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November 14/2015
1. Contemporary - Existing.
2. Secular - Not connected with Religion.
3. Communal - Connected with particular community or Religion.
4. Benign - Kind.
5. Tyrant - Who treats the people in a cruel and unfair way.
6. Rival - Compete.
7. Inexplicable - Incapable of being explained.
8. Inevitably - Necessarily.
9. Ruthless - Merciless or without pity.
10. Whimsical - Unpredictable.
11. Benevolence - Charitable gift.
12. Feted - Welcomed.
13. Fleeing - Run away from danger.
14. Detractors - Criticisers.
15. Placated - Satisfied.
16. Prevailed - Exist everywhere.
17. Persecution - Cruel and Unfair treatment of person or group.
18. Plunder - Robbery of Goods or Valuables.
19. Descendants - Deriving general character from ancestors.
20. Vouching - Supporting.
November 17/2015
1. Bound - Determined.
2. Swift - Quick action.
3. Collaborative - Combined action.
4. Heartening - Confidence to / Cheer.
5. Pitted - Was in fight.
6. Dominant - Major.
7. Guilty - Someone feel unhappy about his or her action.
8. Toppled - A position of Authority.
9. Regime - System of rule or Government.
10. Outrage - Intense feeling of anger and Shock.
11. Intervention - The act of coming between the groups.
12. Tackle - To deal with.
13. Obvious - Recognised.
14. Convention - Agreement.
15. Non-Combatant - A person who is not directly involved in battle.
16. Unequivocal - Absolute or Clear.
17. Obligation - A binding Promise.
November 18/2015
1. Personnel - Personnel of an organisation are the people who work for it.
2. Caliphate - Government lead by Islamic leader.
3. Strategy - Plan.
4. Tackle - To Handle.
5. Implicated - Involved in the harmful action.
6. Apparent - Clear / Readily seen.
7. Lapse - Temporary deviation from an expected condition.
8. Post-attack - To abuse or blame violently.
9. Scenario - Imagined events.
10. Xenophobic - Unreasonably hating anything foreign.
11. Chaos - Confused state.
12. Enhanced - Magnified.
13. Reorienting - Over again / Once more.
14. Topple - Cause them to lose power.
15. Status quo - The existing state.
1. Bracing - Strengthening.
2. Stormy - Characterised by Violent actions or speech.
3. Confronted - Came in front of.
4. Woefully - Unhappily.
5. Lament - To feel or express sorrow or regret.
November 19/2015
November 20/2015
November 21/2015
November 23/2015
November 24/2015
November 25/2015
o Pitching - to set up
o Oratory skills - public speaking skills
o Reiteration - to say or do again or repeatedly
o Militate - influential effect
o Mammoth - huge
o Endorsement - the act of saying that you approve of or support something or
someone
o Conservative - traditional / a person who is reluctant to accept changes and new
ideas
o Declined - decreased
o Emerging - coming into existence / beginning
o Credible - able to be believed
o Resonate - to resound
o Inherit - to receive or take over something from the previous holder (usually after
his death)
o Deregulation - the process of removing restrictions and regulations
o Trigger - to cause
o Tariff - tax on imports or exports
o Derailed - to cause a sudden stop
o Stagnation - to make something stand without moving
o Reaped - to obtain a return or reward
November 28/2015
1. Grasp - Understand.
2. Convention - Official Agreement between countries.
3. Evolve - Develop gradually.
4. Concrete plan - Definite and Specific plan.
5. Acknowledges - Admit to be real and true.
6. Incorporate - Includes.
7. Consequences - The effect or Result of something which occurred earlier.
8. Catastrophic - Sudden terrible disaster.
9. Negotiations - Mutual discussion.
10. Revolve - Discussion about a particular topic.
11. Radical - Fundamental / Root or origin.
12. Exhausted - Draw out.
13. Protocol - Treaty / Agreement.
14. Substantially - Considerable amount.
15. Mitigation - Lessen / Reduction.
16. Vulnerable - Weak and without protection / Open to attack.
17. Leap - Important change.
18. Pledges - Promises.
19. Hurdles - Problems / Difficulty.
20. Crafting - Making Skilfully.
November 29/2015
December 01/2015
the long-pending Goods and Services Tax (GST) Bill, a few hours after he struck an unusually conciliatory note on the
floor of Parliament, signalled a dramatic change of style. Gone was the air of aggression, the taunting tone, and the reminder
that his party, the Bharatiya Janata Party, had won an election last year. Mr. Modis new mild manner seemed to be an
acknowledgement that a majority in the Lok Sabha is not enough, and he needs to build a consensus to give his governments
legislative agenda a chance. A year and a half after he came to power, the Prime Minister has begun to realise that no matter
how handsome a mandate the electorate might have given the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance, barring the budget that
can get by with support only from the Lok Sabha all other laws need the backing of both Houses. Recent setbacks in the
Assembly elections have also dimmed the chances of the NDA significantly increasing its numbers in the Rajya Sabha. The
government needs to negotiate with the Opposition to get its bills passed. Else, the government risks attracting the phrase
policy paralysis in its second year, and thereby parallels with the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance in its eighth. The
parallel has cautionary value: once UPA-2 lost the lines of communication with the Opposition, it lost control of its political
narrative.
After his Lok Sabha triumph, Mr. Modi had shown disdain for Parliament and the parliamentary process, barely attending the
House and refusing to answer tough questions on the floor of the House, when sought. Citing rules, he refused to concede to
the Congress the position of Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, even as he kept his engagement with the Opposition
to the minimum. Indeed, he sought to implement at the Centre a model that had seen him virtually bypassing the Gujarat State
Assembly in the years that he was Chief Minister: a look at the records show the Assembly, as in most other States, barely
functioned; and whatever legislation had to be passed was done with minimal debate. That is clearly not possible in Delhi, where
the levels of scrutiny and resistance are much higher. More important, a Central government must reckon with the Rajya
Sabha, and courtesies need to be extended in one House to be reciprocated in the other. Now, with the economic reforms stuck,
and the electorate having spoken twice this year overwhelmingly against the BJP, first in Delhi and more recently in Bihar, the
Prime Minister appears to have finally read the writing on the wall. Mr. Modi made a good beginning on Friday, but he needs to
continue in the same way, engaging the Opposition even as he sends out a message of inclusion, tolerance and plurality by
checking the hotheads in his party, if he wishes to make a success of the rest of his tenure.
The brief detention of 13 Indian border guards by the Nepali police on Sunday is yet another example of the deteriorating
relations between the two countries. Nepali authorities of the Armed Police Force (APF) say Indias Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB)
guards illegally crossed the border with weapons, while Indian officials say the guards had inadvertently stepped into the
neighbouring territory while chasing smugglers. The crux of the situation is, the differences between India and Nepal that have
led to a two-month blockade at the border are now having a direct impact on the close cooperation and trust that the SSB and
APF soldiers have shared for decades, and this marks a dangerous turn. It will require urgent discussions at every level of the
military and civilian leadership on both sides to now bring this situation to a resolution, clear the protestors to the largest extent
possible on the Nepali side, and clear the backlog of trucks that have been piling up on the Indian side since September 23 so
ordinary Nepalis can receive much-needed fuel, food, medicines and other essential supplies. While some trucks have been
released in the past few weeks, they are by no means enough, and all of Kathmandu now sees long serpentine queues for
every commodity. Regardless of relations at present, it is unacceptable for India to stand by, especially as the days and nights
grow colder, without moving in to help Nepal. Unicef, the United Nations Children's Fund, has warned that more than three
million children under the age of five in Nepal now face the risk of death or disease in winter.
This will by no means be easy. The government of Prime Minister K.P. Oli could start simply by pushing through the amendments
that his predecessor, Sushil Koirala, had cleared in the Cabinet. The government had also started talks with Madhesi leaders
to reach a consensus on constitutional amendments that would bring the country back to normalcy. But talks collapsed last
month, following which the government started police action against the protesters, which actually made matters worse. Prime
Minister Olis obsession with blaming India for all problems Nepal is facing serves as an excuse for his governments inability to
find a solution. India too must face the fact that all its attempts at intervention in the Constitution process have come a cropper.
It is time for diplomacy rather than a dogmatic stance, as bad relations with Nepal will begin to seep into every sphere of bilateral
ties, as they have already begun to taint the relations between the border security forces. Eventually, whatever the resolution,
India can only deal with the government in Nepal; it cannot engage any of the political groups there directly. Nor is it fighting a
nations should first give up the confrontationist approach, and work together to resolve the impasse over the Constitution in
Nepal.
December 02/2015
The Paris handshake between Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Prime Minister Narendra Modi is indeed a welcome,
and unexpected, moment that could change the climate of the relationship. They had last spoken in Ufa in July though
they shared the same stage at the UN in September, they only managed a wave across the room. This is far from the vision
that Mr. Modi had himself laid out at the start of his tenure, one where neighbours would try to meet without occasion, and
engage to sort out bilateral issues, when possible. The stop-start nature of the Prime Ministers meetings have had an impact
on talks at every level of engagement, and even the meeting of the Directors General of Military Operations they agreed to five
months ago has not yet materialised. Other issues on which a resolution is required remain, and which have now been pending
for three years. These include the implementation of a liberalised visa regime, upgradation of trade checkpoint infrastructure at
the international border and the Line of Control, and other measures such as bank facilities to further trade that Prime Minister
Modi and Prime Minister Sharif have spoken of. Indias concerns about Pakistan giving free rein to terrorists like Hafiz Saeed
and establishment support to terror groups, too, remain. While Delhi has stuck to its principle of not taking substantive talks
ahead until it sees action from Pakistan on terrorism, it is heartening to note that basic trade between the two countries, business
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a decision on whether to allow their cricket teams to play in Sri Lanka. It must be remembered, that like the other issues, playing
cricket too is a commitment already made by Indian officials, and India stands to be penalised if it does not keep the BCCIs
All these steps will be particularly important in creating an atmosphere for a productive visit by Mr. Modi to Islamabad in 2016,
when he has accepted an invitation to attend the SAARC summit. However, none of it will be possible without a sustained and
transparent process of engagement. Since this government took office, Indias Pakistan policy has been marked by stealth,
surprise and secrecy whether it was the invitation to SAARC leaders, the cancellation of Foreign Secretary-level talks, the
confabulations between the Prime Ministers in Kathmandu last November, dispatching the Foreign Secretary to Islamabad this
year, the Ufa engagement, or everything else that followed. It is time to unveil what the government plans to do on Pakistan. If
non-engagement was an option, the Prime Ministers would not have shaken hands or talked confidentially in Paris. If
engagement is the only way forward as it most certainly is then it must be done by taking the people into confidence, not
by keeping them in the dark about each new initiative, that seems to evaporate as soon as it is brought to light.
The observation by the Supreme Court that political leaders should not take criticism as a personal insult highlights a
particular kind of intolerance that is rarely referred to in the ongoing debate on the subject: the inability of public figures to
tolerate criticism and their repeated resort to criminal defamation proceedings to stifle adverse comment. Nothing exemplifies
courts remark came in the context of several of cases of defamation reaching its portals in recent years. Under Chief Minister
Jayalalithaa, the law of criminal defamation is routinely set in motion within days of the publication of reports that are even
remotely critical of her governance. It is always initiated by the public prosecutors on behalf of the Chief Minister and members
of her Cabinet. It is needless to emphasise that criminal defamation has a chilling effect on free speech and undermines public
interest by coercing the media to observe self-censorship and self-restraint. Sections 499 and 500 of the Indian Penal Code,
which criminalise defamation in India, have been challenged in the Supreme Court, but so far there is little hope that the State
will give up the use of this weapon against adverse coverage. It also showed questionable zeal in going up to the highest
court just to obtain the police custody of Kovan, a folk singer arrested on sedition charge, indicating a dangerously illiberal
attitude. The Union government has contended, much to the disappointment of proponents of the freedom of expression, that
Democratic opinion in many countries is veering around to the view that defamation should be treated as a civil wrong and
should not be pursued as a criminal case, and that the state has no compelling interest to protect the reputation of its individual
servants by prosecuting alleged offenders. In 2011, the Human Rights Committee of the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights called upon states to abolish criminal defamation, noting that it intimidates citizens and makes them shy away
from exposing wrongdoing. Its misuse as an instrument of harassment is pervasive in India. Often, the prosecutors complaint
is taken at face value by courts, which send out routine notices for the appearance of defendants without any preliminary
examination whether the offending comments or reports come under one of the exceptions spelt out in Section 499. Thus, the
process itself becomes the punishment. It is internationally recognised that there ought to be some proportionality between the
status and influence of public officials and how far they could be defamed. The higher the officials are the greater will be their
resources to set right any impairment of their image, using their wide reach and influence over the public. It is time Indias
1. Defamation - Spoiling good name of others by telling something bad and untrue
about them.
2. Stifle - Prevent / Withhold.
3. Adverse - Unfavourable.
4. Exemplifies - Show or illustrate by examples.
5. Emphasise - To draw special attention.
6. Chilling effect - Discouraging effect.
7. Undermines - Making Weaken / Less strong / Less secure.
8. Coercing - Compel by force.
9. Self-restraint - Self-control.
10. Zeal - Great enthusiasm / Eager.
11. Sedition - Any action against government (Speech, Writing, Behaviour)
12. Illiberal - Narrow minded / Who do not giving much freedom or choice of action to
people.
13. Contended - Compete / Argued.
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December 03/2015
Making extensive preparations for rare, extreme situations is neither easy nor economical. Both the Tamil Nadu administration
and the residents of Chennai and its neighbouring districts were not ready for the relentless spells of rain after the North-East
monsoon set in, flooding homes and offices, roads and malls. Ordinarily, the worry for Chennai is a weak monsoon with deficit
rainfall that leaves little water for drinking purposes and irrigation. But, over the last 30 days, the government and the people
were dealing with the ill-effects of an unusually active monsoon that seemed intent on overcompensating for the deficit years
with record rainfall. Even as the city returned to some sort of normalcy after one torrential downpour, it had to contend
with another spell of rain. Displacement, traffic jams, power cuts, rising prices, and scarcity of food, the woes just would not
end for the people of Chennai. The situation was especially bad for those in the relatively new residential areas in the suburbs
where, in recent years, real estate growth was given priority over planned development. Also, more than the amount of rainfall,
Chennai was hit badly by the overflow of water from reservoirs and breaches in lakes and tanks, and the flooding of water
channels that were already choked with silt and refuse. With an unprecedented discharge of water, Chennais rivers have shown
no respect for the bridges and the roads, effectively cutting off people and places on one bank with the people and places on
the other bank. With bus and suburban railway services becoming inoperable, Chennai had to rely heavily on the new Metro
But the rains were not all about doom and gloom. The government did remarkably well in rescue and relief efforts, quickly
requisitioning the deployment of the armed forces to evacuate people in flooded areas and engaging in elaborate
rehabilitation work. In the end, even Opposition leaders readily praised the relief measures taken up in challenging
circumstances. The distress brought about by the rain also revealed the remarkable strength and character of the people in
the city and the affected districts, with NGOs supplementing the efforts of the government, and public- spirited individuals taking
up relief work, spending time and resources in reaching out to those left stranded. The Hindu is privileged to be a part of these
efforts. Social networks were full of messages offering help or information on where help would be available. Malls and private
arrange cabs, offered free boat services. Clearly, the civic solidarity was in evidence everywhere, with volunteers helping to
ferry the aged and the sick, and distribute food packets and warm clothes. Without a doubt, this has been the silver lining in the
dark clouds over Chennai over the last few weeks. The lessons learnt during this extended disaster should result in a hard look
at existing policies on urban planning, and a short-term revamp of the inadequacies in the civic infrastructure of urban areas.
Making extensive preparations for rare, extreme situations is neither easy nor economical. Both the Tamil Nadu administration
and the residents of Chennai and its neighbouring districts were not ready for the relentless spells of rain after the North-East
rainfall that leaves little water for drinking purposes and irrigation. But, over the last 30 days, the government and the people
were dealing with the ill-effects of an unusually active monsoon that seemed intent on overcompensating for the deficit years
with record rainfall. Even as the city returned to some sort of normalcy after one torrential downpour, it had to contend
with another spell of rain. Displacement, traffic jams, power cuts, rising prices, and scarcity of food, the woes just would not
end for the people of Chennai. The situation was especially bad for those in the relatively new residential areas in the suburbs
where, in recent years, real estate growth was given priority over planned development. Also, more than the amount of rainfall,
Chennai was hit badly by the overflow of water from reservoirs and breaches in lakes and tanks, and the flooding of water
channels that were already choked with silt and refuse. With an unprecedented discharge of water, Chennais rivers have shown
no respect for the bridges and the roads, effectively cutting off people and places on one bank with the people and places on
the other bank. With bus and suburban railway services becoming inoperable, Chennai had to rely heavily on the new Metro
But the rains were not all about doom and gloom. The government did remarkably well in rescue and relief efforts, quickly
requisitioning the deployment of the armed forces to evacuate people in flooded areas and engaging in elaborate
rehabilitation work. In the end, even Opposition leaders readily praised the relief measures taken up in challenging
circumstances. The distress brought about by the rain also revealed the remarkable strength and character of the people in
the city and the affected districts, with NGOs supplementing the efforts of the government, and public- spirited individuals taking
up relief work, spending time and resources in reaching out to those left stranded. The Hindu is privileged to be a part of these
efforts. Social networks were full of messages offering help or information on where help would be available. Malls and private
schools and colleges too opened their doors to the flood victims. A radio taxi service provider, under criticism for failing to
arrange cabs, offered free boat services. Clearly, the civic solidarity was in evidence everywhere, with volunteers helping to
ferry the aged and the sick, and distribute food packets and warm clothes. Without a doubt, this has been the silver lining in the
dark clouds over Chennai over the last few weeks. The lessons learnt during this extended disaster should result in a hard look
at existing policies on urban planning, and a short-term revamp of the inadequacies in the civic infrastructure of urban areas.
December 04/2015
The verdict of a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court on legal questions relating to grant of remission to life convicts
exposes the haste with which the Tamil Nadu government acted in February 2014 in seeking to release the seven persons
serving life terms for plotting to assassinate Rajiv Gandhi in 1991. The courts finding that the Central government has primacy
in according remission to life convicts in a case of this nature is a political setback to Chief Minister Jayalalithaa. It was apparent
that she wanted to be seen as a champion of Tamil rights rather than the stern opponent of terrorism that she was believed to
be. In token compliance with a statutory requirement, she wrote to the Centre, giving just three days time for its opinion on their
release. Alarmed by the thought of Rajiv Gandhis killers being freed, the then United Progressive Alliance government rushed
to the Supreme Court to stall the process. Thus, the humanitarian question whether convicts who had only been accessories in
the LTTEs assassination plot should languish in prison even after 23 years was converted into a political issue. It became
embroiled in technical questions that were referred to a Constitution Bench. The validity of the Tamil Nadu governments decision
However, the larger significance here is that the court has barred State governments from invoking their statutory remission
power for the premature release of those sentenced by a High Court or the Supreme Court to a specified term above 14 years
without remission. It has rejected the theory that every convict, even those facing life-long incarceration, will have to be offered
a ray of hope, placing the interests of the victims of murder above those of the perpetrators. It indicates that those whose death
sentences are altered to life terms will have to spend the rest of their life in prison. At the same time, it has kept a small door
open for life convicts by declaring that one who had got the benefit of commutation of death sentence to life is not barred from
getting remission from the executive. In any case, it has said the constitutional powers of the President and the Governor for
grant of clemency remain untouched. The State government will now have to get the concurrence of the Centre in cases
investigated by Central agencies before it can use its power of remission to release convicts. Also, the sentences they are
undergoing must be for crimes relating to subjects falling under the Union governments executive powers. The court rejected
drawn from this episode is that the release of prisoners ought to be dealt with on merits on a case-by-case basis by following
statutory procedures and not through whimsical or partisan acts of political misadventure.
1. verdict - an opinion or decision made after judging the facts that are given
(judgment)
2. Remission - the cancellation of a penalty
3. Convict - a person found guilty of a criminal offence and serving a sentence of
imprisonment
4. Haste - hurry
5. Assassinate - murder an important person
6. Primacy - first preference
7. Apparent - clear
8. Stern - strict
9. Compliance - the act of conforming
10. Alarmed - warned
11. Languish - forced to remain in an unpleasant place (prison)
12. Embroiled - bring into a state of confusion
13. Incarceration - imprisonment
14. Perpetrators - someone who has committed a crime
15. Altered - changed
16. Barred - prevented
17. Clemency - mercy
18. Concurrence - agreement of cooperation
19. Whimsical - in a humorous way
20. Partisan - a strong supporter of a party
Aung San Suu Kyis meetings with Myanmars President Thein Sein and military chief General Min Aung Hlaing, nearly a
month after her partys resounding election win, are highly significant, given the tumultuous civil-military relations in the
Southeast Asian nation. Ms. Suu Kyi had reportedly asked for these meetings immediately after the polls. But the delay had
triggered some concerns over whether the still-powerful military would accept the election result and let her National League for
Democracy form the next government, which is expected to assume office on March 31. A presidential spokesperson later
allayed the concerns, saying both leaders had discussed a smooth transition and transfer of power to the newly elected
government. While the military-backed governments reassurance that it is committed to political transition is welcome, the
process of transition and building a constitutional framework for the new government could turn out to be a cumbersome process.
That is mainly because the military is unlikely to be willing to cede full control to the civilian government. The military-written
including defence, interior and border security, for the military. Gen. Aung Hlaing has already said there would not be any change
in the Constitution to let Ms. Suu Kyi become the President. She has, on the other hand, vowed to lead the government whether
Ms. Suu Kyi is the best hope Myanmar has at this point of time. She is a stout democrat and widely popular, and her party has
a legitimate mandate to lead the country, which faces several problems from poverty to ethnic conflict. One of the reasons the
military agreed to a transition to a more democratic set-up was the realisation that it could not rule the country with an iron fist
forever. Despite years of suppression, the political opposition has been resolute. Besides, the internal dynamics of the Myanmar
society remain fragile. The Rohingya community, Muslims castigated as illegal immigrants, have been widely discriminated
against by sections of the Buddhist majority. The governments efforts to end the civil war with ethnic groups through negotiated
agreements were only partially successful as rebels in the region bordering China refused to sign ceasefire pacts in October.
The country also faces a huge economic challenge. What Myanmar needs now is a leader who can unify the people and take
the country to a new era of social and political democracy. A large number of people inside and outside the country believe that,
under the circumstances Ms. Suu Kyi may be the best person to take up the challenge. But the question is whether the generals
would let her do it. For her part, Ms. Suu Kyi needs to be more forthright in articulating an inclusive agenda, for example vis--
vis the Rohingya, that addresses ethnic tensions, and gives democracy in Myanmar a stronger chance.
1. Resounding - Great
2. Tumultuous - confused
3. Triggered - caused
4. Allayed - to reduce / calm
5. Transition - the process of changing from one state to another
6. Cumbersome - difficult
7. Cede - give up
8. Stout - strong
9. Legitimate - logical
10. Mandate - give (someone) authority to act in a certain way
11. Rule with iron fist - To rule with ruthless control (showing no pity on others)
12. Fragile - easily broken or damaged
13. Illegal immigrants - someone who lives in another country without legal
permission
14. Discriminated - to treat somebody in a different way (worst) because of their sex
/ caste etc
15. Ethnic group - a group made up of people who share a common cultural
background
16. Negotiated agreements - agreements obtained by discussions
17. Ceasefire - a temporary suspension of fighting
December 05/2015
As the third largest emitter of greenhouse gases among individual countries, India is under pressure at the Paris Climate
Change conference to commit itself to a future trajectory of low emissions. All countries with a significant role in the accumulation
of atmospheric carbon dioxide, which leads to global warming, have made voluntary pledges that are aimed at the stabilisation
of global temperature rise below 2 Celsius. Indias own Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs) promise to
reduce the emissions intensity of its GDP by 33 to 35 per cent by 2030, over 2005 levels. A base agreement of this coalition of
the willing is now possible at the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change conference, but problems lie ahead. Among
the contentious issues is monitoring and verification of performance, which would inevitably be linked to grant of funding that is
vital to help affected communities adapt to the impact of climate change. The colossal losses arising from the Chennai deluge
underscore the importance of access to funds for adaptation. On the other hand, a five-year monitoring period from 2020, when
the pledges go into effect, would ratchet up the pressure tremendously. With such high stakes, it is vital that India continues its
strong cooperation with the G77+China bloc, which has been aggressively pursuing the principles of equity and
differentiated responsibilities, and simultaneously engage the developed world as the negotiations move into the high-level
The dichotomy of ambitions on halting dangerous climate change has been evident at Paris, with the most vulnerable island
states and the least developed countries expecting rising targets for emissions cuts to keep global temperature rise below 1.5
C, and liberal funding from rich nations. But even with sincere implementation of the 157 INDC submissions from 184 countries
(including the European Union member-states) which cover about 94 per cent of carbon emissions, the global temperature is
expected to rise beyond the target. India also has to contend with the growing movement to persuade investors to withdraw
from companies using polluting fossil fuels including coal, and tax these fuels at higher rates to consumers. Moreover, although
it has the largest emissions, China has won plaudits with its pledge to peak coal use in 2020, and all greenhouse gases by
2030, something that India cannot. For developing countries in Paris, however, the real challenge is to enshrine in the agreement
strong provisions for funding that have been promised but not delivered in the past. Many of them have submitted their INDCs
with funding as a condition, and India has estimated a staggering $2.5 trillion as its climate finance requirement until 2030. By
contrast, the total cross-border flows of funds is calculated to be $2.2 billion. It will take a great deal of diplomacy and
With British jets having started bombing Islamic State locations in Syria, four of the five permanent members of the United
Nations Security Council have formally joined the war against the jihadist group. The United States, France and Russia are
already in the fray. But despite persistent bombing by these countries over the past few months, IS still holds on to the territories
it controls. Will Britain joining the war change the script? Prime Minister David Cameron himself warned against quick
expectations. He said its a complex war and that the country has to be patient and persistent. But the real problem that the
war against IS faces is not the campaign being less persistent; its that there is no coordinated strategy among the nations
fighting the jihadists. Syrias skies are already crowded. The downing of the Russian aircraft by Turkey over the Syrian border
last month exposed the faultlines of the anti-IS war. Countries involved in the war are also competitors for geopolitical gains and
they have divergent views towards the future of Syria. For example, the Americans want Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to
go, while the Russians are the main backers of the regime, saying the only sustainable alternative to IS is restoring the Syrian
statehood.
West, to target the group from the air? He did not lay down a comprehensive strategy in the British Parliament while seeking
the support of Members of Parliament for the air strikes. His claim that there are 70,000 rebels ready to fight IS on the ground
is far from convincing. Who are these rebels? Syrian rebel groups are hardly united, and in tough battles in the past they fled,
leaving the territories and the weapons they got from Mr. Assads enemies to the hands of IS. Those who faced down IS on the
ground were the Kurds. But Turkey, a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) that is formally part of the U.S.-
led coalition against IS, is bombing the Kurdish rebels on the Syrian border. Besides, how will Mr. Camerons government
respond to allegations that Turkey was complicit with IS by facilitating the groups trade in oil? The ground situation is so
complicated that it is irrational to believe that sending a few more bomber jets into the Syrian skies would weaken IS. Of course,
the war against IS needs air cover. But it should be in a supplementary role. The main fight has to take place on the ground and
for that, the coalition needs coordination among the forces fighting IS, including the Syrian and Iraqi national army. Without such
a coordinated strategy, air strikes would only play into the hands of the jihadists.
December 07/2015
Disasters bring out either the best or the very worst in people and organisations. Chennai, in the days immediately after the
worst phase of the November-December floods, saw both in equal measure. Even as public-spirited individuals and voluntary
organisations joined the administration in mounting rescue and relief operations to help the city recover from the shock of the
flash floods, petty politicians and miscreants revealed a dark side of the city: where others saw threats to life and property, they
material to the victims of the floods in good time, many of the lower-level functionaries of the ruling All India Anna Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam seemed more intent on gaining political mileage for the party and for their leader, Chief Minister
Jayalalithaa. Images of Ms. Jayalalithaa were sought to be stuck on relief packages, leading to pile-up of relief materials
and avoidable delays in their distribution; State transport corporation buses that were ordered to ply free of charge for four days
greeted passengers with an image of the Chief Minister. Far from managing efficiently the humanitarian crisis building up, the
administrations efforts looked as if they were no more than a part of a public relations exercise in an election year. Of course,
ruling party workers were not the only ones to blame. For every person attempting to convey essential information through the
social media, there were at least two others spreading panic through misinformation and rumour-mongering. Criminals too took
Worse, State government officials were often directionless in dealing with the crisis. There was little by way of coordination
between the armed forces and the local bodies, resulting in deployment of personnel in areas where the flood situation was not
serious, and in delay in reaching areas that required help the most. Some of the Army officers supervising the relief operations
suspect that they were deliberately misled so that VIPs in posh localities could be rescued ahead of worse-affected commoners.
Clearly, the administration was too centralised in its operations to be truly effective in a crisis situation. Power supply is yet to
be restored in several parts of the city even after the flood waters receded as officials were waiting for instructions from political
higher-ups. Ms. Jayalalithaa did an aerial survey of the city and periodically issued statements and made appeals to the Centre
for help. But things were not moving on the ground, other than in terms of distribution of food. After having managed the earlier
spells of rain remarkably well, the administration just folded up when the water channels overflowed after the full force of the
rain was felt on December 1. As the crisis grew in proportion, the government machinery slowed down almost to the point of
stillness. Somewhere along the way, the political leadership of the State must have decided it was easier to try to counter the
negative publicity rather than manage the crisis. But without resolving the serious flood-related issues confronting the people of
Chennai and the surrounding northern districts, there can be no public relations victory for the government.
Just days after Prime Minister Narendra Modi reached out to his predecessor, Manmohan Singh, and Congress president
Sonia Gandhi in a conciliatory move to avert a deadlock in Parliament, the Rajya Sabha had reverted to its old normal. And if
whatever goodwill was generated by that meeting last Friday now appears to be so much water under the bridge, the treasury
benches must interrogate their own. The cause for fresh adjournments was former Union Minister Kumari Seljas statement on
Wednesday that she had been asked her caste at a temple in Gujarats Dwarka; and the response by BJP Ministers was a
playbook of ways to make a House not function. That there was a defence by the government was surprising enough, given
that Ms. Seljas disclosure simply required an inquiry into her specific experience and, more importantly, into the larger
prevalence of caste and gender discrimination. It was also disproportionate, even intimidatory. Senior Union Ministers charged
her with bringing up manufactured problems and pulled out her remarks from the visitors book at Dwarkas big temple to cast
doubts about the veracity of her remarks. In the event, the Ministers accepted Ms. Seljas clarification that the question about
her caste was posed at a smaller temple in Dwarka, and variously withdrew or regretted their statements. There the issue now
simmers on a slower burn, and the Congress may well use the faultiness to go on the hunt for other subjects to corner the
government on.
However, the disquiet over the governments handling of Ms. Seljas intervention is wider than its effect on the orderly conduct
of Parliament. Her identity, as a woman and, significantly, as a Dalit, was not incidental to the resonance of the question at
Dwarka. Temple entry has been an integral part of social reform in India, and was made a mobilising plank in the national
movement by Mahatma Gandhi. The Constitution gives the state immense power to enforce and make laws for throwing open
of Hindu religious institutions of a public character to all classes and sections of Hindus. Ms. Seljas recollection that she was
asked about her caste at a time when she happened to be a Union Minister is not just a reminder that free temple entry is still a
work in progress but also that for all the power and privilege that may attach to an individual, there remains the overhang of
the older oppressive hierarchies of caste, if not always in operation but definitely in atmospherics. Whatever the specifics of Ms.
Seljas personal encounter, it must serve as a call to Parliament to strengthen the law to end restriction to temple entry on
December 08/2015
The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance government has rolled up its sleeves for the ongoing winter session of Parliament
in a bid to guarantee the passage of the Constitution amendment Bill that will usher in a Goods and Services Tax. The
government, which has staked a lot of political capital on ensuring that the April 1 target deadline for the implementation of GST
is met, has moved to try to build a consensus through a combination of political outreach and an internal reappraisal of some of
Prime Minister Narendra Modi met his predecessor Manmohan Singh and Congress president Sonia Gandhi to court bipartisan
support for the legislation in the Rajya Sabha, where the Congress still has the upper hand. And the government has said it
hopes to continue talks with the Opposition to reach an understanding. Separately, a panel headed by Chief Economic Adviser
Arvind Subramanian has recommended the government make some modifications to its proposals that are seen as helping to
pave the way for a resolution of the political deadlock over the Bill.
Among key suggestions are that the government drop the proposed additional 1 per cent levy on inter-State sales over and
above the GST rate, and that alcohol and petroleum products be included in the ambit of the tax. Crucially, however, the panel
of tax. Dr. Subramanian reasoned it would be unwise to limit the future freedom of the political process by laying down the
For both the government and the Congress, a lot now rides on the political calculations the two sides make ahead of a clutch of
State elections due next year. On test will be the sagacity and statesmanship of their respective leaders. A Congress
spokesperson was emphatic that the onus of finding a resolution to the differences lay with the government. The party stands
by its core demands that include the introduction of robust accountability measures.
The party claims that the governments efforts to communicate with the Opposition have been high on atmospherics and low on
substance. It is now time both sides rose above partisan considerations. That the implementation of GST will help reduce the
cascading impact of the prevailing multiplicity of taxes has been well-established. The projected benefit to the economy from an
expected improvement in administration and compliance of the indirect tax regime is also fairly beyond doubt.
The challenge will remain in warding off incipient inflationary pressures in the early stages of the implementation of the tax, and
enlightened politics is needed here. Both the Congress, which had once championed the GST, and Prime Minister Modi need
to show the political will to get this key reform measure passed to create a common market that could spur growth.
The Aam Aadmi Party government in Delhi has announced a slew of measures to address the very poor air quality and
pollution in the nations capital. It is, in principle, a largely welcome move that could push the needle for anti-pollution measures
to be adopted by other Indian cities as well. These are possibly the most significant steps taken after the introduction of
Compressed Natural Gas-powered vehicles in the city that are widely accepted as having helped reduce pollution. (However, it
is debatable if they will together have the kind of effect the CNG shift had.)
The benefits of this emphasis by the government on regulations to address the citys alarming air pollution levels will depend on
the manner of implementation as well as other concomitant actions. The announced measures include the closing down of two
thermal power plants, pushing the entry time of trucks into the city late into the night, the advancing of the cut-off date for Euro-
But the proposal that has predictably received the most attention is the one on regulating private vehicle use by means of
licence plate restrictions. These curbs, that are to be implemented temporarily from January 1, 2016, will allow private four-
wheelers and two-wheelers access to Delhis roads only on alternate dates based on even/odd licence plate numbers. Cities
such as Bogota, Beijing, Mexico City and Paris have implemented such restrictions in the past, amongst other reforms to
decongest vehicle traffic and to reduce air pollution through expanding public transport and zoning certain areas as low
emissions only.
Licence plate restrictions by themselves are somewhat problematic: all private vehicles are treated equally, irrespective of
their purpose and the fuel they use. To mitigate this, the Delhi government has relaxed the restrictions in the case of emergency
use. Other exceptions such as car-pooling by multiple commuters should have also been considered. The larger point is that,
without a concomitant expansion and improvement in public transport, the introduction of licence plate restrictions could only
The state of public transport in Delhi is relatively better than in most metropolitan cities in the country, with the capital enjoying
a privileged position in the fiscal scheme of things. But despite that, the public transport system is still not fully equipped to
handle the consequent increase in the number of commuters that could possibly occur due to the restrictions in place. Easing
furthering its intended purpose of decongesting routes for public transport and enticing private vehicle users to shift. The
licensing regulations must be part of a package of well-sequenced and thought-out steps if they are to be more than a traffic
decongestion measure.
December 09/2015
External Affairs Minister Sushma Swarajs touchdown in Islamabad marks a decisive moment in the Narendra Modi
governments Pakistan policy. While she is in Islamabad ostensibly for a conference on Pakistan, it is clear from the flurry of
meetings that bilateral engagement is back on track. After 18 months of starts and stops, New Delhi has taken a considered
position to re-engage with its most difficult relationship in the neighbourhood, a decision that must be lauded. It is also clear that
First, the meetings have been held without hype or announcement, with expectations being kept low. Second, after the Paris
meetings between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, as well as the Bangkok meeting between
the National Security Advisors and Foreign Secretaries of both countries, the joint messaging in Islamabad and Delhi has been
kept unified and simple. Finally, both sides have managed well the opposition within their own flanks over the reasons for the
re-engagement; very few discordant voices have been heard from the military establishment in Rawalpindi or the BJPs
headquarters and the partys Sangh Parivar allies, the kind that marked previous engagements.
It is to be hoped that all talks from this point onwards will follow the same path, building from one meeting to the next, until they
produce concrete results. A start would be the announcement of a structured set of meetings to be held on a regular basis
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measures already agreed to, on trade and visa liberalisation, are implemented at the earliest. Finally, the way forward on Jammu
and Kashmir and terrorism, the two lasting issues between India and Pakistan, must be charted out. This is by no means the
first government to attempt to do all of this. Others, including some with more experience, tried and failed.
The Modi government would therefore be well-advised to strike a different path and be more forthcoming, in public, on just why
they are meeting and what they hope to achieve. Despite his famous speech on breakfast in Amritsar, lunch in Lahore and
dinner in Kabul, former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh didnt articulate just where his talks with the Pakistan government on
Kashmir had led, until it was too late to shape public opinion about them.
Mr. Modi must explain his vision for peace with Pakistan and what has spurred this new round of negotiations, especially since
none of the conditions for talks that he and his Cabinet Ministers had spoken of over the past few months has been met. In
Pakistan, the way forward should be even clearer: end support to all terror groups, especially those who seek violence against
India. While it is hardly possible to put behind the decades of bad blood between the two countries any time soon, it is possible
Indias victory over South Africa in the recently concluded Test series was remarkable not just for the margin, but also the
manner. South Africa has been world crickets most formidable touring team this decade. Indeed, its ascent to the top was built
Australias attacking style often drew Indias stirring best in response, something about South Africas controlled method
The 3-0 triumph that Virat Kohlis men scripted this season was only Indias third win in 12 series against South Africa, and the
first since 2004. To so comprehensively outplay a bogey team, which also happens to be ranked No. 1, merits high praise. It
must be mentioned, however, that South Africa lost spearhead Dale Steyn in the first Test, depriving Hashim Amla of the
services of perhaps the finest fast-bowler ever in subcontinental conditions (90 wickets in Asia at the astonishing rate of one
every 40 balls). For a side still coping with the departures of Jacques Kallis and Graeme Smith, giants instrumental in South
But South Africas troubles do not detract greatly from the achievements of India, itself a side in transition. Nor does the fuss
over the pitches. There is not anything underhand about making capital of home advantage as long as it does not unfairly tilt
the balance between bat and ball. Of the three surfaces on which India gained victory, a case can be made only against the
Nagpur wicket: its a case the International Cricket Council (ICC) is currently sitting in judgment on.
It is important instead to acknowledge Indias accomplishment, for there appears a significant shift in thinking. Mr. Kohlis
comment after the win in New Delhi that bowlers were the bosses in Test cricket did not receive much attention; but for a
country besotted with batsmen, it was momentous. There has also been an increased urgency to push for victory. Mr. Kohli
traced the onset of the resurgence to the tour of Australia where the team showed character even in defeats. We were always
The subsequent 2-1 win in Sri Lanka further strengthened the belief. The most heartening aspect of the performance against
South Africa was its wholesome nature. R. Ashwin rose magnificently to the challenge of being lead spinner again. But the
support he received from Ravindra Jadeja, Amit Mishra and the faster bowlers was just as vital. Ajinkya Rahane topped the
batting charts, but there were important runs from everyone in the line-up.
The spirit of the team was perhaps best exemplified by the fielding; seldom has the commitment to winning together been this
apparent. The authorities in India must now use this platform not just to strengthen the Test side, but also to put in practice a
December 10/2015
Whatever be the merits of the charges against the principal office-bearers of the Congress party in the National Herald case, it
is an issue that has to be settled in a court of law, and not in the wider political arena, much less in Parliament. If the
Congress believes there has been no wrongdoing in the transactions related to the acquisition of Associated Journals Private
Ltd. by Young Indian, a non-profit company in which the party's president, Sonia Gandhi, and vice-president, Rahul Gandhi, are
the main shareholders, it must simply choose the judicial route to establish their innocence. The Delhi High Court order upholding
the trial court summons to both of them, along with other directors of Young Indian, is based on what it sees as prima
facie evidence of criminality. The best way to deal with the situation is to face it legally. When Subramanian Swamy first
questioned the legality of the transactions, it was the Congress that challenged him to take Ms. Gandhi and her son to court. It
is for those who make allegations to prove their charges, the party had said in 2012. It cannot then turn around now and say
that the entire proceedings amount to political vendetta. Even if there is a political motive, the partys president and vice-
president have to provide answers to the questions that have arisen from the trial court summons and the High Courts refusal
to intervene. To disrupt Parliament on an issue that involves no larger public interest goes against all democratic norms, and it
cannot be justified on any count. Indeed, to speak of political vendetta following a court summons is to cast aspersions on the
A look at the facts of the case does make one doubt whether AJL could not have protected its shareholders interests by
liquidating some of its assets in order to return its loan to the Congress. The floating of Young Indian, described by the court as
a special purpose vehicle, does cast some suspicion. At the same time, the weak point in Dr. Swamys case seems to be the
absence of any identifiable victim who has been cheated or whose funds have been misappropriated. After all, the various
assets of AJL still stand in its name and the shareholders of Young Indian, which being a Section 25 (non-profit) company,
cannot get any dividend or profit out of the companys rental income. The Congress will have to believe in its own contention
that there was no entrustment in the first place for anyones trust to be breached and that no one claims to be deceived or
cheated. But the judicial process will have to be faced squarely without resort to political theatre. The charges of cheating and
criminal breach of trust against the Congress leaders will have to be countered only through the legal route.
American politics touched a new low this week when Donald Trump, a frontrunner for the Republican presidential nomination,
called for a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States. Mr. Trumps controversial remarks in the
past, including offensive statements about undocumented Mexican immigrants being rapists, insults to war veterans and sexist
attacks on women in the media, drew expected criticism from Democrats and other liberals. Yet, this time even fellow Republican
candidates and mainstream Republican Party heavyweights distanced themselves from Mr. Trumps views on Muslims. The
property moguls comment contradicts, morally if not legally, the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which requires
that Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. Islamophobia
in the U.S., which surged after the 9/11 terror attacks, appears to be on the rise again. This time it is coterminous with soaring
worldwide anxiety about Islamic State, which has been linked to the Paris terror attacks of November and last weeks shooting
in San Bernardino, California. Little wonder then that the numerically significant cohorts of the U.S. conservative fold are lapping
up Mr. Trumps incendiary, divisive proposal. Their support is manifested in the one polling trend that has baffled campaign
analysts, Mr. Trumps evergreen lead over all other candidates, which shows no sign of withering in the face of his increasingly
reckless provocations. After this weeks foray into apparent bigotry, a rolling five-day poll by Reuters placed his support vote at
35.6 per cent, giving him a comfortable lead over Floridas Senator Marco Rubio, a distant second at 14.9 per cent.
The Trump phenomenon begs questions both tactical and strategic. Tactically, he has made a stark choice in the matter of
battle-versus-war and it could well win him the Republican nomination. His steady march to the far right of American politics is
a safe bet that he will emerge, or has already emerged, as the favourite of those who championed the cause of the Tea Party,
of immigration hawks, pro-lifers, white supremacists, gun-lovers and all manner of conservatives. However, that leaves the rest
nomination, a move that could prove politically costly in itself, he may have handed the Democratic nominee, likely to be Hillary
Clinton, the keys to the Oval Office next year. Beyond the nomination battle, the broader strategic link between the rise of IS
and the worldwide proliferation of Islamophobia is paramount. Perhaps mindful of this link, Ms. Clinton has moved in exactly the
opposite direction, towards the political centre. She has taken a firmer stand against IS than President Barack Obama did, yet
spoken expansively about fostering an attitude of inclusiveness. Depending on which paradigm prevails, post-2016 America will
either continue to welcome minorities to its shores, or emerge as a source of recruitment propaganda for extremists.
December 11/2015
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The agreement by India and Pakistan to resume structured talks, seven years after the composite dialogue was stopped
following the Mumbai terrorist attacks, marks a dramatic improvement in bilateral relations. Since Prime Minister Narendra
Modi met his Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif in Paris on the sidelines of the Climate Conference on November 30, both
sides have moved fast to tackle the key challenges that are holding back talks. The breakthrough was achieved at the National
Security Adviser-level discussions held in Bangkok on December 6. On the face of it, both sides have signalled that they are
ready for a give-and-take approach. Mr. Modis Bharatiya Janata Party, both in Opposition and so far in government at the
Centre, had opposed any resumption of dialogue without concrete action by the Sharif administration on the Mumbai attacks
of 2008. For the Pakistanis, mention of Kashmir is a key issue. Mr. Sharif came under sharp criticism at home over the Ufa
statement of July which had omitted any reference to Jammu and Kashmir. However, in the joint statement issued in Islamabad
on Wednesday, Pakistan has given assurances on an early completion of the Mumbai attacks trial, and resolved to cooperate
to eliminate terrorism. India, on the other side, has agreed to include Kashmir on the dialogue agenda.
Despite the agreement to resume talks, guarded optimism must be the dominant mood in New Delhi. Its the Modi governments
Pakistan moment. Eighteen months after it came to power, a period that saw an increase in border skirmishes and high-decibel
rhetoric, the government finally appears to have realised that there is no alternative to bilateral talks in engaging with Islamabad.
While the constructive steps the government has taken in the last 10 days, something which it failed to do in the past 18 months,
are really commendable, it has to be realistic about the challenges ahead. Mr. Modi is venturing into a path his predecessors
had tested and retreated from. The Manmohan Singh government had tried to kick-start stalled discussions through the
resumed dialogue process, which met with the same fate of the composite dialogue following the killing of Indian soldiers
almost three years ago. In the past, every time there was forward momentum in India-Pakistan ties, there were attempts by non-
state and extra-state actors on the Pakistan side to derail the process. Though its too early to predict the outcome of the
comprehensive dialogue, it can be certainly seen that the proposal, which will have all the pillars of the India-Pakistan
relationship, including economic ties, people-to-people contacts and high-level interaction, is a promising beginning. Both sides
have time to build a strong foundation of renewed engagement before Mr. Modi goes to Islamabad next September. The agenda
is wider this time. What is needed, and crucial, is the political will to stay the course irrespective of the challenges, and avoiding
playing to the gallery. New Delhi particularly has to internalise the logic of growing the constituency for peace within Pakistan,
in Indias own national interest, and therefore desist from unnecessary attempts at points-scoring.
