEI. Unfortunately, al1 of this research was conducted on the long version
of the form, not the shoa version, selected for use in this study. Convergent validity was
established with the short version of the SEI, however, with correlations of -59 and .60
behveen the short form and the Rosenberg scale for college students (N = 300, Crandall,
1973, as cited by Coopersmith, 1981).
Data bearing on the predictive validity of the scales corne from an analysis of the
relationship between Behaviour Checklist scores and the subsequent careers of a group of
institutionalized delinquents. The subjects were 982 male youths (median age= 16.6),
with the follow up data covered approximately 9 years. The results show that self-
appraisal scores on several scales were related to subsequent arrest, the most consistently
predictive scores being scores on Anger Control (both pretest and posttest) which were
related (pc.00 1)to subsequent violent aggressive acts (homicide, rape, aggravated assault,
misdemeanour assault) and arrests for felonies. Posttest scores on Unobtrusiveness and
Conformity were also related to violent aggressive mests (Pc.001). Somewhat more
predictive were observer ratings, with the scales of Unobtnisiveness, conformity and
anger control once again providing the most consistent correlations between observer
ratings and the subsequent total, violent-aggressive, and felony arrests.
The TOSCA for adults has been used more extensively than the TOSCA-A.
Previous studies offer strong support for the validity of the d u i t shame and guilt scales,
in terms of their differential relationship to psychopathology, aspects of interpersonal
fiinctioning, and f a d y functioning. Preliminary analyses of the TOSCA-A show
comparable evidence for the validity of the adolescent shame and guilt scales, as
indicated by their relationship to indices of anger, empathy, and psychological symptoms
(Tangney, Wagner & Gramzow, 1994).
Since the scenarios and responses were subject-generated, they have high
ecological validity (unlike earlier versions of the fom, which were experimenter-
generated).
This pencil and paper questionnaire consists of a brief list of 10 likert scale
questions (0- 10) ranking offenders' perceptions of themselves, their behaviour and their
ability to control their actions (consistent with the solution-focused therapy model).
Slight modifications differentiate the preliminary f?om final and follow-up versions of
this fonn.
--
4 -
o n m - w O Fi0
". c'!
Grj - N ~ C V rom a w GN' m m
\ O N
? O
+ m
O b
q m
00-
%c
e-
$2
Gcu'
2 -
Ooa
% o m
?.s!
inN
0-
or.
P -
o m
Y=?
W I N
APPENDlX G (Continued)
Means, standard deviations, and F-values of self-report outcome measures as a function of group and time:
COOPERSMITH SELF-ESTEEMINVENTORY:
Total Score
APPENDIX G (Continued)
Means, standard deviations, and F-values of self-report outcome measures as a function of group and time:
Chernical Abuse -
M
-
SD
Thought Disturbance -
M
-
SD
Antisocial Tendencies -
M
-
SD
Self-Depreciation -
M
-
SD
APPENDIX G (Continued)
Means, standard deviations, and F-values of self-report outcome rneasures as a function of group and time:
Withdrawal
Soniatic Cornplaints
Delinquency
Aggression
Social Problcms
Thought Disturbance
APPENDIX H
Weekly Self R e ~ o r t
Reported Mood (ImTerrible. 10i;reat)
10
8 -
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Week Nurnber
- TadayI feef - This week has been
Weekly Self Report
4 - ............. - . . . . .
2 -. !
/
! i
1
O 4 1 1
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Week Nurnber
Week Number
-- Today I feel - This week has been
Weekly Self Report
ID # 004 (Recidivist)
Week Number
Week Nurnber
-
0-
Today I feel - This week has been
Weekly Self Report
ID # 007 (Non-Recidivist)
Week Number
-- Today I feel -This week has been
Weekly Self Report
ID# 008 (Non-Recidivist)
qeported Mood (l=Terrible,10-Great)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Week Number
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Week Number
Week Nurnber
--- Today I feel -This week has been
Weekly Self Report
ID # 011 (Recidivist)
Reported Mood (1wTerrible. 10-Great)
10
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Week Nurnber
Week Number
-- Today 1 feei +This week ha8 been
Weekly Self Report
ID # 013 (Non-Recidivist)
Reoorted Mood WTerri ble. 10-Great)
O ;
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Week Number
--a-
Today i feet -This week has been
'
Weekly Self Report
ID # 014 (Non-Recidivist)
Week Number
l
I
I
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 IO
Week Number
-- Today l fee! - This week has been
Weekly Self R e ~ o r t
r---
i
I
!
\ 1
v
........ . . . . ........_..._.....
.....................
I
........... -*..- . .
I
i
. . . .
Week Number
-- Today 1 feel This week ha8 been
Weekly Self Report
ID # 017 (Recidivist)
10
,
Reported Mood (1-Terribfe, lO-Great)
Week Number
Week Number
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
---Today I feei -
Week Number