When celebrity status is in conflict with the law, public sentiment will revolve around two narratives. The narrative of power and
wealth would suggest high status is a burden, a disadvantage before the judiciary because judges will be chary of being seen
as favouring them. The more popular narrative, however, is that the slow criminal justice system is always skewed in favour of
celebrities. It will include folk wisdom that even the otherwise fair and strict judiciary will cave in to power and pelf. When an
occasional verdict brings down a famous personality, it will be seen as a victory for the citizen and a blow for justice. May 6,
2015 saw such a moment when Mumbai sessions judge D.W. Deshpande handed down a five-year prison sentence to
Bollywood star Salman Khan in a hit-and-run case. But cynicism took over before the day was out when he was given bail. Now,
before the year is out, a clean acquittal has been recorded in the Bombay High Court, and faith in the justice system has been
rocked again or reaffirmed, depending on which of the two narratives one subscribes to. For the rarefied world of Mumbai
stars and socialites, a superstar can do no wrong, and even if he does, the gravity of his offence should be balanced with
whatever charitable or humanitarian work he may have done, and the most lenient course adopted. The judge, in this milieu, is
a lonely man who has to apply the law and pass a verdict without being swayed by either the status of the individual involved or
public opinion.
The judgment of Justice A.R. Joshi acquitting Khan may be sound in law. Yet, it is likely to revive cynicism about the
administration of criminal justice in the country. It raises a host of questions, not least of which is about who killed Nurullah Sharif
in the September 2002 incident. The judge has termed a key eyewitness, Ravindra Patil, a police bodyguard who is now no
more, unreliable. Has it now been accepted that it was Ashok Singh, the actors driver who claimed responsibility in the latter
stages of the trial, who was driving the car that night? If so, is he going to be proceeded against? However, the questions are
not limited to the judgment. The police have been exposed for their shoddy investigation. An honest investigation is unlikely to
have resulted in doubts being cast on as basic an aspect as the identity of the person at the wheel. Crucial lapses in the handling
of the blood samples have been recorded. The judge has ruled that it was not proved either that Khan was driving the car or
that he was drunk. Why then does the verdict raise uncomfortable questions? It may be because after three recorded
December 12/2015
The ostensible reason for the prosecution agreeing to the grant of judicial pardon to Pakistan-born American operative David
Coleman Headley is to strengthen its case against Sayed Zabiuddin Ansari alias Abu Jundal, charged with involvement in the
conspiracy behind the deadly Mumbai terrorist attacks of November 2008. The real purpose, however, is that India would like
Headley to testify on and establish before a Mumbai court what he has already admitted before a trial court in the United States
and to a team of the National Investigation Agency from India in June 2010: the role of state and non-state actors in Pakistan in
planning and carrying out the Mumbai terror strikes. Headley is now a prosecution witness. The sessions court in Mumbai trying
Abu Jundal has pardoned Headley in return for his promise that he would make a full and true disclosure of all that he knows
about the entire conspiracy. Headley had done much of the reconnoitring of targets for the team of assailants who executed the
26/11 plot. Last month, he was formally included as a co-conspirator in the case, and he has now been accepted as an approver.
His testimony would be adequate for the court to convict others involved in the plot, as the law on evidence in India is that an
accomplice shall be a competent witness against an accused person. Headleys conduct so far indicates that as a witness
during the trial he may speak credibly about the role of the Lashkar-e-Taiba and its handlers in the Pakistani intelligence
establishment.
is serving a 35-year prison term in the U.S. after admitting to his role in a conspiracy to murder and maim people in Mumbai. In
terms of his plea bargain before a U.S. court, the 55-year-old former U.S. agent cannot be extradited to India or Pakistan, but
he is also obliged to testify in any foreign judicial proceedings held in the United States by way of deposition, video conferencing
or letters rogatory. However, it is an irony of sorts that the development coincides with the resumption of talks between India
and Pakistan, as the earlier composite dialogue had been stopped precisely because of the Mumbai attacks. The question that
may arise is whether the move to strengthen the prosecution case, and through that, Indias case against Pakistans role in the
26/11 attacks, will adversely impact the resumed bilateral dialogue. The answer, hopefully, will be in the negative. After all, in
their recent joint statement both countries condemned terrorism and affirmed their commitment to eliminating it. Trials relating
to the incident have been going on concurrently in both countries, with the proceedings on the Pakistan side moving quite slowly.
Expediting the judicial proceedings and taking them to their logical conclusion will not be inconsistent with the resumption of the
dialogue.
Scan Haryanas statistics on key social indicators, and the picture that emerges is dispiriting. For example, in this State of rich
farmers and networked urban centres, 41 per cent of Scheduled Caste men have not cleared class 8; and 68 per cent of SC
women have not made it to class 5. Roughly 45 per cent of rural households do not have a toilet, and among SC households
that figure rises to 55 per cent. Put together, it is a picture of failure of the government to fulfil the part of the essential contract
that binds state and citizens: to provide the rule of law and social services. It was, therefore, an odd call to action by the Haryana
government earlier this year when it passed the Haryana Panchayati Raj (Amendment) Act to debar exactly these citizens failed
by the state from standing for panchayat elections. In a web of disqualifications, the full exclusionary potential of which is still
not precisely calculated, the law debars from contesting men who have not completed matriculation, women who have not
cleared class 8 (with the corresponding qualifications for SC men being class 8 and for SC women class 5), people who havent
paid arrears for specified agricultural loans or electricity bills, and those who do not have a functional toilet at home. The law
was challenged in court, and on Thursday the challenge was set aside by the Supreme Court.
It is unlikely that the government will file a review petition, given that the Bharatiya Janata Party is in power in Haryana and at
the Centre. However, the case against the law must be made politically, and emphatically so. For one, what the courts have
done is to uphold the power of the State legislatures to enact such laws it follows that civil society must persuade political
parties to rethink such qualifications, and to repeal the amendment in Haryana specifically and desist from introducing such
legislation in other States. A liberal democracy must of necessity refrain from certifying who may contest elections to represent
the people. It is dangerously illiberal to debar citizens from contesting elections when they are able to fulfil their responsibilities
as panchs, or legislators, as the case may be. Indeed, curbs on particular categories of people, instead of individuals in breach
of particular laws, from contesting elections carries the imprint of authoritarianism, and such restrictions have predictably been
popular with military juntas, from Pervez Musharrafs Pakistan (only college graduates could contest) to present-day Myanmar
(the bar on those with foreign nationals as spouses or children is obviously targeted at Aung San Suu Kyi). For yet another State
in India to join their ranks, even if it is for panchayat elections, is a setback for the worlds largest democracy.
December 14/2015
The Paris aggrement on climate change marks a milestone in preserving the earths environment and provides a floor on
which to build ambition and action. It is the outcome of a long struggle by millions of citizens around the world, aided by the
weight of scientific evidence linking severe, more frequent weather events such as cyclones and droughts to man-made
greenhouse gas emissions. The 195 country-parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change besides Palestine
which joined in Paris have acknowledged that global climate action can no longer be postponed. While their adoption of the
Agreement has created history, the sum total of national pledges by 189 nations will be unable to stop climate change that is
already happening. As the UNFCCC acknowledges, these pledges will not be able to keep temperature well below 2 degrees
C compared to pre-industrial levels, leave alone the aspirational target of a 1.5 C limit. It is also important to remember that
there is a long window before the promises on emissions cuts go into effect in 2020, a period during which developed nations
would continue to emit large volumes of greenhouse gases. Given such a background and its responsibility as a legacy polluter,
the richer half of the world, which secured the support of vulnerable and poor nations in Paris, must use the Agreement to
liberally share its prosperity and technology. It would be perverse if the climate pact is viewed as a business opportunity to fuel
The signal from Paris is clearly for a shift away from polluting fossil fuels such as coal and oil to renewable energy, and the
adoption of smart policies and innovative technology. Like all other countries, India is now required to periodically report on its
targets and performance under the Agreement, and update its Nationally Determined Contributions by 2020. This will need the
active involvement of all States and wide consultations more so for the 175 gigawatt renewables revolution, including 100
GW from solar, to meet the 2022 target. The Centre should consider enacting a strong climate change law that harmonises
policies nationally, beginning with energy, buildings, transport, water, agriculture and urban development. The question of
adaptation to climate change and addressing loss and damage looms large for India, given the regular cycles of crippling
droughts, devastating flooding and lost livelihoods. There is not much to look forward to here in the Agreement, which speaks
of raising finance with $100 billion a year base by 2020, an amount that is grossly inadequate for the scale of catastrophic events
witnessed worldwide. The hope is that the Paris Agreement will, as a binding covenant, spur civil society to raise the pressure
on leaders to improve upon it every year, adding clear commitments for the developed nations to cut their emissions in favour
The socialists of Venezuela, first led by the late President Hugo Chvez and then by President Nicols Maduro, have had a
near-total hegemony over power for the past 17 years. But the results of the parliamentary elections held on December 6, in
which the centre-right opposition secured a supermajority with 112 seats out of the total 167, demonstrate that the socialist
narrative which Chvez painstakingly built over the ruins of West-backed dictatorships and the failures of free-market capitalism
has started losing its grip over the Venezuelan voters. Though an opposition victory was expected, their performance was better
than even the most optimistic forecasts. With a two-thirds majority in the legislature, the opposition now has the strength to
remove Supreme Court justices, pass laws and even draft a new Constitution, a move that could end Mr. Maduros presidential
tenure. What has led to such a huge defeat of the socialists? The Venezuelan election comes close on the heels of the defeat
of the leftist candidate, Daniel Scioli, in the Argentine presidential election. But it would be premature to see these two elections
as part of a larger trend in South America of the resurgence of the Right. Rather, what the Argentine and Venezuelan stories
tell is that the Left parties in these countries are paying a political price for the troubles in the economy.
In Venezuela, the socialists draw legitimacy and support from the governments pro-poor welfare policies. Chvezs redistributive
policies had lifted millions out of poverty and boosted real income, helping the ruling party establish itself among the vast majority
of the countrys poor. But this programme, largely funded by oil revenues, came under enormous strain when crude prices
tumbled compared to $115 a barrel in June 2014, it is now less than $40 a barrel in the global market. Chvezs original
plan was to diversify the economy. But he did not face any imminent economic threat as oil prices were relatively high during
his tenure. Mr. Maduros administration, which blamed the opposition for the economic worries of the country, however, failed
to devise an alternative plan to let the Bolivarian revolution stay afloat. Other economic and structural problems, such as high
inflation, shortage of essential goods and poor infrastructure made matters more difficult for him. More important, Mr. Maduro
lacks the political sharpness and charisma of Chvez, who, despite his combative style of politics, remained a highly popular
father figure of the nation during his term. He was also a unifying force within the Socialist Party where growing rifts are now
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Chvez built has benefited millions of Venezuelans. But Mr. Maduro and his team need to refocus their energy on strengthening
it, rather than simply blaming the opposition for every challenge they face.
1. Hegemony - Leadership.
2. Painstakingly - Careful / Showing diligent care and effort.
3. Dictatorship - The government ruled by the person who obtained power by force
and is used unfairly and cruelly.
4. Optimistic - Hopeful.
5. Forecasts - Statement of what is expected to happen in the future.
6. Tenure - The period or term of holding.
7. On the heels of - Something happens very quickly or immediately after another.
8. Resurgence - Tending to rise again.
9. Legitimate - According to law / Lawful.
10. Tumbled - To fall or decline rapidy.
11. Diversify - (Here) To invest in different types of industries, securities etc..
12. Devise - To plan / Elaborate.
13. Stay afloat - Having just enough money to pay their debts and continue operating.
14. Rifts - A serious quarrel or disagreement.
15. Setback - A check to progress / Defeat
December 15/2015
Japan has long been a significant investor in Indias infrastructure sector. Of late, there have been consistent efforts by both
New Delhi and Tokyo to transform this economic momentum into a special strategic and global partnership. Japanese Prime
Minister Shinzo Abes three-day visit to India this month, during which both sides agreed to major deals, including the
introduction of Japans bullet train technology in India and an agreement onnuclear partnership, clearly sets the stage for
elevated bilateral ties in the future. The potential of Indo-Japanese economic partnership is huge. Despite India being one
the worlds largest economies, it accounts for only about 1 per cent of Japans imports, exports and direct investments abroad.
The proposed bullet train link between Mumbai and Ahmedabad, which will have access to a soft Japanese loan of $12-15
billion at a concessional interest rate of 0.1 per cent, will cement economic cooperation further. Besides, this suits well Prime
Minister Narendra Modis agenda of building quality infrastructure in the country. The civil nuclear cooperation deal, after five
years of talks, marks a complete reversal of the policy Japan adopted towards India after the Pokhran nuclear tests in May
1998. Tokyo, which considers itself a champion of non-proliferation, had suspended much of its aid after Indias nuclear test.
The deal, however, can be seen as a Japanese seal of approval to Indias status as a nuclear-armed state.
has huge untapped potential. What they need is a clear road map, which, as the recent official exchanges show, is in the works.
But at the same time, India should be wary of the great game going on in Asia. It may not be a coincidence that Japan is
shedding its historical pacifist foreign policy, which helped its rise as an economic giant in Asia, at a time when its tensions with
China are on the rise and the United States has been pivoting towards Asia. The American strategy appears to be to build an
alliance in Asia to contain the rise of China. Japan, Washingtons strongest ally in Asia, is obviously one of the pillars of this
pivot strategy. It is hardly a secret that both the American and Japanese establishments want India to swing towards their
alliance. Mr. Abe had earlier written about the strategic need to forge a democratic security diamond with the U.S., Australia
and India. This is the challenge Indias policymakers would face while deepening the countrys partnership with Japan further.
New Delhi should get its economic and strategic priorities right and state them clearly. To script its own rise, India should build
strong ties with each power, instead of aligning with any particular bloc. The country will gain more from everybodys rise rather
than joining some geopolitical alliance that is not in its primary interest.
The National Green Tribunals decision to bar the registration of new and old diesel vehicles in Delhi till its next hearing on
January 6 comes as a blow though a temporary one for now to passenger vehicle manufacturers. Automobile-makers
have, in recent years, been building (from scratch, in a few cases) and scaling up their production capacities for diesel cars,
driven by the surge in demand for diesel-powered vehicles as the fuel was subsidised and far cheaper than petrol. The
differential between petrol and diesel prices has narrowed substantially since the government commenced the deregulation of
vehicles, or SUVs, that are ubiquitous status symbols in the National Capital Region and beyond, now constitute 50 per cent of
the auto industrys passenger car sales. That vehicular exhaust from diesel cars, SUVs and freight trucks has been identified
as one of the major contributors to the alarming levels of particulate matter in Delhis atmosphere is well-established. The tribunal
has asked the Delhi and Central governments to decide whether a more permanent injunction prohibiting the registration of
diesel vehicles in the NCR would be advisable, given the serious contribution of vehicular pollution to the citys air quality.
Separately, the Supreme Court is set to hear on December 15 an independent plea to ban diesel vehicles in Delhi.
Industry has reacted predictably, terming the move as unfair and discriminatory, and calling for a more holistic solution, while
questioning the overall policy approach to diesel. With most of them investing to upgrade their technology to meet the more
stringent BS-V (Bharat Stage-V) standards due in 2019, they suggest fleet modernisation to replace the older commercial
transport vehicles, considered an equally major source of polluting exhaust emissions. Rating agency ICRA expects the share
of diesel vehicles in annual auto sales to decline to 30-35 per cent by 2017 as the price difference between diesel and petrol
narrows further. That may not help much in Delhi, the nations largest urban market for cars and SUVs. By way of comparison,
the U.S. has decided to curb emissions from vehicles by moving towards higher fuel efficiency standards for new cars, though
economists say it may only encourage people to drive even more. India is pursuing similar goals, but as Volkswagens defeat
device to rig emission tests for diesel vehicles shows, governments arent capable of enforcing such norms efficiently. In the
backdrop of the latest climate change commitments and the toxic air that hangs over Delhi, it could be an opportune moment
for Indian policymakers to use the tools of behavioural economics to alter peoples commuting preferences. Tax and other fiscal
incentives to shift both freight haulage and public road transportation to cleaner CNG- and LPG-based technologies is one thing.
But its perhaps time to take a bolder step and levy a hefty green tax on diesel-fuelled private vehicles and SUVs.
December 16/2015
After being called a pipe dream for decades, the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India pipeline came one step closer to
reality on Sunday, with the groundbreaking ceremony at the Turkmen town of Mary attended by leaders of the TAPI countries.
The pipeline, that is set to cross over 1,700 km, through Herat and Balochistan before reaching the Indian Punjab border, and
will draw from the worlds second largest natural gas field of Galkynysh, comes full of promise. To begin with, it will reopen a
historic route that reconnects South Asia to Central Asia, in the way it was before the British Empire sealed it off. It will also
bring India and its neighbours much needed energy at competitive pricing, and could easily supply a quarter of Pakistans gas
needs, about 15 per cent of Indias projected needs, as well as Afghanistans requirements, by the time it is completed in the
2020s. This is a growing need, and even if India is able to source energy from other countries like Iran and further afield, both
the proximity and abundance of Turkmenistans reserves, that rank fourth in the world, will make it an attractive proposition. At
a time when China has already secured nearly half of its energy requirements from the region, and is working on the $400 billion
Russia-China gas pipeline, India has no time to lose in securing its interest in Central Asia. Finally, the TAPI pipeline gives this
fractured region a reason to work on a project together as well, and it is hoped the shared stakes in TAPIs success will ensure
that India, Pakistan and Afghanistan find ways of cooperating on other issues as well.
However, the project faces the challenge of terrorism today. Unless the pipeline is secured from the Taliban that operates on
both sides of the Durand Line, and from militant groups operating in Pakistan, it is hard to see how the TAPI dream can go
beyond the groundbreaking ceremony. By coming this far, we are overcoming a history of doubt and scepticism, said
Afghanistan President Ashraf Ghani at the ceremony. Certainly, the fact that the TAPI, pushed by Turkmen President
Gurbanguly Berdimohamedov, was able to bring leaders of three countries with relations as complicated as India, Pakistan and
Afghanistan share is itself remarkable. To envisage a $10 billion project that traverses all three countries with all the bad blood
between Afghanistan and Pakistan, and Pakistan and India, is ambitious as well. If it can manage to loosen the tight bonds
between terror groups and their sponsors in Pakistan, who ought to see where their own interests lie, it will achieve the
impossible; something no amount of pressure, cajoling and threat from India, Afghanistan and other countries has been able to
effect in Pakistan thus far. The only way the project will be actualised is if the leadership of all four member-countries dont just
dwell on the world that exists today, but the region as it can be: connected, cooperative, peaceful and prosperous.
There is now no doubt that the last 10 years were a time of extraordinary human development in India. When the World Bank
decided to raise its global poverty line from $1.25 a day (in Purchasing Power Parity, or PPP, terms) to $1.90 in October and
update the data for countries, it showed among other things that India had witnessed the fastest-ever decrease in the percentage
of its population below the poverty line between 2009 and 2011. The United Nations Development Programmes Human
Development Report released this week re-establishes this point. Indias Gross National Income more than doubled over the
last 15 years, from $2,522 (PPP) to $5,497 between 2000 and 2014, putting it into middle income status. This economic growth
translated into better human development outcomes as well; Indias Human Development Index value went from 0.462 to 0.609
between 2000 and 2014, a far higher increase than in the previous 15-year period. This was driven by improved economic
growth and increase in life expectancy as a result of improved health care, and less so from improvements in educational
outcomes, which have been harder to achieve, especially for women. Similarly striking is the story that emerges from India
Health Report: Nutrition 2015 released by the Public Health Foundation of India last week. Child undernutrition, which had been
declining slowly when data were last available in 2006, has begun to fall at historically high rates; between 2006 and 2014,
stunting rates for children under five declined from 48 per cent to 39 per cent, translating into 14 million fewer stunted children,
and declines in wasting translated into seven million fewer wasted children. These are extraordinary achievements.
Of course, India must not rest on these laurels. The UNDP report also showed that when inequality is factored in, India loses
nearly 30 per cent of its HDI values, meaning that outcomes vary substantially by class, caste and gender. If Indias women
were their own country, they would be 30 ranks lower on the HDI than the country as a whole is now, with far worse educational
outcomes dragging them down. Indian women are at a particular disadvantage in the workforce; the high proportion (up to 39
per cent of GDP by one estimate) of unpaid care work that falls on women alone pushes them out of the workforce, resulting in
one of the worlds lowest female labour force participation rates. The 2015 HDR, which is based on the theme of work, highlights
just how vulnerable and ill-prepared for the future the majority of the Indian workforce is, and without a social protection blanket.
The PHFI report also shows that Indias national successes mask massive inter-State variability; moreover, gender inequalities
are possibly having an impact on childrens nutritional outcomes. Coming at a time when there is a fear of social sector budget
cuts, these reports show that India must build on its human development successes with better redistributive justice.
There may be some questions of propriety arising from the CBI raids on Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwals office, but the
development need not have been followed by the unsavoury political war that has broken out between the Aam Aadmi Party
and the BJP indeed, between the Delhi and Central governments. The agency could have displayed greater tact while
conducting the searches in the Delhi Secretariat, aimed at Mr. Kejriwals Principal Secretary Rajender Kumar, as it has given
the impression that the Chief Ministers office was also searched. It is normal for a raided spot to be closed to the media, but by
keeping Mr. Kejriwal out of his office the CBI has given room for speculation that his office was also searched. It may be difficult
to fault the agency for conducting the search without any forewarning, but in a federal set-up, searching the premises of a
serving Chief Minister will always be looked at with suspicion, especially when the incumbent is not the subject of a probe. In
September, there was a CBI raid on Himachal Pradesh Chief Minister Virbhadra Singh, but he had been under investigation
and there was no room for any oblique motive to be alleged, except by painting it all as political vendetta. Mr. Kejriwals
claim that the documents seized included a file movement register pertaining to the period November 15-December 15, 2015,
if true, could give credence to his charge that the investigation is not confined to Mr. Kumars decisions during the period from
2007 to 2014. But his grievance that he is being targeted in the name of a probe against his Principal Secretary requires more
proof. Meanwhile, perceptions of the use of the CBI for political ends by governments persists.
Mr. Kejriwals outburst against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, calling him a coward and a psychopath, was unbecoming of a
serving Chief Minister. Such bluster makes one wonder whether he sees the irony of questioning an investigation, given the
unlimited powers he had sought for a Jan Lokpal. There is, however, no doubt that Mr. Kejriwal has been quick to see the raids
as an opportunity to nominate himself as a national face of the anti-Modi political coalition. Being in confrontation over a principle
of governance with powers greater than himself has been part of Mr. Kejriwals strategy of giving his politics a mobilising edge.
And now as the AAP looks to expand its electoral footprint in the Punjab Assembly elections, having politicians from other parties
ranged behind him on a series of issues will certainly help. For its part, even if they had been unaware of the impending raids,
the response of BJP spokespersons and Ministers could not have been more self-defeating. Politically, they have allowed Mr.
Kejriwal to take the fight to them on his terms and put them on the defensive the onus is now on them to explain the federal
spirit that informs their equation with Opposition governments in the States.
The protracted slump in merchandise exports, which rounded out a 12th straight drop in November, is a cause for serious
concern. The sharp, almost 25 per cent, contraction in the overseas shipment of goods from a year earlier to $20 billion signals
there is more to this extended contraction than just the global economic weakness that has cast its shadow across trade
worldwide. While the slide in commodity prices, including that of oil and petroleum products, has contributed to the decline in
the value of exports in dollar terms, of greater worry is the continuing fall in demand for Indian engineering goods, and leather
and leather goods. The leather sector has been hurt by a combination of economic weakness in Europe, increased competition
and poor infrastructure. The theme of infrastructure hobbling the countrys trade competitiveness has been an enduring one
with the problems of power availability and inadequate road and port connectivity still continuing to dog exporters, especially
the micro, small and medium enterprises (MSME) that together accounted for more than 44 per cent of Indias exports in the
last fiscal year. The MSME sector also provides employment on a sizeable scale, including in semi-urban and rural areas, and
the export slowdown is sure to result in widespread labour distress that can only weigh on savings and consumption in the
broader economy. The slowdown also reflects on the low level of value-addition being achieved by Indias exporters, as is
to the northern neighbour are low value-added commodities such as cotton, copper alloys and iron ore, the imports include
machinery, electrical equipment and electronics that have resulted in the trade gap surging 32-fold to $48.5 billion in the decade
The export slowdown is at the same time both a symptom and a potential trigger for domestic economic weakness. Any effort
to improve business competitiveness through reforms, including in areas such as labour and credit markets, especially for the
MSME segment, can surely give a fillip to the overall environment. The Make in India programme, if pursued cogently, can also
serve as a springboard for enhancing skills and technologies that can over time help reverse and possibly boost both volumes
and the value of overseas shipments. Also, the monetary and fiscal authorities need to be mindful of the fact that the rupee
while having weakened against the dollar, thus appearing to offer a price advantage to exporters has actually appreciated in
real terms against a trade-weighted basket of 36 currencies, making Indias exports less competitive. For this reason, the
Reserve Bank of India needs to continue its close vigil over inflation. Finally, even the pharmaceuticals sector, where exports
have grown, can ill afford to be complacent as the U.S. and Europe tighten regulatory oversight of generics and manufacturing
processes in India.
December 18/2015
Oommen Chandy: after being invited to preside over a function where Prime Minister Narendra Modi was to unveil the statue of
former Chief Minister R. Sankar, Mr. Chandy was asked to stay away by the organisers, who have formed an alliance with the
Bharatiya Janata Party. Whether or not this was done at the behest of senior leaders of the BJP, it is clear that the organisers,
the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana (SNDP) Yogam, a Hindu backward class outfit, will need to take a major part of the
blame for putting the Kerala Chief Minister in an awkward position. But, neither the BJP nor the Prime Ministers Office could
have been unaware of the decision to keep the Chief Minister out. While the statue unveiling was a private function, and the
Chief Minister was not required to be invited, it was highly improper to have asked Mr. Chandy to skip the function citing silly
excuses after having first invited him. Both the SNDP and the Congress can lay claim to the political legacy of Sankar who
served in leadership capacities in the two organisations. But with the SNDP moving towards the BJP, the fight for Sankars
legacy seems to have got complicated in recent times. Over the days leading up to the unveiling of the statue, the Sangh Parivar
had attempted to dig up information about Sankars links with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in his formative years.
Evidently, for both the SNDP and the BJP, to have a Congress Chief Minister preside over the function would have diminished
the political dividends that could be expected from projecting Sankar as a Hindu, backward class Ezhava icon. Whatever the
excuses given by SNDP leader Vellappally Natesan to Mr. Chandy, the fact remains that a Congress Chief Minister on the dais
would have been politically inconvenient for the SNDP and the BJP.
Not surprisingly, the controversy saw both the Congress and the Left parties on the same side, with former Chief Minister V.S.
Achuthanandan of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) describing the withdrawal of the invitation to Mr. Chandy as an insult
to Kerala as a whole. Both formations have suffered erosion in their support base following the rise of the BJP in Kerala on the
back of the growing influence of the RSS. The alliance with the SNDP has given the BJP greater reach ahead of next years
Assembly election, and leaders of other parties have remarked that the SNDP is acting as a feeder organisation for the BJP.
Without doubt, the SNDP-BJP alliance would see some social and political churning in Kerala. As it seeks to expand its base,
the RSS-BJP combine is evidently moving beyond seeing the Left parties as the prime enemy. In the past, RSS sympathisers
had overtly and covertly backed the Congress against the Left Democratic Front. That phase now seems to have ended.
The U.S. Federal Reserves decision to finally start normalising interest rates, by raising the fed funds rate by one quarter of a
percentage point, has emphatically ended the uncertainty over the direction the worlds largest economy is headed in. Seven
years after the Fed embarked on its record monetary expansion by beginning a programme of bond purchases and cutting
its benchmark rate to near zero to provide a stimulus in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, the U.S. central bank has
signalled that the American economy has definitely turned the corner. Fed chair Janet Yellens categorical assertion that the
decision reflects our confidence in the U.S. economy and that the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) sees the economy
on a path of sustainable improvement, should give comfort to investors worldwide that a key engine of the global economy is
now ticking. Simultaneously, the Fed held forth the reassurance that its stance remains accommodative to support the recovery
and help return inflation to the targeted level of 2 per cent. The widely anticipated decision should now infuse some much-
needed optimism across both developed and emerging markets, especially at a time when global trade is stagnant and
commodity prices continue to remain depressed as demand from Chinas slowing economy stays muted. If history is any guide,
previous tightening cycles from the Fed both in 1999 and in 2004 were coterminous with increased capital flows into emerging
markets as economic growth in the U.S. spurred demand for goods and services in the developing and exporting nations. But
conditions, as some economists point out, are different this time, with the majority of emerging market currencies more
expensive than they were 11 years ago on an inflation-adjusted, trade-weighted basis. The immediate reaction in Indias markets
was positive on Thursday as both stocks and the rupee ended stronger. And with adequate foreign exchange reserves
accumulated as a bulwark against any sudden, sharp capital outflows, the Reserve Bank of India and Governor Raghuram
Rajan who had been calling for a gradual end to global easy money appear well-prepared to deal with any exigencies,
That the road ahead could still be anything but smooth and straight for both the global economy and the emerging markets is
also amply evident in the language contained in the Feds communication. The FOMC statement made it clear that economic
conditions will evolve in a manner that will warrant only gradual increases in the benchmark rate. This is shorthand for saying
that interest rates are likely to inch up and over a longer duration rather than mount a well-spaced and clearly graded timetable
of staircase steps. With Chinas surprise yuan devaluation of August and the resultant turmoil still fresh in memory, Chinese
policymakers, along with the monetary authorities in Japan, the United Kingdom and the European Union, would be closely
tracked. For Indian companies, new overseas loans are likely to start getting costlier, and the appreciation of the dollar could
December 19/2015
The saddest aspect of the political turmoil in Arunachal Pradesh is that its key actors have revived unedifying practices that
one would have thought the Indian polity had left behind some years ago: dissident ruling party legislators joining hands with
their political rivals to bring down an elected government, holding parallel or unauthorised Assembly proceedings, and the
Governor playing a partisan role. The conduct of Governor J.P. Rajkhowa in the ongoing crisis facing the Nabam Tuki
government, set off by a group of ruling Congress MLAs revolting against his leadership, is questionable. In S.R. Bommai in
1994, the Supreme Court decided that the only place for determining whether a Chief Minister has lost his majority is the floor
of the House, and not the Raj Bhavan. When it appeared that Mr. Tuki had lost the support of many of the legislators, the
Governor could have either asked him to prove his majority when the Assembly met on January 14, 2016, or, if the matter
brooked no delay, requested him to advance the session for the same purpose. There was no justification for the Governor to
advance the session to December 16 on his own, and a legitimate question arises whether the Constitution permits such action.
In another partisan act, he sent a message to the House to take up Resolution for removal of the Speaker as the first item on
the agenda.
The Congress has been ruling the State with the support of 47 MLAs in the 60-member Assembly, but 20 ruling party legislators
have rallied under former Minister Kalikho Pul and joined hands with the 11-member Bharatiya Janata Party group in a bid to
unseat Mr. Tuki. They accuse the Chief Minister of financial mismanagement and corruption. In a pre-emptive move against the
disqualified 14 out of the 20 dissidents to bring down the number required for a majority. Disqualification under the anti-defection
law is subject to judicial review and the rebels could have challenged the Speakers decision. Instead, showing unseemly hurry,
the Deputy Speaker, a dissident himself, revoked their disqualification. All the rebels, along with the BJP and independent
MLAs, held a sitting of the Assembly at a makeshift venue, and removed the Speaker and then the Chief Minister through a
no-confidence motion. With the Guwahati High Court keeping in abeyance all the decisions taken at the rebel session, and
sharply questioning the Governors action in convening the Assembly, the rest of the crisis may play out in a courtroom.
Nevertheless, it would be a travesty of democracy if the current crisis results in the imposition of Presidents Rule without Mr.
Tuki being given an opportunity to prove his majority on the floor of the House. The Centre should avoid any impression that
The failure of Marine Le Pens Front National to win even a single region in this months elections in France demonstrates
that the majority of French voters are not yet ready to let the far-right party join governance. Had Ms. Le Pens anti-migrant, anti-
European party seized at least one of the regions, it would have had dramatic consequences for the French polity. However,
the election results, as the Socialist French Prime Minister, Manuel Valls, himself had pointed out, are hardly a cause for
triumphalism. The FN had done remarkably well in the first round of the elections, held weeks after the November 13 Paris terror
attacks in which 130 people were killed. The party captured 28 per cent of the vote and came top in six out of 13 regions in that
round. This alarming rise of the FN had forced the two mainstream parties Nicolas Sarkozys centre-right Republicans and
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from two regions to support the Republicans against the FN. It took increased voter turnout and tactical voting by the main
parties to deliver the final blow to the FN in the second round of elections.
However, the FNs political momentum appears undiminished. What was an untouchable xenophobic far-right party on the
fringes of French politics is now a force that cannot be ignored. In the regional election, it received more votes than ever before,
and the number of its regional councillors tripled to 316. Ever since she took the reins of the party, Ms. Le Pen has been trying
to mainstream the FN without changing its basic ideological premises. She isolated the overtly anti-Semitic, racist wings of the
party, and projected the FN as a nationalist force with tough views on security, terrorism and migration. The rising security
challenges in the wake of the terrorist attacks, the inflow of refugees fleeing the conflicts in West Asia and North Africa, and
persistent economic slowdown and the crippling austerity policies of the government that have strengthened calls for
protectionism have all helped Ms. Le Pen sell her sectarian narrative to a large section of French society. The way the
mainstream parties blocked the FN in the election is commendable. But its not a sustainable strategy. If the material conditions
that helped the FN grow continue to persist, how long can the Socialists and the Republicans keep them away from power
through tactical voting? This is the biggest challenge French politicians face. If left unchecked, the influence of the far-right
sections could redraw the French political landscape, endangering the values of liberty, equality and fraternity.
December 21/2015
A mature society will not give in to popular clamour and overturn sound legal principles and social norms that underpin its
justice system. The popular outrage over the release of a juvenile convict in the December 2012 Delhi gang rape case after
a three-year term in a Special Home is understandable, but it is just plainly wrong to demand that his detention should continue.
It is a misplaced view that juveniles who fell only a few months short of adulthood in the eye of law and were convicted for
heinous crimes such as murder and rape should be tried as adults. Nor is it legally tenable to argue that an unreformed convict
should not be released back into society on completion of the maximum permissible stint in a home for juveniles in conflict with
law. In fact, child-convicts growing into adulthood while being kept in a reformatory institution are ripe for rehabilitation. It will be
a greater crime to force them to spend further time in special homes or put them in prison along with adult criminals. It is futile
now to seek to establish that the former juvenile released now was the most brutal among the group that committed the gang
rape. To say this is not to lose ones sympathy for the grieving parents of the young rape victim who subsequently died.
None can afford to forget the crime that brought forth an unprecedented outpouring of anger and made the whole country
The Delhi High Court has taken the correct view by refusing to stay the convicts release. It has taken note of the provisions for
post-release rehabilitation, especially through an individual care plan for his reintegration with society. The Juvenile Justice
Board should also receive quarterly follow-up reports for two years from the child welfare officer, probation officer or the NGO
concerned. Claims that the stay in the Special Home had had no effect on him and that he had been radicalised during his
confinement in the Special Home appear to be desperate arguments by an unconvinced society to stall his release. Children
fall foul of the law mainly because of neglect, abuse and poverty. There are no innate human propensities that magically
transform cherubic children into unregenerate criminals beyond redemption. The whole object of juvenile law in India is to
preserve the scope for rehabilitation and prevent recidivism. There is a pending Bill in Parliament that seeks to carve out a
separate category of child offenders in the age group of 16 to 18 involved in heinous crimes and transfer them to regular criminal
courts. It would be a retrograde step to enact this provision, even though other clauses in the Bill contain many progressive
aspects for children in need of care and protection. It is the wider society that will really benefit from rehabilitative justice for
The new turn in a long-pending case involving allegations of misuse of funds of the Indian National Congress to buy
Associated Journals Ltd (AJL), a firm that published the National Herald, a now defunct publication linked to the party, has
put the spotlight on the Gandhis. For, between them, Sonia and Rahul Gandhi are the main shareholders of Young Indian
Pvt Ltd (YIL), the Section 25 company of which AJL is now a subsidiary. The charge is that the Gandhis, along with other
directors of YIL, fraudulently acquired assets, largely AJL-owned countrywide real estate. The Congresss defence is that YIL
is a charitable company and that none of its directors has made any profit in short, that they hold it in trust for the party both
for charitable purposes and to restart a newspaper. The Congress has sought to project the legal proceedings as an instance
of political persecution by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, by linking it to Subramanian Swamy, who pursued the case. The
BJP-led government at the Centre, on its part, has tried to distance itself from the issue, stressing it is part of the judicial process
needs to fight it legally. Even so, the National Herald case has today indisputably acquired a political dimension.
With Sonia and Rahul Gandhis appearance in court on Saturday, the Congress is seeking to revive memories of the arrest
of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in October 1977 on charges of abuse of power brought forward under the Janata Party
government. That became something of a defining moment of Indira Gandhis stint out of power, and she used it to mobilise her
defeated party and revive sympathy for the Congress amongst the people, heralding a political comeback. Today, in the party,
even though there is agreement that the National Herald case has acted as a catalyst for party workers to be activated, very
few as yet believe that it is enough to set it on a path of revival. For that, the entire Congress organisation has to be overhauled,
a new and vigorous leadership installed in the States to revive moribund units, and a clear strategy articulated, with a
comprehensive national vision and purposeful plan for Parliament. Even the decision on whether Sonia Gandhi will be replaced
as president of the party by Rahul Gandhi is on hold, ensuring that the uncertainty in the party continues. The show of party
solidarity with the Gandhis when they appeared at Delhis Patiala House court was evidently genuine, drawing from a feeling
that the future of the Gandhis is inextricably linked to the future of the Congress. It would be unfortunate, however, if the
Congress party expended too much political capital on this and restricted its mobilisation to the case against its president and
vice-president. Not only were the specifics of the charges against Indira Gandhi in 1977 different, that was a different news
o Allegation - a statement, made without giving proof, that someone has done
something wrong or illegal
o Defunct - no longer existing or functioning.
o Subsidiary - a company controlled by a holding company
o Fraudulent - dishonest and illegal
o Instance - an example
o Persecution - harassment
o Indisputable - unquestionable
o Revive - to bring back
o Heralding - announcing important news
o Catalyst - an event that causes great change
o Overhaul - overtake
o Vigorous - forceful
o Moribund - dead / at the point of death
o Articulate - able to express thoughts and feelings easily and clearly / free
movement
o Solidarity - unity
o Inextricably - impossible to separate
o Expended - to use or spend (something)
o Ecosystem - a complex network or interconnected system
For all the flutter that the Indian Super League (ISL) has managed to create so far, a thrilling finish of the kind witnessed on
Sunday, when Chennaiyin FC defeated FC Goa 3-2 in the final, seemed just apt. That the match was turned on its head with
barely seconds remaining, even as it ensured a fairy-tale end, brought out in good measure the vagaries of sport in general and
the quirkiness of football in particular. If Goa thought it had done enough to drag itself past the finish line when it took the lead
with three minutes left, it was not to be. It showed, yet again, how a momentary lapse in concentration can damage fortunes in
high-pressure situations. If anything, only the unsavoury incidents which followed the final whistle marred what was a fierce but
evenly contested tie. On the match itself there might not have been much to write home about. The flair and zest displayed by
both teams in their run to the final was seen only in patches. But final matches, in which caution is often the watchword and
avoiding mistakes is paramount, have a tendency to turn out the way this one did. However, there can be no doubting that the
leagues two best teams contested the final. Goa scored a league-high 29 goals to enter the knock-outs while Chennaiyin, in
addition to the 25 goals scored, also had the best defensive record, conceding only 15.
After a successful opening season, there was a fair amount of scepticism as the second season got under way two months ago.
For, the sophomores test is perhaps the toughest to pass. In spite of the bad press owing to the national teams capitulation in
the World Cup qualifiers, it can indeed be said that the ISL has managed to not lose its sheen. As Chennaiyin FCs manager
Marco Materazzi said on the eve of the final, I hope that everyone sees the difference. All of us have done well to raise the
level. Last year it took 19 points to reach the play-offs. This year it is 22. I hope the improvement keeps happening. If it does,
we will be the happiest people. It also helped that, unlike the previous season, the cream of Indian football including captain
Sunil Chhetri participated. Also, other Indian players under the tutelage of coaches such as the legendary Zico and Materazzi
himself have blossomed. Having said that, there is still room for considerable improvement. The tournament must be scheduled
in such a way that ISL matches do not run parallel to Indias international forays. The two are meant to complement each other,
ultimately leading to the uplift of both. Zicos repeated call for a single league, as against two separate entities in I-League and
ISL, with very limited, but extremely good foreign players, is to be considered. The Brazilian greats wealth of coaching
experience in developing nations coupled with his standing in world football does merit that.
Parliament has suddenly been galvanised into action, and the Rajya Sabha is now to take up for discussion amendments to
the Juvenile Justice Act. On Monday, the Supreme Court, wisely, refused to stay the release after three years of detention of
one of the men involved in the gang rape of December 16, 2012 who had not turned 18 at the time of the horrific crime. It is a
sign of falling standards that a resolve by parliamentarians to take up anything at all for deliberation is notice-worthy. But Rajya
Sabha MPs must pay heed to the disquiet that they are echoing a mob-like frenzy in signing up to the amendment to reduce
the age of juvenility, without enough reflection on why crime by young people puts different responsibilities for rehabilitation on
a society. The Rajya Sabha is on test today not only for the urgency with which it takes note of the sentiment on the street it
will be judged for the sense of proportion it brings to the subject and the evenness with which its members grapple with the
distinction between retribution and rehabilitation, between collective responsibility for the countrys young and abdication of the
vulnerable. In a larger sense, too, in 2015 the Rajya Sabha has been asked to make a case for its institutional relevance, and
how the House rises to the challenge would have implications for the assertiveness of Parliament as a whole.
The numbers are dismal. According to data compiled by PRS Legislative Research, a Delhi-based think tank, as of December
18 the Rajya Sabha had wasted more than half its available hours in the winter session. Question Hour had functioned in the
House for only 15 per cent of the allotted time in contrast to 88 per cent in the Lok Sabha. The numbers do not reflect the
initiatives taken by the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha, Vice-President Hamid Ansari, in trying inventive ways to keep the
deliberative and questioning spirit alive. Over his two terms he has, for instance, got the House to take up questions even if the
MP against whose name it had been listed was absent, and to reschedule Question Hour to a quieter time of day but to little
avail. Discipline apart, of late there has been criticism of the Rajya Sabhas capacity to hold up non-money bills passed by the
Lok Sabha. This obviously draws from the ruling NDAs numerical disadvantage in the House. Critics overlook the essential
need for a permanent House in a country as diverse as India to ensure continuity as a check against sudden changes in
government and agendas, and to reflect the voice of States in this federal polity. If anything, the lack of numbers should propel
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questioning, even to interest Opposition MPs by adopting Prime Ministers Questions, and, most importantly, to loosen the
debate-snuffing restrictions of the anti-defection law and allow bipartisan coalitions to be built around specific pieces of
legislation. In Indias unique form of bicameralism, the key to unlocking a stand-off in one House inevitably lies in the other
House. Just as the way to institutional strength lies in empowering individual MPs.
December 23/2015
The results of Sundays parliamentary election in Spain are the strongest challenge yet to the post-Franco political order that
has been dominated by the countrys two major parties the centre-right Popular Party and the Socialist Workers Party. In the
post-Franco years, the motto of the Spanish political class was ensuring a democratic transition, checking the militarys
This socio-political project held sway for nearly four decades, with the established parties championing it. But the European
economic crisis, which particularly hit Spain hard, and the conservative response of the main political parties towards the crisis,
along with a generational change in Spanish society, seems to have ruptured the status quo. The two main parties have failed
to win a simple majority. The Popular Party of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy won 123 seats in the 350-member Parliament,
while the Socialist Workers Party secured only 90 seats. Both saw an erosion of popular support, while emerging parties, the
radical-left Podemos and the liberal Citizens party, made huge gains. They won 69 and 40 seats, respectively.
The performance of Podemos, which was formed only in January 2014, is particularly impressive. The party led by Pablo Iglesias
has a strong anti-austerity policy and has called for a new politics of peoples participation. They could resonate with the young
voters easily as the austerity policies adopted by the government are taking a toll on their lives while the economy is still
struggling. Joblessness among the youth is dangerously high, at 47 per cent. But during the campaign Podemos faced a Syriza
problem. Its rivals said if the radical-left party won, it would push Spain into a Greece-like crisis. Unlike in Greece, the Spanish
Socialists are not completely discredited among their support base. Podemos had actually toned down its radical rhetoric during
the campaign to present itself as a responsible Leftist force that can deal with the economic challenges of Spain. But they still
could not crack the rural vote base of the Socialists. The Citizens party, on the other side, is also critical of the establishment,
but it doesnt have any alternative economic agenda to offer, which limits its scope of growth. So theres no clear winner. The
transition is likely to be chaotic. One possible outcome of the election would be the formation of a weak coalition government.
The Left parties have said they would block the Popular Party from forming a government again. The Socialists and Podemos
are reportedly in talks. But both groups have divergent views on key issues, beginning with the economic policy. Even if a
coalition is put together, its unlikely to solve Spains main problems. Another scenario is a fresh election in a few months. In
either case, the churn in Spanish politics will continue until a clear leader emerges out of the present chaos.
That the Ramjanmabhoomi movement was more political than religious in nature was evident from its very beginnings in
communal frenzy and bigotry. And that the demand for the construction of a Ram temple in Ayodhya at the site where
the Babri Masjid stood would become more strident with every approaching general election was a foregone conclusion. Even
so, the offloading of truckloads of pink sandstone at the premises of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) in Ayodhya this month
adds a new element of provocative divisive politics in Uttar Pradesh, which goes to polls for the Legislative Assembly in a little
over a years time. The elaborate ritual performed on the stones, the shila puja, is in itself an indication of the symbolism sought
to be evoked with the arrival of every batch of stones. Already, about one half of the total requirement of the stones necessary
for the building of the temple is lying at the premises, but the offloading of each truckload is celebrated as an event in time
marking the journey to the construction of the temple at the Babri Masjid site. Although the VHP insists that the entire exercise
is a routine affair, the fact that this is the first time in eight years that such activity is happening gives it an ominous colour.
Issues relating to the site, whether a Ram temple was pulled down or modified to build the Masjid, and who could claim
ownership of the plot of land believed by some sections of Hindus to be the birthplace of Ram, are still part of an unresolved
legal dispute after the Supreme Court stayed an order of the Allahabad High Court that split the disputed site in three parts.
With the restoration of status quo ante, no construction is possible at the site. By making preparations for the construction of a
temple without waiting for the court verdict, the Ramjanmabhoomi Nyas, a trust run by the VHP, is clearly attempting to whip up
communal passions over the dispute. Although the Samajwadi Party government of Akhilesh Yadav put the law and order
machinery on alert, in such tension-charged atmosphere it would take no more than a few rumour-mongers to disrupt communal
peace. However, with the Bharatiya Janata Party in power at the Centre, senior leaders are a lot more circumspect, not wanting
to be seen as defying court orders. Indeed, the BJP is at present fighting under the cover of the VHP, assuming that any political
gains from communal tensions over the issue would accrue to it, but the cost would be borne by the VHP alone. But the BJP is
mistaken if it thinks it can harness the demons the VHP unleashes. Hate campaigns have a life of their own, and could spiral
into unstoppable violence. The Ayodhya dispute should be left to the courts of law to adjudicate on. There can be no room for
December 24/2015
Legislators acting in response to moral outrage seen on television and during street protests and being apparently influenced
by the importunate gaze of victims of crime from the gallery, does not augur well for sound law-making. It may not be right to
characterise the quick passage of the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Bill in the Rajya Sabha as a hasty
move because it has already been passed in the Lok Sabha in May 2015. The draft too had been slightly modified before that,
based on a February 2015 report of a standing committee of Parliament. Yet, it is difficult to overcome the impression that some
members may have been gripped by a bout of moral panic after the release of the youngest convict in the Delhi gang rape of
December 2012. The seeming sense of urgency was undoubtedly influenced by a section of the media demanding justice after
that the countrys collective conscience demanded that a tough law be enacted to ensure that juvenile convicts committing
heinous crimes do not get away with light sentences. An edifying aspect of this legislative episode is that there are enough
voices around that understand that restorative justice is best ensured for this underclass by addressing the fundamental
problems that create juvenile offenders in society in the first place, by ensuring universal access to education and social care
The Bill, which contains progressive aspects such as streamlining adoption procedures and extending the laws protection to
orphans and abandoned children, still suffers from the problems highlighted by the parliamentary panel. The government,
unfortunately, did not accept the view that children in a particular age group being subjected to the adult criminal justice system
will violate their right to equality under Article 14 and the objective of protecting children in Article 15(3) of the Constitution. It,
however, dropped a clause that provided for treating those who had committed crimes before reaching the age of 18 but were
apprehended after they turned 21, agreeing that it was unconstitutional. It extended the period of preliminary assessment (the
original draft called it inquiry) by the Juvenile Justice Board to determine whether a juvenile offender should be sent for
rehabilitation or tried as an adult, from one month to three months. The boards assessment will still be subject to judicial review
and may set off litigation over whether one 16-year-old was let off lightly or another was wrongly sent to an adult court. Such
decisions may also be influenced by the prevailing public mood. It would have been wiser to have let the law stand in conformity
with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which advocates equal treatment of all children under the age of 18. The
difference between sober assessment and mercurial action cannot be more starkly emphasised.
The Nairobi Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organisation concluded last week after negotiations stretched into an
unscheduled fifth day as delegates from the rich nations, emerging market economies and the Least Developed Countries
(LDCs) sought to hammer out an agreement acceptable to all. The final declaration, while helping salvage the primacy of the
WTO as the arbiter of international trade rules, left the LDCs and the emerging nations, especially India, trying to count their
gains as the U.S. and EU celebrated the outcome that quietly cast aside the Doha Development Agenda. That member-
countries may be prepared to make sacrifices was apparent from the outset after Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, in his
opening remarks, cited 2015 as a year in which nations demonstrated unparalleled cooperation in agreeing on collective
approaches to the pressing problems facing humanity. His references to the successful International Conference on Financing
for Development, the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, and the historic Paris agreement to combat
climate change, heightened delegates anxiety to conclude a deal. The fact that the WTO body was meeting for the first time in
Africa also meant that both developed countries and emerging market economies like India were wary of being seen as deal-
breakers. And the surge in bilateral, regional and plurilateral trade agreements, including the most recent Trans-Pacific
Partnership, cast its shadow too. The result is a modest one, with the key takeaways being the decisions to end all farm export
From Indias point of view, the Nairobi declaration was disappointing on multiple fronts. From its relative pre-eminence among
emerging market economies with the principled position on sticking to the Doha agenda, India has returned with very few, if
any, of its demands met. There is no concrete agreement on a special safeguards mechanism to protect farmers in the
developing countries against sudden import surges, and no short deadline for a permanent solution on public stockholding for
food security purposes. And the lack of an unambiguous reaffirmation of the Doha Development Agenda means new issues of
interest to developed countries, including competition policy, government procurement and investment are now open for
negotiations. The lessons are clear. While negotiators from the developed countries came fully prepared to defend their strategic
aims, Indias leadership faltered for want of a clear-cut strategy. For the future, the government needs to broaden its preparation:
by holding wide-ranging meetings on WTO-related issues with all stakeholders in a bipartisan manner, renewing and
strengthening its ties with the developing and LDC economies to protect the development agenda, and finally bolstering its pool
of trade negotiators by picking the best and brightest trade experts and lawyers.
December 25/2015
The initiation of criminal contempt proceedings against Booker Prize-winning writer Arundhati Roy by the Bombay
High Court appears to be an excessive reaction to adverse comment. Judges are expected to be uninfluenced by occasional
criticism relating to their judicial orders, especially by journalists and writers who are not parties before them. It behoves the
superior judiciary to ignore remarks on court proceedings and orders made out of activist zeal. In times when both mainstream
and social media are full of observers, critics, commentators and detractors, courts ought not to be unduly sensitive to outspoken
critics, subject of course to the rule that the criticism is fair and does not attribute motives to judges or malice to judicial
functioning. Ms. Roy is no stranger to the long arm of the courts contempt jurisdiction. The Supreme Court sentenced her to
one day in prison for criminal contempt for scandalising the judiciary through some remarks in 2002. A few years earlier, in
1999, the Supreme Court decided to be lenient towards her and her associates in the Narmada Bachao Andolan for their
then, in a measure of how the courts dignity is better served if it takes routine criticism in its stride and moves only against
vicious and tendentious remarks or actions that bring the judiciary into disrepute or ridicule.
Ms. Roys article in a magazine relating to the arrest and denial of bail to G.N. Saibaba of Delhi University does not appear
entirely to fall under such a category. The political sympathies reflected in the article for the wheelchair-bound lecturer are quite
obvious, but it is not possible to discern any wilful contempt for judicial processes in its expression of concern for his freedom,
health and well-being. Unfortunately, Justice A.B. Chaudhari sees in the piece a gameplan to obtain an order of bail knowing
fully well that the plea was turned down by the Sessions Court as well as a Single Judge of this Court. While initiating action
against Ms. Roy for criminal contempt, he seems to have read too much into an article sharply critical of the government and
the police that relates only indirectly to the judiciary in its comparison of instances of those who got bail (Babulal Bajrangi, Maya
Kodnani and Amit Shah) and those who did not. The majesty of the court ought to be any judges concern, but it is inconceivable
why an authors nasty language against the government and the police should be. The conclusion that her article, prima facie,
tends to interfere in the administration of justice merely because it appears to argue that Mr. Saibaba is entitled to release is
unfortunate. While safeguarding the judiciarys reputation and dignity, courts of law should not be seen as stifling free comment
and suppressing political dissent. The power of contempt should be used sparingly and that too, only against those wilfully
The National Democratic Alliance government has just introduced a cess of 0.5 per cent on all taxable services for the
Swachh Bharat campaign. In February 2016, it will introduce a 2 per cent cess on airfares for all domestic flyers except those
flying to remote locations, and international travellers. This cess is meant to fund losses that airlines may incur in connecting to
hinterland locations. The Central government loves cesses, partly because it doesnt have to share the proceeds with State
governments. It has been levying them for several important causes including primary education, secondary education, road
development, the welfare of construction workers and beedi workers, clean energy, research and development and
universalisation of telecom coverage, among several others. But good intentions often pave the road to hell, as is evident from
the fact that over Rs.1.4 lakh crore of cess proceeds lie unutilised and inadequately accounted for in the governments books.
Take, for example, the case of the Secondary and Higher Education Cess paid by all income tax payers that has yielded over
Rs.64,000 crore between 2006 and 2015. Not a rupee of that has been spent, while hundreds of students now fork out more for
higher education since the government has discontinued the non-National Eligibility Test fellowship. That the government has
failed to even set up a fund to pool the proceeds shows the lack of planning that precludes and follows the levy of a cess. So is
the case with the proposed airfare cess. The government is yet to identify routes that the cess would subsidise, or spruce up
The point of a cess is that the money it generates can only be used for the designated purpose so it can be an effective policy
tool in theory. But if the money isnt spent for the designated purpose, as the audit report of the Comptroller and Auditor General
of India tabled in Parliament has shown, it just stagnates and distorts the economy further: the additional tax brings down real
incomes without any accompanying gain in socio-economic indicators as targeted. Then there is the question of whether a given
cess is needed at all. Most reasons cited for levying a cess, such as purposes of education, are important enough for direct
budgetary allocations as happens in the developed world. So the government can simply raise the tax rate rather than impose
multiple cess levies. But with the Fourteenth Finance Commission increasing States share of the common pool of resources,
cesses are tempting for the Centre to shore up its own finances. If it wants to keep complicating the taxation system for good
intentions, the government should start disclosing a deployment plan to achieve the intended outcomes from cess collections
o Cess - tax
o Hinterland - the land of a country away from the coast or the banks of major rivers
o Proceeds - money obtained from an event or activity
o Levy - impose / collect tax
December 26/2015
To achieve the impossible, it is precisely the unthinkable that must be thought, wrote a famous novelist. To that end, Prime
Minister Narendra Modis unannounced visit to Kabul and surprise stopover in Lahore is certainly as unthinkable as it is
a transformational moment for India. While several Indian Prime Ministers have attempted to turn ties with Pakistan into
something more neighbourly, nothing defines good neighbours more than Mr. Modis dropping in for tea to wish his counterpart,
Nawaz Sharif, on his birthday and to give his good wishes for his grand-daughters wedding. With the two visits on Christmas
day, bringing together Indias interest in engaging both Afghanistan and Pakistan, he has also reclaimed the SAARC moment
of his swearing-in ceremony in 2014, which many had called a masterstroke at the time. What is perhaps the most surprising is
not just that Mr. Modi decided to make the stops, but that they come at the end of a year when relations with both Afghanistan,
over talks with the Taliban, and Pakistan, over LoC firing and the NSA talks, were very troubled. Mr. Modi has ensured that a
curtain has been drawn on those troubles, and a new beginning will be made in the new year. Not just that, by making the
journey from Kabul to Lahore, he has transformed Afghanistan from a battlefield between India and Pakistan into a facilitator of
good relations. The road ahead is certainly perilous. Relations with Pakistan have often seen setbacks far worse than the strides
in ties. The Kargil war followed just such a bold initiative by Atal Bihari Vajpayee on the Lahore bus, and Manmohan Singhs
sustained talks on Kashmir with President Musharraf, who he invited for a cricket match to India to restart talks, went awry after
a series of attacks. However, if Mr. Modi were to dwell only on those perils, there would be no way of moving forward, and he
has been wise to take the high road to peace over the low road of discordant ties with Pakistan. The two foreign secretaries
If Mr. Modis move towards Pakistan represents a maturing and progression of his position, then the Congress partys attack on
the Lahore visit represents a churlish regression in its position. It is surprising that the main opposition party has chosen to
criticise Mr. Modi for everything its own Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, risked so much for during his tenure. In 2007, many
were aghast when Dr. Singh said he dreamed of a time he could have breakfast in Amritsar, lunch in Lahore and dinner in
Every detail of the latest story of abuse of Indian workers in West Asia is both horrifying and painfully emblematic of the condition
of Indian migrants to these countries. Three men from Kerala paid an agent to get them employment in Yemen, but they were
taken to Saudi Arabia instead. They were trained electricians but were made to work in a brick factory. They were beaten by
their employer with a wooden plank for refusing to do the work, the torture captured on camera and sent home to their families.
Theirs is far from the first such story of entrapment, deceit and abuse. In October, a woman worker from Tamil Nadu said that
her Saudi employer had tried to chop off her hand when she tried to escape. In September, a video emerged online which
seemed to show the abuse of an Indian construction worker by his Saudi supervisor. Journalists investigating the construction
for low wages and long hours under often exploitative contracts. Earlier this month External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj told
Parliament that there were over 7,400 complaints of exploitation made by Indian workers in Gulf countries in 2015 alone.
There are over 6 million Indian workers in West Asia, forming a quarter of the regions total expatriate workforce, including 2.8
million in the UAE, 1.8 million in Saudi Arabia, and over half a million each in Qatar, Kuwait and Oman. (Money repatriated to
India from the Gulf countries was $32.7 billion in 2014, compared to $10 billion from the U.S.) The International Labour
Organisation estimates that many of the 600,000 workers in the region who are victims of forced labour are Indian citizens. In
fact, the chain of exploitation begins at the recruitment and migration stage in India, as was the case with the men from Kerala
in Saudi Arabia a police officer in fact put them in touch with the agent. The Ministry of External Affairs is aware of the
problem; and Ms. Swaraj has been quick to respond to outrage over such incidents, offering help and support. However, there
has not yet been a lasting fix to the problem; recruitment remains largely unregulated, Indias push for higher wages remains
unfulfilled, and protections for Indian workers once they discover the nature of their employment are often difficult to come by.
Many of these workers are leaving behind impoverished lives, and might not always be in a position to assert their rights in the
hope of a better life for their families. These are Indias real NRIs in numbers and in terms of remittances and investment in
December 28/2015
Should old acquaintance be forgot, asks the famous song Auld Lang Syne, traditionally sung at the years end. Prime Minister
Narendra Modis visit to Russia last week, much in the manner of the song, was as much about reassuring a strong and
reliable friend of India, as he referred to Russia, as it was about chalking out new avenues for future cooperation in defence,
energy and space. These avenues are well- charted, with the annual summit between both countries giving a consistent direction
times for one reason or another, and it was finally held on Christmas-eve, which was the last possible window before Russia
shuts down for holidays. In contrast, Indias relationship with the other world power, the United States, has seen a dramatic
year, particularly in military engagement. From U.S. President Barack Obamas visit to New Delhi as chief guest at the Republic
Day parade, when India and the U.S. signed their first military agreement outside South Asia as a maritime cooperation
agreement, firming up of more military exercises and joint development of defence equipment, visits by top U.S. generals, and
the first-ever visit by the Indian Defence Minister to an American military base all have given the impression that India is
While Prime Minister Modis visit may not have resulted in overturning that impression entirely, it has served as a major boost
to the outlook on India-Russia ties in the future. First, a series of defence acquisitions announced in the works will put Russia
back on top of military suppliers to India, a spot taken by the U.S. and Israel for more than five years. Second, the deal for 200
Ka-226T Kamov helicopters will become the first big Make in India project, which has tended to be only a slogan thus far. Third,
by investing time in the CEO summit that included several Indian players in the energy and defence sector, Mr. Modi and
Russian President Vladimir Putin have shown a desire to involve the private sector in areas that only saw government-to-
government deals. This move is the most significant: despite the close friendship the two have fostered, the immense goodwill
the people of the two countries share and the major dependence the Indian military has on Russian hardware, bilateral trade
ties have always been poor, and even today languish below $10 billion. Russian and Indian industrys interest and investment
will give what the leaders referred to as the old friendships new energy. An energy that will also bolster Indias plans for new
ties with Central Asia, and more recently, in the trips Mr. Modi made straight after his Moscow visit, with Afghanistan and
Pakistan.
o Acquaintance - someone you know a little about, but theyre not your best friend
or anything
o Chalking out - make a sketch of (to explain something carefully to someone)
o Avenue - approach to doing something
o Consistent - always behaving in the same way
o Contrast - to show a difference (opposition)
o Maritime - related to sea
o Firm up (something) - fix up (to fix something)
o Abandon - to leave something
o Neutral - having no personal preference
o Overturn - to change something (here impression)
o Outlook - point of view (a person's way of understanding and thinking about
something)
o Acquisition - the ?process of getting something
o Significant - important or ?noticeable
It must have caused the Congress party great political discomfort to watch Prime Minister Narendra Modi make a
surprise stopover in Lahore, exude bonhomie with his Pakistani counterpart, Nawaz Sharif, and behave as if he could will India
towards better ties with Pakistan without help from anyone else. What the Congress-led government failed to do for ten years
between 2004 and 2014, despite the good intentions of its Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, the Bharatiya Janata Party and its
Prime Minister, Mr. Modi, seem able to do with ease: take the initiative in visiting Pakistan and set the agenda for talks with
Pakistan. The Congress is free to rue its missed opportunities, and, maybe, even blame a combative BJP-headed opposition
for the unimaginative and constricted foreign policy vis--vis Pakistan in that decade. But what it should not do is undermine the
efforts of Mr. Modi as he sets about doing what it would have liked to have done by itself. Of course, Mr. Modi can be faulted for
the U-turns in Indias South Asia foreign policy. But the time for such criticism is not now, when he and his government are
moving ahead in the right direction. The sudden boost to ties with Pakistan might have been unpredictable, as Congress leader
Anand Sharma saw it, but predictability is no virtue either. Also, it is of no great consequence if the visit was prearranged days
in advance or was the result of an impulsive decision. What matters is what ensues from Mr. Modis sudden overtures to
Pakistan. If the relations move up a level or two, and the surprise visit helps build greater trust between the two countries, then
it would have served its purpose. The visit can be termed frivolous only if the end results do not go beyond wishing Mr. Sharif
on his birthday or greeting his granddaughter on her wedding. To be dismissive of the Modi-Sharif meeting even without giving
it a chance to bear fruit betrays the political nervousness of the Congress more than anything else.
That, during its years in power, the Congress took its cautionary instincts on Pakistan to an absolute extreme was obvious.
Indeed Prime Minister Singh did not get the necessary support from his party or his Cabinet colleagues when he tried to take
the initiative in resolving outstanding issues with Pakistan most spectacularly, on the Sharm el-Sheikh joint statement. This
might have had to do with the fear of the BJP, then in opposition, taking political advantage of any normalisation of relations
with Pakistan by projecting it as a sell-out. But without doubt, Prime Minister Singh was seen as apolitical by the Congress
leadership, and was not given a free hand in taking initiatives of the kind that Mr. Modi has. The Congress should seriously
introspect about the need to place national interest above petty political calculations. For his part, Prime Minister Narendra Modi
too must reach out to take opposition leaders into confidence on his vision for India-Pakistan talks else, bipartisan consensus
on such a crucial issue will remain elusive, with populist grandstanding continuing to threaten the countrys strategic and foreign
policy challenge.
North Bengals tea estates are witnessing an unfolding human tragedy as more deaths of tea garden workers were reported
this month from the region. With the industry as a whole struggling from soft prices and a drop in output as climate change
affects rainfall and weather conditions across the countrys tea-growing regions, several estates are reportedly being unofficially
shut, leaving thousands of hapless workers in the lurch. And even at gardens that are operating, living conditions for the
predominantly female workforce are said to be precarious, with access to housing, sanitation, healthcare and drinking water far
from adequate. A delegation of the State Assemblys Standing Committee on Labour that visited four tea estates cited
malnutrition as an apparent cause for the recent deaths of workers and said the State government was not doing enough to
resolve the crisis. Separately, an international fact-finding mission headed by the Global Network for the Right to Food and
Nutrition that visited tea gardens in West Bengal and Assam earlier this month painted a grim picture of extremely low wages
driving thousands of families to hunger and malnutrition. With a majority of the labour landless, tribal migrants who have little to
no other skills to help them find gainful work, the closures and unpaid wages in many estates are spurring a surge in the
incidence of starvation. While West Bengals Labour Minister this month told legislators the government was providing jobs
under the MGNREGA, medical vans and midday meals to workers at the closed tea gardens, and challenged opposition
members to prove the deaths were due to starvation and not natural causes, there is a tacit admission that there is a crisis
requiring the States intervention. The Ministers comment that none of the death certificates show starvation as the cause of
death is tragically ironic since acute hunger and dehydration leave a person too weak to work or even stir out seeking food or
water as alms. The victim ultimately dies of organ failure or an opportunistic infection that the body cant fight.
The bleak situation of these workers starkly highlights the absence of a social security net for rural workers, and specifically
labour in the plantation sector. Unless governments both at the Centre and the State develop adequate mechanisms to
safeguard the basic needs of non-unionised workers in vulnerable sectors such as the plantations, all efforts at labour law reform
will be quite vacuous and bereft of any meaning to the key factor of economic productivity: the worker. Rising above partisan
political considerations, the West Bengal government needs to act urgently to address the crisis and, if warranted, take strong
legal action against the managements of tea estates that have landed their workers on the brink of starvation and death. A
longer-term rehabilitation and re-skilling package is also required to help labour at the defunct estates find alternative work, and
o Brews - boiling
o Unfolding - becomes clear to other people
o Soft prices - a price that slowly goes down over time
o Several - more than two but not very many
o Reportedly - according to what many people say
o Hapless - having no luck (unfortunate)
o Lurch - not regular or normal
o Predominantly - mostly or mainly
o Precarious - in a dangerous state
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Prime Minister Narendra Modis announcement on Sunday that the government will unveil, in January, a comprehensive plan
to help make India the world leader in startups is noteworthy. A part of the plan is to link all the IIMs and IITs, central universities
network of incubators, mentors and angel investors and provide them the ambience to try out their business ideas in the real
world. The startup policy is expected to, among other things, make it easier to start and exit a business, allow flexible hiring for
new firms in their first three to five years, and provide incentives for financiers, especially domestic funds, as 90 per cent of
startup financing currently comes from foreign venture capital funds. The governments hopes of making India a serious
contender to Silicon Valley may seem aspirational, but are also driven by the realisation that India needs many more new
enterprises to create 10 million jobs for the youth entering the workforce each year. Apps and services apart, India needs
startups in manufacturing, industrial design, agro-based food processing and renewable energy among some of the key sectors.
Many Indian startups have made a mark this year with valuations in billions of dollars. The home-grown Flipkarts and Snapdeals
have resiliently taken on the global e-tailing giant Amazon, so far. But many of these Indian success stories, more than 65 per
cent of startups, have left the country to operate from places like Singapore.
This exodus is not because India doesnt foster innovation per se. Google CEO Sundar Pichai, in fact, remarked that the
constraints people work with in India inspire more creativity and make their ideas more useful for the world. Indian entrepreneurs
from the small-scale factory owners in the 1970s and 1980s to the Bombay Club barons who resisted liberalisation in the
1990s have a history of successfully adapting their business plans to adversarial regulatory regimes. That startups blossomed
in the past few years was not related to the UPA governments policy or lack thereof. They came up despite the government.
Certainly, targeted interventions for startups would help. The mandatory use of Aadhaar for registering a new micro, small or
medium enterprise could, for instance, be done away with. Similarly, angel investments by domestic financiers should not be
treated as taxable income in the hands of a startup. Clearances and patents should be expedited, and crowd-funding allowed.
Most importantly, the labyrinth of regulations and compliances that even startups that attain scale end up being subjected to
making business sense for them to leave India has to be addressed. It is here that the new policy must deliver. As Mr. Pichai
said, the ease of doing business has improved, but it needs to get a whole lot better for India to meet its true potential.
o Unveil - to uncover
o Comprehensive - complete and including everything that is necessary
o Incubator - a place, especially with support staff and equipment, made available
at low rent to new small businesses
o Angel investor - an investor who provides financial support for small startup
companies
o Ambience - environment
o Contender - competitor
o Resilient - able to quickly return to a previous good condition
o Exodus - the movement of a lot of people from a place
o Foster - to encourage the development
o Adversarial - involving people opposing or disagreeing with each other
o Regime - government rule
o Blossomed - to develop in a promising or healthy way
o Thereof - about the thing just mentioned
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December 30/2015
The Barack Obama administrations decision to raise the visa fee for skilled professionals seeking temporary work in the U.S.
is set to hit Indian companies in the IT sector. Nasscom, the trade association, puts the expected losses at about $400 million
a year. The development comes in the run-up to the 2016 presidential elections when fear-mongering about American jobs
going to foreigners inevitably becomes part of the political rhetoric. The $1.8-trillion tax and spending bill, which authorises the
doubling of the fee for certain categories of H1B and L1 visas to $4,000 and $4,500, respectively, and was signed into law by
Mr. Obama, has raised concerns in India. Just as capital-surplus countries pitch for easier entry for their capital, India with
over 65 per cent of its 1.25 billion people below the age of 35 makes the case for free labour movement. Although India has
the options to take retaliatory steps or move the World Trade Organisations dispute settlement panel, the best course would
be to amicably resolve the issue at the diplomatic level. To successfully challenge the increase before a WTO panel, India will
have to prove the discriminatory nature of the fee hike on Indian firms vis--vis their competitors from other countries. That is
challenging since some Indian IT majors such as Infosys have said the American move will not impact the sector much. Taking
tit-for-tat steps would mean killing the goal of boosting bilateral trade from $100 billion today to $500 billion in the next few years.
American and Indian policymakers need to focus on the larger picture. Just as a labour-surplus India, a nation with high poverty
levels (with almost 300 million people, close to the entire population of the U.S., living on $1 a day), will need to gradually ease
restrictions on capital inflows, a capital-rich U.S. with a looming labour shortage (due to the growing retiree population) will have
to look at removing curbs on labour mobility sooner than later. U.S. authorities and lawmakers must also realise that their own
corporations trust Indian IT service providers not just for their quoted rates but for their ability to get the job done. More
importantly, as a Nasscom report of September 2015 points out, India-based IT companies providing services to American
businesses and other customers invested over $2 billion between 2011 and 2013, and paid $22.5 billion in taxes to the U.S.
Treasury in those years; in fact, they supported more than 411,000 direct and indirect jobs in the U.S., including 300,000 held
by U.S. citizens and permanent residents. In this period, over 120,000 Americans benefited from philanthropic activities by
Indian IT companies, which focussed on educating more Americans in science, technology, engineering and mathematics
(STEM) skills. Such contributions apart, the U.S. must absorb the larger point it often makes to others: a globalising world seeks
o Mongering - the action of deliberately arousing public fear (to spread fear among
people)
o Inevitably - unavoidably (something that is surely happen, unable to be avoided
or prevented)
Sometimes, when the state is faced with a legal challenge to its policy, all it needs to impress the judiciary is to make a suitably
pious claim. Kerala, a State that accounts for nearly 14 per cent of the countrys liquor consumption as well as one that boasts
of 100 per cent literacy, has managed to convince the highest court in the land that its policy of restricting bars that serve liquor
to five-star hotels will bring down drinking. It has successfully claimed that if liquor is made prohibitively expensive, the States
youth would be practically compelled to abstain from public consumption of alcohol. The court has accepted its argument that
its objective was to prohibit all public consumption of alcohol, and that the only reason it made an exception in favour of five-
star hotels was in the interest of tourism. The court sees no arbitrariness or caprice in this, saying even if it appears that there
may be close similarities between five-star hotels and four-star or heritage hotels, it is the preserve of the government to
differentiate between them. The judgment strikes at the root of non-discriminatory treatment under the Constitution merely on
the ground that the issue involved is the business of liquor. At one point, it recognises that a right to trade in liquor exists, and
that once the State permits it any restriction on it has to be reasonable. Yet, it goes on to hold that a moratorium on other
categories of hotels is not arbitrary or unreasonable because the potable liquor business, given supposed public health
The reasoning behind the Supreme Courts decision to uphold Keralas latest liquor policy is twofold. First, it unexceptionably
roots its verdict in the rule that courts ought to be wary of interfering in policy matters. Secondly, and somewhat controversially,
it accepts a discriminatory classification in favour of five-star hotels. The exception on the ground of tourism is quite curious
one is barred from upgrading their hotels to five-star grade, yet it seems to have accepted a contention by the government that
it was not allowing bars in four-star hotels because three-star hotels may get themselves upgraded to four-star status! While
total prohibition may be a laudable objective and one of the Directive Principles of State Policy, it is doubtful whether confining
drinking to homes and private spaces by itself will bring down consumption. In a non-permissive society, it may only result in
converting drinking into a covert activity, a phenomenon requiring policing and also bringing corruption in its wake. The verdict
places a heavy burden on the State to rehabilitate those left unemployed by the closure of hundreds of bars, as well as to make
its policy succeed. It also needs to ensure that the sweeping discretion conferred on it to differentiate between classes of
December 31/2015
The National Democratic Alliance governments decision to limit the liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) subsidy to those earning
Rs.10 lakh or less per year is one of those rare moves that will be cheered by economists and the poor alike. The decision
makes eminent sense why should the well-to-do be subsidised? Politically, the decision will win the government a lot of points
with the poor, who will hopefully be the beneficiaries of the savings made by limiting the scope of the subsidy. The more the
government saves, the more it can spend on expanding the reach of LPG connections among those who currently do not have
one. And given that the effect of removing this subsidy will, at current prices, mean an increase in the LPG bill of a household
consuming 12 cylinders a year by just a little more than Rs.2,200, or about Rs.188 a month, it is not going to receive brickbats
from that section of society either. The message is clear: if you are not going to give up your LPG subsidy on a voluntary basis,
then it will soon be compulsorily taken away from you. The governments Give It Up campaign has encouraged 57.5 lakh
beneficiaries of the LPG subsidy to opt out. But that clearly is not enough, considering there are 16.35 crore LPG consumers in
the country. However, the government is still opting to trust the people, with the declaration of income above Rs.10 lakh being
a voluntary move at the moment. The assumption is that once the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas gets its hands on the
full list of people declaring an income of above Rs.10 lakh a year from the Income Tax Department at the end of this financial
year, this leeway will also be removed. (Technically, the subsidy is being removed for those who earn more than Rs.10 lakh, or
And it should, given the economic merits as well of such a move. At the moment, the governments revised estimates show that
it spent as much as Rs.2.66 lakh crore on subsidies in 2014-15. With such a large subsidy bill, it is imperative to fix the two
major problems plaguing most subsidy schemes in India: leakages and mis-targeting. Leakages refer to the phenomenon where
the subsidy does not reach the intended recipient due to corruption, pilferage or a variety of other causes. This has been quite
successfully addressed via the governments decision to transfer the subsidy payments directly to the recipients bank accounts,
something made easier with the Pradhan Mantri Jan-Dhan Yojana. The decision to limit the LPG subsidy by income groups is
an attempt to address the mis-targeting problem. By doing this, the government is trying to ensure that the subsidy is only going
to go to those who need it. The hope is that rather than using the resultant saving simply to shore up the budget deficit, the
Centre will use it to ensure that LPG connections are provided for those who still depend on firewood and kerosene stoves.
Risk-taking, possible grievous injury and testing the limits of physical and mental exhaustion have always been part of
competitive sport, and the resultant tension has held the imagination of participants and spectators alike. But the participants
have a choice in partaking in the risk and are aware of the consequences intended or unintended of their actions even as
they engage in the sport with adequate precautions and take steps to mitigate unnecessary risks. Jallikattu, the popular bull
taming sport conducted every year during the Pongal season in Tamil Nadu, also engages young participants and spectators
in a violent and irrational risk-taking endeavour, requiring the taming of a raging bull at the risk of even fatal injury. Yet the bull
itself is a silent participant, goaded into frenzy in this sport and subjected deliberately to gruesome injury in the process. The
rush of adrenaline, in fact, drives participants to abandon caution, and many get gored, resulting in violent injuries and even
deaths. Spectators are not spared either as the temporary barricades that separate them from the bull run are mostly weak and
unsteady. Jallikattu might be a popular tradition having evolved from a single man-bull combat in the past to the random
spectacle that it is today, but that it is both irrational and against animal rights is beyond question.
In a judgment last year, the Supreme Court for this very reason had banned jallikattu along with bullock cart races in Tamil Nadu
and Maharashtra, ignoring the argument for tradition and culture. It is unfortunate, therefore, that the Tamil Nadu government
has urged the Centre to pass legislation even through the route of promulgation of an ordinance to amend the laws for the
conduct of jallikattu. Surprisingly, Union Environment Minister Prakash Javadekar has responded positively to this request.
Traditional belief systems and customs have been invoked by proponents of jallikattu to seek revocation of the ban. Only those
aspects of the customary rituals that put the well-being of participants and animals at disproportionate risk were considered in
the Supreme Court decision in banning jallikattu. It would have been appropriate for the Tamil Nadu government to absorb this
reasoning and explain it to rural youth who have complained about the loss of their traditional sport; instead, it has acceded to
irrational demands and sought to have the ban overturned. Dominant political forces in the State of Tamil Nadu had, in the
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promoting such values is evident in the recent plea made by the State government and the support this has received from
opposition parties. The festive atmosphere during Pongal and the traditions of community bonding and competition can still be
Free and altruism are words that generally have a positive ring to them. But its clear that social media behemoth Facebooks
Free Basics programme, which it pitches as an altruistic endeavour to provide the have-nots a bridge to the Internet for free,
fails to evoke such a feel. Not without reason, though. For starters, as critics have repeatedly pointed out, there is a huge
difference between being a gateway to the Internet and being a gatekeeper to the Internet, and Free Basics worryingly has all
the makings of the latter. So, it does have the potential to trap subscribers in the metaphorical walled garden, what with the
immensely popular Facebook thrown into the free mix of offerings. That the whole package is offered free hardly surprises
anyone with even a little knowledge of how business models in the digital world work. Free, by the way, is a business model
that delivers returns in an unconventional way. There might be many variations of it but basically it is about accumulating millions
and millions of new users by offering products free, in the hope that the build-up could be milked for revenue in the years to
come. Thats the same tactic many start-ups use to show traction while pitching to big moneyed venture capitalists.
And where do you find an unrestricted Internet economy with millions yet untapped? Yes, India. There can be very little doubt
that the haves-have-nots digital divide in India is stark, and needs to be bridged as soon as possible. Credit is due to Facebook
for identifying this need and bringing a sense of urgency to addressing it. Credit is also due for the way its young founder Mark
Zuckerberg has fought doggedly for the ideas acceptance. It is close to a year now since he launched Internet.org, the earlier
avatar of Free Basics, in India. And during this period, there has never been a dull moment in the exchanges between the critics
of Free Basics and Facebook. As it stands, the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India, the regulator, has asked Facebooks
Free Basics partner in India, Reliance Communications, to put the service on hold. The social media giant, showing little sign of
backing off, has done all that it can (tweaked its dimensions, launched a comprehensive advertising campaign, and got its
charismatic founder to pen articles) to get political and social acceptance to the idea. Its both impressive and unsettling at the
same time when one thinks about how a corporate, valued at over $300 billion, can spend so much money and effort on a
controversial project that is not even avowedly a pure business venture. The problem has reached the doorsteps of
policymakers. They have to not only decide the fate of services such as Free Basics but also find ways to deliver digital equality
fast. For, Free Basics cant be an excuse for the failures of the state in delivering universal access.
As it faces another poll in West Bengal, five years after the All India Trinamool Congress ended its 34-year rule, the Communist
Party of India (Marxist) has brainstormed on ways to revive its sagging political fortunes at its party Plenum in Kolkata, the first
after 1978. The last few years have been forgettable for the party that once enjoyed considerable clout at the national level. At
no point of time did it hold power in States other than West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura, but the CPI(M) was seen as a party of
intellectuals and made substantive interventions on policy matters, right from influencing Indias academic discourse on history
to mounting a powerful challenge to the India-U.S. nuclear deal in 2008. However, with the electoral loss in West Bengal, this
stature has taken a beating. While the party insists that this Plenum is not about its Bengal poll tactics but about making its
organisation fighting fit, the fact remains Bengal will have to be the starting point for the CPI(M) becoming fighting fit. The party
will have to reconsider its tactics on the ground in contending with the Trinamool Congress. Even some of the CPI(M)s staunch
supporters believe that the party might suffer another defeat at the hands of Mamata Banerjee if it does not swallow pride and
enter into an alliance with the Congress. The dilemma is not just ideological: whatever the nature of its relations with the
Congress in Bengal, the CPI(M) will have to necessarily fight the grand old party in Kerala. The political rhetoric in Bengal will
have to be very different from that in Kerala. Incidentally, both States go to elections at the same time in 2016.
Even if the CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front wins in Kerala, where it appears to be ahead of a dispirited Congress right now,
another loss in Bengal could put a question mark on the partys long-term future, and seriously erode its national-level presence.
The issue of alliance is not the only existential dilemma of the party in a rapidly changing political landscape. The CPI(M) seems
to have lost its grip even on Bengals villages and its urban poor. And as the success of the Aam Aadmi Party in Delhi shows,
there is space for an urban politics focussed on issues of equity and welfare. The CPI(M), which has lost the support among all
its traditional support bases, appears unable to break free from the old mindset of engaging with the geopolitics of the Cold War
era. The promise of an egalitarian society, unaccompanied by any radical programme for change, no longer holds the same
appeal. Its jargon terms like neoliberalism, imperialism and scientific socialism may also not have any resonance
beyond a few campuses in India. The party will need to reinvent itself, directly speaking to the livelihood concerns and social
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concern to the people, the CPI(M) cannot hope to win back its core supporters or recover its historical role of framing larger
concerns about liberty and constitutionalism, a role no other party has quite the same aptitude for.
o Alliance - an agreement to work with someone else to try to achieve the same thing
o Brainstormed - held a group discussion to produce ideas
o Revive - to regain life / strength
o Sagging - sinking (here decreasing)
o Plenum - a meeting with all members present
o Clout - to hit (someone or something) hard
o Substantive - important / serious
o Intervention / Intervening - to involve in a difficult situation in order to improve
it
o Mounting - gradually increasing
o Stature - importance gained by ability or achievement
o Take a beating - to stop doing something for a while
o Tactics - plans for attaining a particular goal
o Contend - to compete in order to win something
o Staunch - very loyal (supporting)
o Dilemma - a situation in which a difficult choice has to be made between two or
more alternatives
o Rhetoric - influence
o Dispirited - not feeling much hope about a particular situation
o Erode - to slowly reduce or destroy something
o Geopolitics - political activity as influenced by the physical features of an area
o Egalitarian society - a society which believes in the equality of all people
o Radical - the belief that there should be great or extreme social or political change
o Jargon - special language used by people in the same work or profession (which is
difficult for others to understand)
o Resonance - the quality of being loud and clear
o Livelihood - the money people need to pay for food, a place to live, clothing, etc
January 02/2016
The Central governments decision to revive NATGRID (National Intelligence Grid) is a welcome move in the fight against
terrorism, but it calls for caution and nuanced planning in the way it would be structured. According to the existing plan, NATGRID
will become a secure centralised database to stream sensitive information from 21 sets of data sources such as banks, credit
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accessible to authorised persons from 11 agencies on a case-to-case basis, and only for professional investigations into
suspected cases of terrorism. NATGRID was among the ambitious slew of intelligence reforms undertaken in the wake of the
Mumbai attacks of November 2008. Like NATGRID, most of these proposed reforms in the security establishment have not fully
materialised, yet again serving as a reminder that Indias memory is embarrassingly short.
In a data-driven, digitised world, it would be foolhardy to ignore the power of big data and its potential to provide real time tip-
offs and predictive intelligence to deal with the terrorist threat. Over the last two decades or so, during which the post-Cold War
chaos resulted in many violent non-state actors setting up shop, the very digital tools that terrorists use have also become great
weapons to fight the ideologies of violence. Social media and other platforms have become recruitment sites and propaganda
machines for terrorist groups, and formal banking channels are used as much as informal ones to transact terror funding. In
those same oceans of information are trends and information that could avert terrorist strikes. However, appreciation of the
power of digital databases to tackle terror must be accompanied by deep concern about their possible misuse. The Snowden
files are just one pointer to the widespread misuse in recent years of surveillance capabilities to compromise individual privacy
and even violate national sovereignty. Increasingly, there is also academic evidence to show that states are applying excessive
force and surveillance to tackle terrorism. The NATGRIDs efforts must be placed against these realities before the government
rushes into reviving it. When so much sensitive information about individuals is available on a single source, the potential for its
misuse would dramatically go up. The poor track record of the Indian security and intelligence agencies on individual privacy
and liberty must be kept in mind as the National Democratic Alliance government tries to nurture NATGRID, which has failed to
take off despite the aggressive push by the previous United Progressive Alliance government. The overdue initiative to revive
NATGRID must therefore be accompanied by action on the even longer-pending need to have effective oversight of intelligence
Arvind Kejriwal has always projected himself against the might of the establishment to give his message a rallying edginess.
He did so as an activist of the Right to Information campaign and subsequently against corruption and unexpectedly, a year
into his second stint as chief minister of Delhi, the old against-all-odds, anti-establishment manner continues to inform his style
of governance. His politics, by all appearances, thrives on this. More significantly, by persisting with the David-vs-Goliath
messaging, Mr. Kejriwal has framed questions of Centre-State relations and of equity and delivery of basic services in
coordinates that have resonance in all of India. As Chief Minister, Mr. Kejriwal has been in constant combat with the Lieutenant
Governor and the Prime Minister, an engagement that has often become too personal. But the extraordinary power-sharing in
Delhi accentuates the debate on the Centres reluctance to cede more ground to Chief Ministers in Indias rapidly federalising
polity. As Mr. Kejriwal told the The Hindu this week in an exclusive interview, characteristically combining the personal and the
institutional: Im the quarter-sized Chief Minister of a half-State, he (PM Modi) is the ruler of the country. Why is he after me?
Mr. Modi has rewritten the prime ministerial protocol too in relation to Chief Ministers by his appearance of being in constant
electoral campaign, and more substantively by his NITI Aayog-led reforms. But it is in Delhi, a Union Territory and not yet a
State, that the cut and thrust of the PM-CM face-off is playing out most anecdotally.
The tussle between Mr. Kejriwal and the Centre has many parts. There is the question of who should have the last word on
appointment of officers and disciplinary action. He has alleged larger destabilising design in the decision of bureaucrats to go
on mass leave this week. He has taken the fight to Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley after a key bureaucrat in the Chief
Ministers office was raided by the Central Bureau of Investigation. He has grounded this combativeness with a politics of equity,
promising to share civic services with Delhis periphery and less privileged segments. The current traffic decongestion plan
as a strategy has had a dramatic impact in highlighting hazardous air pollution, and puts the VIPs exemption against an
entire citys participation. But what is of concern is that the Modi-Kejriwal face-off is affecting the city administration. In effect it
denies the Chief Minister a chance to give a permanent shape to his policies or provides him an alibi to evade doing so. Either
way, Mr. Modi will have to find a way to normalise the Delhi-Centre relations. For his own sake, as the asymmetry suits Mr.
Kejriwal politically. But more importantly, to return the federal spirit to Indias governance.
o Edginess - nervousness
o Subsequently - happening after something else (afterwards)
o Stint - a fixed period of time spent doing a particular job
o Thrives - make steady progress
o Persisting - to continue in some state
o Resonance - the quality of being loud and clear
o Combat - fight
o Accentuates - put stress on something
o Cede - give up (power or territory)
o Protocol - rules of government
o Substantively - importantly
January 04/2016
Within the short space of a month, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his government have gone through the entire cycle of
India-Pakistan ties, as they have played for the past two decades ever since the two countries agreed to a composite, structured
dialogue between them. There has been talks about talks, talks about terror, a brief moment of euphoria with gestures of
renewing ties from the leaders, followed by an attack. While Mr. Modis Lahore landing was certainly bold, it has not yet proven
to be the game-changer that perhaps he too hoped it would be. Instead, the same kind of terrorist attack that has always
accompanied India-Pakistan engagement hit Pathankot in the early hours of Saturday. As with similar attacks in the past, it
should not surprise anyone if the terrorists came from Pakistan, and belonged to an anti-India group the Pakistani army has
neatly sidestepped in its otherwise fairly successful crackdown on terrorists in the past year. Frustrated by their inability to hurt
India, the Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) and others have tried to retain their relevance by
instead targeting the India-Pakistan dialogue process time and again. By not calling off talks immediately after the attack,
the Modi government seems to have indicated it will not allow these groups the satisfaction of achieving those aims. A sustained
dialogue is the only fitting answer to terrorist groups and to their handlers inside the Pakistan establishment who wish to
destabilise the peace process. In fact, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj told Parliament last month that India would not
be provoked by saboteurs who want to stop the dialogue process in one way or another.
Going forward, the talks process must be further insulated from the veto of these forces. First, the foreign secretaries must
move quickly to set up a timetable of meetings of all the secretaries in the two countries involved in the comprehensive dialogue.
The process will receive momentum if India and Pakistan agree to a resolution on what are often called the low-hanging fruit
of issues such as visas, confidence building measures on the Line of Control, water issues and the Sir Creek dispute. The more
of terrorism. On this, it is for Pakistan to show its good intentions, by acting against the JeM and LeT, both in court and on the
ground in Punjab where they run extensive militias. India must stay the course it has set in the past month, including during the
National Security Adviser talks, where it has delivered its message firmly, but quietly, with no hint of the one-upmanship that
can hamper engagement. These actions will pave the road that was opened by the two Prime Ministers on Christmas day,
allowing them to slice through the proverbial Gordian knot on India-Pakistan ties, rather than having to disentangle the ends
major verdict in a string of cases related to the killings of writers in the South Asian nation. Ahmed Rajib Haider, 35, was hacked
to death by machete-wielding attackers in February 2013. The judge at a fast-track court found that the two students and another
man were guilty of murder and convicted another five people on lesser charges. Haiders murder had opened a new phase
of violence in Bangladeshs contemporary history. A number of secular writers have been targeted by Islamists ever since. In
2015 alone, five writers were killed in the country. Bloggers are victims of an ongoing conflict between the countrys secular
establishment and Islamist factions. The Awami League governments decision to open a trial of the war crimes committed
during the countrys 1971 liberation war did not go down well with Islamists. The conviction of some of the leaders of the
opposition parties such as the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Jamaat-e-Islami made matters more complicated. Extremist
sections are steadfastly opposed to the trial, but they lack the political capital to build a popular resistance against it. Therefore,
they turned towards violent protests against the war crimes trial, which created serious law and order problems in the country.
It was against this background that right-wing fringe groups such as the Ansarullah Bangla Team started targeting writers.
The bloggers, who consistently campaigned against the war criminals and demanded their executions, invited the wrath of
Islamists. The government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina had initially faced criticism for not doing enough to stop violence
against writers. Now, with a relatively fast conclusion of the trial of Haiders murder case and the passing of the highest possible
punishment to the convicts, the government appears to be upping the ante against the Islamists. The governments resolve to
bring the attackers to book is timely. But at the same time there are questions over the worsening security situation which allows
the extremists to carry out attacks and, more important, the governments increased reliance on the death penalty to address
the Islamist threat. Dhakas primary challenge is to prevent any such incidents taking place again. Islamists have apparently
issued a hit list of bloggers, threatening to kill them all. Given the recent cycle of violence, Thursdays verdict could trigger
more attacks by extremist groups. The government should not lower its guard. As regards the death penalty, it is worth noting
that the hanging of war criminals has done little in weakening Islamist politics in the country. Even in the case of bloggers
murders, long prison terms would be ideal which would not only strengthen the governments moral position in this conflict with
Islamist radicals, but will also weaken the latters narrative that the state is waging a war against them. Bangladesh needs a
comprehensive strategy to fight Islamists, because the latters target is not merely writers, but the countrys secular polity itself.
January 05/2016
Seeking to preserve the spiritual ambience in temples by prescribing a dress code for worshippers may appear to be a
laudable objective. However, courts of law should be cautious about framing their own rules in the guise of passing judicial
orders. A fiat from the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court prescribing the sort of clothing that devotees should
wear while visiting temples has come into effect in Tamil Nadu from January 1. A single judge decided on November 26, 2015
that to curb the wearing of improper clothing by temple-goers, a dress code was inevitable. Even though what was before
him was only a petition for permitting a folk cultural performance on the premises of a village temple, he impleaded the State
Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department as a respondent and proceeded to prescribe an interim dress code
straightaway. The code, that sets down dhotis or pyjamas with upper cloth, or formal trousers and shirts, for men, and saree or
half-saree with blouse, or churidars with upper cloth, for women, and any fully covered dress for children, will be in force until
the State government decides on implementing a code on the lines given in the court order. The department has now decided
to appeal to a Division Bench against the single judges order. It has rightly taken the position that the order was not in
consonance with the Tamil Nadu Temple Entry Authorisation Act, 1947, which permits individual temples to frame rules relating
It is true that many places of worship belonging to all religions do have and enforce some sort of attire for worshippers and
visitors. There are temples that insist that male devotees should be bare-bodied above the waist while inside their precincts,
and many that allow only dhotis and bar trousers. However, these restrictions are framed by temple authorities based on local
tradition and customs. The acceptability of the worshippers clothing is decided by local circumstances and ought not to be
based on external decree, much less through a judicial diktat. In Tamil Nadu, tens of thousands of temples do come under the
State government through the HR & CE Department, but that does not automatically mean that a writ of mandamus can be
issued by the court to the authorities without sufficient cause or any public law principle. There is nothing to show that public
authorities had failed to do their duty of protecting the ambience of temples all over the State. The judges code may not be
unduly restrictive, but it raises the question whether there is any religious rule linking dress with devotion. It is not clear why the
prescription is gender-based, when some kinds of apparel shirts and trousers, for instance are worn by both men and
By restarting dialogue with Pakistan and acting with diplomatic restraint following the Pathankot attack, the Narendra Modi
government has wisely differentiated between the Pakistan government and non-state actors. The challenge thrown up by
the terrorist attack on the Pathankot air force base is to evolve Indias national security doctrine to include its response to
non-state actors. While carrying on diplomatic engagement with Pakistan, India needs a firm strategy to deal with terrorist threats
that are now the prime challenge to the state. Political consensus must be evolved, in a publicly transparent manner, to reflect
the complex challenge facing the country, detail its thresholds, interests that would be protected at any cost and response
calibration vis--vis armed aggression. The doctrine must be accompanied by a national security strategy that spells out the
have been evident at the Pathankot airbase are not repeated. In the absence of such a clearly articulated consensus, Indias
response is qualitatively linked to the government of the day, its key leaders and their personal ability, or inability, to understand
The proposed security doctrine must be anchored in the foundational values of the Constitution. India enjoys Westphalian
sovereignty, which grants it exclusive right to its domestic affairs and security but also comes with a huge bundle of
responsibilities. India still has no written national security doctrine, and whatever is practised as the doctrine, and strategy, is
vastly inadequate. The political class across the spectrum needs to come together to define Indias permanent interests. It is
time to move on from the unwritten grand strategy of working only towards the political unity and preservation of India to a
written doctrine that defines Indias role in the world and its commitment to protecting the life, liberty and interests of its people.
After every terrorist attack, there are shallow attempts by the establishment to fit episodic responses into academic frameworks
and proposals for security establishment reforms, but in no time things go back to default mode, until the next terrorist attack.
The recurring terrorist attacks are not just a humiliation for the country but also a nightmare that is repeatedly disrupting daily
routines and taking away precious lives. The very foundations of Indias security establishment need to be reformed if a robust
national security doctrine is to be implemented. The intelligence agencies are cloaked in mystery, and with no credible external
audit. Given the opacity of these agencies, intelligence alerts often emerge that have no credibility. In the process, credible
intelligence inputs, such as the one about Pathankot, are not treated with enough seriousness. The agencies that are to
provide security cover and neutralise terrorist threats do not have a cohesive command and control structure. It varies according
to who is in control in New Delhi. It is time to finally show that India can be more than a functional anarchy.
January 06/2016
The execution of Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr, an influential Shia cleric, by Saudi Arabia has expectedly led to a flare-up of sectarian
passions in West Asia. Sheikh Nimr was the most prominent religious leader of the Kingdoms Shia minority, which has long
been subjected to institutionalised segregation by the Sunni monarchy of the al-Saud family. He was the driving force behind
the 2011 protests in the countrys east, inspired by Arab Spring protests elsewhere. Moreover, Sheikh Nimr was a respected
cleric among the Shia community in general. He had spent years in Irans Shia seminaries. Tehran had repeatedly asked Riyadh
to pardon him. By executing him, ignoring all those pleas, Saudi Arabia has dangerously escalated its rivalry with Iran.
Within days, the stand-off has snowballed into a full-blown diplomatic crisis with sectarian overtones. Saudi missions in Tehran
and Mashhad were ransacked by protesters. In return, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Sudan have cut diplomatic relations with Iran,
West Asia is already witnessing sectarian conflicts. Iraq, which is torn apart on sectarian lines, is taking baby steps under the
new Prime Minister, Haider al-Abadi, to rebuild national unity. The country witnessed a bloody phase of sectarian strife in the
aftermath of the U.S. invasion. Parts of the country, including the second largest city, Mosul, are still under the control of Islamic
State, which is carrying out a systematic campaign against non-Sunni religious groups. In Yemen, the Shia Houthi rebels are
fighting forces loyal to a Saudi-protected government led by Sunnis. In Bahrain, the wounds of a Shia rebellion which was
crushed by a Sunni monarch with the help of the Saudis are still not healed. By executing Sheikh Nimr, Riyadh has poured oil
into this sectarian fire, for which the region will have to pay a huge price. For decades, one of the main sources of instability in
West Asia has been the cold war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Though the ultimate goal of both nations has been regional
supremacy, they use sectarianism as a vehicle to maximise their interests. While Riyadh has the support of Sunni monarchs
and dictators in the Arab world, Iran is aligned with Iraq and Syria, besides its proxies such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and the
Houthis in Yemen. This sets the stage for a dangerous Shia-Sunni conflict across the region. Unless tensions are dialled down
between these two heavyweights, there will not be peace in West Asia. Both the U.S. and Russia, allies of Saudi Arabia and
Iran respectively, have called for calm. Moscow has reportedly offered to mediate between Riyadh and Tehran. The U.S. and
Russia should use their influence to rein in further escalation of tensions. Unchecked, the Saudi-Iran rivalry could plunge the
region, already torn apart by invasions, civil wars and terrorism, into further chaos.
The committee headed by former Chief Justice of India R.M. Lodha has not disappointed cricket fans who favour a thorough
overhaul of cricket administration in the country. Under intense judicial scrutiny ever since the betting scandal hit the Indian
Premier League in 2013, the Board of Control for Cricket in India has been seen by many as a cosy club of individuals who treat
the various regional units as part of their personal fiefdom. The BCCI suffered from a serious credibility deficit as cricket-lovers
were convinced that the businessmen and politicians who run the cash-rich body in an opaque manner were not working entirely
in the games interest. The Supreme Court appointed the Lodha committee last year to suggest ways to rid cricket administration
of its many obvious ills, such as lack of transparency and accountability. The panel has mooted sweeping reforms in the
boards structure and functioning. The proposed measures could radically alter the way the BCCI functions as well as vastly
improve its public image and impart much-needed credibility: restricted tenures, bar on holding more than one office at a time,
limits on terms, cooling-off periods between the holding of one office and another, and steps to prevent the sort of conflict of
interest that was brazenly in view for many years. One significant suggestion is that government servants and ministers be kept
out of cricket administration. Even if the political class as a whole is not barred, it will at least prevent influential politicians in
The report has two major suggestions related to public policy. One is the radical idea of legalising betting in cricket. Betting
cast a dark shadow on the IPL and led to two franchises being suspended. Many will welcome such legalisation as that will
bring in an element of regulation and monitoring. Its implementation, however, will hinge on suitable local legislation across the
country. The BCCI will have to ensure strict adherence to the condition that players, managers, officials or anyone associated
with cricket are not allowed to participate in betting. Another idea is that the BCCI which the Supreme Court held last year to
be a body discharging a public function be brought under the ambit of the Right to Information Act. It does sound attractive.
However, it will both require legislative change and a balancing rule that unnecessary queries are not directed towards decisions
made by captains and selectors of the national and domestic teams. It is not difficult to guess that the BCCI would prefer the
report to be non-binding and that it would contest some of the recommendations before the Supreme Court. A restructured
cricket board and an equitable system of voting by and in all its affiliated units will surely be in the games interest. What ultimately
matters is that cricket should not suffer because of whimsical individuals holding on to key posts in the administration and
January 07/2016
When the going gets tough, public investment must be stepped up to pump-prime a slow-moving economy facing uncertain
headwinds of low commodity prices and faltering international trade. When the going is good, the private sector would also have
a role to play, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has said, vowing to ramp up infrastructure investments in 2016-17. Ten
months ago, in his first Budget for a full financial year, Mr. Jaitley had scaled up such investment to Rs 1.25 lakh crore, two-
thirds of which was earmarked for road and railway projects. In the coming year, he has indicated that the priority will be rural
infrastructure as the stress in Indias villages after two bad monsoons has hit demand. This is deterring fresh private investment,
with many firms still struggling with past investment plans that are stuck or have become unviable. While economists debate
whether the government should stick to its fiscal consolidation road map or scale up public expenditure to spur the economy,
nobody will mind if a slightly higher fiscal deficit leads to more jobs while creating useful public assets. Low oil and commodity
prices offer the chance to build more infrastructure at a far lower cost, but as Mr. Jaitley said, We must have the intellectual
So have higher allocations to infrastructure spending this year helped? Anecdotally, a few signs are positive. Demand for
bitumen, a key ingredient for building roads, has risen, as have enquiries for construction and earth-moving equipment.
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But all is not well yet. Core sector performance hit a decades low in November 2015. Though public investments have started
to gain traction, this is yet to reflect in the performance of investment-linked sectors, rating agency Crisil said, as demand
remains weak in end-user sectors such as real estate, with overcapacity in others. Of course, this is partly the lag effect
infrastructure projects take time to show results. Yet, an honest introspection should reveal the need to utilise public
infrastructure budgets more effectively without the cost- and time-overruns associated with the governments business as usual
approach. Take Indias largest industrial infrastructure project, the Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor, set up as a special purpose
vehicle to shed the legacy burdens of departmental decision-making. Its crawling, though all the States along the corridor except
Delhi are run by the BJP. Or the Project Monitoring Group under the Cabinet Secretariat tasked with resolving stalled projects,
on which not much has been heard in months. Could the fact that these bodies were left without a head through most of 2015
have affected performance? Tapping the Consolidated Fund of India as well as innovative vehicles such as the National
Investment and Infrastructure Fund is laudable. Perhaps, it is also time to find a few good men who can get the job done on the
There is much relief as quiet finally returns to Pathankot. However, the immediate questions that need to be asked are about
the way the security operation was carried out from the moment a specific intelligence alert came to the Centre about the
possible targeting of the Pathankot airbase. This newspaper has already reported that by Christmas, a foreign intelligence
agency had passed on a tip-off about terrorists planning to attack the base. Was that not treated with seriousness because most
intelligence alerts do not mean anything? Is the response a reflection of the poor quality of general intelligence alerts? On
January 1, early morning, the abducted Superintendent of Police, Salwinder Singh, reported to the local police that his vehicle
had been snatched. By afternoon, the government at the Centre had confirmation about the presence of terrorists in
Pathankot. What the security establishment did from that moment raises several questions. A meeting chaired by the National
Security Adviser and attended by, among others, the chiefs of the Army and the Air Force, decided to rush NSG commandos
from Delhi. How did they take that decision, when it was clear that an airbase had to be protected and terrorists could be
anywhere in the district? Does this reflect the poor thinking of senior members of the security establishment? Or does it hint at
Over the last few days, the government has been making a desperate effort to defend the course of action that was followed in
fighting terrorists. From informal briefings in New Delhi to the formal briefing on Wednesday evening by Lt. Gen. K.J. Singh,
General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Western Command, the government has been putting up a spirited defence of the
operations. Gen. Singh admitted that the first to react to the terrorists were the DSC (Defence Security Corps) and Garuds, but
added that the second contact was the Army columns. As Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar did on Tuesday, Gen. Singh
claimed that there was total operational synergy, and he justified the time taken by saying that forces had to be applied
sequentially, and not simultaneously, and they were also careful to avoid a hostage situation and other eventualities. However,
all this does not answer the basic criticism by military veterans and security experts: despite the Pathankot airbase being at
shouting distance from thousands of Army soldiers trained to deal with terrorists, why were they not even called in to provide
perimeter security to the base? What was the need to send the NSG into a military installation where the Armys para
commandos and quick reaction teams would have been more familiar with the terrain? Why was the operational command not
handed over to the senior-most Army commander on the ground? The answers should not only inform decisions to hold those
responsible accountable for the mis-step in operations, but also lead to an upgrade of existing protocols.
The underground nuclear test by North Korea that apparently used a hydrogen bomb has expectedly aggravated tensions
in East Asia. South Korea, which called the explosion an unpardonable provocation, has already cancelled cross-border
initiatives. Japan has termed it a serious threat to its national security. Most major global powers, from the United States
to Russia and even China, have condemned the explosion. The provocation is likely to invite more economic punitive
measures by the United Nations Security Council. The North Korean economy is going through a tough phase, and any further
sanctions would jeopardise it further. Why Kim Jong-un took the extreme step now is anybodys guess, though the move itself
was not surprising given the regimes sinister, paranoid ways of operating. Ever since Mr. Kim became North Koreas leader
after his fathers death in 2011, he has flexed the countrys military muscle and caused provocations without hinting at any
tangible foreign policy goal. He ordered the countrys third nuclear test, which led directly to additional UN sanctions. Tensions
escalated between the two Koreas last year after they exchanged artillery fire. With the latest hydrogen bomb explosion claim,
Mr. Kims aim could be to tighten his grip of power over the state. The number of executions in North Korea reportedly rose
under his watch, triggering speculation over whether the regime is facing internal strains. In 2013, Mr. Kim had ordered the
execution of his uncle and former mentor. He may also be playing a high-stakes diplomatic game for an Iran-like deal where he
could swap his countrys nuclear arsenal for international recognition and economic partnership. The third and more likely
explanation is that Mr. Kim is sending a message to South Korea and the West that his regime is ready to go to any extreme in
the wake of military hostilities. This clearly demonstrates the failure of the nuclear diplomacy which the U.S. and other major
powers were involved in for the past several years. Whatever Mr. Kims real intentions, his moves come at the cost of regional
stability, and pose dangerous portents for the world. The only country that could reason with North Korea and persuade it to join
back talks is China. Even for Beijing, despite its historical ties with Pyongyang, it is a daunting task. Mr. Kim does not seem to
be particularly interested in the China-ally tag. In September, he refused an invitation from Chinese President Xi Jinping to
attend celebrations marking the end of the Second World War. Four years after coming to power, he is yet to visit Beijing.
Despite his detachment and potential militarism, the world doesnt really have any option but to resume talks with Pyongyang.
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o Apparently - you have read or heard something although you are not certain it is
true
o Aggravated - to make a bad situation worse
o Unpardonable - too bad to forgive or be accepted
o Provocation - an action or statement that is intended to make someone angry
o Cross-border - between different countries
o Threat - a suggestion that something unpleasant or violent will happen
o Condemned - expressed complete disapproval
o Punitive - punishment
o Sanction - penalty for disobeying a law or rule
o Jeopardise - to put something into a situation in which there is a danger of loss
o Regime - government
o Sinister - making you feel that something bad will happen
o Paranoid - suffering from a mental illness in which you believe that other people
are trying to harm you
o Flexed - tightened
o Tangible - real
o Escalated - increased rapidly
o Artillery - very large guns that are moved on wheels or metal tracks
o Up the ante - to increase your demands or the risks in a situation in order to
achieve a better result:
o Execution - the legal punishment of killing someone
o Speculation - to guess
o Mentor - an experienced and trusted adviser
o High-stakes - high risk
o Arsenal - a collection of weapons and military equipment
o Hostilities - an unfriendly attitude
o Diplomacy - the management of relationships between countries
o Pose - to cause a problem or difficulty
o Portent - a sign of something about to happen
o Persuade - convince
o Daunting - discouraging through fear
o Ally - a country that has agreed officially to give help and support to another one
o Peninsula - an area of land surrounded by water on three sides
News that Bollywood actor Sanjay Dutt will be released by the end of February after serving a five-year prison term for being
in possession of an AK-56 assault rifle over 20 years ago will surely draw contrasting reactions from the film industry on the one
hand and wider society on the other. His peers in filmdom and his legion of fans may see cause for great happiness in his
impending release. However, there may be a larger section of society that may wonder whether justice will truly be
served if Mr. Dutt, who is already seen to have enjoyed generous spells of furlough and parole while serving his sentence, is
being treated in a special way by his release being advanced by about eight months. Given the widespread perception
reinforced by the recent acquittal of another film star, Salman Khan, in a hit-and-run case that the system will work only to
the advantage and benefit of celebrities, questions will naturally be asked whether Mr. Dutt is being treated preferentially.
Arrested in the aftermath of the 1993 Mumbai blasts, he spent 18 months in prison before getting bail. In March 2013, the
Supreme Court confirmed a lower court conviction, but reduced his jail term from six to five years. After being given time to wind
up his film commitments, he began to serve the 42-month remainder of his term in May 2013. Even then, citing reasons as trite
as that he was married and had children, and that he had depicted on screen a form of Gandhian protest, many had appealed
for pardon on his behalf. The Maharashtra Governor, however, did not succumb to the demand for preferential treatment to him
In the normal course, a prisoners release eight months ahead of the completion of his term will not give rise to unusual
scrutiny. Good behaviour is reason enough for routine remission for all convicts, and there may be no cause to suspect
that Mr. Dutt has been chosen out of turn. Yet, the State government will have to be cautious and scrupulous in computing the
exact number of days he is legally entitled to, mainly to dispel the popular impression that he is being favoured. The actor may
have spent as many as 146 days on parole or furlough since May 2013. In law, a furlough is an entitlement earned by spending
specified periods in jail, while parole is granted only in an emergency. Both are considered necessary to help prisoners maintain
continuity in their family life and help them avoid the ill-effects of protracted incarceration. Comparisons are also bound to be
drawn between Mr. Dutts case and that of Zaibunissa Kazi, a septuagenarian fellow-prisoner who is also serving a five-year
term in the same case. It will only be fair to expect that the rules of remission will apply in equal measure to all prisoners
January 09/2016
U.S. President Barack Obama parted with the steely tradition of his two-term presidency this week, when he shed tears at the
White House over what appears to have become a top-of the-agenda item of his final year in office, gun control reform. Although
he broke down at the mention of six-year-olds massacred at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, it was
anger that seared through his speech announcing executive actions to take on the stubbornly lax regulation of guns in the U.S.
These actions aim to expand background checks for gun ownership, boost funding for federal agencies enforcing gun laws,
improve treatment of mental health conditions nationwide, and herald an era of smart gun technology to prevent accidental
firearm deaths. Few would blame Mr. Obama for feeling frustration over the quagmire that has greeted every attempt of his
to start a conversation on what many worldwide would consider a reasonable restriction on the constitutionally enshrined right
to bear arms. He has pitched for tighter, more meaningful gun laws no fewer than 15 times from the Oval Office, and his most
ambitious attempt to bring the discussion to the floor of the Senate three years ago was speedily disposed of by hostile
lawmakers. This weeks executive action had echoes of that 2013 omnibus gun control bill, yet in the face of uncertain funding
prospects in a Republican-controlled Congress, likely resistance from conservative states and near-certainty of legal challenges,
There are two forces behind Americas abysmal progress in halting the regular occurrence of gun rampages in public spaces.
The first is what Mr. Obama described as the lies of the pro-gun lobby, whose lifeblood is the influential National Rifle
Association, funded largely by gun manufacturers. After every mass killing with guns, NRA spokespersons proclaim in the
American media that the only answer to gun deaths is more guns. Their efforts arebolstered by Republican presidential
hopefuls such as Donald Trump. The second, more intractable, impediment facing any would-be reformer is the U.S.s cultural
proclivity for gun ownership. Even though a Quinnipiac poll last month found 89 per cent overall support for expanded
background checks, a CNN poll the same month found that only 48 per cent of Americans favoured stricter gun control laws.
Like any other cultural revolution, unwinding this national obsession with guns will be a slow process. Ultimately the realisation
of government, in the 21st century it is the tyranny of firearms that truly threatens the American way of life.
Chinas transition to a new normal rate of growth was always expected to be bumpy. But, as it shifts gears, the Asian giant is
spilling pain on to the rest of the world, and volatility is about the only certainty in the global economy at the moment. The yuans
depreciation on Thursday to its lowest level since 2011, again put stock markets and currencies worldwide under pressure.
Investors fear other countries could now be forced to consider competitive currency devaluations. The depreciation was less
unexpected than the devaluations in August and is in line with Beijings move to make the yuan all set to become a reserve
currency of the International Monetary Fund more market-linked. Theres a fresh worry: Chinas foreign exchange reserves
shrank by $108 billion in December, the biggest monthly drop on record, and declined by $513 billion last year. To put this
figure in perspective, Indias foreign exchange reserves added up to $350.4 billion on January 1. The accelerating outflows from
China, investors fear, could also be a sign of the countrys deepening troubles. China is rebalancing its economy, shifting it
away from a model of debt-fuelled infrastructure and low-cost exports towards lower but more sustainable growth, driven instead
by domestic consumption and services. Reformers in Beijing want to slow the Chinese economy, which expanded at a frenetic
10 per cent annually before 2008, and by about 7 per cent more recently. As the worlds second largest economy goes through
a recalibration, the question increasingly being asked is: are the authorities in Beijing in control of the transition?
The scale and span of Chinas trade gives it an over-sized influence over the global economy. Its waning appetite for
commodities and imports is hurting economies dependent on such exports. For India, though, the drop in international
commodity prices, especially of oil, is providing a silver lining as it is a net importer. The pain for India will come from the big
and growing trade deficit it has with China. The deficit, which was $48 billion at the end of March, had reached $36 billion in
the first eight months of this year and could worsen with the yuans depreciation. The Indian government must recognise that
the depreciating yuan is a threat above all to Prime Minister Narendra Modis Make In India plan. Indian manufacturers already
suffer significant cost disadvantages. Their competitiveness will now diminish further against imports from China. Under the
burden of Chinas slowdown, global trade itself has shrunk. Recovery continues to elude the world more than seven years after
the financial meltdown in 2008 and the subsequent monetary easing worldwide. India must recognise that the global economic
scenario is far from healthy and take steps to spur domestic growth.
January 11/2016
Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, who passed away on Thursday, leaving a vacuum in the mainstream politics of Jammu and Kashmir,
had for months been preparing for his political exit. In November 2015, just eight months after he took over as Chief Minister to
head what had seemed an impossible coalition of his Peoples Democratic Party and the Bharatiya Janata Party, he had
begun to prepare for the succession, saying that his daughter, and PDP president, Mehbooba Mufti deserved to be the Chief
Minister. She had worked in the party organisation and was better connected than he was with the people, he had stressed,
while adding that she had the experience of being both an MLA and an MP. There were indications at the time also of discussions
within the PDP as well as with the BJP leadership on the issue of Ms. Mufti being her fathers chosen successor. Of course,
there were murmurs of dissent within the PDP and some unhappiness in the BJP State unit as she had always been less
conciliatory than her father, especially when it came to her views on the role of the security forces and issues of human rights
violations. On her part, Ms. Mufti had voiced her reluctance about becoming Chief Minister. In fact, staying out of the
administration formally, her supporters felt, allowed her to carry along a wider cross-section of political opinion in the State. But
now, the moment of truth has arrived and the challenges before her as she readies herself to take charge of Jammu and
Running J&K has never been an easy task. But after a short spell of Governors Rule to accommodate her wish not to take
charge till the period of mourning for her father is over, Ms. Mufti will take over its reins at a particularly difficult moment in its
history. In recent months, thanks largely to the role played by the BJP, the State has been divided on the beef and dual flag
controversies. There has also been a spike in militancy: indeed, in the PDP strongholds of Anantnag, Shopian, Kulgam and
Pulwama in southern Kashmir, there has been a more than a week-old hartal demanding a memorial for slain militants, a fallout,
many say, of local unhappiness with the PDPs alliance with the BJP. Ms. Mufti will have to balance the interests of the people
of the Kashmir Valley with those of Jammu while dealing with the Army and the security agencies. In the months to come,
friends, allies and rivals alike will watch the States first woman Chief Minister for the slightest misstep. She will have to temper
her politics to ensure that the coalition stays afloat, even as she combines assertiveness and diplomacy to keep her own flock
It is a moment of great hope and some fear in Sri Lanka. As it takes the first step towards drafting a new Constitution, there is
renewed hope that the island nation will be able to reinvent itself as a modern state, one that brings economic prosperity and
owing to political opposition, ethnic extremism and an entrenched, if not systemic, resistance to change. President Maithripala
Sirisenas address to Parliament on the occasion of the tabling of a motion to create a Constitutional Assembly was bold in
its invocation of past failures. His candid reference to the failure to implement past agreements as the origin of the protracted
civil war showed deep understanding of his countrys situation. Laced with justified apprehensions about the likely impediments,
Mr. Sirisena has warned his countrymen against attempts to raise the bogey of external pressure and an alleged threat to the
special status of Buddhism in Sri Lanka. He is aware of the presence of extremists on both sides of the ethnic divide. He has
asserted that a constitutional solution will be indigenous. The process of constituting the entire membership of the current
Parliament as a Constitutional Assembly has begun. A steering committee will be tasked with drafting a new Constitution while
inputs from outside the parliamentary structure will be in the form of a Public Representation Commission.
For those familiar with the peace and reform processes of the last quarter century, it may appear that all talk of national unity
and a non-discriminatory system is not new. It is a measure of how much the events of the recent years had turned the clock
back on the discourse to resolve the national question that each time an incumbent President or Prime Minister spells out a new
vision, it is accompanied by new hopes and fears. The broad contours of an alternative constitutional framework are known. To
many, it lies in abolishing the executive presidency and reforming the electoral system. In recent years, promoting good
governance by strengthening democratic institutions, a comprehensive rights regime and substantive power-sharing
arrangements involving all ethnic minorities have been understood to be necessary elements. The path is clear, and the pitfalls
are known. The process may be long and the effort to secure a two-thirds majority in the Assembly, followed by a similar special
majority in Parliament and approval in a referendum, will require political will and hard work. The emergence of a new order
since 2015 under President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe provides a setting conducive for positive change, after
the first few years in the post-conflict phase were lost in triumphalist and nationalistic rhetoric. It is a historic opportunity for all
stake-holders, including Tamils, Muslims and plantation Tamils, to participate in the process. It is time all sides left their
January 12/2016
The Centres decision to adopt Bharat Stage VI automotive fuels nationwide by April 1, 2020 is a key measure that can, if
implemented properly, vastly improve air quality. Rolling out the BS VI standard nationally, skipping BS V, has significant cost
implications for fuel producers and the automobile industry, but its positive impact on public health would more than compensate
for the investment. Major pollutants such as fine particulate matter, sulphur dioxide, nitrogen oxides and carbon monoxide
emitted by millions of vehicles on Indias roads are severely affecting the health of people, particularly children whose lungs are
immature and hence more vulnerable. Thousands of premature deaths and rising rates of asthma episodes highlight the urgent
need to make a radical and complete shift to modern fuels and vehicle technologies. Past national policy of implementation of
the BS IV fuel standard failed primarily because this was not done all over the country and the technical standard also permitted
a higher level of sulphur in the fuel. Higher sulphur results in high volumes of fine respirable particulates measuring 2.5
micrometres (PM2.5) being generated in emissions. Since even this obsolete standard was not followed uniformly, many
vehicles, especially commercial passenger and freight carriers, have been using lower standard fuel supplied outside big cities.
Improved air quality, especially in big urban centres, depends on several factors in an era of fast motorisation. A bloated
population of vehicles using fossil fuels has affected travel speeds, worsening pollution levels. Poor civic governance has left
roads unpaved and public spaces filled with debris and construction dust, constantly re-circulating particulate matter in the air.
Moreover, the monitoring of diesel passenger and commercial vehicles the biggest contributors to total emissions for
compliance with emissions regulations remains poor. Such a record does not inspire confidence that retrofitting of old vehicles
to use higher quality fuels such as BS VI can be achieved smoothly. Equally, the distortions in urban development policy that
facilitate the use of personal motorised vehicles rather than expanding good public transport, walking and cycling, are glaring.
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submitted in 2014. The panel also recommended appropriate levies to fund the transition to cleaner, low sulphur fuels. A study
by the Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi on fuel policy and air quality in the same year concluded that the best results would
be achieved by raising the fuel standard and introducing policy initiatives that would influence passenger behaviour and cut
personal travel kilometres by 25 per cent. The government has done well to advance the deadline for cleaner fuels by three
years. It must show the same diligence in making other policy changes in partnership with State governments to clean up the
air.
With a series of high-profile visitors and visits planned, New Delhi is indicating its focus on West Asia in the coming year,
with Prime Minister Narendra Modi expected to travel to Saudi Arabia, Israel, Palestine and possibly Iran. Leaders from those
countries and more are expected to come to Delhi as well, beginning with the Syrian Foreign Minister who is in Delhi now. The
renewed interest from India is welcome, and indicates the importance this region holds for it. In addition, it is important that the
government begins to explore options beyond bilateral relations with countries of this region, as India bids for a place as a
permanent member of the UN Security Council. This is not a region India can afford to take its eyes off. The explosive
discord between Iran and Saudi Arabia despite Irans landmark agreement with the P5+1 countries does not augur well for
the future of the region as a whole, given that each country has specific areas of influence in it. The devastation of
Yemen caused by Saudi Arabian strikes and fighting on the ground hint where that conflict could lead. The spread of Islamic
State may have been stopped due to bombing raids by the U.S. coalition in Iraq and the Russian support to Syrian troops in
Syria, but this is by no means a solution. The Israel-Palestine conflict has the potential to spark more tensions in this region at
any given time, and the burgeoning numbers of refugees fleeing the violence from Syria, Libya, Yemen, Iraq and neighbouring
areas pose another potential threat to stability in the region and in countries where these hapless communities are forced to
take shelter.
Given the powder keg that the region now stands on, can India have a hands-off approach, and focus only on its bilateral
interests in the region? To begin with, the WANA (West Asia, North Africa) region is home to more than seven million Indians
who account for more than half of all remittances to India, adding up to $70 billion. Indias energy dependence on the region is
another reason for deeper engagement. The turmoil of the past few years in Iraq, Libya, Syria and Yemen has unleashed untold
sufferings on Indians working there. India cannot afford to ignore this peril, or simply issue advisories for citizens not to go there.
It will have to take a deeper interest in resolving the regional conflicts. Sending troops to these areas is not an option. Given the
goodwill it enjoys, and Indias reputation of neutrality, it would be desirable for Prime Minister Modi to use his outreach in West
Asia as an interlocutor for dialogue instead. When signing the landmark joint strategic vision document with the U.S. to monitor
the South China Sea region, officials had pointed to Indias mandate for a role in upholding international rule of law. Much the
same logic would apply for Indias role in West Asia, one that is commensurate with its own ambitions on the world stage.
January 13/2016
Political opportunism in an election year often takes the form of dubious actions by the executive, and inevitably runs into a
judicial barrier. By staying the Union governments recent notification aimed at permitting jallikattu, the popular bull-taming
sport in Tamil Nadu, along with bullock cart races in some other States, the Supreme Court has stopped the Centres needless
misadventure in its tracks. The festivities associated with the harvest festival of Pongal in Tamil Nadu went off without jallikattu
in 2015 after the Supreme Courts May 2014 judgment prohibiting the sport on the ground that it perpetrates cruelty on animals
and endangers the lives of the participants. The State government ensured peace and prevented any unrest last year, despite
considerable unease and anger among the rural population. There is no reason why it could not have continued to practise the
same restraint and wisdom in accepting the court verdict. On the contrary, the issue became politicised in the run-up to the
Assembly election that is due in a few months from now. Political parties stoked popular sentiment in favour of reviving jallikattu
by demanding measures to circumvent the judicial bar. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party at the Centre, looking to find a foothold
in the political fray in Tamil Nadu, made a calculated move by amending a 2011 notification that prevented bulls from being
will now have to live with the criticism that it knew that the notification would be stayed, and all it was looking for was some
political capital.
The Centre will have to explain why it tried to get around a court verdict through a mere executive notification, when it is common
knowledge that it can be done only through legislation that removes the basis for the judgment and not merely by tweaking
some regulations. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalithaa has now urged the Centre to promulgate an ordinance to save the
traditional sport, but even that may be no solution. The law laid down by the Supreme Court is fortified by several legal
formulations. In a harmonious reading of animal rights in the context of the Universal Declaration of Animal Welfare (UDAW),
the provisions of the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act and the Constitution, the court has ruled that animals have a right
against human beings inflicting unnecessary pain and suffering on them. In effect, the entire sport has been declared violative
of the law against cruelty. Treating animals in a humane, non-exploitative way is now a constitutional requirement for any
executive action related to them. The States earlier regulatory Act on jallikattu was dismissed as an anthropocentric law that
was repugnant to the eco-centric law against cruelty to animals. Instead of continuing this artificial confrontation between
tradition and modern law, Tamil Nadu would do well to stop spearheading the cause of jallikattu, which is but a relic of a feudal
past.
Argentine and FC Barcelona footballer Lionel Messi has reclaimed the billing as the best footballer in the world by winning his
fifth Ballon dOr award in the last eight years, a stupendous record considering no other player has won more than three such
awards. Portuguese and FC Real Madrid forward Cristiano Ronaldo finished second after having won in the previous two years.
That both players have finished in the top two in the award nominations since 2011 suggests that they are the best two footballers
in the world by some margin. Messi is the better player, combining the highest form of three important qualities dribbling,
passing and goal-scoring in one footballer. Ronaldo is as much and perhaps even more a sure finisher. But having them in
the Argentina and Portugal national teams is no guarantee for success. The fact that neither of them has experienced the
highest form of international success for their respective countries Messis Argentina lost to Germany in the 2014 World
Cup final and Ronaldos Portugal reached the 2004 Euro final before the player reached his peak suggests that their
respective awards were a function of their clubs overall success. Messis Ballon dOr, for example, followed FC Barcelonas
three victories in the UEFA Champions League, the Spanish La Liga and the Copa Del Rey in 2015.
Indeed, Messis Barcelona and Ronaldos Real Madrid have dominated club football in the past few years, the former more so.
These clubs have also designed their pattern and style of play in such a way that the abilities and output of their two key players
and goal-scorers in Messi and Ronaldo have been maximised. Real Madrids strategy of buying the most attack-minded players
in the world and Barcelonas nearly two-decades-long approach of building a squad based on a particular style of play and
combining home-grown and bought talent has complemented the strengths of Ronaldo and Messi, respectively. These
advantages are lacking in a national set-up, where the team squads are drawn from a more limited pool and their frequency of
playing and training together is limited compared to the almost perennial club football. Consequently, the individual successes
and strengths of both Messi and Ronaldo have not translated into national glory. Ronaldos goal-scoring record for Real Madrid
team outputs. These numbers re-emphasise the team nature of the sport. Ronaldo must thank his colleagues Luka Modric,
Sergio Ramos and Karim Benzema and others for consistently putting him in a position to deliver for his club; Messis success
is predicated upon the cohesion of Barcelona and the brilliance of Neymar, Luis Suarez, Andres Iniesta and Gerard Pique.
January 14/2016
In a speech long on past achievements and short on policy promises for his final year in office, U.S. President Barack Obama
delivered his seventh and last State of the Union address to a House of Representatives chamber on Tuesday. Equally
dedicating his time at the pulpit to defending his two-term record in office and to laying out a vision consistent with the liberal
paradigm of the Democratic Party, Mr. Obama posed four definitive questions, the answers to which he said would determine
how much progress the U.S. would make in the years ahead. First, on how the U.S. middle class finds sufficient opportunities
in the new economy to secure its prosperity; second, on how the U.S. harnesses the power of technology to tackle climate
change; third, what are the means to secure the safety of Americans at home and abroad without getting trapped in any military
quagmires; and fourth, how could America's leadership foster a less hateful, less anti-minority brand of national politics? In the
face of the Republican Partys attitude of rancour and suspicion, Mr. Obama has deftly navigated a path forward on domestic
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foreign policy is more patchy and complex. The partial realisation of the dream of America leading a multilateral world sits rather
An unequivocal feather in Mr. Obamas cap is the dtente with Iran, which, on his watch, has rolled back its nuclear programme,
shipped out its uranium stockpile, and helped the world step back from the brink of war. So too is the revival of formal diplomatic
ties with Cuba last summer which, after more than 50 years of isolation and economic embargo, witnessed the relaxation of
travel restrictions but awaits a nod from the Republican-controlled Congress before trade can be fully opened up. At the macro
level, seven years since the end of Bush-era unilateralism, the adoption of multilateral, regionally focussed and hemispheric
political models have certainly come into vogue under the able guidance of the Obama machine. Yet, even as multilateralism
has thrived, bilateral crisis-resolution has taken a back seat. With Russia, the legitimate concerns of an important strategic
player are reduced to sound bites and talking heads on U.S. news channels. Consequently in Ukraine and Syria there is often
a hair-trigger situation. Washingtons China engagement was more reactive than proactive, and led to more aggressive positions
in the region. The unravelling security prospects of Afghanistan and the festering Palestine-Israel conflict were inconsistently
addressed over the two presidential terms. India, though, turned out to be the classic partner for Obamas America there was
enough bilateral economic depth to keep ties strong, and the shared idiom of pluralistic democracy held the two nations together
The Defence Acquisition Council has approved a revised Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP), aimed at boosting
indigenous defence procurement and encouraging better participation from the Indian private sector. The Council is headed by
Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar and includes key stakeholders of the defence establishment. Among its key decisions is a
proposal to introduce a new category of acquisition termed Buy Indian (or IDDM, indigenous design development and
manufacturing), which would become the most preferred acquisition category. Under Buy Indian, domestically designed
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considered. The new DPP has significantly increased the offset threshold for foreign contracts from Rs. 300 crore to Rs. 2,000
crore (with 30 per cent of the contract value to be procured from within India), while it has certain provisions for encouraging
Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises. At first glance, the DPP is an incremental improvement over recent efforts to reduce
Indias import dependence, which stands at 65 per cent of total defence procurement, to help create a robust military industrial
It is imperative that India succeeds at the earliest in creating a cutting-edge domestic military industrial base: no major nation
state has transitioned to becoming a developed economy without one. Such a complex would create not only latest war
machines but also hothouse innovations and technologies to improve overall scientific capabilities, and make India self-reliant
at least in critical areas. If the ambition is to truly make Make in India a reality in the defence sector, then the DPP falls
significantly short of expectations. Many private sector participants have been flagging a host of issues, and inbuilt biases
against indigenisation. There are two key impediments to Indias private sector becoming active participants in defence R&D
and production: the monopoly enjoyed by defence public sector units, and the favours that foreign suppliers enjoy. DPSUs are
the workhorses of the sector as well as the biggest drag on indigenous military research. A significant number of them are
merely assembling foreign kits. Given Indias over-dependence on foreign military vendors, several biases have crept in
favouring them in procurements. A foreign vendor gets most of his payment on self-certification of project progress, while Indian
vendors have to wait for a government inspectors certification, which can delay payments by several months. A foreign vendor
enjoys upfront customs duty exemption, while the excise duty exemption for a local supplier is a reimbursement months after
he has supplied an item. The new DPP may work towards expanding the number of participants in military tenders, but it may
not help dramatically improve the present environment for all participants. Going by the present trend, the $100 billion and more
that India will spend over the next decade will mostly end up in foreign markets. Political boldness and radical reform are needed
January 15/2016
The multiple terror attacks in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital, which left at least seven dead, mark the return of organised
Islamist violence to the country after a brief period. The Southeast Asian country witnessed several terror attacks during the last
decade, including the 2002 Bali bombing that killed over 200 people. Most of such attacks were carried out by the home-grown
terrorist group, Jemaah Islamiyah, which has links with al-Qaeda. An effective military campaign against the JI by the
government, along with U.S.-model counter-terror strategies, helped Indonesia break up the extremist network and arrest the
tide of terror strikes. But Thursdays attack, the first major terror assault in the country in six years, has rekindled fears that
extremists are regrouping themselves at a time when it is going through a tough economic phase. Indonesia has blamed Islamic
State for the attack. The apparent target of the attackers was a downtown mall with outlets of Starbucks and Burger King, as
well as a diplomatic quarter in Jakarta. Its evident that the attackers wanted to inflict maximum damage, much the same way
the Bali tourist hotspot was attacked. But the plan didnt succeed, according to initial reports, as the gunmen were stopped at
the mall and sent back to a police post, where they opened fire.
Though major attacks were halted after the Malaysian leader of the JI was killed in a shootout in rural Indonesia in 2009, Jakarta
has stepped up security measures in recent times in the wake of growing Islamist challenges. If militants radicalised at home
and trained in Afghanistan posed security challenges in 2000-09, now radicalised youth get military training in Syria and Iraq.
Up to 700 Indonesians are estimated to have travelled to Syria and Iraq to join Islamic State. The government has expressed
concern that their return would reinforce the broken extremist networks, bringing back another phase of organised violence.
There was a massive crackdown on suspected Islamists on New Year's eve. For the Islamists, Indonesia has always been a
high-stakes game. Though their influence among Indonesian society is negligible and their networks were broken up by the
state, the latest attacks show they still possess the capability to hit life. It is bad news for the government of President Joko
Widodo, which faces the challenge of rejuvenating an economy hit by a slowdown and falling commodity prices. Mr. Widodo,
who came to power in 2014, has been trying to portray Indonesia as a peaceful, stable place to attract investments to fund
growth. Terror attacks would certainly make his job harder. A bigger challenge is to prevent the return of attacks along the model
of the last decade. To stop Islamists making inroads into the worlds largest Muslim society, the government has to take on both
the extremist organisations and the extremists ideas. President Widodo should not let Islamists have their way.
The latest Index of Industrial Production data, showing a contraction in factory output in November, should set alarm bells
ringing in North Block, especially when read along with the acceleration in retail inflation. While the reasons for the slump in
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in specific industries are cause for concern. Both basic goods and capital goods proxies for manufacturing and investment
demand contracted 0.7 per cent and 24.4 per cent, respectively. The governments IIP figures also come close after the Nikkei
India Manufacturing Purchasing Managers Index, where the survey revealed a drop in output in December when companies
scaled back production on a decline in new orders. The gathering consensus among economists is that, save a few bright spots
like automobiles and consumer durables, demand is precariously placed. Two key drivers, the overseas export markets and the
rural economy, are both facing independent challenges. Global trade growth has been becalmed by Chinas slowdown and is
now being roiled by the yuans depreciation, while back-to-back deficient monsoons have sapped rural consumption
capacity. The economys momentum, thus, is threatened by the prospect of a sustained slowdown that may need to be
countered urgently by corrective fiscal interventions. With the Consumer Price Index (CPI)-based reading rising for a fifth
straight month in December to 5.6 per cent, the accelerating retail inflation could end up posing a significant risk, of combining
Some economists, including the Chief Economic Adviser Dr. Arvind Subramanian, have mooted the idea of the government
temporarily straying from its fiscal consolidation path in order to enable it to step up spending on infrastructure to pump prime
the economy, especially given the low levels of private investment. Any additional public expenditure, when coupled with the
increased payouts for salaries and pensions as part of the implementation of the Seventh Pay Commissions
recommendations and the One Rank, One Pension scheme, will in turn fuel price pressures at the retail level and could
complicate the Reserve Bank of Indias inflation targeting agenda and monetary policy calculus. While oil prices remain in free
fall, offering succour, food prices continue to climb pushing food inflation to 6.4 per cent in December. And the outlook on that
front is hardly reassuring, with reports that unseasonal weather conditions including an El Nino-induced milder winter could lead
to the rabi crop yield ending up well below expectations in several regions. With the RBIs bi-monthly monetary policy and the
annual Central budget set to bookend February, all eyes will be on the next set of monthly IIP and inflation data to see if the
price gains will plateau, as the central bank had predicted in December, or continue to trend up, and whether output growth
recovers or not.
January 18/2016
A comedian, Kiku Sharda, has been arrested under Section 295(A) of the Indian Penal Code for presumably outraging the
religious sentiments of Dera Sacha Sauda adherents by mimicking their leader, Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh. The case was
filed by a Dera follower in Haryana, and the State police reached Mumbai to make the arrest. In Meerut, Uttar Pradesh,
meanwhile, a court has accepted a plea by a local leader of the Hindu Mahasabha for proceedings against actors Shah Rukh
Khan and Salman Khan. Their misdeed: wearing shoes in a temple on the sets of a television show. By the standards of
intolerance to creative, literary and academic work over the past two decades in India, these instances are unexceptional
and it is beside the point to iterate the commonsense distinction between reality and representation, between fact and
superstition. It is a meandering but firm line that links them up with the vandalisation of the Bhandarkar Institute in Pune over a
single line in a fine study of Shivaji; the intimidatory outrage that inhibits the release of films such as Bajirao
Mastani and Jodhaa Akbar which unsettle orthodox storytelling; the moral policing that forced the shooting of Water, on the
treatment of Hindu widows, to be shifted out of Varanasi; and the pressure on publishers to withdraw from circulation entire
books (Wendy Donigers The Hindus: An Alternative History) or excise chapters from compilations used as university texts (A.K.
Ramanujans Three Hundred Ramayanas). It is the line that has also run through the murders of Govind Pansare, M.M. Kalburgi
There is no doubt that Section 295(A) of the IPC is in urgent need of amendment to limit its misuse. As is the section dealing
with sedition, freely imposed by the state on folk singers, cartoonists, students watching cricket and defiant political upstarts.
But these are attendant issues of the crisis in Indias politics today. In democracies worldwide, questions of representation and
liberty have been taken forward in the political sphere, and in India even more so. Indias politics, by parties of the freedom
movement like the Congress but also regional parties, took the lead in increasing the space for rationalism, modernity, liberty
hurt identities and nationalism for partisan advantage. And those freedoms and the modernity project have been rendered yet
more fragile in the past couple of years, with many of the so-called fringe outfits that feast on communal intimidation drawing
strength from their affiliation to the Sangh Parivar, and thereby to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. Months after writers,
academics and artists foregrounded the abnormal circumstances today, it is unfortunate that Indias politics and its legislatures
have not joined the debate wholesomely. This is why it takes just a couple of outraged persons to remind the worlds largest
Two lakh passes were sought for the Start Up India workshop at New Delhis Vigyan Bhawan with a seating capacity of 1,350,
a good indicator of the interest in the action plan for start-ups unveiled by Prime Minister Narendra Modi after a nine-hour
talkathon between Silicon Valley honchos, financiers, Indian unicorns and top government officials. Amidst the euphoria, at least
one Silicon Valley CEO, B.J. Arun of July Systems, warned that India was witnessing a bubble similar to the heady dot-com
rush of 1999-2000 in Silicon Valley with too much money chasing too few ideas. The high demand for passes to the event is
probably a sign of that growing bubble. India, Mr. Arun warned, wont recover as easily as the U.S. did after the bubble bursts,
only to be told by his Indian counterparts that there is no bubble and even if there is, the fittest would survive. That confidence
is refreshing, coming from under-40 first generation entrepreneurs. The governments action points seem laudable for starters,
if not deep enough. They include Rs. 10,000 crore of funding for the next four years, tax-free and labour-inspection-free
existence for start-ups for the first three years, speedier patent clearances with the exchequer footing most of the bill, and
promises to fix taxation hurdles that deter domestic and global financiers from bankrolling new ventures in the coming Budget.
That the government must intervene less for start-ups to succeed Mr. Modis core message drew the loudest cheers,
followed by the tax breaks on start-up profits. The tax breaks fly in the face of the corporate tax reform being pursued to lower
rates and phase out exemptions; but it is a headline-grabbing measure that wont hit revenues as few start-ups would make
A bigger issue is the attempt to define the start-ups eligible for the sops, support and funding announced by the Prime Minister:
firms set up in the past five years with an annual turnover below Rs. 25 crore, working towards innovation, development,
deployment or commercialisation of new products, processes or services driven by technology or intellectual property. The
mere act of developing products or services that do not have potential for commercialisation or have no or limited incremental
value for customers would not be a start-up. Moreover, a start-up shall be eligible for tax benefits only after it is certified by an
inter-ministerial board. Slotting something like innovation into a template may not click and until more details emerge, it just
sounds like more red tape to clear to avoid some red tape. Smarter ventures would seek funding on their own and work without
official sops, but the government must not lose sight of the need to fix Indias overall business climate. Failing that, even with
tax sops, start-ups will continue to quit India and list or register elsewhere. Bubble or not, thats one issue Indian unicorns are
unanimous about.
January 19/2016
It was a remarkable moment in international diplomacy. Until last year, it was unimaginable that there would be a peaceful
solution to the Iranian nuclear crisis. Even when a deal was reached in July, critics continued to attack the efforts, questioning
the operating challenges of the accord and Irans dubious nuclear record. But proving its critics wrong again, Iran quickly acted
to rein in its nuclear programme. It decommissioned its enrichment centrifuges, removed the core of its heavy-water reactor and
shipped out most of its low-enriched uranium stockpile all in months. On Saturday, the International Atomic Energy Agency
confirmed Iran had complied with its commitments. Within hours, nuclear sanctions were removed, signalling Irans reintegration
with the global economy. The implementation of the deal demonstrates the willingness of both the U.S. and Iran to move past
their history of hostilities and begin a new future of cooperation. U.S. President Barack Obama and his Iranian counterpart
Hassan Rouhani deserve credit for their visionary determination. It was not easy to effect structural changes in the thinking of
their respective foreign policy establishments and chart a new course of constructive engagement. Both faced criticism at home.
There were regional challenges as well, such as the steadfast opposition from Israel. Still they stuck to the path of diplomacy
Over the past few months, U.S.-Iran ties have substantially improved. Though both sides maintain that cooperation is limited to
the nuclear deal, in actuality it is much broader. Tehran and Washington are engaged in Syria and Iraq. They share common
interests in Afghanistan. The quick release of American sailors whose patrol boats drifted into Iranian waters signalled the shift
in ties. The prisoner swap deal, announced just hours before the sanctions were lifted and under which Iran released four
Americans and the U.S. seven Iranians, is another indicator. But the question is whether these changes are sustainable and, if
so, what effects they can have on the troubled West Asian geopolitics. In Iran there appears to be a consensus on enhanced
engagement with the West. Despite the anti-American public posturing, often from the hard-line quarters of the establishment,
Irans political elite remains largely supportive of President Rouhanis moves. But its not the case in the U.S., where the
Republican front runners for the presidential election are highly critical of the deal. It is not clear what could happen to the Iran-
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momentum, it can transform the region for the better in the long run. India should take the cue from the deal. A peaceful, stable
Iran is vital for its interests, particularly for energy security and connectivity. New Delhi should get Tehran on board, again.
The suicide of Rohith Vemula, a Dalit research scholar at the University of Hyderabad, is yet another tragic testimony to the
feudal passions of caste that roil Indias institutions of higher education, which are known to harbour delusions of being
meritocracies. Vemula was one of five Dalit students, all belonging to the Ambedkar Students Association (ASA), who had been
suspended by the administration. The suspension order allowed them to continue their studies in the university but denied
them entry to the hostels, administration building and other common places in groups. It is difficult to imagine a more blatant
exhibition of social boycott than such a punitive measure, directed at a group of students from a socially disadvantaged
community. That this comes from the governing elite of a central university makes it even more appalling. The ostensible reason
for the suspension of Vemula and the four others was an alleged clash between students belonging to the ASA and the Akhil
Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), an affiliate of the right-wing Sangh Parivar. An inquiry by the university culminated in the
suspension order. It was against this punitive measure that they had been protesting. On Sunday, the young scholar decided to
cut short both his protest and his life. His suicide note, which was posted on social media, states categorically that no one is
responsible for his act, a statement that should not be taken at face value.
The police have registered cases against Union Minister of State for Labour and Employment Bandaru Dattatreya, the University
of Hyderabad Vice-Chancellor P. Appa Rao, and two ABVP activists on charges of abetment to suicide, and violation of the SC
and ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Activists say the circumstances leading to Vemulas death were sparked by a letter from
Mr. Dattatreya to Human Resource Development Minister Smriti Irani, charging the ASA with being extremist and anti-
national. Trying to make sense of a death by suicide is an onerous, and frequently futile, exercise. But Vemulas death demands
it, not least because it is a national shaming. It brings the Indian state face to face with its utter failure in addressing the social
evil of caste and casteist discrimination. The Thorat Committee, constituted some years ago to investigate differential treatment
of SC/ST students in just one institution, the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, Delhi, had come out with a damning
indictment of the way Dalit students were treated. Forced into ghettoes in the hostel, discriminated against by teachers, denied
access to sporting and cultural activities, SC/ST students in Indias premier educational institutions walk into an environment
thats virulently hostile to them. Not surprisingly, according to one estimate, in the last four years 18 Dalit students chose to end
their lives rather than continue to battle on in these dens of caste prejudice and social exclusion. The first step toward treating
the rot of caste is to acknowledge it after Vemulas tragic death, it would be a crime not to.
January 20/2016
trial that threw little light on what exactly the ship was doing when it was seen anchored off Thoothukudi in Tamil Nadu in October
2013. Those convicted, many of them nationals of Britain, Ukraine and Estonia, besides some Indians, were sentenced by a
sessions court recently to five years rigorous imprisonment despite a vigorous defence that their vessel, m.v. Seaman Guard
Ohio, was engaged in anti-piracy operations at sea and was looking for fuel and provisions while in distress. The Tamil Nadu
Police, through the Q Branch-CID, may have obtained a conviction under the provisions of the Arms Act, but its investigation
did not really determine whether the ship was engaged in something more suspicious than supplying armed manpower to
merchant ships. Its charted course lay somewhere in the direction of the Maldives, but what it was doing on the eastern coast
is not clear. The sentencing may be troubling for the countries involved, mainly because they may believe that their nationals
were imprisoned in harsh conditions for six months and forced to stay in India while out on bail for two and a half years. Going
by the detailed court verdict, neither Britain nor the other countries involved, including the U.S., to which the maritime security
company owning the ship, Advanfort, belongs, nor the flag state, Sierra Leone, could really help them prove their innocence.
The courts order is reasonably sound in legal principles. It records a finding that the ship was in Indian territorial waters; second,
there was no official document to prove that the company was authorised to do its business in the U.S. or elsewhere. Its
registration as a utility boat in Sierra Leone contradicted its claim that it was a security vessel. The court ruled that no licence
was produced to show that the armaments on board were legal. It rejected the defence of innocent passage and noted that its
log books did not disclose any distress. The strongest defence was that Section 45 of the Arms Act exempts arms on board a
sea-going craft from prosecution if they are part of its ordinary armaments. However, the court did not agree that the huge
cache of automatic and semi-automatic weapons, magazines and cartridges seized from it were part of its ordinary armaments.
The matter will surely be taken on appeal to the higher courts. The case ought to be an eye-opener to all countries on the
problem with private security agencies deploying floating armouries without adequate legal protection. The International
Maritime Organisation has guidelines for Privately Contracted Armed Security Personnel, but what happens when these norms
clash with municipal law is an issue that the global maritime industry has to ponder over. This case underscores the need for
states to resolve issues arising out of a key, but weakly regulated sector.
o Armoury - a place where weapons and other military equipment are stored
o Conviction - the decision of a judge in a court of law that someone is guilty of a
criminal offence
o Crew member - a member of a group of people who work together, especially on
a ship
o Vessel - a ship or large boat
o Ammunition - objects that can be shot from a weapon (bullets or bombs)
o Throw light on something - to provide explanation for something that makes it
easier to understand
o Convicted - declare (someone) to be guilty of a criminal offence by the judge in a
court
o Rigorous - strict
o Despite - without influenced by something
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The audacious and unprovoked attack last week on a group of activists who held a peaceful rally in Rajasthan can only be
explained in terms of the rising resentment on the part of the ruling class towards civil society organisations demanding
accountability. Flagged off by social activist Aruna Roy, the Jawabdehi Yatra was aimed to spread awareness about government
schemes and raise the issue of accountability in their implementation. A mob, allegedly led by BJP legislator Kanwar Lal
Meena, attacked the members of organisations such as the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sanghathan (MKSS) at Aklera in Jhalawar
district, in a sign that sections of the ruling party in the State were unhappy with civil society activists entering a region falling
under a Lok Sabha constituency represented by Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje in the past and by her son Dushyant Singh
now, and demanding answers from the authorities. While the police have registered a case and arrested some of the assailants,
it was only after video footage showing the apparent presence of Mr. Meena in the crowd was released that there is a hint that
his involvement may be probed. The 100-day yatra, under the banner of the Soochana Evam Rozgar ka Adhikar Abhiyan, itself
was as innocuous a programme as there could be. It merely tried to cover blocks across all the States districts to listen to
peoples grievances and spread awareness through street-corner meetings. The Rajasthan Chief Minister would do well to heed
the call for a formal inquiry into the incident, come out openly in condemning such unsavoury events, and prosecute the
offenders.
It is difficult to see this incident in isolation. The Centre itself has been a poor role model, looking at the way Greenpeace India
has been hounded and its registration sought to be cancelled. It is not difficult to surmise that a message is being sent out that
activism should be tempered by a nuanced deference to the states overarching interests. Even under the previous UPA
regime, activists in Tamil Nadu opposing the Kudankulam nuclear power project faced, and continue to face, hostile
treatment by various arms of the state. If bureaucratic aversion to criticism is often an adequate source of harassment and
intimidation, political players too weigh in with disparaging remarks against non-governmental organisations and individual
the registration of a large number of cases against activists. In recent years, civil society has played a significant role in shaping
policy. Landmark pieces of legislation the Right to Information Act, for instance have come about only because the
government chose to involve stakeholders across the political and social spectrum and obtain their inputs and advice. Any
attempt to prevent the free functioning of such organisations will amount to de-legitimising key participants and stakeholders in
January 21/2016
The International Monetary Fund has added to the prevailing economic gloom by cutting the global growth forecast. It now
expects the world economy to expand by 3.4 per cent in 2016. This is 0.2 percentage points below its forecast of October
last year. The revision has come just as Beijing released numbers that showed China posting the slowest growth yet in 25 years.
Though it reported a growth of 6.9 per cent in 2015, the year saw turbulence in the Chinese economy, with heavy capital
outflows and stock market volatility. The IMF has kept its growth forecast for China unchanged at 6.3 per cent in 2016, and the
fear is that Chinas economic slowdown could have a trigger effect on others. Reading the China factor in tandem with weak
commodity prices, the Fund has chosen to pare its global growth forecast. The latest IMF growth numbers no doubt reflect the
unfavourable ground conditions around the globe. Yet, they also underscore a sense of urgency in putting in place an action
plan that would catalyse and hasten the economic recovery process. Not surprisingly, the IMF has emphasised the need for
While ringing the slowdown alarm, the IMF, however, finds India better-placed vis--vis other large economies. It has kept its
growth forecast for India in 2016-17 unchanged at 7.5 per cent. Coming as it does at a time when global political and business
leaders make a beeline for Davos, the IMFs prediction could be seen to be a shot in the arm for Indian leaders to hard sell the
country at the World Economic Forum. At best, it could give India a psychological edge over others. But that alone may not be
sufficient to pull India to a higher growth orbit. In an inter-connected environment, global headwinds cannot be wished away.
Oftentimes, there have been comparisons between India and China in the global investing community. Managing the China
factor is very crucial for India to stay its course on the growth path. Containing the spillover effects of volatility in Beijing could,
however, prove a big challenge for monetary and fiscal planners in India in the coming days. Given that Indian exports have
been contracting month after month, the developments on the Chinese currency front are bound to pose fresh worries for the
economy. Though India is relatively better-placed, the economic slowdown is as much a concern for the country as it is for
others. Even as the IMF forecast provides India a comparative edge in wooing the global investor community, it is essential for
the government to coherently address the growing anxiety among domestic consumers and stem, if not fully reverse, the
demand slump. The budget will provide the NDA government an opportunity to announce a plan to mitigate economic distress,
especially in the farm sector, and show the political will to push job-creation as a central objective. Its a task the government
On the face of it, the violence unleashed in Malda on January 3 would appear to point to a dangerous escalation of a
communal protest by an obscure group called the Anjuman Ahle Sunnatul Jamaat. The group had organised a rally to protest
against remarks against Islam made by a Hindu right-wing leader in Uttar Pradesh nearly a month earlier a mob burnt a
Border Security Force (BSF) vehicle, then attacked and ransacked a police station and burnt vehicles in Kaliachak. However, a
deeper inquiry suggests that the violence was the result of a law and order breakdown in the largely backward and under-
developed district, which has been convulsed by agrarian distress, poverty and a political system thriving on patronage and
crime. The mob had specifically targeted the police and the BSF after a crackdown on poppy cultivation and the circulation of
fake currency notes, an illicit economic activity that is rampant in the area. It is clear from ground reports that the protest rally
was used as a ruse to unleash violence against the police in the Kaliachak area, with crime records and poppy storage facilities
being the primary targets for the looters and arsonists among the mob.
The subsequent attempt by the Bharatiya Janata Party to give a communal colour to the violence is a sinister ploy to foment
more trouble in an already troubled district. Malda has for long been a pocket borough of the Congress party. The family of the
late A.B.A. Ghani Khan Chowdhury continues to wield influence and power through a client-patronage system. The Trinamool
Congress had hitherto been unable to breach the Congress stronghold despite establishing hegemony in most other districts.
The State governments business-as-usual reaction to the breakdown in law and order in Malda is possibly on account of the
blatantly took recourse to dog-whistle politics in the Lok Sabha elections of 2014, managing a decent showing in West Bengal,
has been unable to consolidate its position in the subsequent local body elections. With the increasing prospect of a Congress
alliance with the Left Front both the Congress and the CPI(M) leaderships in the State have signalled a preference for an
electoral understanding for the coming Assembly elections it is amply clear that tensions are being deliberately ramped up
in order to polarise voters in Malda. This process is being helped by the Trinamool governments lack of a will to curb criminality
and increasing threats to law and order in West Bengal. Communal riots and deterioration of civic relations are products of
cynical electoral strategies of communal and narrow-minded political outfits. It is to be hoped that the progressive social forces
in Malda will work to resist the political machinations that are under way to create a communal conflagration. That they are the
o Polarisation - the condiction where people become divided into different groups
and fight with each other
o Unleash - to suddenly release a violent force that cannot be controlled
o Escalation - a rapid increase
o Protest - an action expressing disapproval of or objection to something
o Obscure - not clear and difficult to understand
o Mob - a large crowd of people who intended to cause trouble or violence
o Ransack - go through (a place) stealing things and causing damage
o Breakdown - failure
o Convulse - to shake violently with sudden uncontrolled movements
o Agrarian - relating to the land, especially the use of land for farming
o Thrive - to grow, develop, or be successful
o Patronage - the support given to an organization by someone
o Rampant - getting worse quickly and in an uncontrolled way
o Ruse - an action intended to deceive someone
o Arsonists - people who intentionally start fire in order to damage or destroy
something
o Sinister - giving the impression that something harmful or evil is happening or will
happen
o Ploy - a cunning plan or action designed to turn a situation to one's own advantage
o Foment - to cause trouble to develop
o Wield - to have a lot of influence or power over other people
o Hitherto - until now or until a particular time
o Breach - an act of breaking a law, promise, agreement
o Hegemony - the position of being the strongest and most powerful and therefore
able to control others
o Blatantly - intentionally (when this is a bad thing)
January 22/2016
Death row convict Mohammed Arif alias Ashfaq, a Pakistani national found guilty of conspiring to organise the attack on the
Red Fort complex in Delhi in 2000, in which two Army soldiers and a sentry were killed, has been given one more opportunity
of an oral hearing. His lawyers have been allowed by the Supreme Court to file a fresh petition seeking a review of the death
sentence confirmed by the court in August 2011 so that the matter can be heard once again in open court. The court has once
again demonstrated its inexhaustible capacity to deal with death penalty cases in a spirit of compassion. A September 2014
Constitution Bench judgment ruling that a 30-minute oral hearing in open court for every review petition involving the penalty is
a constitutional requirement was not applicable to Ashfaq, one of the petitioners before it. This was because the limited oral
hearing in death row cases was just an exception to the general rule that review petitions be decided by circulation of the papers
among judges. The exception was limited to those cases in which both a review petition and a subsequent curative plea had
already been rejected. In Ashfaqs case, the court declined to review his sentence in August 2012 and the curative petition was
rejected in January 2014. Chief Justice T.S. Thakur has, however, decided that he deserves a concession in order that even
the slightest possibility of error may be eliminated, for he was the sole convict who did not get the benefit of the earlier verdict.
After upholding Ashfaqs death sentence and declining to review it, obviously because there was no apparent error, is it not
mere moral tokenism to afford him another oral hearing? Howsoever one may answer this question, it cannot be disputed that
the Supreme Court has been dealing with cases culminating in the death penalty in a liberal spirit in recent years. It has
delivered a series of judgments widening the scope of the clemency jurisdiction. Even when constrained by an earlier judgment
by another five-member Constitution Bench allowing the disposal of review petitions without an oral hearing, the Bench, in 2014,
extending the benefit to Ashaq, a Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorist found guilty of plotting and facilitating an audacious attack , the court
is enhancing the value of due process. Some critics may question the wisdom of being magnanimous towards such offenders
and not taking a stern stand against all forms of terrorism. This apparent conflict between the thirst for condign punishment and
the twinge of conscience about sending one to the gallows will persist as long as the death penalty remains on the statute book.
Until it is well and truly abolished, it is only the court that can humanise the law and procedure relating to death and mercy.
o Compassion - a strong feeling of sympathy and sadness for the suffering or bad
luck of others and a wish to help them
o Conspire - make secret plans jointly to commit an unlawful or harmful act
o Oral - spoken (relating to the mouth)
o Inexhaustible - existing in very great amounts that will never be finished
o Exception - someone or something that is not included in a rule, group, or list
o Subsequent - coming after something in time / following
o Curative - able to cure or cause to get better
o Plea - a request made in an urgent and emotional manner
o Declined - politely refused
o Convict - to decide officially in a law court that someone is guilty of a crime
o Verdict - Judgement
o Apparent - clearly visible or understood
o Tokenism - doing something (such as hiring a person who belongs to a minority
group) only to prevent criticism and give the appearance that people are being
treated fairly
o Howsoever - in whatever way / however
o Dispute - arguement about (something)
o Culminate - reach a climax or point of highest development
o Liberal - respecting and allowing many different types of beliefs or behaviour
o Clemency - kindness when giving a punishment
o Constrained - forced to do something against your will
o Disposal - the action or process of getting rid of something
o Carved out - made or created
o Integral - necessary
o Plotting - secretly make plans to carry out an illegal or harmful action
o Facilitate - to make something possible or easier
o Audacious - showing a willingness to take risks or offend people
o Enhancing - increasing
o Wisdom - the quality of having experience, knowledge, and good judgement (the
quality of being wise)
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The attack by terrorists on Bacha Khan University in northwestern Pakistan, which left at least 21 people dead, raises
serious questions about Islamabads anti-terror strategy. The assault demonstrates that despite a year-long enhanced
counterterror offensive by the Army, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) retains the capacity to inflict lethal harm. The attack in
Charsadda in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province (the old NWFP) comes over a year after the TTP stormed an Army school in
nearby Peshawar, killing 134 children. That massacre had prompted widespread anger, forcing the Army to launch a massive
crackdown on Pakistani Taliban. Pakistan lifted a moratorium on executions, detained thousands of suspected Islamist militants,
and stepped up attacks on the TTP. This had fractured the Taliban organisationally, and there were fewer attacks in big cities
last year. But, as the latest attack shows, the crackdown failed to neutralise the security challenges the TTP poses to the
Pakistani state.
This is mainly owing to two reasons. First, Pakistans counterterrorism strategy is heavily reliant on its security establishment.
To be sure, the army plays a vital role in any campaign against terrorist groups, but its focus would obviously be on the terrorist
infrastructure. But Islamabad needs a broader, more comprehensive strategy to deal with the issue at the grassroots level. It
has to identify and break up local terrorist networks, counter radical ideology, and more important, take adequate measures to
address lawlessness and extreme poverty in the northwestern mountainous region, a fertile recruiting ground for jihadists.
Second, Islamabads dual policy towards terrorism is self-defeating. Even as it fights groups such as the TTP, the Army is deeply
involved with the Afghan Taliban, the Haqqani Network and anti-India terrorist groups such as the Lashkar-e-Taiba. Using
jihadists for strategic gains has been a deliberate strategy for Pakistans military establishment for decades. That strategy has
been proven counterproductive over the years. Unfortunately, Pakistan has continued this double game for geopolitical gains.
Even after the Peshawar attack, the Armys focus was only on the TTP factions, while it kept intact its good ties with the Afghan
Taliban, who control huge swathes of territory in the neighbouring country. As a result, the TTP, even if it is beaten by the Army,
can retreat to Afghanistan, regroup there and move back to Pakistan to carry out strikes. Pakistan is aware of these fault lines.
But it still wont amend its strategy because it looks at the Afghan Taliban as a strategic vehicle to expand its interests in South
Asia. This dual policy has weakened the fight against the Taliban in Afghanistan, while making Pakistans own campaign against
geopolitical strategy. The way forward for Islamabad is to come out of this mess and join other regional powers in a consistent
January 23/2016
Speculation continues to get free play about the next steps in government formation in Jammu and Kashmir. Since Mufti
Mohammad Sayeeds death on January 7 and the subsequent imposition of Governors Rule in the State, his daughter
Mehbooba Mufti has studiedly refused to reveal her hand. Unsurprisingly, the air is thick with talk of various scenarios. The
With 27 MLAs, it could ditch the BJPs 25 and form a government with the Congresss 12 and a handful of Independents. The
PDP could assert its centrality to the BJPs ambition to revive its first stint in government in the State by renegotiating terms. Or
it could force elections and thereby hope to reverse the perceived loss of popular support over its embrace of the BJP. Former
Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, whose National Conference is the PDPs competitor in what is practically a zero-sum game in
the Valley, tried this week to reinforce the impression of a party out comparison-shopping in the sombre aftermath of its
patriarchs death, when he wrote an open letter to Ms. Mufti asking her to rise to the occasion or step back in other words,
form a government or let the Assembly be dissolved. Ms. Mufti appears to be holding all the cards, but her dilemmas too are
obvious. These range from stemming dissent in the PDPs ranks to consolidating its traditional political space as a party that
professes allegiance to New Delhi while administering the healing touch to the widest possible cross-section of the States
In early 2015, it had taken all of Mufti Sayeeds stature and goodwill from his 2002-05 stint as Chief Minister to pull off the most
unexpected of coalitions, with the BJP. He had spoken of the need for the Valley to pull along with the Jammu region, where
the BJP had done spectacularly well, and the PDP sought to embed the coalition in a forward-looking Agenda for the Alliance,
seeking greater understanding from Delhi for the unique identity of Kashmir and enhanced funding for development. That
conciliatory framework sustained pressure on many counts during the past year. One, the breakdown in the ceasefire along the
border dimmed hopes of normalising ties and reviving commercial and people-to-people contacts with Pakistan-occupied
Kashmir. Two, delivery of development funds, especially a rehabilitation package for the 2014 floods, was too long drawn out.
And three, the creeping into Kashmiri public life of Hindutva issues like consumption of beef and J&Ks flag resulted in suspicion
about the BJPs political agenda, among the population and also within the PDP. These are the circumstances in which Ms.
Mufti must revisit the mandate of 2014. Indeed, there is a need for her to step up, and to do so urgently. She needs to find her
voice to articulate the vision that guides her in this extended moment of transition. J&K cannot afford this uncertainty to play out
much longer.
The first set of data from the National Family Health Survey-4 for 13 States and two Union Territories should be seen as a
report card on how effectively India has used its newly created wealth to alter a dismal record of nutritional deprivation, ill-health
and lost potential among its citizens, particularly women and children. Given the steady growth in real per capita GDP since the
1980s, and the progress made since Independence in overcoming severe undernourishment, enlightened policy approaches
could have brought about a giant leap from 1992-93, when the first NFHS was conducted, ensuring that no child or woman was
left behind in the quest for health for all. Evidently, the Indian state has not viewed the situation even at the height of a
as constituting a national crisis. It comes as no surprise, therefore, that this failure to assume responsibility for child nutrition
has left 34 per cent of children in that age group underweight today. There is also a lot of evidence to show that the deprived
sections of Indias children have low weight even at birth due to the general neglect of womens nutrition and well-being.
It is imperative that the data coming out of NFHS-4 lead to the charting of a new policy course that makes access to nutrition
and health a right for all. Asserting this right would require the strengthening of the Integrated Child Development Services
scheme in all States, particularly those with a higher proportion of underweight and stunted children. In the first set of data, Bihar
and Madhya Pradesh bring up the rear on these crucial metrics of child development. It deserves mention that even within the
ICDS, there is a clear deficit in caring for the needs of children under three. Nutrition in the first two or three years of a childs
life has a lasting impact on her development; care given in later years, including freshly cooked meals at school, cannot undo
the setback caused by neglect during this foundational phase. Other key areas requiring intervention are access to antenatal
care, reduction of high levels of anaemia among women, and immunisation; it is a cause for concern that a State such as Tamil
Nadu with an active public health system recorded a reduced rate of full child immunisation compared with NFHS-3 data. Overall,
there is a need to assess the health of citizens more frequently than the current NFHS cycle of seven to 10 years allows. Data
gathered every two or three years would help make timely policy corrections. A fuller picture of the health of urban and rural
Indians will emerge later in the year when data for all States become available. They should send out the message that sustained
economic growth is not possible without state support to achieve the well-being of the population, especially women and
children.
January 25/2016
Police over the last few days for their alleged terror plans and sympathies to the Islamic State is a stark warning that the
authorities need to be on heightened alert. The Delhi Police caught four young men from Uttarakhand, while the rest have been
arrested by the NIA from across India. Both groups are accused of planning to carry out major terrorist attacks. The NIA believes
that the 14 men in its custody were in the process of organising a training camp to prepare for multiple attacks against domestic
and foreign targets. Officials say that both the arrested groups had been in touch with Shafi Armar alias Yusuf, who heads a
terrorist group named Ansar-ul-Tawhid that is aligned with the Islamic State and has former members of the Indian
Mujahideen in its ranks. This is a clear indication that the IS is no more a danger lurking in some distant land. In fact, next-door
Bangladesh has already witnessed a few lone-wolf attacks suspected to have been carried out by IS sympathisers.
The authorities now have the challenge of identifying terrorist modules, and possible lone wolves, without allowing any attendant
excesses. Real-life investigations are painstaking tasks, and the Indian agencies have often failed in due diligence on that front.
Therefore it is important that the government keep a close watch to ensure that the NIA and the Delhi Police carry out transparent
and professional investigations into the recent arrests. That will ensure public safety and also protect the individual liberty of
those accused of terror, but pending a fair trial. Experience worldwide has shown that the perception game is practically won or
lost while dealing with terrorist suspects. The investigations must be time-bound and chargesheets must be filed within a
reasonable timeframe. A quick trial is advisable to showcase that India has an uncompromising posture against terrorism
and will hand out punishments without any delay and swiftly, while protecting the constitutional rights of each of its resident.
Showcasing such a balanced approach towards terrorism is also very important to send out the message to the aggrieved and
those influenced by violent ideologies that Indian democracy is their best bet for a fair life. Young people drawn to various waves
of violence through history have mostly been individuals harbouring a perceived strong sense of grievance against the state.
Their violent activities are a response to what they believe to be injustices inflicted by the powerful. In India, there have been
three distinct waves of domestic Islamist terrorism since the early 1990s. There is no better way of addressing the grave threat
posed by young citizens drawn to extremist, violent ideologies than a fair, transparent and swift trial.
Chinas stock market turbulence and the impact its growth slowdown is having on the global economy were dominant themes
last week at the annual World Economic Forum in the Swiss Alpine resort of Davos. And as the four-day gathering of
international finance and corporate captains, government policymakers and central bankers wound down on Saturday, the jury
was still out on whether China is headed for a hard landing or is in control of its transition. That China and its fortunes have
come to dominate discussions is testimony to the extent to which its companies and manufacturing industry have integrated
with the rest of the world, as well as to the increased international concern over the perceived opacity of the countrys banking
and financial sectors real levels of indebtedness. This was perhaps best reflected in International Monetary Fund
chief Christine Lagardes exhortation that financial markets need more clarity and certainty about Chinas management of
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a 10 per cent decline in the value of the Chinese currency against the dollar by the third quarter of 2016 if accompanied by
resultant competitive devaluations among emerging market peers could roil economies and markets worldwide, with the
eurozone and Japan projected to be the hardest hit. The domino effect could retard global growth by 0.2 per cent and hurt
countries including the U.S., Brazil, Russia and India. Interestingly though, the same study projects that China would have little
to show by way of gains from the yuans weakness, lending credence to the Chinese authorities assertions that they are not
interested in engendering a scenario of competitive devaluations. Still, that second-order effects of what happens in China will
be hard to hazard a guess about has already been proven by the recent volatility seen in markets worldwide. And the brave
words of regulators notwithstanding, central bankers are running out of ammunition. As Reserve Bank of India Governor
Raghuram Rajan said, monetary easing may have run its course and reached the limits of efficacy as a policy tool.
The other key takeaway from this years meeting at Davos was showcased in Pope Franciss admonition to the global political
and economic elite to reflect on their own role in creating inequality. An Oxfam study, released ahead of the WEF meet, said
the richest 1 per cent owned as much wealth as the remaining 99 per cent combined did, with the gap in wealth widening even
faster than anticipated. With politicians across continents and the entire ideological spectrum, from the far-right to the far-left,
focusing their rhetoric and stances on the growing rich-poor divide and seeking to tap the burgeoning discontent for electoral
gains, the Popes call to the wealthy and powerful to act to help address the inequality lends a powerful moral edge to the issue.
January 26/2016
American President Barack Obama struck a note of strong optimism this week on his countrys bilateral engagement with India,
emphasising in an interview the steady economic and strategic convergence that has occurred between Washington and
New Delhi on his watch. Indeed, Mr. Obama has held collaborative efforts with the governments of two Indian Prime Ministers,
first Manmohan Singh and now Narendra Modi, to an even keel. Notwithstanding the periodic diplomatic kerfuffle or policy
wrinkle, most disruptively over Devyani Khobragades detention, bilateral bonhomie has held in areas as diverse as expanding
trade and investment, regional and multilateral cooperation, counterterrorism coordination, military joint exercises, and most
recently, policies to fight climate change. Particularly with Mr. Modi at the helm, the two countries have steadily added strategic
depth to the bilateral relationship, whether on the Indian Ocean Region, the Paris climate change agreement, trilateral
exchanges with partners such as Japan, or third-country development projects such as those in the Africa region. Yet, some
uncomfortable, unanswered questions remain in this space, and they pertain to terrorist attacks in India emanating from across
its western border, to the paralysed civil nuclear agreement, and economic brawls that could, if unchecked, fuel spiralling
hostility.
Major terrorist attacks in India respectively in 2001 (the Parliament complex in New Delhi), 2008 (multiple targets in Mumbai)
and in 2016 (Air Force Station in Pathankot) have opened up a chasm of suspicion between New Delhi and Washington,
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in the interview this week described the Pathankot attack as inexcusable, it is a travesty of justice that terror masterminds
Hafiz Saeed, Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi and Masood Azhar are not under arrest despite New Delhi submitting evidence of their
complicity. The U.S. administration has leverage over Pakistan in the form of $13 billion in military aid under the Coalition
Support Funds programme, so why only use words to chastise non-action on this front? Regarding India-U.S. civil nuclear
energy cooperation, Mr. Obama expressed the hope that in the year ahead there would be deals for American companies to
build new reactors; yet it is hard to see how this would materialise given the insurance conundrum stemming from Indias Nuclear
Liability Law, which provides for legitimate protection in the event of a nuclear accident. Finally, a troubling question mark hangs
over India, along with China, remaining outside the framework of the U.S.-driven Trans-Pacific Partnership. Exclusion from this
trade framework may result in Indian firms losing market share to TPP signatories. Add to this the spate of mini-squabbles that
have broken out over intellectual property rights protection and compulsory licences in India, over visa restrictions in the U.S.
and a host of trade disputes that have reached the World Trade Organisation, and Mr. Obamas comment that the bilateral
relationship had absolutely not reached its full potential seems perfectly accurate.
The consultation process set in motion by the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) on the issue of differential pricing
of cellular data has set off a full-scale and no-holds-barred war of words between the authority and Facebook. The spat came
into the public domain last week when TRAI released its e-mail exchanges with the social networking giant. The telecom
regulator is clearly concerned about the unabashed enthusiasm demonstrated by Facebook to utilise indeed, exploit the
consultation process to drum up support for its Free Basics product. TRAI was scathing in its criticism of Facebooks high-
intensity lobbying exercise. The regulator minced no words, and accused Facebook of converting its consultation process into
a crudely majoritarian and orchestrated opinion poll. Also, TRAI is convinced that the campaign by Facebook to defend its
free Internet platform is wholly misplaced as the consultation paper is only on differential pricing for data services and not on
any particular product or service. The social networking giant has been collating responses from users of its platform, and
forwarding them to TRAI. Somewhere in this process, Facebook felt that somebody with access to the TRAI e-mail account had
blocked the receipt of its e-mails. That accusation was enough to provoke a confrontation with TRAI. More than anything else,
the stand-off between the two has brought the focus on the efficacy of the consultation process in an environment where private
enterprise is increasingly gaining greater clout. Also, it raises serious questions on the lobbying practices followed to shape
imprudent and even risky to let them have a free run in setting the policy agenda. The right to do business does not automatically
give them the freedom to misuse their platforms to hijack policy initiatives by swaying public opinion. By means of its action,
Facebook clearly has walked into the conflict of interest argument. In the wake of rising support for net neutrality, Facebook
launched a multi-million dollar campaign late last year to support Free Basics, a re-branded version of its internet.org.
How tenable is it for an interested enterprise like Facebook to play a facilitating role in the consultation process initiated by
TRAI? The template response that it has procured from its users naturally has no articulation on the points made by TRAI.
Moreover, Facebook cannot arrogate to itself the right to represent users just because they use its platform. The TRAI-Facebook
face-off, unfortunately, has deflected the focus from the real issue: what kind of Internet access will suit a country like India with
over a billion people? A solution must focus on providing maximum benefit to the poor.
o Clicktivism - to use social media and the Internet to influence public openions
(politics / religion / other social issues)
o No-holds-barred - without limits or controls
o Spat - a short argument, usually about something that is not important
o Giant - a very successful and powerful person or organization
o Concerned - involved in something or affected by it
o Unabashed - without any worry about possible criticism or embarrassment (not
ashamed)
o Enthusiasm - interest
o Exploit - make full use of something
o Drum up something - to creat something very cleverly
o Scathing - criticizing someone or something very badly
o Lobbying - to try to convince a politician / government that a particular thing should
happen
o Minced - to speak in an affected way
o Accused - to say that someone has done something wrong / illegal
o Crudely - rudely and offensively
o Orchestrate - to arrange something carefully, and unfairly, to achieve a wanted
result
o Campaign - a planned group of activities that are intended to achieve a particular
aim
o Collating - collecting and combining (texts, information, or data)
o Accusation - a statement saying that someone has done something wrong / illegal
o Provoke - to cause a reaction (negative one)
o Confrontation - a fight or argument
o Stand-off - a situation in which agreement in an argument does not seem possible
o Efficacy - the ability to produce a desired result
January 27/2016
crisis. After seeking some clarifications from the Union government, President Pranab Mukherjee has approved the imposition
of Central rule. The proclamation will have to be approved by both Houses of Parliament and the validity of Presidents Rule
may be considered by the Supreme Court, but it is difficult not to discern a discredited political pattern behind the crisis that led
to the current situation. The pattern involves dissidence within the ruling party, the opposition joining hands with the rebels,
confusion over the likelihood of a floor test, and the Governor intervening in a partisan manner. It is in similar circumstances
that Article 356 of the Constitution has been misused in the past. And it was in such circumstances that the Supreme Court
declared in 1994 that the only place for determining whether a Chief Minister has lost or retained majority is the floor of the
House. Yet, the country is still witnessing the sad spectacle of partisan politics overshadowing constitutional propriety. It is
a poor commentary on the Narendra Modi government that instead of finding ways to facilitate a floor test it has imposed
Presidents Rule in the midst of an ongoing hearing before a five-member Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court. The
Congress in the State is also to blame because, having obviously failed to address the dissidence in its camp against Chief
Minister Nabam Tuki, it appears to be avoiding a floor test as it has not sought interim orders to that effect from the court.
Undoubtedly, there is a constitutional impasse because six months have elapsed since the last time the Arunachal Pradesh
Assembly met. That itself is a valid ground for Central rule. But it cannot be forgotten that events were manipulated in such a
way that the divided legislature never got an opportunity to meet and test the governments majority. The crisis was precipitated
when Governor J.P. Rajkhowa advanced the session scheduled for January 14, 2016 to December 16, 2015, and fixed a motion
seeking the removal of the Speaker as the first item on the agenda. In that controversial sitting at a makeshift venue, the Speaker
was removed and a no-confidence motion adopted against the Chief Minister. The Gauhati High Court has ruled that the
Governor was justified in advancing the session by acting on his own discretion if he had reason to believe that the Chief Minister
and the Speaker were stalling a particular motion. The constitutional question of whether the Governor can summon the
legislature on his own and whether he can send a message to the Assembly on what motion it should take up is now before the
Supreme Court. An authoritative pronouncement is necessary on this question, but what must not be forgotten is that political
constitutional functionaries.
Like many things French, the countrys relationship with India is an understated one. Yet, as President Franois Hollande
to mean over the decades, devoid though it is of the grand claims attached to Indias relations with the big world powers. Russia
may be Indias oldest and biggest military supplier, the U.S. Indias newest close defence partner, and China Indias biggest
trading partner, but it is France that was Indias first strategic partner. As a result, and through the strategic dialogue
institutionalised since 1998, France and India have close ties on counterterrorism. These have been given a boost by the
agreement on intelligence-sharing and cooperation on investigations and judicial processes announced during the visit. In fact,
Prime Minister Modi described the common threats from Paris to Pathankot. On other fronts too, the relationship has held
strong. Despite global recrimination over the nuclear tests in 1998, France was the first to re-start nuclear talks with India, and
among the first to push nuclear trade with India in later years. While the Rafale aircraft deal has overshadowed much of the
discussion on French ties in the past few days, the fact is that France began to supply India aircraft (Toofani, or Dassault
Ouragan fighters) as early as in 1953, and has been a consistent supplier since. And over the years, the French space agency
CNES and the Indian Space Research Organisation have collaborated closely. It should therefore come as no surprise that Mr.
Hollandes marked the fifth visit by a French leader as Chief Guest at the Republic Day parade, something Mr. Modi referred
to when he said India-France relations have cleared every test over time.
However, the test that the two sides have not yet cleared is the one in bilateral trade. Despite 10 per cent growth in most years
and more than a thousand French companies operating in India, India-France trade hovers around $8 billion, which amounts to
half of Indias trade with the U.K. or Germany. A big reason for this is the impasse in Indias economic relations with the European
Union, which have been hanging fire for more than a year now; France is more vulnerable here than its neighbours. Mr. Modis
expected visit to Brussels for the EU summit in the next few weeks could clear the path for greater bilateral ties with France as
well, but India must look to other ways to build on this relationship. Some of those will come from the joint ventures and
partnerships envisaged during Mr. Hollandes visit, on infrastructure such as railways, smart cities and renewable energy
projects. But much more needs to come from Indian businesses engaging with France, even as the government moves on long-
promised reforms to aid exporters. To quote Mr. Hollande at the CEO forum, speaking about bilateral trade: We must go faster,
January 28/2016
Amit Shahs re-election as president of the Bharatiya Janata Party for a full three-year term had probably been secured in
the summer of 2014 itself. As Prime Minister Narendra Modis closest political aide, one who crafted the campaign in Uttar
Pradesh to contribute 71 of the States total 80 seats and ensure the BJPs success in getting a clear majority in the Lok Sabha,
he had the organisations support and the momentum to take over the leadership of the party from Rajnath Singh. That
momentum may have been checked after the BJPs reverses in the Delhi and Bihar Assembly elections, but Mr. Modis and, by
extension, Mr. Shahs control of the party has not been. In Mr. Modis BJP, Mr. Shah is arguably the only claimant to the top
post. It is not only that Mr. Shahs power draws from his proximity to Mr. Modi; it is, more importantly, that Mr. Shahs exercise
of power as BJP president is seen, among the wider public and within the Sangh Parivar, to be in conjunction more with 7 Race
Course Road, the prime ministerial establishment, than with 11 Ashoka Road, the party headquarters. Indeed, the perfect fit of
the Mr. Modi-Mr. Shah partnership is seen in their joint messaging, with Mr. Modi playing the development-oriented patriarch
and Mr. Shah bringing up the majoritarian Hindutva mobilisation and agenda.
Mr. Shahs first challenge will be to reverse the impression of a party unable to stare down a fast-uniting opposition, as was
seen in Bihar. The BJP faces a batch of important Assembly elections in 2016, and just about a year from now Uttar Pradesh
must go to elections. That election may well bring the BJP full circle from the triumph of 2014, and its success or failure in
replicating the Lok Sabha sweep in the State Assembly could set the mood for the lead-up to the 2019 general election. Mr.
Shah is given to showcasing his achievement in increasing the partys membership three-fold to more than 100 million. But the
proof of success would obviously lie in electoral victories. And the BJP appears visibly lost for an effective strategy. After the
debacles in Delhi and Bihar, embarrassing for also having been fought in Mr. Modis name, it must decide whether to revive the
practice of declaring chief ministerial candidates, and thereby surrender poster space away from the Prime Minister. More
importantly, the party must take stock of the message it gives to rally its base and keep new voters interested. The softly played
polarisation of 2014 under the overarching development rhetoric, had by Bihar given way to outright Hindutva mobilisation.
Ministers have added their voice to communally divisive comments by Sangh rabble-rousers. In contrast, top leaders in the
government and the party have remained silent on hate crimes such as the lynching at Dadri. How Mr. Shah oversees an
appraisal of the partys message and mobilisation must be judged not only by the electoral outcome, but also by its conformity
to constitutional principles.
The passage of a law by the Danish Parliament that allows the authorities to confiscate valuables from refugees is the latest
blow to those seeking asylum in Europe. Denmarks centre-right government says the legislation is intended to cover the cost
of each asylum-seekers treatment by the state, and bring refugees in line with unemployed Danes who also have to give up
their savings before they receive welfare benefits. But the reality is starker than what the government claims. The Danish move
is in line with the hawkish stand several European governments are taking towards asylum-seekers. Earlier in the month,
including Bavaria, adopted similar policies. Most of those seeking asylum in Europe are fleeing war, mass crimes and rapes.
Some of them make perilous boat journeys across the Mediterranean to reach the shores of Europe. Some pay huge sums to
people smugglers to get themselves out of their war-devastated nations. And they go to Europe seeing the relatively prosperous
and secure continent as their last hope to find a place to rebuild their shattered lives. These are the people the European
Yet, these moves are not surprising given the response of several European leaders to the refugee crisis. To be sure, Europe
is facing the biggest migrant crisis since the Second World War. In 2015 alone, more than 850,000 asylum-seekers landed in
Greece, from where most of them moved to other European countries through the open borders. But instead of coming up with
a bold pan-European plan to address the issue, the European leadership let member-states have their way. Hungary has
already sealed its boundaries to stop the entry of refugees. The Hungarian Prime Minister has, in fact, given a call to wall off
Greece from the rest of Europe to prevent the movement of refugees. Several Balkan leaders have recently demanded the
same. How can confiscating assets from the already vulnerable refugees and blocking them at the borders help address one of
the greatest humanitarian crises of our time? How can Europe, known for its human rights-driven, combative foreign policy, treat
the victims of wars as mere intruders? Besides the ethical arguments, Europe also bears some amount of direct responsibility
in this crisis. Most of the refugees reaching the continent are fleeing Syria and Libya. In Syria, besides helping rebels in the civil
war that has destabilised the country, European nations, particularly France and Britain, are waging a bombing campaign. In
Libya, France was in the forefront of an invasion that has thrown the country into chaos. And when the people fleeing these
countries reach its shores, Europe cannot just turn its back on them. Instead of building walls and seizing assets from the
refugees, what Europe actually needs is an effective resettlement plan at home, while pushing for peace and stability in the war-
hit countries.
January 29/2016
The suspected suicide last week of three women students, who were monetarily exploited by the management of an ill-
equipped private naturopathy and yoga college in Tamil Nadu, is a dark reminder of the absence of an effective regulatory or
grievance-redress mechanism in the higher education sector. Similar tragic episodes have played out in other parts of the
country as well. Yet, regulatory authorities have displayed little urgency in trying to rescue students trapped in vicious
environments that put their families in financial hardship and deprive them of a meaningful academic life. There is no dearth of
regulatory agencies governing colleges. A private institution can be established only after multiple clearances no objection
and essentiality certificates from the State governments, approval from apex bodies such as the AICTE and the MCI, and
affiliation from the respective regional universities. What is lacking is honest and meticulous scrutiny of an institutions real
strengths by academics, officials and experts vested with the responsibility of inspecting and certifying colleges. In a context
where colleges have proliferated, regulatory agencies that lack the wherewithal to physically inspect institutions grant approval
mainly based on documents submitted by them. They undertake only random on-site inspections. Many universities grant
affiliation if a college fulfils even 60 per cent of the stipulated requirements. Such porous systems are exploited by unscrupulous
colleges to submit fabricated records and obtain approvals. There have been numerous cases of medical and engineering
colleges employing ghost faculty members, or renting teachers, laboratory equipment, furniture and books for libraries during
inspections. No concrete steps have been taken to plug the loopholes in the enforcement of regulations. A simple proposal to
assign unique identification numbers to teachers of professional colleges to prevent duplication in faculty rolls has been pending
for years.
approval or universities refuse to grant affiliation citing infrastructure and academic deficiencies. This despite the Supreme Court
ruling in AICTE vs. Surinder Kumar Dhawan (2009) that the courts are neither equipped nor have the academic or technical
background to substitute themselves in place of statutory professional technical bodies and take decisions in academic matters
involving standards and quality of technical education. Post-approval, there is no enabling environment to encourage students
to raise grievances relating to over-charging and academic deprivation. Universities and many State governments have
conveniently adopted a hands-off approach, leaving students in irredeemable distress. Such a lackadaisical approach to
regulating higher education is equally responsible for colleges producing unemployable graduates. What is needed is not only
the strengthening of regulatory systems but also the appointment of academicians with uncompromising integrity to head
More than two years after it first broke, Keralas solar scam appears to have come to a head with a vigilance court in Thrissur
ordering an investigation and the registration of a first information report against Chief Minister Oommen Chandy. The immediate
reaction of the Chief Minister was to dismiss demands for his resignation, but this development has obviously rocked the United
Democratic Front government and further chipped away at its legitimacy. Till this week, Mr. Chandy had remained in the
scandals penumbra, shrugging off allegations about his personal involvement after packing off three official aides soon after
they were named as alleged go-betweens in the scam. The case draws from charges that prime accused Saritha S. Nair and
her former partner Biju Radhakrishnan had duped investors in a solar power company they had floated. They had allegedly
persuaded investors to put in money by flaunting connections with the Chief Ministers office. Police investigators have since
estimated the amount thus swindled to be around Rs.6 crore. Thursdays court order comes on a petition by an activist after
Saritha Nair deposed before the judicial commission investigating the case that she had paid a bribe of Rs.1.9 crore to the Chief
Minister through an aide. Mr. Chandy had been questioned for more than 11 hours by the commission a day earlier and
he had claimed innocence, but stopped short of agreeing to a lie detector test. With an FIR ordered, the issue has now moved
beyond questions and answers. For the legitimacy of the government, in deference to the post he holds, and in the interest of a
The leak of audio tapes wherein the voice allegedly of one of KPCC general secretaries Thampanoor Ravi was heard tutoring
Saritha Nair over the telephone, asking her to play safe in her testimony to the inquiry commission, has compounded the case
against Mr. Chandy. Significantly, two of his senior Cabinet colleagues, K.M. Mani and K. Babu, had recently put in their
papers as Finance Minister and Excise Minister, respectively, after adverse court orders in a bar bribery scam. (The Kerala
High Court has since stayed the orders in Mr. Babus case.) There is no space left for Mr. Chandy to try to brazen it out and
WWW.GR8AMBITIONZ.COM COMPILED BY MANISH
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Mr. Chandys defence that previous charges of graft and sexual favours levelled against him by Biju Radhakrishnan before
the same inquiry commission did not hold up against scrutiny. Nonetheless, Thursdays order leaves Mr. Chandy no option but
to fight his case legally. By doing so politically, and perhaps by pleading his case to his party in the run-up to Assembly elections
a few months from now, he would risk drawing Kerala into a constitutional crisis.
January 30/2016
The Central governments framework for 20 cities to become smart over a five-year period can cover new ground if it
makes intelligent use of information technology to deliver better civic services. Rapid and poorly regulated urbanisation has
overwhelmed urban governments, rendering them incapable of providing even basic services such as clean water,
sewerage, pedestrian-friendly roads, public transport, uninterrupted power, street lighting, parks and recreational spaces. So
weak and uncoordinated is governance that commercial entities have wilfully violated building regulations and put up
unauthorised structures with severe impact on congestion, air quality and flood management and governments have gladly
regularised the violations later. The smart city plan now proposes to intervene and bring some order by upgrading the
physical infrastructure in select enclaves, and incentivising the use of information and communication technologies. Urban
Development Minister M. Venkaiah Naidu has come up with a generalised definition of a smart Indian city as one that enables
a decent life to the citizens, and green and sustainable environment, besides enabling adoption of smart solutions, but the
The first batch of smart cities would create virtually new business districts in several cities, marking a departure from the
disaggregated urban development witnessed over the past few decades. This area-based development approach makes it
imperative that the resulting demand for mobility to and from the smart area be made an integral part of the plan, with an
emphasis on walkability, use of non-motorised transport and access to public transport. Ahmedabad and Bhubaneswar have
shown high ambition by opting for a common travel card. Others such as Indore, Davangere and Belagavi plan Intelligent
Transport Solutions, something that has been unattainable for even a big metro such as Chennai. Although it enjoys high
visibility, the smart city programme is merely a framework for urban development aided by the Centre with a small initial
seed fund of Rs.500 crore, while additional finances have to come from public-private partnerships and local revenue. State
governments, including those left out of the first list, could unlock the potential of all cities with development policies that aim at
structural change. Improved public transport, for instance, has an immediate positive impact on the local economy. Technologies
such as GPS to inform passengers in real time on their mobile phones, and common ticketing, increase the efficiency of transport
use. Universal design in public buildings and streets would help all people, including those with disabilities. The challenge for
Smart Cities 1.0 is to provide proof of concept quickly and make outcomes sustainable. Care also needs to be taken that the
effect is not to create gated communities of best practices and civic upgrade in a wider landscape of urban distress. It is crucial
that these urban enclaves cater to the housing, health, education and recreation needs of a wide cross section of society, and
that the convergence of the Smart Cities programme with existing urban renewal projects countrywide be smooth.
The Telecom Regulatory Authority of Indias latest recommendation on the reserve price for the auction of the 700 MHz
wireless spectrum could be a case where the pricing of a public asset may end up having the exact opposite effect: making a
scarce resource so expensive that its meaningful utilisation is compromised, and thus rendered unavailable to serve the larger
public good. That the telecom regulator, which has been in the vanguard of trying to spur both government and industry to
become more responsive to the larger public interest, should have opted to set such a high valuation benchmark is a touch
ironic. About 14 months ago, TRAI had, in a missive to the Department of Telecommunications, spelt out the rationale behind
its recommendations on valuation and reserve price of spectrum. While the specific backdrop of that particular communication
was the likelihood of the government opting to hold a supply-constrained auction, the broader arguments it made then remain
as germane. The regulator had pointed out that a very high per unit price realisation, while possibly helping meet immediate
fiscal needs, would only bleed the industry of resources. The high price of spectrum would also affect private investment in
network expansion and infrastructure. The financial viability of the industry, TRAI posited, was crucial both for its own health
and for the government to earn recurring revenues. All these issues are still relevant, as underscored partly by Bharti Airtels
recent results. The company has reported its first quarterly profit decline in two years, largely on account of higher spectrum
amortisation expenses.
It is no ones contention that the telecom regulator had not approached the task at hand with full transparency and openness in
its quest to arrive at meaningful valuations for seven frequency bands. A consultation paper that sought comments from all
stakeholders was followed by an open house discussion. TRAI spelt out the points made by varied participants, including many
from the industry who argued against an auction of the 700 MHz airwaves at a time when the network and device ecosystem is
not sufficiently developed. Still, considering the performance efficiency of the particular spectrum band and its utility in improving
and expanding high-speed wireless broadband services across rural areas, the regulator recommended that the government
put on the block the available frequencies in this spectrum at the next auction. It is in plumping for its own April 2012 formulation
of four times the reserve price of the 1800 MHz spectrum that TRAI appears to have made a less-than-appropriate choice. This
is particularly so as spectrum sharing and trading have been operationalised in the intervening period, boosting overall supply.
The regulators recommendation, for almost Rs.11,500 crore per MHz, if accepted, holds risks for an industry that serves a
January 31/2016
Science, as in other fields, is not buzzword-free and one such word doing the rounds is Big Data. Just how big is big? And is there any use of
spending money and producing a large amount of data in India when the West is already pumping so much data into public databases?
In the context of science, big data refers to the explosion of data now available as a result of modern, large scientific experiments and how it far
exceeds what has been traditionally available. For example, the amount of data produced from analysing the network of genes or genomes
from bacteria, plants, viruses, vegetables and animals in the last five years exceeds all such data from the fields of life sciences/biomedical
research in the last five decades. It is estimated that by 2025, exabytes (10 bytes) or the equivalent of about 300 million full-length Star Wars of
genomics data will be produced globally and will far exceed that from Twitter and YouTube.
Moreover, the genomics data being produced roughly doubles every year and will require new solutions in precision and accuracy for storage,
analysis, sharing and security. All this is of relevance to every citizen in India and not just computer geeks because it is such data that will help
A study published last week in the journal Science Translational Medicine has reported the use of big data to untangle a lethal class of diseases
called prion diseases. They were previously known to have been caused by PRNP, an errant gene, and it was thought that having even one of
the known 63 variants of the gene would lead to the fatal disease. Thanks to cooperation from all involved scientists from multiple countries
who shared the data on prion disease genetics and study participants who agreed on sharing data from a large database and patients
researchers combed through the genomes of nearly 63,000 people and found that only four variants were pathogenic, three completely harmless
and no more than 10 per cent likely to cause disease. A killer disease had suddenly become much less fearsome and, through it, new ideas have
There are lessons from this for India. It can begin by predicting global outbreaks of infectious diseases such as dengue fever and malaria using
customised models and an open-source framework. Big data can identify the cases of dengue fever or malaria cases on a map and predict the
spread of disease by overlaying the disease map with that of the movement of people. India will soon have the second-largest smartphone market
in the world. Therefore, by using mobile phone data analytics and real time movement of infected people, it is possible to pinpoint sources of
Before doing this and going on to more ambitious targets such as curing diseases, a crucial step is to also learn from international efforts in large
data generation and sharing by building proper infrastructure at multiple levels. To find cures for rare diseases and others such as cancer and
heart diseases, we need to generate a large amount of genomics data, best done by building consortia on normal and different diseases and
making data available openly without compromising patient privacy. In this, we can leverage best practices already existing in the country, such
as in sectors like information technology, high-energy physics and astronomy, in building smart analysis, visualisation and interpretation platforms
for big data. Generating big data is necessary but will not be sufficient to solve societal problems unless it is available openly without compromising
patient privacy and ethical standards. Therefore, a comprehensive national big data policy framework is needed for analytical and other solutions
towards data storage, analyses, interpretation, archiving, sharing, distribution and collaboration.
Making all scientific data open, free and readily accessible without compromising privacy and ethics will be the right step. Placing data in the
hands of more than 500 million young Indians will help usher in the next phase of science-driven innovation in India.
o Buzzword - a word from a particular subject area that has become fashionable by
being used a lot (especially on television and in the newspapers)
o Pumping - filling with something (here Data)
o Context - the situation within which something exists or happens
o Explosion - a large increase in the number of something that happens very quickly
o Exceeds - to be greater than a number or amount
o Precision - the quality of being exact and accurate
o Vexing - annoying, worrying, or causing problems
o Untangle - to make a complicated subject or problem clear and able to be
understood
o Lethal - sufficient to cause death
o Errant - behaving wrongly in some way
After years of waiting, the World Health Organisation (WHO) finally took a stand on January 25 and urged governments to levy taxes on sugar-
sweetened beverages to end childhood obesity. The recommendation was based on a new report commissioned by it. The Commission believes
that there is sufficient rationale to warrant the introduction of an effective tax on sugar-sweetened beverages, the report notes.
Besides levying taxes, the WHO also recommends a host of other interventions such as increasing the amount of physical activity and improving
The impact of taxation measures on purchasing behaviours has been well documented in the case of tobacco. However, in the case of sugar-rich
drinks, the WHO acknowledged that strong evidence on the benefits is lacking but underlined that evidence will become available once countries
that have been levying such taxes on unhealthy foods and sugar-laden drinks monitor their progress.
Hungary, France, Finland and Mexico are among the many countries that have taken to such measures. A tax of 1 for a container has been
levied in France since January 2012 to combat rising obesity and raise funds. Thirty-four U.S. States and the District of Columbia have food taxes
that affect sugar-sweetened drinks; 23 States levy taxes targeting these drinks.
around 70 per cent for adults, has demonstrated that significant reduction in consumption can be achieved through taxation. Excise tax of 1 peso
per litre on sugar-sweetened drinks and ad valorem tax of 8 per cent on energy-dense foods have been in place in the country since January 1,
2014. During the first year of taxation, a 6 per cent drop in average volume of unhealthy drinks purchased was recorded. The reduction was
greatest among households that belonged to the lowest socio-economic stratum, notes a paper published in January 2016 in the journal The BMJ.
An earlier study of November 2013, published in the journal BMC Public Health, also reported that an increase in the price of sugar-laden drinks
was directly associated with reduced consumption in Mexico, Brazil, France, and a few States in the U.S.
While the risks of childhood obesity are greatest in lower socio-economic groups in the high-income countries, data from Brazil and Mexico, which
are largely middle-income countries, confirm that levying taxes on sugar-rich drinks achieves the desired results in the target population.
In the case of India, at the current rate of sales of sugar-sweetened drinks, a 20 per cent increase in taxes will reduce overweight/obesity by 3 per
cent (11.2 million cases) and diabetes by 1.6 per cent (4,00,000 cases) between 2014 and 2023, a January 2014 modelling study published in
One of the reasons for the WHO recommending taxation measures to rein in consumption of unhealthy food is the burgeoning number of
overweight and obese children younger than five years. In 2014, 41 million children in this age group were either overweight or obese across the
world.
India may be one of the biggest contributors to the global pool as obesity in people in the age group of 15-49 has increased steeply during the
last few years, as the National Family Health Survey (NFHS) 2014-2015 reveals.
In 11 of the 13 States where surveys were conducted in 2005-2006 and 2014-2015, the percentage of men and women with obesity (body mass
index or BMI 25 kg/m2) had increased sharply. Surprisingly, except in a few States such as Bihar, Meghalaya and Tripura, obesity has increased
modestly among women but doubled or more than doubled in men in all the States between 2005-2006 and 2014-2015.
However, nationally accurate estimates of childhood obesity in India are not available. According to a study published in the journal The BMJ last
year, prevalence of childhood obesity is between 5 and 14 per cent. The prevalence of overweight children under five years in India is less than
5 per cent, the WHO notes; this will still be big in absolute numbers.
A comprehensive national nutrition survey to be undertaken by UNICEF from March this year will cover children in the age group of 0-19 across
all 29 States. This will provide the much-needed data that can guide the government in framing policy guidelines. Meanwhile, all stakeholders
need to use the growth charts revised last year by the Indian Academy of Paediatrics for 5- to 18-year-old children to define overweight and
India faces a double whammy of obesity and underweight/wasted children. Though with respect to the last NHFS survey the percentage of
underweight children has reduced this time, it is still very high from nearly 14 per cent in Sikkim to nearly 44 per cent in Bihar. This is a big
concern as children who were born with low birth weight are at a greater risk of becoming overweight and obese when they consume energy-rich
Manhood may have received its nastiest blow yet. Biology textbooks have long informed us that the Y chromosome, present only in males, is
critical for reproduction. But a study by researchers at the University of Hawaii (UoH) has shown that healthy mice can be made, using assisted
reproduction techniques, without any of the all-important Y chromosome genes. Normally a person gets 23 chromosomes the repository of our
DNA from each parent; 22 of the pairs are called autosomes and the X and Y are called sex chromosomes. The Y chromosome is present
in males, who have one X and one Y chromosome, while females have two X chromosomes.
The diminution of man started two years ago after the research team, led by Monika A. Ward, UoH, showed that of the many genes of the Y
chromosome, only two Sry and Eif2s3y were needed for male mice to sire offspring with assisted fertilisation. Now, the same team, with
a collaborating researcher from France, Michael Mitchell [French National Institute of Health and Medical Research] (INSERM, Marseille), upped
how they first replaced the first gene Sry with one from the autosome and the other with a gene from the X chromosome. While one may quibble
that the X chromosome used was from the male, theres been related research showing that the days of the Y chromosome are numbered. Both
the X and Y chromosomes are known to lose genes over time and due to the frenetic shuffling of evolution. However, women by virtue of
having two Xs were somehow able to swap and maintain their genes among themselves. The Y unpaired and solitary in the male does
not get a chance to replenish its genes as much. Also, there are far fewer genes on the Y chromosome than on the X. Jennifer Graves at the
Australian National University caused consternation earlier this decade when she estimated that within five million years, the Y chromosome,
and the men it produces, would disappear. More ominous was genetics professor Bryan Sykes who predicted the demise of the Y chromosome,
and of men, in as little as 1,00,000 years in his 2003 book Adams Curse: A Future without Men.
Not so grave
A flurry of studies that have since looked at the proclamations of Prof. Sykes and Prof. Graves more closely have now found that the future isnt
as dire. The loss of genes, apparently, isnt a steady loss and there are long periods of stability followed by bursts of attrition.
Jennifer Hughes and her colleagues at the Whitehead Institute in Cambridge, Massachusetts, compared the human Y chromosome with that of
the Y from the chimpanzee supposed to have diverged atleast 4 million years ago from the line that begat humans and also with that of the
rhesus monkey which diverged from humans 25 million years ago. They reported in the journal Nature in 2012 that human chromosomes had lost
no further genes in the last six million years, and only one in the last 25 million years. The Y is not going anywhere and gene loss has probably
While masculinity can breathe easy, Dr. Wards studies may provide new lines of investigation for male infertility. Though these results only hold
for mice and there are formidable ethical barriers to be negotiated, one thing is incontrovertible by now: it simply isnt raining men anymore.
February 01/2016
Finally, the International Monetary Fund has made country quota reforms agreed by the G20 in 2010 a reality. One could
imagine a collective, global sigh of relief as the chief objector to the changes, the U.S. Congress, dropped its intransigence in
December and allowed the multilateral lender to adopt a country quota distribution that better reflects the power balance of
emerging markets in the global economy. With this structural shift, more than 6 percentage points of the quota, including both
the Funds capital and its proportionate voting rights, have been transferred from developed to emerging economies. The
greatest gains from the reforms accrue to the IMF itself, as the combined capital that its 188 member-countries contribute will
increase to approximately $659 billion from nearly $329 billion. Other winners are India and China, who have respectively
increased their voting shares by 0.292 and 2.265 percentage points. The emerging economies wrested a 2.6 percentage points
increase. The developed nations have had a haircut in their voting share, somewhere between 0.2 and 0.5 percentage points.
Consequently, India, China, Brazil, and Russia will be among the 10 largest members alongside large advanced economies. As
IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde said, it is appropriate to commend [the IMF] for ratifying these truly historic reforms.
But the reforms have come so late and after so much wrangling that, similar to its crisis-lending policies, they leave a bitter taste
in the mouth.
Back in May 2011, the Funds Executive Directors from the BRICS economies openly revolted against the prospect of the
position of Managing Director reverting to a European, deepening the woes of an organisation that had been rocked by the
resignation of Dominique Strauss-Kahn following sexual assault allegations. At the time, Arvind Virmani, Executive Director,
from India, argued that the 2008 global financial crisis erupted in developed countries and its provenance underscored the
urgency of reforming international financial institutions so as to reflect the growing role of developing countries in the world
dirty domestic politics, with some threatening to veto them unless President Barack Obamas landmark health-care reform was
repealed. Law-makers relented only afteryears of persuasion made them realise that their inaction was hurting U.S.
diplomacy. Even so, they extracted their pound of flesh, and the final reform plan acquiesces to their demand to rescind the
systemic exemption loophole, which allowed the Fund to lend to Greece in 2010. It is also a shame that BRICS nations had to
launch their own bank, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, before the high priests of the Fund felt the need to modernise
their quota structure. Despite all these push-factors, the process of governance restructuring at the IMF has not ended; it has
Gujarat should give up its persistent efforts to get the controversial Gujarat Control of Terrorism and Organised Crime Bill,
2015, approved by the President. First moved by Narendra Modi in 2003 when he was Chief Minister of the State, the Bill has
been facing objections on the ground that it contains some draconian provisions. The Centre refused to clear the Bill three times
when the United Progressive Alliance was in power. The Union Home Ministry has now recalled the Bill from the office of the
President, to whom it had been sent for assent. The reason appears to be that it wants the Bill to be reworked based on additional
inputs from the State government. The controversial nature of the GCTOC Bill became apparent after A.P.J. Abdul Kalam as
President objected to a clause that made evidence based on interception of communication admissible in court. His successor,
Pratibha Patil, too declined assent. In March 2015, the Assembly passed the Bill and sent it afresh to the Centre for presidential
assent. The Centre ultimately prevailed in having the clause that permitted the State Home Secretary to authorise the
interception of telephone calls on his own dropped. Under the Indian Telegraph Act, State Home Secretaries do authorise
telephone taps, but using power delegated to them by the Centre. The watered-down Bill was sent last September to the
President for his assent. It has been recalled now, possibly because of fears that President Pranab Mukherjee might refuse
assent again.
Indias repeated experiments with anti-terrorism laws have been, by and large, unsuccessful. The Terrorist and Disruptive
Activities (Prevention) Act, 1985, a law considered as draconian as the Rowlatt Act of the colonial era, and its latter-day version,
the Prevention of Terrorism Act, 2003, had been allowed to lapse after it was found that they were prone to persistent misuse.
However, with the substantive amendments made to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act in 2012, the country does have an
effective law to curb modern-day terrorism. The Gujarat law is modelled on the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act,
but that does not make it any more acceptable. The Maharashtra law itself has not achieved any remarkable success in curbing
organised crime. When it was invoked recently in a cricket spot-fixing case in Delhi, it failed miserably during trial, demonstrating
how such laws can be reduced to a mockery through improper application. The GCTOC Bill also has provisions similar to earlier
anti-terrorism laws, such as making confession to a police officer of the rank of Superintendent of Police admissible in court,
and allowing 180 days, instead of the usual 90, for the filing of a charge sheet. There is really no need for more State-level laws
of such a nature. Police investigators need better resources and training to combat organised crime and terror, and not laws
that abridge and modify conventional criminal procedure to the detriment of human rights.
February 02/2016
For a sport reeling from allegations of fixing, tennis needed the restoration of a semblance of normalcy. And few things have
been as normal these last few years as Novak Djokovic holding a trophy aloft. So the Australian Open received the finish it
so desperately wanted after its start was hit by the BBC and BuzzFeed expos. Djokovic never let his focus waver in sweeping
to his sixth title in Melbourne, tying Roy Emersons record for the most Australian Open crowns. The win was further evidence
of the 28-year-old Serbs dominance. He has won four of the last five Grand Slams, including the three most recent. In 10 of his
11 career Major victories, he has defeated Roger Federer, Rafael Nadal or Andy Murray, the other members of the Big Four.
He has mastered each of these great men in 6-1 first sets this year and won 17 of his last 18 matches against Top 10 opposition.
On current form, Djokovic has no peer; indeed, the rest of the field will need a significant step up if they are to even begin to
stretch him. He doesnt merely enjoy a considerable athletic edge over everyone else the consistent depth and penetration
of his ball-striking from the baseline has never been surpassed in the games history. Consider that he has continued to make
technical and tactical improvements to his play, becoming more ruthless and clinical in the process, and it is clear his ambition
continues to burn bright. Indeed, he spoke after his win of getting back to work after a short celebration.
succeeded each other so quickly. Djokovic now stands where only a few, Federer and Nadal among them, have stood before.
A sense of how difficult it is to maintain such superiority may be had from the womens game. Serena Williams has appeared
just as peerless over a similar period, but one match in which anxiety reduced her level and a brave, inspired opponent elevated
hers proved the difference between a Major won and one lost. Angelique Kerbers triumph will conveniently be classed as a
fairy-tale run. But 28-year-olds who have never before reached Slam finals dont do it on a wing and a prayer. They do it because
they finally realise failures transformative potential; because they are willing then to stake every last bit of their being on what
looks to others a long shot. In defeating Serena still one short of Steffi Grafs Open Era record of 22 Majors, but with at least
as strong a case for being considered the greatest ever and the formidable Victoria Azarenka, Kerber pulled off an
extraordinary coup under severe pressure. Another variation of the theme of dominance came in the womens doubles. Sania
Mirza and Martina Hingis claimed their third successive Grand Slam title together, extending their winning streak on tour to 36
matches. Like Djokovic and Serena, they will look at the remainder of 2016 covetously as an opportunity to enhance their
legacy.
The time for legislation to deal with euthanasia has come. The Union government has now informed a Constitution Bench of
the Supreme Court that its experts are examining a draft Bill proposed by the Law Commission in its 241st report. However, it
has been advised by the Law Ministry to hold back its enactment now, as the matter is pending before the court. Over a decade
ago, the government felt that legislation on euthanasia would amount to doctors violating the Hippocratic Oath and that they
should not yield to a patients fleeting desire out of transient depression to die. The governments latest stand represents
forward movement in the quest for a legislative framework to deal with the question whether patients who are terminally ill and
possibly beyond the scope of medical revival can be allowed to die with dignity. The question was raised with a great deal of
passion in the case of Aruna Shanbaug, a nurse who lay in a vegetative state in a Mumbai hospital between 1973 and 2015.
In a landmark 2011 verdict that was notable for its progressive, humane and sensitive treatment of the complex interplay of
individual dignity and social ethics, the Supreme Court laid down a broad legal framework. It ruled out any backing for active
euthanasia, or the taking of a specific step such as injecting the patient with a lethal substance, to put an end to a patients
suffering, as that would be clearly illegal. It allowed passive euthanasia, or the withdrawal of life support, subject to safeguards
and fair procedure. It made it mandatory that every instance should get the approval of a High Court Bench, based on
The question now before a Constitution Bench on a petition by the NGO Common Cause is whether the right to live with dignity
under Article 21 includes the right to die with dignity, and whether it is time to allow living wills, or written authorisations
containing instructions given by persons in a healthy state of mind to doctors that they need not be put on life-support systems
or ventilators in the event of their going into a persistent vegetative state or state of terminal illness. The governments reply
shows that the Directorate-General of Health Services has proposed legislation based on the recommendations of an Experts
Committee. The experts have not agreed to active euthanasia because of its potential for misuse and have proposed changes
to a draft Bill suggested by the Law Commission. However, there seems to be no support for the idea of a living will, as the
draft says any such document will be void and not binding on any medical practitioner. It is logical that it should be so, as the
law will be designed specifically to deal with patients not competent to decide for themselves because of their medical condition.
This has to be tested against the argument that giving those likely to drift into terminal illness an advance opportunity to make
an informed choice will help them avoid cruel and unwanted treatment to prolong their lifespan. To resolve this conflict between
pain and death, the sooner that a comprehensive law on the subject is enacted, the better it will be for society.
o Legislation - law
February 03/2016
disorders in newborns believed to be connected to the virus is a global public health emergency. Since the current outbreak
began in Brazil in May 2015, nearly 1.5 million people are reported to have been affected. As of January 23, 4,180 suspected
cases of microcephaly a foetal deformation where newborns have abnormally small heads had been reported in Brazil.
There have also been cases of Guillain-Barr syndrome, a condition in which the immune system attacks the nervous system,
sometimes resulting in paralysis. A causal relationship between Zika virus and microcephaly is yet to be established, but it is
strongly suspected as the virus has been found in the placenta and amniotic fluid of infected mothers and in the brains of
foetuses and newborns. As the virus spreads in Latin America and the Caribbean, it has become difficult to estimate the true
scale of the epidemic since the infection remains asymptomatic in nearly 80 per cent of cases. The Zika virus has the potential
to spread wherever theAedes aegypti mosquito, that transmits the infection, is found and where people lack natural immunity
against it. As in the case of Ebola, no specific treatment or vaccine is currently available for the Zika virus; there are no rapid
and reliable diagnostic tests either. All this is likely to change as the WHOs declaration galvanises international response to
improve surveillance, detect infections and study the causal link between Zika infection and microcephaly and Guillain-Barr
syndrome. However, unlike diagnostic tests, vaccine development may face ethical problems as it would need to be tested on
Though there are stray hints of the Zika virus spreading through bodily fluids, the virus is normally spread by
the Aedes mosquito. The WHO has urged all countries where dengue is endemic to be on high alert and look out for cases of
Zika. The current natural immunity against the virus in the Indian population is not known. And since the Aedes, the vector for
both the dengue and Zika viruses, is widespread in India, aggressive mosquito control measures are needed. Indias poor
mosquito control measures are highlighted every dengue season the number of reported cases doubled from 40,571 in 2014
to 84,391 in 2015 (up to November 15). Unlike in the case of Ebola, laboratory capacity to confirm Zika cases is needed as
clinical diagnosis is unreliable; moreover, symptoms of Zika infection are similar to those of dengue. Besides the Delhi-based
National Centre for Disease Control and the Pune-based National Institute of Virology, which are equipped to confirm Zika
diagnoses, 10 regional laboratories could assist in testing. Surveillance for case clusters and newborns with typical symptoms
too has been activated. The Union Health Ministry has advised pregnant women to defer/cancel travel plans to Zika-affected
countries. Given the prevalence of the Aedes in India, public health authorities must strengthen contingency plans.
Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, which criminalises gay sex, reflects only medieval prejudice. A lost opportunity to
invalidate it has been dramatically resurrected. Two years ago, the Supreme Court declined to review its retrograde decision of
2013 upholding the validity of Section 377. By rejecting the review petition, the court then failed to make use of an opportunity
to revisit the contentious Suresh Kumar Koushal verdict and bring the law in line with its own vision of fundamental rights,
especially the idea that equality and dignity cannot be denied to any section. The court has now paved the way for a
comprehensive hearing on how to protect the dignity and rights of individuals with alternative sexual orientation by referring the
matter to a five-judge Constitution Bench. The Chief Justice has noted that the case involves questions with constitutional
dimensions. The court has indicated that the larger Bench could traverse beyond the limits of a curative petition, which is
essentially a limited, additional remedy to aggrieved litigants after the Supreme Courts final verdict and the rejection of a review.
There is new hope that the Delhi High Court judgment of 2009, reading down Section 377 to restrict its criminal import to non-
The latest challenge to its continuance on the statute book comes in a fresh context where the intervening years have seen
considerable legal progress in the jurisprudence of sexual orientation and gender identity. In April 2014, while recognising the
transgender community as a third gender entitled to the same rights and constitutional protection as other citizens, a Bench of
the Supreme Court subtly recorded its criticism of Koushal. Departing from theKoushal formulation that there was no evidence
that Section 377 was an instrument of harassment, the Bench had highlighted the misuse of the provision as one of the principal
forms of discrimination against the transgender community. Further, it observed that even though insignificant in numbers,
transgenders were entitled to human rights. That was obviously a rebuttal of the earlier Benchs claim that those affected by
Section 377 were only a minuscule fraction of the population, as though the relative smallness of a groups size disentitled it
from constitutional protection. On the global front, the United States Supreme Court held last year that the gay community was
entitled to due process and equal protection in the matter of marriage, thus allowing same-sex marriages. In view of these
developments, the time has come for an honest judicial evaluation of where India stands on the issue of homosexuality. Some
and public health consequences for a section of society, the court has a duty to enforce their fundamental rights rather than wait
February 04/2016
By imposing Presidents rule in Arunachal Pradesh even before a mandatory floor test could establish conclusively that the
Congress government of Nabam Tuki had lost its majority, the Central government acted prematurely. Indeed, the Supreme
Court in seeking reasons for the decision, and observing that the matter is too serious, underscored what President Pranab
Mukherjee had said in his new years message to Governors: they must play, he said, their assigned role while respecting the
distinct authority and responsibility vested in the executive, the judiciary and the legislature, and help create a harmonious
relationship between the Centre and the States. When the Centre sought his assent for Presidents Rule in Arunachal Pradesh,
Mr. Mukherjee cautioned against a hasty decision indeed, one that runs counter to Prime Minister Narendra Modis promise
of cooperative federalism. But the government, projecting it as a textbook case for the use of Article 356, had its way. On
Monday, the Supreme Court accepted that a Governor is not answerable to the courts for the exercise of the powers of his
office. But simultaneously it ordered the Centre to release all documents including personal letters of the Chief Minister and
of his ministerial colleagues to enable Mr. Tuki to prepare a defence against the contents of Governor J.P. Rajkhowas report
that accuses him of instigating fellow Nyishis and funding public protests to seek the latters exit. The Governor also claimed
that he had been abused, threatened and nearly assaulted by Mr. Tukis Ministers, who joined protestors and even sacrificed
However, this is not the first case of a clash between a Governor and the Chief Minister of a State in the past year. The Governors
of Tripura, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Assam Tathagata Roy, Ram Naik, Keshari Nath Tripathi and P.B. Acharya,
respectively have been on a collision course with the Chief Ministers of the States. Mr. Naik clashed with Chief Minister
Akhilesh Yadavs choice of Lokayukta, and sat over the States nominations for five members to the Legislative Council. In
Assam, Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi accused Mr. Acharya of interfering in the political affairs of the State. Mr. Acharya also hit
the headlines for his controversial Hindustan is for Hindus comment. Mr. Roy attracted adverse attention when he said publicly:
Whatever gave you the notion that I am secular? I am Hindu. The imposition of Presidents Rule in Arunachal Pradesh is, in a
sense, in keeping with the record of governments of all hues to use pliant Governors to dismiss opposition-run State
governments. However, at present there is another concern: many Governors are being seen as active agents working to
implement the Sangh Parivars Hindutva agenda. Later this month, when the President hosts the annual Governors conference,
it would be in order to have a deeper discussion on the constitutional proprieties that should guide a Governors word and deed.
Union Minister for Women and Child Development Maneka Gandhis clarifications over her remarks on the existing ban on
sex-selective abortions should put the focus back on the real issues. There are three aspects to the proposal that she put forth
at a conference in Jaipur: establish the sex of the foetus when a pregnancy is detected; tell the mother about it and register the
fact in public records; and ensure that deliveries happen only in institutions and not at home. This twin strategy of tracking sex-
determined foetuses and requiring institutional deliveries is expected to ensure that female babies are not aborted, or killed at
birth. While this idea might seem persuasive, like many technological fixes it betrays a worrying lack of awareness of social
realities. The very attempt to record the status of the foetus involves the obvious risk of exposing women to undue psychological
and social pressure to abort female foetuses. Two, such an intrusion by the state into a womans personal-biological space is
unwelcome, even Orwellian. That such suggestions are being floated no matter how quickly they are withdrawn in the face
of criticism is an indication of Indias persisting inability to address the problem of female foeticide, and the continuum of
on the gender of the foetus. And when such violations have come to light, prosecution has been indifferent. Maharashtra is
believed to have come down severely on errant doctors and clinics, which is significant given the likely impact the States large
population could have on child sex ratios. The record of Punjab and Haryana, with a high prevalence of sex-selective abortions,
also points to a modicum of enforcement. But there is a long way to go. After all, where traditional cultural norms dictate a strong
preference for boys, recourse to medical technologies could well reinforce socially detrimental personal choices. Clearly, the
emphasis ought to be on the reversal of Indias adverse sex ratio among children in the 0-6 year age group. On a national
average, the number of girls for every 1,000 boys in this segment of the population dipped to 918 in the 2011 decennial
population Census, with more disturbing regional variations. The corresponding figures were 927 and 933 in 1991 and 2001,
respectively. Notably, Ms. Gandhis six-time constituency of Pilibhit in Uttar Pradesh has seen a sharp drop in the child sex ratio
in the 2001-2011 inter-Census period. At 940, the figure was above the national average in 2001, but declined dramatically to
912 in the last Census. Pilibhit could easily set an example for the whole country, if only by a scrupulous compliance with the
spirit of the Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (PCPNDT) Act, under which any disclosure of the foetal status
is a punishable offence.
o Foeticide - the crime of killing a baby that has not yet been born
o Aspect - part of a situation / problem
o Put forth - to suggest an idea for consideration
o Persuasive - having the power or ability to convince
o Betray - unintentionally reveal (do not do what yo promissed)
o Undue - exceeding what is appropriate or normal (excessive)
o Floated - to suggest a plan or an idea to be considered
o Persisting - continues to exist (an unpleasant feeling)
o Continuum - a continuous sequence
o Incentive - a thing that motivates or encourages someone to do something
o Withhold - to refuse to give something or to keep back something
o Violation - the act of doing something that is not allowed by a law or rule
o Come to light - to become known publicly
o Severely - strictly or harshly
o Errant - behaving wrongly in some way
o Prevalence - happening often
o Modicum - a small quantity of a particular thing (something Good)
o Recourse - a source of help in a difficult situation
o Detrimental - causing harm or damage
o Emphasis - special importance / value given to something
o Adverse - having a negative or harmful effect on something
o Dipped - to go down to a lower level
o Decennial - happening every ten years
February 05/2016
Peoples Democratic Party president Mehbooba Mufti finally sent out a clear message to the Bharatiya Janata Party this
week. The Centre, she said, must initiate Jammu and Kashmir-specific confidence building measures to create an atmosphere
congenial for [the] formation of the new government, and announce a timeline to implement the Agenda for Alliance that the
BJP signed on to when it joined the PDP-led government headed by her father, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed. His death a month
ago created a political vacuum that Ms. Mufti appeared reluctant to fill in a hurry. She was not just mourning the death of a father
who was a mentor and a comrade, but like her party colleagues, she too was not keen to continue with the alliance. In the 10
months that the Mufti government held office, the PDP saw a steady erosion in its support base, with the advantage perceived
to be going to the National Conference and the Congress. This was largely because the BJP had used the time to promote the
Sangh Parivars agenda. When Mr. Sayeed agreed last year to a political arrangement with the BJP, it was based as much on
his reading of the election results as it was on an agreement to honour the Agenda of Alliance that eschewed controversial
issues. The expectation was that aligning the PDP with the BJP would lead the Centre to cast an indulgent eye on Jammu and
However, the BJPs national leadership allowed its State unit to foment trouble, instigated controversies on sensitive issues
ranging from consumption of beef to flying the State flag alongside the national tricolour, thereby unsettling the atmosphere
needed for good governance. Mr. Sayeeds death has provided the PDP the opportunity to hit the pause button to remind the
BJP of its obligations and, from a partisan perspective, recover lost political ground. The BJP has sought time to consider its
options: its State unit is eager to form a government again, but the national leadership has not demonstrated any eagerness in
this direction. While it is not clear how much should be read into the fact that Prime Minister Narendra Modi did not visit Mr.
Sayeed when he was being treated in a Delhi hospital, it is evident that there has been no visible overture from any senior BJP
leader after his death either. But differences between alliance partners cannot be sufficient reason for any brinkmanship that
could jeopardise governance. Indeed, it is only after Governor N.N. Vohra took the initiative to communicate the requirement
that there has been any movement. As constitutional expert A.G. Noorani argues, the PDP-BJP government has not lost its
majority in the House, and the creation of a political deadlock for political reasons should not be permitted. It is clearly time
that Ms. Mufti bit the bullet and accepted the responsibility of providing the troubled State with a government or stepped up
to the situation and said that her party is out of the reckoning in the government-formation process.
Less than four months after an Australian man was violently harassed for sporting a tattoo of an Indian goddess, Bengaluru
is in the news again, for sinking to new lows of bigotry and vigilantism. This time it was a Tanzanian woman at the receiving
end of mob fury. It all reportedly began with an accident in which a Sudanese national drove his car over a 35-year-old woman,
killing her. A mob quickly gathered, determined to mete out instant justice. When he managed to flee, his car was burnt down.
Half an hour later, a Tanzanian student who happened to be passing by with her friends stopped by to inquire what was going
on. The mob turned its ire on her and her three friends even though they were in no way connected to the Sudanese man
chased, assaulted, and had her clothes torn by the mob before being rescued. Her car, too, was torched. The incident occurred
on Sunday, but the police did not register a complaint until Tuesday. The lackadaisical response of the law and order machinery
prompted the Tanzanian High Commission to register a protest with the Indian government. This, in turn, prompted External
Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj to write to Karnataka Chief Minister K. Siddaramaiah. By Thursday, four suspects had been
The entire episode raises a disturbing question: is it any longer possible, or even plausible, to express shock at what has
happened? Such acts of violence are not peculiar to Bengaluru alone. Indeed, something like this did happen, not too long ago,
in Delhi. Under the controversial guidance of a Law Minister of the State, African women were branded as prostitutes and
molested in a midnight raid. The Bengaluru mob, too, seems to have given free rein to racism. The repeated targeting of
Africans suggests a case of pathological colourism discrimination and hostility directed against dark-skinned people. Indians
cultural preference for fair skin is well known, and amply attested by the vast market for fairness creams. It is quite common to
find people remark admiringly on how fair a newborn baby is. And matrimonial advertisements are notorious for seeking fair
brides. However, to reduce the depressing message from this episide to skin colour alone would be to underestimate the
discrimination and violence in India against those who are visibly different. Some years ago, Bengaluru saw an exodus of
young people from northeastern India residing in the city after rumours spread of violence targeting them. In the national capital,
even as the megalopolis becomes more cosmopolitan, the periodicity of assaults on residents from the northeast is such that
there appears to be a pattern. Certainly, both the citizenry and the law and order machinery need to be sensitised to the
prejudices. But the task can only be achieved if strong political expression is given to the essential value of diversity and
tolerance.
o Racist - believing that other races are not as good as your own and
therefore treating them unfairly
o Sporting - showing
o Bigotry - intolerance towards those who have different opinions than
you
o Vigilantism - taking the law into your own hands
o At the receiving end of something - suffered because of something
o Determined - wanting to do something very much and not allowing
anyone to stop
o Mete something out - to give or order a punishment (especially cruel
or unfair treatment)
o Ire - anger
o Assaulted - to make a physical attack
o Mob - a large crowd of people (causing trouble or violence)
o Rescued - saved (someone) from a dangerous or difficult situation
o Torched - to set fire
Lackadaisical - lacking enthusiasm and determination (carelessly lazy)
o
WWW.GR8AMBITIONZ.COM COMPILED BY MANISH
Downloaded from www.Qmaths.in
February 06/2016
When one Governor refuses to accord sanction to prosecute a former Chief Minister but another, his successor, grants it in the
same case, some legal questions are bound to arise. Yet, on an overall assessment of the twists and turns in the Adarsh
Cooperative Housing Society scandal in Mumbai, the latest decision of Maharashtra Governor Ch. Vidyasagar Rao to allow the
prosecution of former Chief Minister Ashok Chavan ought to be welcomed as a positive move towards public accountability.
There was an alleged element of quid pro quo in Mr. Chavans favourable decisions while in office and the fact that his mother-
in-law and the brother of his father-in-law had flats allotted in the society. It is only just and fair that the trial court is given an
opportunity to assess the legal consequence of Mr. Chavans actions. The earlier refusal of former Governor K.
Sankaranarayanan to grant sanction to prosecute Mr. Chavan had derailed the entire case against him, as the Central Bureau
of Investigation moved to delete his name from the charge sheet. However, the Special CBI Court declined the request, noting
offences of cheating and conspiracy. Mr. Chavan has questioned the legality of the CBI approaching the Governor for sanction
for a second time after Mr. Sankaranarayanan had gone into the matter and refused it. However, the State governments advice
The fresh grounds relate to the observations of the Justice J.A. Patil Commission report which talked of a nexus established
between the acts of Mr. Ashok Chavan and the benefit derived by his close relatives in the form of membership of Adarsh CHS,
and a Bombay High Court order in 2014 upholding the trial courts refusal to drop his name from the charge sheet. It cannot be
forgotten that the entire issue of according sanction to prosecute a public servant for the offences of conspiracy, cheating and
forgery is only academic. In 2006, the Supreme Court had laid down that by their very nature such offences do not require prior
sanction as they cannot be regarded as having been committed by a public servant in the discharge of official duties. It is
surprising that the CBI approached the Governor for sanction in the first place under Section 197 of the Criminal Procedure
Code for the offences of conspiracy and cheating. In any case, it could have gone ahead with the prosecution in respect of the
Prevention of Corruption Act, which does not require sanction after the accused has demitted office. The idea of shielding public
servants from frivolous complaints is the ostensible justification for the sanction provision in law. This technical requirement,
however, has more often been a shield for corrupt public servants, especially political leaders. The sooner this bugbear of
legitimate prosecution is abolished, the better it would be for probity in public life.
It is now a decade since the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme was launched, and it can be
said with reasonable assurance that the programme has been largely successful in living up to what it set out to do: provide
employment to Indias rural poor and improve their livelihoods. Sceptics of the spending programme, launched in 2006, had
raised concerns that it would be yet another opportunity for middlemen to pocket funds. They had dismissed the argument that
the design of MGNREGS as a demand-driven scheme would make it more targeted and less prone to leakage. Ten years on,
the sceptics have been largely proved wrong. Yes, the efficiency of implementation of the scheme varies across States, there
is a degree of wastage of resources, there is an issue with delayed payments, works undertaken have not held up in some
States, and there remains some information asymmetry leading to uneven implementation. Yet, by and large, study after study
has found that MGNREGS has served as a source of employment for the poor in distress situations such as drought, crop
failures and lean rural employment days. It has helped raise rural wages steadily over time, and in places where it has been
implemented well, built rural assets such as irrigation canals and roads have augmented local infrastructure.
Yet, it is also evident now that over the last five years there has been sluggishness in MGNREGSs implementation. There have
been ups and downs in the Central outlay for the scheme, in terms of allocations as a percentage of overall budget spending
and, most importantly, delays in releasing funds to States for wage payments. This has led to a relative slack in demand and
consequently a drop in the work hours and even a decline in the average rural wage rate increases in these years. This is
primarily because both the Congress-led UPA in its second term in government and the current BJP-led regime have been less
than enthusiastic about the need for the scheme. Indeed, data show that only in the past year has the BJP government come
around to realising its utility, even if grudgingly. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had remarked last year that his government saw
MGNREGS as a symbol of the failures of the Congress governments, and that after 60 years, it was a travesty that we were
still making people dig holes. These remarks symbolised, at one level, a flawed understanding of the scheme, and at another,
a negative mindset about demand-driven welfarism. It took a distressed agrarian situation with the failure of the rabi crop and
less-than-optimal rains for the MGNREGS to get its due, and the proportion of delayed payments was reduced in the first three
quarters of 2015-16 from what it was in 2014-15. Even so, the implementation of the scheme has continued to be better in some
States as opposed to even drought-hit States. It is clear that there needs to be a better political understanding of the need for
February 07/2016
Indias nuclear politics was in the limelight again last week, and not for the best of reasons. More than five years after it signed
the Convention on Supplementary Compensation (CSC), India ratified the insurance pooling agreement, which pertains to
civil liability in the event of a nuclear accident in any of the acceding countries. Prima facie, this was a good move, bringing to
an end a game of will-they-or-wont-they, which had cast India in poor light internationally and which sat uncomfortably beside
three hard-fought nuclear landmarks the India-U.S. Civil Nuclear Agreement (CNA) and the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG)
waiver, both passed in 2008, and Indias Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act (CLNDA), which became law in 2010. However,
Indias CSC ratification does not clear the air so far as an important stumbling block to bilateral nuclear commerce is concerned:
is CLNDA truly in conformity with the CSC, as Indian officials have repeatedly claimed, or does it cast a shadow of doubt on
supplier liability, which is a matter of critical importance to U.S. nuclear corporations? The ambiguity stems from two clauses of
CLNDA, Sections 17(b) and 46. Under Section 17(b), liability for a nuclear accident can be channelled from the operator, which
is the Nuclear Power Corporation of India, to suppliers of nuclear material, specifically if the accident is due to an act of the
supplier or his employee, which includes supply of equipment or material with patent or latent defects or sub-standard services.
Section 46 permits victims of a nuclear incident to sue the operator or the supplier for damages applying tort law, even though
such proceedings would be beyond the scope of CLNDA and its liability cap, and thus exposing suppliers to unlimited liability.
Indias CSC ratification is a reminder of the steep fall from the heady days of the announcement of the CNA a decade ago to
the weak and unconvincing efforts by the Narendra Modi administration, following U.S. President Barack Obamas visit to
India, to persuade corporations such as General Electric-Hitachi and Westinghouse that they would not be liable in the event
of an accident. Indias reliance on contractual rules and parliamentary debates to explain away supplier concerns has been
greeted with scepticism by representatives of U.S. nuclear corporations first on the grounds that no rule can supersede
constitutional statute, and second, as there are other, on-record views in Parliament that contradict those cited by the MEA.
While the liability morass has stymied U.S. investment in Indian reactors, Russia, France and Japan have moved forward with
their respective bilateral agreements for nuclear commerce. This suggests that the recognition of India as a responsible nuclear
power by the international community the U.S. and the other NSG states has allowed for windows of opportunity for nuclear
The formal signing of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) by the 12 member-countries of the mega-regional free trade
agreement is a milestone for international trade and, by extension, the global economy. With worldwide trade having slowed
sharply since the 2008 financial crisis and now faced with headwinds from Chinas slowdown, the deal, yet to be ratified, could
provide a much-needed fillip to growth. As the World Bank noted in a study in January on the macro-economic implications of
the TPP, the pact could, by 2030, help boost the overall GDP of member-countries by 1.1 per cent. And given that the grouping
includes two of the worlds three largest economies the U.S. and Japan and overall accounts for more than one-third of
the worlds economic output, the spillover benefits would be significant. Moreover, given the diversity of the member-countries
from the mineral-rich, trade-intensive Latin American economies of Peru and Chile, to the NAFTA triumvirate of Canada, the
U.S. and Mexico, ASEAN members Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei and Vietnam, trans-Tasman neighbours Australia and New
Zealand, and Japan the TPP also demonstrates a willingness to look beyond domestic political considerations and hammer
out a far-reaching agreement that could act as a template for future multilateral trade deals. Yet, the pact is far from a done deal
as it still needs to win legislative backing in the member-states. That may be far more difficult than the seven-year-long
negotiations, with both the Democratic presidential candidates and two leading Republican contenders in the U.S., Donald
Trump and Ted Cruz, opposed to it. Mr. Trump and Democrat Bernie Sanders are the most vocal critics, arguing that the TPP
For India, the agreement provides an opportunity to reflect on its approach to multilateral trade talks, while underscoring the
need to build a strong multi-disciplinary cadre of specialist free-trade analysts and negotiators. Though the World Bank projects
a limited trade diversion impact on non-members, including aggregate GDP losses of about 0.1 per cent by 2030, India could
Agreement (SAFTA) having made little to no difference to Indias terms of trade in the neighbourhood, and the country having
ceded substantial ground at the latest Nairobi meeting of the World Trade Organisation, it is high time the government proactively
girded for the challenges ahead. Like China, where an editorial in the state-run Global Times exhorted the Asian giants
leadership to focus on strengthening its own economy than worry about the TPP, India too needs to aim at setting its house in
order. From ensuring the creation of a domestic common market through adoption of the long-delayed Goods and Services Tax,
to building its own multilateral bloc of emerging and developing economies that can act as a bulwark against TPP-like groupings,
February 09/2016
The February 3 avalanche on the Siachen glacier that buried 10 Indian Army soldiers is a stark reminder to both India and
Pakistan about the cost of military deployment in such inhospitable territory. The bodies of most soldiers of the 19 Madras
Regiment are yet to be recovered from the post on the northern part of the glacier, at a height of 19,600 feet. This was not an
isolated incident but part of a growing trend in that region, as global warming dramatically affects the glacier. Last month, four
soldiers of 3 Ladakh Scouts were killed when an avalanche hit a patrol party in the Ladakh region, not very far from the site of
the present tragedy. Avalanches are a threat not just to Indian soldiers, but also to the Pakistani troops. In April 2012, in the
Gayari sector, 129 soldiers of the 6th Northern Light Infantry of the Pakistani military and 11 civilian contractors were buried by
a massive avalanche. It is not just avalanches; the challenging terrain of the glacier and its surroundings as a whole have been
regularly claiming lives. According to reliable estimates, over 2,000 soldiers from both sides have died on the Siachen glacier
since 1984, when India beat Pakistan by a few days to occupy many of the strategic locations on the glacier.
Ever since the two militaries began a costly engagement on the glacier, there have been numerous efforts by both countries to
find a way to demilitarise the glacier. In June 1989, they came very close to clinching a final deal. The two sides had agreed to
work towards a comprehensive settlement, based on redeployment of forces to reduce the chance of conflict, avoidance of the
use of force and the determination of future positions on the ground so as to conform with the Shimla Agreement and to ensure
durable peace in the Siachen area. Ever since then, India and Pakistan have tried diplomatically to find a way to demilitarise
the region. However, a lack of political will on both sides has meant that the status quo holds, and soldiers continue to pay a
very high price in that remote snowy outpost. India has in the past suggested delineation of the Line of Control north of NJ 9842,
redeployment of troops on both sides to agreed positions after demarcating their existing positions, a zone of disengagement,
and a monitoring mechanism to maintain the peace. Given Prime Minister Narendra Modis personal initiative to visit Lahore on
Christmas day and to push forward peace with Pakistan, it would only be the next logical step to look at the low-hanging fruits
in bilateral issues to build trust. The demilitarisation of Siachen is definitely doable. This is not only because it is diplomatically
possible, but also because there is a critical mass of opinion in both India and Pakistan that neither can sacrifice, or put in harms
way, so many lives on the inhospitable glacier. If the initiative is not seized by both sides now, the vagaries of nature will continue
panel that has declared his confinement arbitrary and illegal. The ruling of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention
the authoritative UN body that pronounces on illegal detentions based on binding and legal international instruments has met
with support, but not surprisingly, with a bitter backlash as well, notably from governments that have suffered incalculable
damage from WikiLeaks relentless exposures. Sweden and Britain have rejected the panels findings outright, despite the
fact that they are signatories to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the European Convention on Human
Rights and the other treaties upon which the UN legal panel has based its recommendation. The same countries have in the
past upheld rulings of the same panel on similar cases such as the arbitrary detention of the Myanmar leader Aung San Suu
Kyi and former Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed. The British Foreign Secretary, Philip Hammond, has called the ruling
ridiculous, and dismissed the distinguished panel as comprising lay people, not lawyers. As for the Swedish Prosecutors
Office, it has declared that the UN bodys opinion has no formal impact on the ongoing investigation, according to Swedish
The specific allegation of rape that Mr. Assange faces in Sweden must be seen in the larger international political context of
his confinement. He has made it clear he is not fleeing Swedish justice, offering repeatedly to give evidence to the Swedish
authorities, with the caveat that he be questioned at his refuge in London, either in person or by webcam. While he will have to
prove his innocence, Mr. Assange is not being paranoid when he talks of his fear of extradition to the U.S.: Chelsea Manning,
whose damning Iraq revelations were first carried on WikiLeaks, was held in a long pre-trial detention and convicted to 35 years
of imprisonment. The U.S. Department of Justice has confirmed on more than one occasion that there is a pending prosecution
and Grand Jury against him and WikiLeaks. Mr. Assanges defence team argues that the Swedish police case is but a
smokescreen for a larger political game plan centred on Washington, which is determined to root out whistle-blowers such as
Mr. Assange, Edward Snowden and Chelsea Manning for exposing dirty state secrets. It was WikiLeaks that carried the shocking
video evidence of the wholesale collateral murder by the U.S.-led forces of civilians in Iraq and Afghanistan, in addition to
thousands of pages of evidence of other violations of sovereignty and international law. By defying the UN panels carefully
considered recommendation that Mr. Assange be freed and awarded compensation, Britain and Sweden are damaging their
own international standing. They must reverse their untenable stand and do what law and decency dictate by allowing Mr.
Assange an opportunity to prove his innocence without fearing extradition to the United States.
February 10/2016
The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) has to be commended for batting unambiguously for net neutrality, the
principle of non-discrimination that is vital for the Internet to remain an open platform. Its decision was made clear on Monday
when it prohibited telecom providers from charging differential rates for data services. The regulators stance is commendable
for two other reasons as well. One, it had to face enormous pressures to tinker with the way the Internet is governed. And, two,
net neutrality, with its numerous interpretations, is a complex concept. The latest ruling could no doubt set the tone for regulators
across the globe, especially those of countries that have socio-economic features akin to Indias. More important, it would ensure
that generations of Indians are not forced to be satisfied with services that pretend to be the Internet itself, robbing them of the
real benefits of the medium. TRAIs decision would bring relief and cheer to the millions of Indians as also some voluntary
groups that admirably campaigned for months together for this result, worried as they were that the regulator would give up
on net neutrality. The danger had seemed that real. In the last year or so, there have been more than a few attempts by the big
players to offer Internet services that intrinsically seemed to violate this principle. The public debate on net neutrality began
during late 2014 when Indias top telecom carrier Bharti Airtel decided to charge users extra for the use of applications with
Basics initiative as an altruistic effort that would help millions of Indias Internet have-nots. Its founder, Mark Zuckerberg,
took a personal interest in the campaign. Facebooks global rebranding of its internet.org initiative as a platform open for all but
adhering to Facebooks standards, which offered free and basic services, was arguably the consequence of the debate over
net neutrality in the country. The point about providing at least some access to millions of new users for free, who otherwise
cannot afford it, must have been difficult for TRAI to ignore. And that is why it is important to recognise that a no to Free Basics
does not imply a failure on the part of TRAI to recognise the importance of catering to the Internet have-nots. In fact, the regulator
has noted that it is not against the provision of limited free data that allows a user to explore the Internet. Simply put, it finds this
route palatable because the choice is with the user. This is also a route that Free Basics could explore in the immediate future
in order to stay alive in India. The regulators problem with a price-based differentiation has more to do with the fact that in a
market such as India it would distort consumer choice and have consequences that wouldnt be understood easily. The ruling
also suggests that while TRAI recognises the need for India to bridge the digital divide, it realises that compromising the basic
The Finance Ministrys decision to withdraw customs duty exemptions for 76 life-saving drugs will at once make them
more expensive and impact patients who are already paying a high price for such medical treatment. It is important to keep in
mind that a majority of Indians meet health care costs through out-of-pocket expenditure, and any increase is bound to adversely
affect them. It is true that the customs duty waiver is an interim measure, and that the list has to be revised periodically. Certain
drugs now removed from the list are either no longer used by patients or are being manufactured in India at a lower cost than
the imported ones, and therefore should be removed from it anyway. However, it is not clear what public interest is served by
removing certain essential medicines that are either not manufactured in India or whose demand currently exceeds local
manufacturing capacity. While the government has been enthusiastic about withdrawing the exemption for 76 drugs, it has failed
to include certain life-saving or essential drugs that have been launched recently and are under patent protection. This indicates
that consultations have not been broad-based; this has to be corrected as the patients interest should be the priority. Unlike in
the case of other commodities where the consumer is the decision-maker, doctors prescription preferences, sometimes based
on partisan considerations, dictate whether a patient ends up buying imported drugs even when locally manufactured options
are available at a lower price. It is for this reason that the withdrawal of 22 per cent customs duty exemption on imported drugs
could have an impact on a patients budget; imported active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs) will also increase the cost of
Since the late 1990s, India has lost out to China in the API market. Active as well as enabling support from the government in
various forms helped the Chinese industry flood the Indian market with cheap APIs. While the product patent regime that came
into full force since 2005 and the flooding of the market with Chinese APIs may appear to be genuine reasons for giving the
Indian industry cover to catch up, any protection cannot be long-lasting. The only way for the Indian drug industry to grow is by
investing in research and development and in producing novel drugs that enjoy patent protection. India is the pharmacy of the
South, but that dominance is restricted to generics. This has to change, and the government has to extend support in larger
measure. As is the case in the U.S., many drugs that go on to become commercially profitable have their origins in academic
government realises this and changes its priorities, the better it would be for the country.
February 11/2016
The latest GDP data released by the Central Statistics Office (CSO) raise more questions than they answer. While on the
face of it, the projection of 7.6 per cent growth at constant prices for the fiscal year ending March 31 sounds both attainable and
impressive, a closer look at the other sets of numbers, including the third-quarter reading, raises some flags. The pace of
economic expansion is estimated to have slowed to 7.3 per cent in the three months ended December, from 7.7 per cent (based
on an upward revision) in the preceding quarter. Separately, the gross value added (GVA) growth projections for seven of the
nine industry classifications for the full year show a slowdown from the comparable 12-month period, which is a second flag.
The two industries where the CSO expects expansion in the current fiscal to outpace that of last year are agriculture and
manufacturing. The agriculture, forestry and fishing sector is estimated to expand 1.1 per cent in 2015-16 as against a 0.2 per
cent contraction, and manufacturing is pencilled to post 9.5 per cent growth, from 5.5 per cent in 2014-15. This is where it gets
more confusing. In its latest monetary policy review on February 2, the Reserve Bank of India cited slackening agricultural and
industrial growth as a prime reason for a loss in economic momentum in the third quarter. With the CSO data showing a 1 per
cent GVA contraction in agriculture in the period ended December and the RBI pointing to a decline in rabi sowing by end-
January, it is hard to see where the farm sector will derive the necessary impetus from in the current quarter to help undergird
overall growth.
As far as manufacturing goes, the January purchasing managers index (PMI) expanded to a four-month high, partly helped
by resumption of output at factories affected by the December floods. Still, the sustainability of this expansion could be
weak overseas demand environment, reflected in the protracted exports slump, is also a dampener. The robust growth estimate
brings us to a crucial related question: how reliable are the data as currently calculated, a concern raised by several
economists including RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan. He has cautioned against laying too much store by the numbers if
they dont adequately capture the net economic impact of an activity. For instance, under the new methodology indirect taxes
are included and this is seen by some experts as inflating the overall figures, without necessarily resulting in increased output.
The government has an opportunity later this month to address many of these concerns and clarify on both the data points and
the rationale behind its methodology when it presents the annual Economic Survey. It is important that it dispels all doubts and
enhances the credibility of official statistics at a time when India seeks its rightful place at the high table of the world economic
order.
Details from the ongoing deposition of David Coleman Headley have brought back dark memories for India, not just of the
horror of the 2008 Mumbai attacks, but also of the cold-blooded planning that went into the massacre of over 160 men, women
and children. It is certainly important that the Mumbai court has been able to record the testimony of Headley, and make part of
Indian court records all that he had told a court in the United States several years ago. The testimony has not yet revealed much
that wasnt in the court records, or in the testimony he gave before National Investigation Agency officials in 2010. Even so, it
will be significant in the trial of Abu Jundal as well as in a future trial of Hafiz Saeed and any of the masterminds in the unlikely
event of Pakistan making them available to India. Although the move from the U.S. authorities to arrange the deposition of
Headley for the Mumbai court now hearing the 26/11 conspiracy case has come late, it is still no less welcome. The specifics
of how Headley was sent to India, his contacts with the Lashkar-e-Taiba leadership and the Inter-Services Intelligence officers
he names for having given him espionage training, and even perhaps locals in India who may have colluded with him, are all
vital to the case, and it is hoped that prosecutors will extract more information from Headley in the coming days.
Clearly, the deposition from Headley, who expects a full judicial pardon in exchange for giving it, comes at a cost that must be
counted. It has meant that India gives up all chances of bringing the self-confessed terror planner, who scoped out the locations
to be targeted as well as the entry and possible exit points for the LeT terrorists. It also means that India has not questioned the
delay from the U.S., and prosecutors may not be able to fill the glaring gaps in their understanding of Headleys background
that have been raised: including his double role as a U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration informant, the cover for his frequent
visits to India, including one after the 26/11 attacks, and the reasons his links with Pakistani military officials were not investigated
by the U.S. This is why after the hearing is completed the government must be more forthcoming in explaining its decision to
offer a pardon. The deal may have been the best of imperfect choices before India, but given the magnitude of the crime
involved, the government must share the details. The spotlight on Headley should also convince Pakistan to fast-track its trial
of the masterminds of the Mumbai attacks, perhaps even accepting a similar deposition from Headley in the case. Eventually,
it is in the interest of India-Pakistan relations as well as justice for the victims of 26/11 that the trial in Pakistan is brought to a
successful conclusion. If Headleys deposition prompts that, the benefit will override all other concerns.
February 12/2016
It is a matter of disgrace that an eminent man who leaves his position under a cloud of serious charges of sexual harassment
is able to return to an executive position in the same organisation without any compunction. The appointment of climate
scientist R.K. Pachauri as executive vice-chairman of The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI) in a position apparently
created for him, is contrary to the spirit of Indian law that now accords great importance to the safety of women and the special
the Inter-Governmental Panel on Climate Change. However, even after an Internal Complaints Committee found him guilty of
misconduct on a complaint by a woman researcher, he returned to TERI last July on the strength of an interim order by an
industrial tribunal staying the complaints panels report. With a new Director-General taking over at TERI, Dr. Pachauri has been
accommodated in a position from which he can wield power and influence over employees and researchers in an organisation
that is partially funded by the government. His continuance in this organisation is untenable. It is apparent from the emergence
of a second complaint and reports that his return has caused dismay among many women employees that the charge is not
related to one incident or a rare lapse in behaviour, but a repeatedly displayed propensity. Second, his being around in the face
of an ongoing criminal investigation against him is wholly inappropriate and against the spirit of the Sexual Harassment of
In many ways, TERI as an employer appears to have ignored its obligations under the Act. The complainant is not in the
organisation anymore, indicating that conditions for her continuance were not facilitated by the management. It did not act
immediately on the internal committees report, as can be discerned from the fact that there was no follow-up disciplinary action.
The jurisdiction of an industrial tribunal to stay the findings of an internal panel under the special law is a legal question that may
be decided in ongoing proceedings before the Delhi High Court. As an organisation, TERI has a global profile as well as a
considerable body of achievement behind it in the field of energy efficiency and climate science. Its Governing Council has
eminent people of impeccable credentials. Not unexpectedly, Dr. Pachauri denies any wrongdoing and doggedly seeks to retain
his position. However, it is incomprehensible why the organisation and the eminent people on its governing body should support
him. In fact, it is the management of TERI that ought to be assisting the complainants in pursuing legal remedies. It should now
act to ensure that Dr. Pachauri does not play a role in TERI any more. As for the 75-year-old scientist who headed an
organisation that shared the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007, it is time for him to rest on his tainted laurels.
In what is being hailed as a victory for outsiders, Bernie Sanders, the underdog in the U.S. Democratic nomination race, stole
a march on former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in the first primary elections of the season, in New Hampshire, and
controversial property billionaire Donald Trump captured the most Republican votes. Mr. Sanders, a Senator from Vermont,
won 60.4 per cent of the primary vote in the State, leading Ms. Clinton by nearly 22 points. In doing so, he scooped up 15
delegates to her nine and almost instantly attracted a wave of donor funding to his campaign, to the tune of $6.4 million. Although
New Hampshire is preponderantly white, the self-proclaimed Democratic Socialist won a thumping majority across a variety of
demographic cohorts, except for those over 65 years of age and for households earning more than $200,000. While he may
have benefited from New Hampshire sharing a border with Vermont, this early upset in Ms. Clintons presumed-unassailable
lead has thrust Mr. Sanderss campaign into fourth gear and energised his supporters across the U.S. Importantly, his victory
has put the Democratic Party establishment, which until now has thrown its weight behind Ms. Clinton, on notice. Although the
partys super-delegates are supporting Ms. Clinton over Mr. Sanders by a margin of 355-14, they may well switch their support
Yet, by no means is it obvious that Mr. Sanderss call for a revolution will thus sway every State. At the national level Ms.
Clinton outperforms Mr. Sanders in the support she enjoys with minorities by 71 to 20 per cent. She has vigorously courted the
African-American demographic, with a recent visit to Flint, Michigan, to discuss its water-poisoning crisis; she has announced
joint campaigns with the families of unarmed African-Americans who died in controversial encounters with law enforcement;
and post-New Hampshire she will likely focus her campaign on systemic racism, criminal justice reform, voting rights and gun
violence. Mr. Sanders, who will face his first big test with the African-American vote in the mixed demographics of South Carolina
amplify his message of support to this community. It is unclear what dividends such late manoeuvres could yield. The other
critical factor is the rise and rise of Mr. Trump. Although he is the philosophical antithesis of Mr. Sanders, they share certain
similarities: their attacks on dark pools of campaign finance dominating U.S. elections; their rejection, albeit for different reasons,
of the notion of American exceptionalism; and their anti-establishment positions, including distrust of the mainstream media. If
these two men float to the top through the primary races, that must reflect Americans frustration with the jaded politics of
Washington. But equally they must know that each man holds firm to a radically different vision for reshaping their country.
February 13/2016
Banks, it is often said, are the fulcrum of a robust economy. Healthy banks are an essential prerequisite for placing the economy
on a higher growth orbit. The banking scene in India, however, presents an absolutely scary picture. A combination of factors
ranging from poor credit appraisal to political interference and mismanagement by borrowers have conspired to push the banking
industry into a messy cobweb. Bank after bank, especially the government-owned, has come out with poor third-quarter results.
The stressed assets (comprising gross non-performing assets plus written-off assets and restructured assets) account for 14.1
per cent of total bank loans as of September 2015, up from 13.6 per cent in March 2015. For public sector banks, the stressed
assets were in the vicinity of 17 per cent at the end of September, while the figure for private sector banks stood at 6.7 per cent.
The rising stress level, or increase in bad loans, has yielded a twin fallout of declining profitability at banks and poor credit
disbursal. The double effect is already telling on the economy in various ways. For long, banks have either managed to, or rather
been allowed to, keep the stress invisible, giving the outside world very little clue as to the happenings inside the industry. The
Reserve Bank of India under Raghuram Rajans stewardship, however, has decided to clean up banks books rather than
letting them camouflage the real picture. There are two polar approaches to loan stress, he said at the CII Banking Summit
in Mumbai this week. One is to apply band-aids to keep the loan current, and hope that time and growth will set the project
back on track. Sometimes this works. But most of the time, the low growth that precipitated the stress persists. The fresh lending
intended to keep the original loan current grows. Facing large and potentially un-payable debt, the promoter loses interest, does
little to fix existing problems, and the project goes into further losses. Indeed, legacy problems should be given a burial, and
should not be allowed to persist. So hinting, Dr. Rajan articulated the need for surgical action to retrieve the health of the industry.
Forcing banks to recognise a problem is one thing, and finding a viable long-term solution to it is quite another. That requires
not just holistic thinking but an out-of-the-box approach as well, especially in the evolving global context. A meaningful fix can
happen only if banks are given functional autonomy at various levels. Restricted freedom inevitably leads to a blame game,
making it even more difficult to fix responsibility. The concept of arms- length relationship especially needs to be clearly defined
and implemented in letter and spirit in the banking industry. It is not just about how much money the Central government will
freshly pump into stressed banks. The litmus test for the government lies in its ability, and capacity, to let go of control. The
astronomy and for science as a whole. The detection at once improves our understanding of the workings of the universe and,
more important, throws open a big opportunity to study it from completely new angles. It opens the way to get information about
the evolution of galaxies and black holes. There is also a symmetry to the timing of the discovery: it comes a century after Albert
Einsteins general theory of relativity held that acceleration of massive bodies should produce gravitational waves, which travel
through the universe at the speed of light. The gravitational waves detected, and announced to the world on Thursday, were
produced more than a billion years ago by a cataclysmic collision of two black holes, one of them with a mass 36 times that of
the Sun and the other slightly smaller at 29 times, into one black hole. The gravitational waves give scientists insights into the
final moments before the merger. The signals of gravitational waves were detected on September 14, 2015 by twin Laser
Interferometric Gravitational-wave Observatory (LIGO) detectors located about 3,000 km apart at Hanford, Washington and in
Livingston, Louisiana, in the United States. Though the observatory is capable of picking up gravitational waves produced by
binary neutron stars colliding and merging, signals from such a collision from the same distance would have been extremely
weak for LIGO to pick up; neutron stars are much smaller in size than black holes and produce weaker signals. The successful
capture of gravitational waves by LIGO is a testimony to humankinds scientific and engineering expertise to build extraordinarily
sensitive instrumentation capable of detecting variations of the order of a thousandth of the diameter of a proton.
Fittingly, this giant step for science is the result of truly global cooperation. About 60 researchers from more than a dozen
institutions in India were part of the over-1,000-strong army of scientists in the collaboration. Nearly 35 Indian scientists are co-
authors of the landmark scientific paper that describes the results. The way to find the signal buried in the noise came from an
Indian scientist. Similarly, the oscillation of cosmic bodies after a collision was predicted by an Indian scientist back in 1971.
Several observatories widely separated from one another will help in determining the direction of any event with greater accuracy
and also confirm the genuineness of the signal. Quick approval to construct the proposed Rs.1,260-crore gravitational wave
observatory in India could help obtain unique information about the universe; unlike light, gravitational waves can pass through
the universe unobstructed and hence carry otherwise unobtainable information. The facility would also provide a much-needed
technological boost and immensely benefit researchers based in India. And for years to come, we will continue to listen to the
chirp sound produced by the gravitational waves, and marvel at sciences capacity to detail ever more minutely the place of
February 15/2016
The Union governments response to the recent developments at Jawaharlal Nehru University betrays a disquieting intent to
create an atmosphere of fear amongst its students and teachers. The rationale for the police action was an event to mark the
anniversary of the execution of Afzal Guru, a convict in the Parliament attack case, and it is alleged that slogans were raised
against Indias sovereignty. However, unless there was actual incitement to violence, there really was no case for the police to
swoop down on the campus, arrest students, and slap charges of sedition and criminal conspiracy on them. The Delhi Police
seemed to have taken the cue from a remark made by Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh that anti-national activities would
not be tolerated, and invoked the draconian pre-Constitution law of sedition. The arrest of Kanhaiya Kumar, president of the
JNU Students Union, who belongs to the All-India Students Federation, an organisation known to be affiliated to the CPI, is
quite inexplicable, except in terms of the theory that he was chosen for his political antipathy to the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi
Parishad, the RSSs student wing. Neither his union nor the party to which it is affiliated supports separatism in Kashmir or
opposes parliamentary democracy. The union has in fact disassociated itself from the views expressed by a small group of
students who organised the event. Yet, an impression is sought to be created that Mr. Kumar and many other like-minded
Once again, Section 124-A of the Indian Penal Code, which makes sedition punishable with life imprisonment, has been casually
invoked despite the Supreme Court repeatedly cautioning that even words indicating disaffection against the state will not
constitute the offence, unless there is a call for violence or a pernicious tendency to create public disorder. It is difficult to dismiss
nurtures political opinion of all shades. It is a haven for legitimate dissent and a locus of inevitable differences. Its atmosphere
should not be undermined by some to whom its intellectual space is an eyesore. In recent times, the suicide of a scholar in the
University of Hyderabad roiled the student community across the country and created an upsurge against the ruling dispensation
wielding its ideological influence on campus activities. The misconceived manner in which Afzal Guru was commemorated by a
handful of JNU students should not be a provocation for tarring the students union with the brush of alleged anti-nationalism.
The government should not sense in these developments an opportunity to suppress all dissent and seek to kill the ideological
orientation of some student groups. Deviation from its own notion of nationalism cannot be treated as sedition. The line between
dissent and treason may be thin to some, but the ability to distinguish between the two is a constitutional duty of the state. And
given the history of its misuse and its incompatibility with a modern Constitution, Section 124-A of the IPC ought to be junked
altogether.
of hostilities in Syria within a week is the most constructive step yet to find a political solution to the countrys civil war. For years,
the world looked away when Syria was transformed into a geopolitical battlefield where several countries were involved, either
directly or through their proxies, to maximise their interests. The war has nearly destroyed the country, triggering an
unprecedented humanitarian crisis. A report released last week by the Syrian Centre for Policy Research paints a picture graver
than what even the UN had estimated. About 470,000 people have been killed and 1.9 million injured since the crisis began in
March 2011. Nearly 45 per cent of the population has been displaced, while life expectancy has dropped from 70 to 55.4 in five
years. That a civil war in a small nation of about 23 million people was allowed to get this catastrophic, itself points to the failures
The positive development in the Munich agreement is that both Russia and the U.S. have strongly come out for a cessation of
hostilities. Russia is directly backing the regime of President Bashar al-Assad, while the U.S. and its allies, Saudi Arabia and
Turkey, support the anti-regime rebels. To be sure, both blocs have different solutions to offer for the crisis. While the Russians
some common ground. Both Washington and Moscow are fighting the Islamic State. Despite its military intervention in favour
of the Assad regime, Russia is consistently pushing for an eventual political solution. The U.S. has over the years mellowed its
hardline stand. Though it still calls for Mr. Assads ouster, it doesnt say when he should go. This common ground opens the
possibilities for a ceasefire, which, if it is put in place successfully, could set the stage for serious negotiations. But even the
implementation of a ceasefire faces serious challenges. Since the Russian intervention, the regime forces have made substantial
advances on the ground. The weakening of rebel positions has upset their regional backers. Saudi Arabia and Turkey have
announced they are considering sending ground troops to Syria. If they do that, Russia would be forced to expand their
involvement, which would dangerously escalate the crisis. Another key question is whether President Assad, already
emboldened by the military advances made, would be ready to make concessions. In an interview last week he vowed to retake
the whole of the country by force. But after the near-total destruction of Syria, it is delusional to think of a military solution. If the
U.S. and Russia are committed to the Munich agreement, they should put serious pressure on their allies and bring them to the
February 16/2016
Promises are extremely easy to make for a politician. The problem, however, lies in delivering on them. Tougher still is to do
so in a time-bound manner. The coming Union budget provides Finance Minister Arun Jaitley that one near-term opportunity to
walk the talk, and make good his words. Mr. Jaitley appears to be acutely aware that time is ticking away. He also understands
that any dithering on the reform front would drastically impair the chances of a quick economic recovery for the country. Realising
the exceptional predicament he finds himself in at the moment, the Finance Minister hinted at a series of banking reforms while
addressing a session at Make in India Week in Mumbai on Sunday. The Indian banking system is in crisis at the moment with
bank after bank, especially the government-owned ones, reporting hefty losses in the face of mounting bad loans. The Reserve
Bank of Indias ordained clean-up notwithstanding, the banking system desperately needs to be pulled permanently away from
the legacy elements that have played havoc for long. The government is committed to zero interference and letting the
institutions run professionally, Mr. Jaitley said in Mumbai. And the boards of the banks have to be run professionally. He went
on to assert that the government would ensure the banks worked purely on professional considerations. At the same time, he
felt that the country had not reached a stage where the government could pull out of the banking system altogether. If you see
the last three-four decades, state-owned banks have played an important role as they reached out to areas where there was no
banking, he said. No doubt, the banking system remains out of bounds for far too many underprivileged sections. However,
oftentimes this fact has been conveniently used to perpetuate the governments hold over the banking system. Reducing its
financial stake in state-owned banks can, at best, help fill the coffers of the government. It does not, however, unburden the
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government in the banking system, resulting in decisions based on partisan, populist or simply expedient considerations.
If the zero-interference assurance given by Mr. Jaitley has to have any meaningful and practical implication, the government
would do well to at least reconfigure its financial stake in the banking industry. This could be done by ring-fencing the
governments equity stakes in banks by transferring its shares into an independent, professionally-managed holding company.
In an integrated global environment, financial decision-making has become an increasingly complex process involving very
many dynamic imponderables. Given that fact, banks will be well-served if they are allowed to carry on their businesses without
somebody interfering in their work time and again. The circumstances are currently ideal for Mr. Jaitley to break new ground in
In West Bengal, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Assam and Puducherry that will face Assembly elections in 2016, the Bharatiya Janata
Party is relatively weak, but the political configuration in these States (and a Union Territory) will not make it any easier for the
partys chief national opposition, the Congress, to take advantage of the situation. The Congress senses that the road to its
revival at the Centre passes through these States alleyways where regional forces dominate, except in Assam. In Tamil Nadu,
the Congress has resurrected its tried-and-tested alliance with the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam to consolidate votes in the
States multi-party electoral landscape. Even so, for the Congress it will be a tough task to sell this alliance as a better alternative
to the ruling All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, as public memory of the United Progressive Alliance is still relatively
fresh. The Congresss other alternative was to throw its weight behind a third front, but the party has long forsaken any ambition
to lead a non-Dravidian alliance. Its weak presence is a consequence of its long-term decline in Tamil Nadu, despite the hold in
the popular imagination of Kamaraj rule, the partys halcyon days some 50 years ago. In any case, its claim to the Kamaraj
legacy is now under dispute following the revival of the Tamil Maanila Congress. Whether the Congresss aspiration for short-
term gains will materialise depends less upon political arithmetic and more on the public appraisal of the ruling AIADMK. And
with the opposition space still being inchoate, the outcome is difficult to forecast.
Trinamool Congress enfeebled the Congress over time, and explains its State leaderships desperation now to ally with its long-
term nemesis, the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front. But just as the CPI(M)s central leadership is divided over
the question of an alliance its West Bengal unit is in favour of a tie-up even as the central leadership remains undecided
the Congress high command faces a Hobsons choice. An alliance with the Left Front would enable a viable contest against the
Trinamool Congress and thus a better harvest of seats in West Bengal but this may help the BJP gain a foothold in Kerala
where the Congress-led front and the opposition CPI(M)-led front are the main contestants, and are at loggerheads. For the
Congress leadership, leaving the political choice of alliance-building to its federal units based on local expediency is an easier
option. This is unlike the Left Front, which cannot take a political decision without answering ideological questions on a tie-up
with the Congress and what this would mean for its chances in Kerala, where it would hope to gain from anti-incumbency against
the Congress. In Assam, the Congresss choices are less stark but its challenges the burden of anti-incumbency and a
communally polarised build-up are strong. The party has its task cut out.
February 17/2016
Acentury ago, Mahatma Gandhi lamented that the Indian city was mostly a stinking den, and Indians as a people were not used
to city life. The squalid urban landscapes of the 21st century, with mountains of garbage merely relocated to the suburbs to
maintain clean cities, would seem to prove that not much has changed since then. The quest for clean cities has only grown
more complicated, as steady urbanisation is putting pressure on a poorly prepared municipal administration system, and the
more affluent consumers produce ever-higher volumes of trash. The neglect of social housing, sanitation and water supply has
ensured that there is nothing like a truly clean, green and sustainable city. It would not be fair, of course, to dismiss the efforts
of cities such as Mysuru, Chandigarh and Tiruchirapalli, which have scored the top three ranks in the competition organised by
the Swachh Bharat Mission of the Ministry of Urban Development to choose the cleanest cities for 2015. In fact, with the high
level of political will now being shown to address the problem of waste and filth, there has never been a better time for State
governments to act. Beyond the cosmetic solution of removing waste to landfills or releasing untreated sewage into hidden
waterways, however, the challenge is staggering even with the 1.04 crore household toilets and five lakh community and
equally depressing for solid waste, since only 20 per cent of it can be treated scientifically at present.
The Centres decision, against this background, to ask fertilizer companies to sell municipal compost is among the more
promising initiatives to stem the rising pile of trash. Cities can take a leaf out of international best practices, and encourage
communities to create food gardens in every area possible using this resource. At the very least, reduction of garbage can be
achieved if residents start segregating their waste at home, and municipalities acquire the systems to manage it. But there is a
major policy disconnect here, since tonnage-based contracts issued by cities have created a vested interest in transporting
waste to landfills, rather than to reduce it through rules that require segregation, composting and recycling. The imagery of
the Swachh Bharat Mission, which currently dwells on citizen behaviour and the visual appeal of clean cities, needs to extend
to waste reduction and recycling. Building the necessary infrastructure is easier today, since a variety of financial instruments
are available, including Central funds, corporate sponsorship and the Swachh Bharat cess on services that alone will garner an
estimated Rs.3,700 crore during 2015-16. Achieving sustainable clean cities will ultimately depend on the attention devoted to
human development and environmental governance. Without inclusive city planning, affordable housing, water and sanitation,
the trend of urbanisation can only add to the squalor that depressed Gandhiji in Varanasi. This is the bulwark on which cities
In the chronicles of aberrant behaviour by judges, Justice C.S. Karnan of the Madras High Court would occupy one of the most
prominent spots. Few judges have by their conduct within and outside the court damaged the standing of the judiciary to this
degree or exposed the helplessness of the system in dealing with over-the-top functioning. The judge now appears to have
crossed all bounds, and his understanding of the law is such that he takes up the case of his own transfer to the Calcutta High
Court and stays the recommendation of the Chief Justice of India. This is just the latest instance of his ways that have included,
even as a sitting judge, his going into the court when a Division Bench was hearing a petition on the selection of judges and
seeking to file an affidavit opposing the list of appointees recommended by the Chief Justice. His interaction with other judges
in the High Court was found to be so offensive that 21 of them signed a petition of complaint and a Chief Justice of the High
Court was constrained to send a formal communication to the Chief Justice of India seeking his transfer. To top it all, the Madras
High Court registry had to file a petition in the Supreme Court of India after he had passed a suo motu order staying the
recommendation of the Chief Justice of India transferring him and get his order stayed. That he has frequently raised the issue
of his caste status complaining to the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and even threatening to file criminal
charges under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against chief justices and other judges
in justification of his conduct, has only served to trivialise the issue of caste discrimination and the genuine difficulties that
Dalits face.
It is inconceivable that so long a rope would have been given to any judge in a well-ordered democracy functioning under the
rule of law. It was almost two years ago that the Supreme Court condemned Justice Karnans conduct in seeking to argue in
another court as uncharitable and ungenerous, and indecorous. Yet, he was allowed to continue with his ways, each
subsequent episode marking a new low. While his initial selection is itself testimony to the weakness of the collegium system of
appointments, the Karnan episode has brought to light the inadequacies of the judicial system in keeping its own house in order.
Impeachment is one option, but if a judge facing impeachment chooses to brazen it out rather than resign, it goes before
Parliament where political considerations come into play. Short of impeachment, very few effective measures seem to be
available. Even the remedy of transfer now being applied would only shift the problem to another high court, though by removing
February 18/2016
The 25-basis points reduction in interest rates on short-tenure small savings schemes from April 1 may have come as a huge
disappointment for countless savers. For the middle class, especially for millions of retired persons, these schemes are risk-
free, and provide safe parking slots for their hard-earned money. The returns these schemes offer also help them balance their
budget. Read in this light, the decision to pare the interest rates on these schemes, even if only by a small measure, is bound
to put the National Democratic Alliance government at the Centre in an uncomfortable position vis--vis a crucial component of
society, the middle class, which is considered the core constituency of the Bharatiya Janata Party. The decision, however, must
be viewed in the context of the big picture that is emerging on the national economy. The Reserve Bank of India cut the key
policy rate by a total of 125 basis points in 2015, and it has only been partially transmitted to end-borrowers. In fact, a little less
than half of this reduction had been passed on by banks to their clients. The problem, in a way, lies in the peculiar predicament
the banks find themselves in. It is easy to put banks on the mat for not passing on the rate reduction to customers. Already
under huge stress, they can do so only if they could correspondingly cut their deposit rates. But there is a catch here. The
deposit mobilisation exercise of banks often encounters competition from these small savings schemes. By reducing the interest
rates on short-term savings schemes, the government has sought to erase the return advantage they currently enjoy over
similar-tenure government securities. Indeed, it has set the stage for a uniform interest rate regime at least from a short-term
perspective and cleared a major roadblock for banks in cutting their deposit rates, and eventually the lending rates as well.
By leaving the interest rates on long-term and certain special category savings schemes unchanged, the government has sent
out the message that it has in mind the larger good of society as a whole, and that it is keen to encourage people to save for
the future. A distorted interest regime is the principal cause for driving the economy into a costlier zone. For individuals, no
doubt, the impact of the interest rate cut on small savings schemes could be immediate and visible in terms of lower returns on
their savings. However, the effect of such a cut will have a cascading effect on the entire value chain, and will inevitably bring
the cost structure down for the economy. Surely, that is the right way to go. The government has indeed done well to take this
less-than-popular step.
Jammu and Kashmir needs an elected government in place without further delay in order to address the discontent that has
been mounting since the death of the Peoples Democratic Party patriarch, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed. A spike in violence
has worsened an already fragile political situation. In the five weeks since Governors Rule was imposed in the State after his
death, three civilians have been killed, falling to the bullets of the security forces in two separate incidents. A dramatic downturn
has been visible in the last few weeks. In Pulwama on January 20, a civilian, Parvez Ahmad Guroo, got caught in the crossfire
between the security forces and militants; and hundreds of people from neighbouring villages pelted the security forces
personnel with stones, shouting anti-India slogans, impervious to the teargas shells that were being lobbed back. In the melee,
one militant was killed, but two escaped with the help of sympathetic locals. And the arrest on Monday in the national capital on
sedition charges of former Delhi University teacher S.A.R. Geelani who had been acquitted in the 2001 Parliament attack
case for organising an event in Afzal Gurus support, has added to the sense of uncertainty and confusion in the Kashmir
Valley. This is especially so because simultaneously Jawaharlal Nehru University Students Union president Kanhaiya Kumar
was also arrested on sedition charges, for alleged involvement in campus events where anti-India slogans were raised and the
hanging of Afzal Guru was questioned. Given that the PDP has previously also voiced concerns about the quality of justice Afzal
Guru got, the partys position too has become complicated in striking an understanding to revive its alliance with the Bharatiya
Janata Party.
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politically by an elected government, and not through direct rule from Delhi. Given that a PDP-BJP coalition remains the most
likely outcome from the current Assembly, the two parties need to come to an understanding very quickly, or indicate definitively
that their coalition is no longer possible. This should enable the Governor to explore government-formation with other parties,
or look at the possibility of dissolving the Assembly and advancing elections. The framework of the Agenda of Alliance the
common minimum programme that the two parties agreed to last March already exists. The PDP has specific complaints
about the BJP-led Centre not delivering on development funds to the State adequately and on time. There is also unease about
the fallout of Hindutva issues in Jammu and Kashmir, especially over the issue of consumption of beef and the use of the State
flag. The slapping of sedition charges on various people in Delhi has also cast a shadow on the Valley. Far too much is at
stake in Jammu and Kashmir for the BJP and the PDP to ignore the grave situation on the ground and to seek to use the
February 19/2016
The revocation of Presidents Rule in any State ought to be welcomed, as it paves the way for the installation of a popular
government. The latest Supreme Court order allowing the Union government to withdraw the proclamation bringing Arunachal
Pradesh under Central rule may end the prevailing uncertainty and help avoid a constitutional vacuum, but it may not prevent
more legal tangles. There will certainly be a political tussle over the course of action that Governor J.P. Rajkhowa ought to adopt
as soon as the suspended Assembly is revived. The Congress argues that its regime headed by former Chief Minister Nabam
Tuki will stand automatically restored. However, there is enough indication that the Governors favoured option will be to invite
the Congress rebel Kalikho Pul, who has the backing of the Bharatiya Janata Party, to form the government. Mr. Pul may have
little difficulty in passing a floor test as he claims the support of 32 MLAs in the Assembly, which now is 58-strong. While lifting
its earlier directive to maintain the status quo, the Constitution Bench has not interfered with the Gauhati High Court order
staying the disqualification of 14 legislators by Speaker Nabam Rebia. This may mean that the 14 Congress dissidents will be
allowed to vote on the confidence motion. At the same time, the Bench has asked the High Court to expedite the final hearing
Legally, there is no bar on the Governor inviting anyone who, in his opinion, is in a position to command a majority to form the
government as early as possible. However, a question will surely arise as to whether he should not first allow Mr. Tuki an
opportunity to test his majority, especially if the 14 MLAs whose disqualification has been stayed are allowed to vote. Another
issue of propriety would be whether the Governor should ask for a vote in the House before the High Court decides on the
validity of their disqualification. And if Mr. Pul is invited first and he demonstrates his majority thanks to the clutch of Congress
rebels with him, a piquant situation would arise if the Constitution Bench declares the imposition of Presidents Rule illegal. The
Tuki regime may have to be reinstated even though the House has reposed faith in another Chief Minister! There is little doubt
that constitutional propriety has taken a beating in Arunachal Pradesh in the last couple of months. The list of unseemly
developments is long. Dissidents managed to unseat a Chief Minister with active support from the Raj Bhavan, whose incumbent
advanced a scheduled Assembly session; a farcical sitting of the Assembly took place at a makeshift venue; questionable
Supreme Court hearing. Indisputably, democracy works through political processes, but it becomes a travesty when partisan
The Union Cabinet has finally granted in-principle approval for a gravitational wave detector in India. The clearance, awaited
for five years, comes close on the heels of the detection of the elusive gravitational waves for the first time; the Laser
Interferometer Gravitational-Wave Observatory (LIGO) based in Washington and Louisiana in the U.S. found evidence
of gravitational waves coming from two black holes colliding and fusing together 1.3 billion light years away. By virtue of having
the same sensitivity as the LIGO detectors in the U.S. and being geographically separated by thousands of kilometres, the
Rs.1,200-crore LIGO-India project, scheduled to become operational in about eight years, will at once vastly improve the level
of accuracy and ability to detect new gravitational wave events. Since all detectors may not be operational all the time for
instance, the VIRGO detector, based near Pisa in Italy, had remained shut on September 14, 2015 the addition of an Indian
detector will increase the chances of detecting events that generate gravitational waves. When the advanced LIGO and LIGO-
India detectors reach their full sensitivity, many more events will become detectable and the ability to detect faraway signals
would also increase dramatically. For instance, 50 to 100 gravitational wave-generating events a year may become detectable.
And in the case of neutron stars, signals from as far away as 600 million light years could be detected as compared with 200
Though Indian scientists were part of the LIGO project, their involvement was limited to theoretical aspects and data analysis.
The LIGO-India project will change this altogether as the construction, commissioning and running of the observatory will be
Indias responsibility. It will offer unprecedented opportunities for Indian industry and scientists from diverse fields to be actively
involved in a scientific project of a scale never before seen in the country. For instance, though many of the critical components
such as mirrors and lasers will be shipped from the U.S., an ultra-high capacity vacuum system that can handle one million litres
of vacuum (as in the case of CERN), and secondary optics, have to be manufactured in India. An active programme to develop
optics for the laser system that could be used in future upgrades to the detectors is already under way at the Indore-based Raja
Ramanna Centre for Advanced Technology. Currently only a few students from Indian institutions are able to participate in the
LIGO project, but this will change completely when the observatory becomes operational in India, providing easier access for a
larger number of students. Besides playing a pivotal role in gravitational wave astronomy, the Indian observatory could thus be
a catalyst in changing the landscape of Indian scientific efforts. Together with other mega projects such as the India-based
Neutrino Observatory project, experimental science will at last get a much-needed boost in the country.
February 20/2016
Apple CEO Tim Cooks revelation this week that the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation wants his company to take the
unprecedented step of hacking into the iPhone 5 device used by terrorists in the San Bernardino, California attack in December
2015, highlights the complexity that the world today faces in simultaneously pursuing two well-meaning goals: digital security
and national security. The problem is, it seems that one cannot be pursued without jeopardising the other. Mr. Cook, who
opposes the order, is clearly privileging the former, while the FBI is interested in the latter. The CEO was quick to explain that
as a matter of policy Apple regularly complied with valid subpoenas and search warrants, including in the San Bernardino case,
in which he said Apple had made its engineers available to advise the FBI. However, in opposing the FBIs order, his remarks
represent the sharpest public protest by any of the Silicon Valley tech giants against the post-Snowden U.S. surveillance state.
In this, he has also got support from tech heavyweights such as Google and Microsoft. Their defiance is understandable. For
the tech giants, compliance with such orders can easily put at risk the value proposition of data protection they pitch to their
users, thereby putting their businesses in peril. As more and more of our lives get played out in the digital world, more advanced
security features will inevitably become central to their offerings in the future. Mr. Cook knows this well his note was addressed
to the customers.
According to Mr. Cook, the FBI has asked Apple to produce a new version of the iPhone operating system (OS) that would
circumvent critical security features such as the automatic memory wipe that happens when the wrong login code is entered 10
times. The authorities, Mr. Cook said, intend to have this new operating system installed on the government-owned iPhone
recovered during the investigation of the San Bernardino attack, yet there may be no guarantee that the government would limit
the use of this special OS to this device alone. Mr. Cooks discomfiture with complying with the FBIs request has to do with
and rightly so the lurking risk that the iPhone hack programme that Apple considers too dangerous to create would inevitably
produce backdoor access to all iPhones. After all, the debate stirred up by Edward Snowden resulted in an effective end to the
bulk collection of the phone records of millions of Americans. Such progress would be undone if new surveillance weapons were
built and entrusted to the NSA. Yielding to this one ask, which the FBI proposes to enforce via the 227-year-old All Writs Act,
could bring in a flood of such requests from around the globe, including from regimes where the legal framework to constrain
cyber-snooping operations may be far from adequate with regard to protecting the civil liberties of citizens. The argument that
access.
political agenda by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party can be discerned. At first flush, this is a party whose top leaders and
they include members of the Union Cabinet are all too willing to pick fights with student leaders and give establishment cover
to the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, the Sanghs student wing. But to see events that have unfolded over the past week
only as the governments battle for ideological control for Indias universities, as real and as condemnable as the effort is, would
be to miss the gravity of the moment. In the national capital this week, the Home Minister gave currency to parody accounts of
Pakistani terrorists to build a case against JNU students and yet remained visibly unmoved by the obstinate refusal of the citys
police force, which comes under his charge, to arrest nationalist lawyers and a party MLA who beat up students on and around
court premises. BJP spokespersons affected condemnation of the violence, but breathed outrage about the allegedly seditious
sentiments voiced at a meeting on the JNU campus to mark the death anniversary of Afzal Guru, convicted in the 2001
Parliament attack case and hanged in 2013. Such false equivalence has never been seen since Independence, between a
Central government virtually refusing to honour the states essential compact with its citizenry to enforce the law and the right
of Indians to freely express their sentiments, that too in the especially free zone that university campuses are meant to be. And
its utterance should frame an anxiety the Prime Minister must respond to, that nationalism is being adopted as a political and
executive touchstone by which Indians are sought to be divided between those with the ruling dispensation and those not.
Besides taking the fight to the countrys campus that is most identified with Left politics, the JNU development was obviously a
chance for the BJP to recover from the excesses of Hyderabad. With it, the party has reframed the ABVPs adoption of
nationalist outrage from a Sangh versus Dalit binary to one in which the identities of anti-nationalists are insinuated, and not
overtly specified. It is, thus, a curious overlay to agitations over the JNU incidents that all Central universities are now required
to fly the national flag. It is a dangerous phase in this countrys history when the government at the Centre is seen to be actively
assisting in a right-wing effort to shape the discourse on nationalism. This is why the use of Section 124-A of the Indian Penal
Code on sedition acquires greater menace than in instances in the past, when it has mostly been used by thin-skinned politicians
to fend off critiques. Its application against JNU students and the unchecked violence against students and activists at Delhis
Patiala House courts have sent out a message that the rule of law could be enforced selectively. If Prime Minister Narendra
Modi differs from this dark reading of events, he needs to speak up.
February 22/2016
In its last 18 months, the UPA government faced up to an economic reality: new investments had come to a halt and projects
worth lakhs of crores of rupees caught in red tape were turning unviable, posing a threat to banks that had lent for them. The
then Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, heeded Finance Minister P. Chidambarams concern about the impact on public sector
banks if these projects were not brought back on track through high-level intervention. When the NDA government assumed
office, it found that the mechanism that Dr. Singh had approved to fix the problem a project monitoring group in the Cabinet
Secretariat to steer around roadblocks to big-ticket manufacturing and infrastructure projects had helped clear projects worth
Rs.6.5 lakh crore. In June 2014, the Prime Ministers Office asked the group to ascertain if the projects it had helped had begun
operations. The PMO wanted to know if more chimneys were billowing smoke, if production was going up and jobs were being
created on the ground. Three months later, the government launched its Make in India programme to encourage the world
subsequently delivered and a fix for problems that gave the country a poor reputation among foreigners, including
Over the last week, about 1,000 CEOs and 4,000 delegates representing 2,000 overseas firms were in Mumbai at a glitzy
event to showcase Make in India, which Prime Minister Narendra Modi presented as the biggest brand to emerge from the
country. He said India was adding deregulation to its strengths of democracy, demography and demand, and promised to end
retrospective taxation that had spooked investors during the UPA rule. The Industries Ministry has claimed that Rs.15.2-lakh
crore worth of investments were committed at the event. These include some by foreign firms such as Oracle (Rs.2,749 crore)
and Ascendas (Rs.4,571 crore), but the list is dominated by Indian players making announcements to coincide with the occasion,
including a Rs.6,204-crore project by public sector undertaking Rashtriya Chemicals and Fertilizers. Instead of doubting the
numbers, it may be more pertinent to focus on two other developments of the week. Authorities served Vodafone a reminder for
tax, which warned of asset seizure in case of failure to pay the dues, prompting a sharp reaction from the British firm. It also
emerged that Foxconn was yet to follow through on a $5-billion investment it had announced in Maharashtra last August. To
capitalise on the success of Make in India, the government must now show sustained improvement on the ease of doing
business and create a transparent and stable tax environment to prove it is capable of delivering on its intent. It should use the
same yardstick to measure Make in Indias success as it did for the earlier stalled projects: would products start rolling out of
The recurrence of violent protests led by relatively well-off communities demanding reservation, be it Patidars in Gujarat last
year or Jats in Haryana this year, is perplexing. The Jats are a relatively prosperous land-owning community in Haryana and
are regarded as being high on the social ladder in the region. Their political and social might is even more evident in the
influence they wield in rural areas and in the leadership of the dominant political parties in the State. The National Commission
for Backward Classes had in the past come out with specific reasons against the inclusion of the Jats in Haryana in the Other
Backward Classes (OBCs) list. This was overruled by the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government at the Centre
through a notification in March 2014, promising a special quota for Jats over and beyond the 27 per cent reservation for OBCs
in jobs and higher education. It was left to the Supreme Court in March 2015 to reiterate the reality and to quash the decision of
the UPA to include Jats in nine States among OBCs, stating that caste alone could not be the criterion for determining socio-
economic backwardness. Clearly, even if the demands do not make any constitutional or legal sense, the bipartisan consensus
over
February 24/2016
Parliaments Budget session opened on Tuesday against a turbulent backdrop of unrest on university campuses, the Jat
agitation in Haryana, an agrarian crisis, terrorist strikes and attacks on freedoms. In a bid, therefore, to blunt an anticipated
attack by the Opposition, the Modi government has adopted a strategy to confront its critics directly by making the JNU sedition
controversy the centrepiece of this session. MPs from the Bharatiya Janata Party, rather than those from the Opposition, have
already given notice for a discussion on the subject ahead of the presentation of the Union Budget. By presenting itself as
attention from economic and governance issues. Already, the BJP and the Sangh Parivar are building public opinion for the
nationalist cause through various programmes, including vigilante activity by RSS sympathisers. In presenting the majority
community as being under siege, the BJP and the Parivar have shifted the discourse to anxiety about the country being
President Pranab Mukherjees customary address to Parliament has, in fact, set the tone. It ended with a reference to Subhas
Chandra Bose, one of the many heroes of the freedom struggle whom the BJP has appropriated as an icon, and quoted him as
saying, Nationalism is inspired by the highest ideals of the human race. The President also impressed on MPs that the
democratic temper calls for debate and discussion, and not disruption or obstruction. For his part, Prime Minister Narendra
Modi expressed the hope that Parliament would be utilised for constructive debates. The opening days of the Budget
session traditionally leave little space for the Opposition. The sittings in the sessions first half, in any case, will be dominated
by the Presidents Address and the debate on it, the introduction of and discussion on the Union and Railway budgets and
private members business. The government has also prioritised the passage of the Enemy Property (Amendment & Validation)
Bill to replace an ordinance, and the Election Laws (Amendment) Bill that provides for delimitation of constituencies in West
Bengal following the exchange of territories with Bangladesh. By proposing a discussion on Rohith Vemula and the JNU crisis,
the BJP has further eroded space for the Opposition to seize the initiative. With elections to five Assemblies expected to be
notified soon, the debate will obviously be framed in a surcharged context and political parties will be especially keen to play to
the gallery. Indeed, given that the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance is not bound by lack of numbers in the Rajya Sabha in
getting money bills passed, the government may be tempted to resist the parliamentary etiquette of letting the Opposition shape
the session. This would be a mistake. The government has not yet completed its second year in office, but Parliament is already
stuck in deadlock. Unyielding postures during this session on either side could stall all forward movement.
Air quality has a strong bearing on Indias ability to sustain high economic growth, but national policy has treated the issue with
scant importance. This is evident even from the meagre data on pollution for a handful of cities generated by the ambient air
quality measurement programme. A new report from Greenpeace, based on NASAs satellite data, indicates that people living
in some parts of India are at greater risk for health problems linked to deteriorating air quality than those living in China. The
measurements for Aerosol Optical Depth, which have been used to assess the level of fine particulate matter (PM2.5) that gets
lodged deep in the lungs, point to a worsening of air quality in India in the 10-year period from 2005, particularly for States
along the Punjab to West Bengal corridor, compared to Chinas eastern industrial belt. This finding matches the Air Quality
Index data for cities monitored by the Central Pollution Control Board. Quite simply, pursuing business as usual is not tenable,
and the Centre has to act to enforce control mechanisms that will make the air safe to breathe. This has to begin with a more
comprehensive system of real-time data collection, expanding the coverage from the present 23 cities (not all of which provide
full or regular information) to all agglomerations with a significant population and economic activity, and within a given time
frame. Putting the data in the public domain in an open format will enable multiple channels of dissemination, including apps
created by the community for mobile devices, and build pressure on both policymakers and polluters.
also biomass, and from the widespread use of diesel vehicles, among other sources. The Ministry of Environment and Forests
has six-year-old data that attribute about 23 per cent of particulates to construction activity in six cities studied, and another 20
per cent to diesel vehicles. The onus of curbing pollution from these sources is on the States, and evidently they are not taking
their responsibility seriously. Greater transparency in data dissemination and public awareness hold the key to change.
Technological solutions to contain construction dust are equally critical, as is the low-cost solution of covering all urban surfaces
with either greenery or paving. Widespread burning of biomass for cooking can be avoided if the government encourages
innovation in solar cookers. Cheap, clean-burning stoves can have a dramatic effect as well. The transformation of cities through
good public transport and incentives for the use of cycles and electric vehicles which India is committed to achieve under
the Paris Agreement on climate change will reduce not merely particulate matter but also nitrogen oxide, sulphur dioxide
and carbon monoxide. There is little doubt that the worsening air quality in Indian cities is already affecting the lives of the very
young and the elderly, and reducing labour productivity. India needs a time-bound action plan.
February 25/2016
Nepal Prime Minister K.P. Olis just-concluded six-day visit to India has come at an important juncture. The visit came after
months of turmoil in the Madhes, or plains, region of Nepal following protests demanding a more federal framework in the new
Constitution. India had tacitly backed the agitations, which resulted in a virtual blockade and a shortage of essential supplies
in Nepal. After a prolonged period of vacillation, Mr. Oli committed to amendments in the Constitution that would satisfy some
of the demands made by the Madhesis. This yielded an easing of the blockade after the protestors called off their stir. The net
result of the Indian hand in the unrest, and of New Delhis perceived partisanship, had been a resurgence of jingoism in
Kathmandu. It was also damaging for India, as the stand-off drained the goodwill gained from its commitment to supporting
Nepals reconstruction after the devastating earthquake in 2015. The two countries clearly needed to recalibrate their positions,
and this is a good start. Nepal has to maintain cordial relations with India; its economic dependence, especially as a landlocked
state, is well understood and was, in fact, reinforced during the economic blockade. India too needs a friendly Nepal, whose
geopolitical importance due to the open border between the two countries cannot be overstated. It is also in Indias interest that
there be political stability in Nepal, to prevent the spillover effect any turmoil can have for the bordering States of Bihar and Uttar
Pradesh and to secure the republican consensus needed to pull millions of Nepalis out of poverty.
'To that extent, Prime Minister Olis visit has helped reset some priorities. The emphasis by both sides was on taking forward
the reconstruction assistance that India has promised. A memorandum of understanding in this regard was signed. Other MoUs
covered economic aid for road projects, enhancing power transmission, and easing travel and transit of goods. As regards the
through dialogue with the dissenting Madhesis to take their concerns on federalism on board. But Prime Minister Narendra Modi
did acknowledge that the conclusion of the Constitution-writing process is an important achievement. The onus is now on Mr.
Oli, his Cabinet and his party, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist). They could still project the halt in the
economic embargo and return to normalcy in the Madhes as a sign of victory and resist any further concessions towards a truly
federal Nepal. But that would only amount to further brinkmanship, which could prove detrimental again in the longer run. New
Delhi too should dwell on the lessons from the recent deterioration in ties and on the need for a calibrated position that supports
inclusive democracy in Nepal yet does not amount to interference. Mr. Olis visit has demonstrated the importance of high-level
Adivasi rights activist and Aam Aadmi Party leader Soni Sori was attacked by motorcycle-borne assailants in Chhattisgarh
on February 20. They threw an acid-like substance on her, which left her in deep pain, and her face swollen with chemical burns.
This was not the first physical attack on Ms. Sori. As international human rights watchdogs have reported, Ms. Sori was also
allegedly tortured and sexually assaulted by the Chhattisgarh police while in their custody in October 2011. The latest attack on
her comes in the wake of a series of developments that suggests a government-endorsed clampdown on free speech and
dissent in the State. Earlier this month, Malini Subramaniam, a journalist associated with the news portal Scroll, and Jagdalpur
Legal Aid, a group of human rights lawyers working with Adivasis, were allegedly forced out of the State for highlighting police
atrocities against the tribal population. Both the journalist and the lawyers have claimed that their landlords were intimidated by
the police into issuing eviction notices on them. It is worth noting that Ms. Sori had been trying to lodge an First Information
Report against the Inspector General of Police, Bastar Range. She has been leading a powerful Adivasi movement that has
sought to hold the State administration accountable for the killing of Adivasis in fake encounters, arbitrary arrests, and alleged
sexual assault and torture of Adivasi women by the police and security forces. She had planned to highlight these issues through
a 200-km march from Bijapur, set to end in Jagdalpur on International Womens Day, March 8, before she became a target of
ongoing civil conflict between the state and Maoist insurgents. But the fact that individuals who have no connection with
the conflict are being forced out, suggests a larger anti-democratic agenda at work. And this is in keeping with the pattern across
the world where so-called underdeveloped but mineral-rich regions have fallen prey to fierce corporate plunder of natural
resources at the expense of the local population. The Bastar region is rich in minerals as also Adivasi settlements, and the
people are loathe to giving up their land for resource-extraction. It is their resistance to being forcibly evicted from their land
best exemplified in the figure of Ms. Sori that is the trigger for the crackdown on democratic rights in Chhattisgarh. Given the
current political scene where a perverse form of nationalism is threatening to shut down free speech, the attack on Ms. Sori
represents another front in the battle against the criminalisation of dissent. The kind of spotlight that has been illuminating the
absurd charges of sedition against the JNU students needs to also be focussed on the likes of Ms. Sori who have been waging
February 26/2016
The Railway Budget is notable both for the absence of big-ticket schemes and for its quiet emphasis on process changes that
hold the promise of ushering in long-term improvements in the viability of the Indian Railways. Given the backdrop of a shortfall
in traffic receipts exacerbated by low freight demand from the core sector Railway Minister Suresh Prabhus projection
of savings of Rs.8,720 crore compared with budget estimates for the current fiscal year reflects a finance professionals
approach in adopting austerity measures to contain costs. Building on those gains, the budget has projected that notwithstanding
the substantial jump in salary and pension costs consequent upon the implementation of the Seventh Pay Commissions
recommendations, the impact would be minimised to an 11.6 per cent increase in working expenses next year. This will lead to
a two percentage point rise in the operating ratio. To address the resultant paucity of funds for capital expenditure, the Minister
plans to step up efforts to monetise various assets, including land, and boost non-fare revenue, use the private-public-
partnership model more extensively, and work jointly with State governments to both formulate and fund region- or city- specific
projects. Citing the international average of 10 to 20 per cent of railway network revenues accruing from non-tariff sources, the
budget sets a goal of bringing that share on a par over the next five years from the prevailing sub-5 per cent. Mr. Prabhu has
rightly realised that a major challenge is to recover lost ground in freight haulage, where a persistent decline has had a negative
impact not only on the Railways finances but on the economy as well. The approach enunciated to address this spans three
key tacks expanding the freight basket by moving away from dependence on bulk commodities, rationalising tariffs to stay
competitive and building terminal capacity. From containerisation to roll-on/roll-off, time-tabled freight trains, and long-term tariff
contracts, the budget has posited several steps to regain the market share of the Railways in goods transportation.
Given the political constraints on resource mobilisation the Railways faces in a year of a major round of Assembly elections, Mr.
Prabhu has taken a therapeutic approach to ensure a long-term solution. Aware that the success of any plans would hinge on
their execution, he has spelt out initiatives to restructure operational management and processes. The Railway Board is to be
enhancement and information technology. Seven missions to set horizon-based agendas have been proposed. While the
objectives appear achievable, Mr. Prabhus challenge will be to bring them to fruition, especially because many potential
partners, including cash-strapped State governments, may be hard-pressed to find the money.
Can computer programmes be granted patents? On February 19, Indias patent office wisely answered this question in the
negative, putting an end to months of ambiguity over the patentability of computer programmes. In this process, the patent
office, called the Office of the Controller General of Patents, Designs & Trade Marks, effectively reversed an August 2015
guideline that had triggered the ambiguity in the first place. Till that guideline came, Indias stance on this issue had been clear
through a 2002 amendment to the Patents Act: that software per se was not to qualify for patent protection. However, lawmakers
also recognised that the intention must not be to reject inventions involving software that may include certain other things,
ancillary thereto or developed thereon. Experts have interpreted this exception to refer to innovations in both software and
hardware. The 2015 guideline threatened to unsettle that nuance. According to that, technical advancements could be sufficient
grounds on which to confer patents. Its nullification is welcome as such rules, though seemingly on the side of innovation, do
not enable a level playing ground. For starters, the share of patents held by Indians has traditionally been low, and it continues
to be so. Also, the field of software is dominated by corporate giants with deep pockets and significant expertise, and they can
easily out-patent the others out of business. The smaller companies and start-ups and there are far too many aspirants with
that profile then not only have to spend huge sums of money to protect their work, but they also have to be financially and
The patent office hasnt left it at just that. It has also issued a three-stage test to examine applications of computer-related
inventions. Step one is to interpret the claim. Once that is done, step two is to deny the claim in case the contribution lies only
in mathematical model, business method or algorithm. Step three is to assess if the invention is claimed in the field of software
in conjunction with a novel hardware. The important point to note is the recognition that software in itself is never patentable.
This is a prudent stance, because there are inherent problems in figuring out if software is patentable or not. And this is true the
world over. Germany and New Zealand exclude software from patentability. In many other parts of the world, the positions are
nuanced, like the one taken by the European Patent Convention, which does not entertain applications when they pertain to
computer programmes as such, but it does have an open mind when they lead to non-obvious contributions. In the U.S., a
more open policy has led to a flood of patents, and consequently the negative connotation that the term patent thicket carries
now. There is a more important reason for holding back software from a patents regime. And this goes back to what MIT
here.
February 27/2016
that have been projected by many global agencies, including the International Monetary Fund. Coming just a couple of days
ahead of the Union Budget, the larger picture detailed by the Economic Survey should provide Mr. Jaitley a measure of
confidence to show the business-friendly side of the BJP-led NDA government with a reform-oriented road map. The Survey
indicates the possibility of India posting 7-plus per cent GDP (gross domestic product) growth for the third year in a row. A 7.2
per cent growth rate in 2014-15 and a possible 7.6 per cent expansion in 2015-16 must be read favourably in the context of the
global slowdown and domestic concerns about the farm sector after insufficient monsoon rains followed by a warm winter. The
Survey is quite optimistic about 7 to 7.75 per cent growth in the coming fiscal year in fact, the claim is made that conditions
do exist for raising the economys growth momentum to 8 per cent or more in the next couple of years. Liberally lauding the
government for its initiatives on the fiscal front, the Survey indicates that the Centre should be in a position to adhere to its fiscal
deficit target of 3.9 per cent of GDP. A robust expansion in the service sector, accelerated growth in industry and a pick-up in
IIP (Index of Industrial Production) have all, according to the Survey, created a climate of optimism. Still, given the extremely
uncertain external environment, the Survey warns that Indias growth will face considerable headwinds.
It is in offering a prescription to deal with this malady of becalmed global demand that the Survey makes bold. It makes a strong
and valid case for giving a big push to agriculture, health and education. It repeats the widely articulated industry demand for
addressing the exit problem that is hurting the economy. Calling it a Chakravyuha challenge, the Survey lists the enormous
fiscal, economic and political costs involved in sustaining incapacitated ventures. Another meaningful suggestion is that India
move from a pro-industry approach to one that is genuinely pro-competition. The growth momentum, it is felt, could well be
sustained by activating domestic sources of demand. Interestingly, the Survey sees in the implementation of the Seventh Pay
Commission recommendations a demand-booster. The Reserve Bank of India, however, has chosen to view the pay panel-
induced payout from the prism of inflation. The Survey has rightly called for a quick resolution to the twin balance sheet
challenges the impaired finances of public sector banks and corporate houses. Indeed, this requires a holistic and fair
solution. Suggestions such as plugging leakages in subsidy payouts, bringing more income-earners into the tax net, phasing
out tax exemptions, not raising exemption threshold limits, introducing differential power tariff and imposing higher property
taxes are all resource-raising options listed to deal with the resource crunch. How much of this purposefulness will in fact inform
popularly elected leaders. The charismatic Evo Morales sought a mandate to run for a fourth presidential term in 2019, but it
was denied in a close vote. Whatever the moral merit underlying such a judgment, the truth is that in the absence of a
constitutionally stipulated limit on the Presidents term in office, unlike in France or in the United States, strong and popular
figures tend to seek successive re-election. As regards the countries of Latin America, attempts to get around the constitutional
process in this respect cut across the ideological divide. There is a common thread that runs through the contemporary
experience of countries as diverse as Venezuela and Colombia. This is the memory of political volatility, U.S.-backed military
dictatorships and armed insurgency, and the consequent shadow of institutional instability that often remains well after the
installation of directly elected governments. In fact, Mr. Moraless bid for his current third term was similarly secured through a
constitutional sanction, one that eventually culminated in his record second-best electoral performance.
That said, judging from the public mood of rejection of another electoral contest for the once near-invincible, and first indigenous,
President, the outcome must seem not inconsiderable a victory for democracy, especially since the persona of Mr. Morales has
been almost indistinguishable from his political rhetoric and policy initiatives. The nationalisation of natural resources and utilities
matched his anti-imperialist stance. His cash-transfer schemes transformed one of Latin Americas poorest countries into one
of the regions fast-growing economies and in the process halved levels of extreme poverty. Cumulatively, the political stability
and macroeconomic performance of the recent years are a comparison in contrast with the marginalisation of the majority
indigenous population during the 1964-1982 military rule and the crippling impact of structural adjustment in the years
immediately thereafter. But the result in the referendum may have put Bolivias evolving democratic ethos at a crossroads in so
far as it reflects a shift away from the large peasantry that once constituted the support base of the Movement Toward Socialism
(MAS). A bulk of this segment is today an assertive, ambitious and perhaps anxious middle class that has seen much of the
optimism of the boom in commodity prices and consumer spending evaporate following the slump in the global demand for oil.
While there were as many incumbents in office in the five years preceding President Moraless ascent to power in 2006, MAS
has apparently not thrown up the next line of leadership in the period it has been in office. Moreover, Opposition parties in Bolivia
today seem to have coalesced solely on the issue of denying another term for the incumbent President. From now until the end
February 29/2016
By admitting a Special Leave Petition that seeks the setting up of a National Court of Appeal to hear routine appeals in civil
and criminal matters from the High Courts, the Supreme Court has signalled its willingness to grapple with a question that has
been raised unsuccessfully in the past. The question is whether the apex court should be burdened with the responsibilty of
examining the correctness of every case decided by the High Courts, and whether it should not be allowed to devote its time
entirely to settling questions of constitutional importance. The underlying issues may include the accumulating backlog of
cases in the Supreme Court, and the need to separate pending cases into those that touch upon constitutional questions and
other routine matters. Constitutional questions may refer to the validity of a statute or a rule, or to issues that require
interpretation of the Constitution. A third concern relates the oft-cited difficulties of litigants from different parts of the country for
whom New Delhi may be too far. The solutions put forward include dividing the Supreme Court into a Constitutional Division
and a Legal Division; having the principal Constitution Bench in Delhi and creating four regional Benches to hear appeals on
non-constitutional matters.
According to the Union Law Ministry, which recently rejected a lawyers demand for a National Court of
Appeal, successive Chief Justices of India have been against the establishment of Benches outside Delhi. Further, it has
obtained legal opinion that a Constitution amendment to revisit the Supreme Courts role would be impermissible as it would
change the courts character under the Constitution. The opinion appears to disfavour a suggestion by the Law Commission in
its 229th Report (2009) that if necessary Article 130 (The Supreme Court shall sit in Delhi or in such other place or places, as
the Chief Justice of India may, with the approval of the President, from time to time, appoint) may be amended to implement
its suggestion that Cassation Benches may be set up in four regions, while the Constitution Bench sits in Delhi. Courts of
Cassation are courts of last resort to reverse decisions of lower courts. A key issue to be settled is whether it will be advisable
for the highest court to share with a possibly inferior court of appeal its power under Article 136 to grant special leave to appeal
on High Court orders. Also, in recent times the Supreme Court has been conscious of its role as the interpreter of the
Constitution, and holds a sitting of a Constitution Bench virtually every day. Even within the present structure, regional Benches
may help address the problem of access to justice but not that of accumulation of cases. The idea of a National Court of Appeal
requires consideration, but in a manner that would not undermine the undoubted authority of the Supreme Court of India.
Indias solar power programme has come under intense scrutiny by global political and business leaders, especially given its
aggressive intent and extensive trade opportunities. The programme, a part of the National Solar Mission, envisages
an addition of 100,000 megawatts of solar power capacity by 2022. This initiative is also seen as a critical sub-component of
the global effort to limit the extent of climate change. The recent ruling by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) against India
must be read against this background. The WTO has ruled that the domestic content requirement (DCR) imposed by New Delhi
on the production of solar cells and modules under the National Solar Mission violates global trade rules. According to the
dispute settlement panel of the WTO, These are inconsistent with both Article III:4 of the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade] 1994 and Article 2.1 of the TRIMS [Trade-Related Investment Measures]. It has gone on to say that the DCR
measures do accord less favourable treatment within the meaning of the provision under Article III:4 of the GATT 1994. The
WTO ruling comes three years after the U.S. raised a dispute against India, and following the inability of the two countries to
agree on the changes suggested by New Delhi to its solar programme. India is convinced that the DCR is a mechanism to
facilitate sustainable development. It has even indicated that it is willing to apply the DCR only for buying solar panels used for
government sector consumption, and has assured the U.S. that power generated from such subsidised panels will not be sold
for commercial use. Coming as it does in the midst of a presidential election year, the WTO order in this instance is a significant
victory for the U.S. Hailing the ruling, President Barack Obama said: The U.S. cant have other countries engaged in practices
that disadvantage American workers and American businesses. Given the potential for positive social and economic outcomes
from the ambitious solar power programme, India will be compelled, as some other countries have done, to contest the WTO
The WTO ruling also comes soon after the Paris climate change agreement, and is bound to open up a wider debate across
nations over whether initiatives such as the solar mission, with its social relevance and significant implications for a green
economy, must be viewed only from the prism of a pure business opportunity. Given Indias size and also the need to provide
meaningful job opportunities for millions of people, it is imprudent to conceive of a framework that either disadvantages or
discourages domestic endeavour. The fight against climate change is not an exclusive cause; it has to move in tandem with the
provision of jobs and the creation of an environment that facilitates a green economy. The onus for this lies not just on the
developing countries. It is time the big economies realised their responsibility in building a greener world.
Stung by the criticism of being a suit boot ki sarkar and by the National Democratic Alliances electoral reverses in Bihar,
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has made bold to address the perception deficit in announcing a raft of proposals aimed at the
rural sector and farmers. From a cess of 0.5 per cent on all taxable services that would expressly be used to finance
improvements in agriculture and schemes to benefit farmers, to a dedicated long-term irrigation fund with a corpus of Rs.20,000
crore, the Union Budget seeks to pave the path for making good Prime Minister Narendra Modis promise to double farm
incomes by 2022. Other measures to further this course include an outlay of Rs.19,000 crore that the Central government will
spend this year on rural roads as part of its goal to ensure that all habitations are connected by 2019, and a push to achieve
universal village electrification in the next two years. Between improved road connectivity and the availability of electricity, the
potential is significant for a multiplier effect on the rural economy and improvements to the quality of life for residents of the
hinterland. Two more steps are noteworthy. The Budget proposes the introduction of a health insurance scheme that would
provide up to Rs.1 lakh as coverage against hospitalisation costs for economically weak households, with senior citizens above
the age of 60 eligible for another Rs.30,000 in top-up cover. While the sum offered as protection is low by most standards for
contemporary critical in-hospital care, especially in the private sector, for the indigent this could well mean the difference
between not even attempting to seek medical care and a chance at surviving a debilitating illness. The other, equally laudable,
initiative is to provide all families below the poverty line with cooking gas. This can afford those in underprivileged homes the
dignity of a quicker and less harmful way to keep their kitchen fires running.
From a larger macroeconomic perspective, Mr. Jaitley has for now said he will stick to his prior fiscal deficit commitments, but
he has simultaneously flagged the need for more flexibility in dealing with situations when overall economic conditions are
unfavourable. For this he has proposed the setting up of a committee to review the entire road map mandated by the Fiscal
Responsibility and Budget Management Act of 2003 to study the possibility of having a target range instead of fixed numbers
that would give the government the needed policy space to align a fiscal expansion or contraction with credit availability. For
the individual tax payer, the Budget offers little to cheer, save some tax sops that lower and middle income families can leverage
to invest in affordable housing, or squirrel away some more cash from an increase in the deduction towards house rent. The
salaried class is likely to feel hard done by a move to tax 60 per cent of the corpus created from contributions to the Employees
Provident Fund starting April 1 as part of a move to create a pensioned society. With elections to five provincial Assemblies
due this year, Mr. Jaitleys focus on the rural and agrarian communities is clear proof that the Budget still retains its relevance
as a powerful messaging tool of a governments political stances. Whether Budget 2016 will engender a harvest of votes, only
March 02/2016
The announcement in the Union Budget of an insurance scheme against catastrophic health expenditure for the weaker
sections should become part of a calibrated plan to provide universal health coverage. When it comes to public health
expenditure, India brings up the rear among even many developing countries. Budget 2016-17 takes the incremental step of
introducing some insurance protection against high out-of-pocket expenditure that pushes families into poverty. In this context,
the plan to provide access to dialysis for kidney failure at district hospitals through a dedicated national programme is an
intervention that is overdue. Some States, such as Tamil Nadu, have insurance to pay for hospitalisation through a government-
backed plan. As a scaled-up national programme, there is much to learn from the experience of countries such as Thailand and
Japan. What stands out about them, as evident from a study conducted by the World Bank and the Japanese government, is
the use of general revenues to augment payroll taxes in Thailand, and the firm capping of care costs through standardised
benefits and standardised payments. Both aspects viable funding to universalise access and tightly regulated costs to guard
against profiteering combined with a guarantee of quality care are important to India, where the health sector has grown
amorphously in the absence of strong regulatory oversight. These learnings are critical to also avoid the moral hazard of
unethical institutions gaining access to the Rs.1 lakh government-funded health insurance through unnecessary hospitalisation.
A nominal increase in the annual health budget, pegged at 9.5 per cent over 2015-16, and a growing role for profit- oriented
care systems and private insurance can only retard Indias progress towards universal health coverage (UHC). There is evidence
that a significant number of young Indians aged 23 to 35 are not buying health insurance since they find it expensive. This trend
skews the risk pool towards older citizens who are more likely to seek care, leading to the familiar cycle of higher premiums and
more claims. The answer clearly lies in moving towards UHC under a time-bound programme that covers everyone, using a
combination of subscriber payments and tax funds, and strong controls over cost of care. There is a challenge also to scale up
dialysis access. Besides equipping district hospitals with the necessary machines, training of medical professionals to closely
monitor patients availing the service is vital. The national roster of nephrologists is only about 1,100 strong, while the incidence
of renal failure is of the order of 2.2 lakh patients a year, as pointed out in the Budget speech. Creating the human resources
needed has to be accorded top priority. The dialysis programme, laudable as it is, underscores the importance of preventing
end-stage renal disease, and regular monitoring of kidney health at the population level. On the broader agenda, political parties
and social movements can no longer ignore the imperative of providing quality health care to all.
In an all-too-familiar replay, finance ministers and central bank governors of the Group of 20 countries meeting in
Shanghai drove home the complexities of formulating a collective response to the persisting global slowdown in growth, even
as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reiterated its call for coordinated action at the multilateral level to contain risks to the
real economies from market turbulence. The Funds prescription ahead of the gathering, as in the recent past, lays particular
stress on fiscal stimulus measures to boost demand, as against over-reliance on monetary policies. But the reaction from
national capitals was along expected lines. U.S. Treasury Secretary Jacob Lew pressed hard a long-standing concern of
Washington that China ought to increase domestic consumption and Germany adopt fiscal stimulus. His counterpart in Berlin,
Wolfgang Schaeuble, was equally categorical as he ruled out his countrys support for a fiscal stimulus and instead continued
to insist on structural reforms as the remedy. Mr. Lew even suggested, ahead of the Shanghai meet, that it may be a case of
financial markets misreading the situation on the state of the real economy.
Despite the strong divergence of perceptions that have long underpinned the groups overall approach, their promise in
Shanghai to refrain from a competitive devaluation of currencies to promote exports could go some way to soothe investor
sentiment. Such an assurance is significant in the light of the 4 per cent depreciation in the value of the renminbi last year that
set off turmoil in global stock markets and a flight of capital from the country. Currency volatilities could continue to pose concerns
as emerging economies experienced a slowdown in 2015 most notably Brazil, and China, which earlier this decade overtook
the U.S. as the worlds largest trading nation. Theeconomic recession in Brazil, the worst in over a century, and the combined
effects of the collapse of Chinese imports into Latin America, could well have had a significant impact on world trade, which
contracted to its lowest since the global financial crisis, according to the World Trade Monitor of the Netherlands Bureau for
Economic Policy Analysis. Yet, there is good evidence of the G-20s capacity for concerted action. In 2014, it pledged to take
steps to raise the groups gross domestic product by an additional 2 per cent by 2018. The measures implemented so far would
cause an increase of just 0.8 per cent by that deadline. The current situation should lend greater urgency not merely to achieve
the goal, but to extend the measures into other areas that have been identified for common action. The political engagement
from the G-20 in the wake of the 2008 global meltdown was immense. That resulted in the fiscal stimulus, the stabilisation of
the banking sector and the injection of capital into international financial institutions. The rich and emerging economies should
summon the resolve and the will to promote a more equitable international order.
March 3/2016
The Central government finds itself in the thick of a controversy over the Budget proposal to tax a part of the accumulated
corpus in the Employees Provident Fund (EPF) upon withdrawal. Gauging the popular mood, the Opposition is seeking
to corner the government on this issue. The proposal is seen to hurt particularly the salaried middle class, considered a core
constituency of the BJP. Pension schemes offer financial protection to senior citizens, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said in
the Budget speech. I believe that the tax treatment should be uniform for defined benefit and defined contribution pension
plans. He proposed tax exemption for withdrawal of up to 40 per cent of the corpus at the time of retirement in the case of
the National Pension Scheme (NPS). In the case of superannuation funds and recognised provident funds, including the EPF,
the same norm of 40 per cent of the corpus being tax-free would apply to contributions made after April 1, 2016. From a larger
social security perspective, Mr. Jaitleys intention to lay the groundwork for a pensionised society is laudable. In an ideal
environment, there is a justifiable case for prescribing a level-tax treatment for similarly positioned pension plans. However, in
the pursuit of a principled taxation policy, the government should have imposed a similar provision for its own employees
retirement savings in the General Provident Fund. But as things stand, they will continue to get a tax-free lump sum for their
sunset years from the GPF apart from a pension, albeit on a defined contribution basis through the NPS for those who joined
The government should have also tried to distinguish between a regular pension scheme and a provident fund (that also provides
a pension). Why should it force EPF subscribers to get two pension cheques, which once credited to their account would form
part of their taxable income? The point is, the reform needs to be carefully calibrated. Besides the tax benefits it fetches, EPF
is often seen as a reliable tool to force-save for the future. It has been, in a way, playing a critical role in inculcating the habit of
saving in a country with a very limited social security net. In a sense, individual contributions to EPF could also be construed as
a way of enabling a corpus to meet critical lifetime event expenditures. In any case, the contribution of employees to the provident
fund is not tax exempt beyond the annual ceiling of Rs.1.5 lakh. Therefore, the tax on withdrawal will be tantamount to double
taxation. For, one would have paid tax at the time of contribution as well. If the intention is to prod people to plan for pension,
the government would do well to invigorate the Employee Pension Scheme, which exists today as a component of the EPF.
The limited annuity product option also does not help the cause of force-driving people into a pension system. The government
appears to have put the cart before the horse in this instance.
moderates have clinched a resounding political victory. In the 290-seat Parliament, the reformist allies of President Hassan
Rouhani won at least 85 seats, while the moderate conservatives secured 73 seats. Together they will control the House. The
hardliners, who were steadfastly opposed to Mr. Rouhanis reform agenda, won only 68 seats. In the 88-member Assembly of
Experts, the clerics backed by reformists and centrists claimed 52 seats. This is not the first time Iranian voters have spoken
their mind against the hardliners. For the last many years they have consistently pushed reformist or less conservative
candidates through Irans rigid electoral process. Still, last weeks twin elections were highly significant for Irans polity in general
and Mr. Rouhani in particular for a number of reasons. This was the first election after Mr. Rouhani secured the historic nuclear
deal with world powers last year, ending the countrys isolation in return for giving up its nuclear programme. The hardliners were
opposed to the nuclear deal. Even the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, had warned the political leadership several
times against any rapprochement with the West. The hardliners had also opposed Mr. Rouhanis plans to open up the countrys
economy and reach business deals with overseas companies, including those from the West.
Had the moderates suffered an electoral setback, it would have been a major blow to Mr. Rouhanis reform agenda. It would
also have cast a shadow on his re-election prospects next year. Now it is evident where the popular support lies. And with his
allies controlling Parliament, the President could push his legislative and economic agenda at ease. Second, the election of
more moderate candidates into the Assembly of Experts than hardliners is a significant achievement for the reformist movement.
The Assembly is an important clerical body in Irans Islamist establishment which can, technically, choose the next Supreme
Leader. If the clerics elected to the body work in coordination with the moderate politicians, that could change the balance of
power in Irans complex polity. However, to anticipate any dramatic change in the system would be overriding the mandate.
Those who call for rapid improvement in the human rights situation in Iran and for the weakening of the role of the clergy in
politics will continue to be disappointed. The system is too complicated, with direct checks on the powers of everyone but the
Supreme Leader. As long as the Supreme Leader backs the hardliners, Mr. Rouhani is unlikely to take any radical initiatives.
Nevertheless, the election results represent a clear step forward in Irans gradualist transformation from a rigid Islamist theocracy
into a broader religious democracy. Mr. Rouhanis challenge is to build on the electoral momentum and strengthen the moderate
currents in Irans politics and society, and thereby expedite the pace of transformation.
March 04/2016
The decision of the AIADMK government in Tamil Nadu to release the seven life convicts in the 1991 Rajiv Gandhi
assassination case and seek the Union governments view on the move is a politically partisan attempt to corner Chief Minister
Jayalalithaas electoral rivals and place the national parties in a spot ahead of the Assembly elections to be held this summer.
It needs a perverse disregard for normative politics to convert the humanitarian issue of granting freedom to prisoners
incarcerated for nearly a quarter century into an electoral trump card. To add perspective, it must be recalled that on February
18, 2014, the Supreme Court commuted the death sentences of three conspirators in the Rajiv Gandhi case to life terms
on the ground that there was an unreasonable delay in the disposal of their mercy petitions. The very next day the AIADMK
government declared that it would release all seven life convicts in the case and gave a three-day deadline to the Centre to
give its views, marking a dramatic leap from capital punishment to en masse release, within 24 hours. The Supreme Court
intervened to stay their release after the Congress-led government of the day challenged the decision. A Constitution
Bench settled the substantive questions of law arising from the issue, holding on December 2, 2015, that the Centre had
that the remission law should not be used for the rescue of hardened and heartless offenders.
Commuting death sentence to life imprisonment is an act of compassion. Releasing the beneficiaries of such commutation, on
the other hand, requires careful consideration on a case-by-case basis. It can be nobodys argument that life convicts should
be locked away for life. At the same time, it is noteworthy that lifelong imprisonment is now seen as an alternative to the death
penalty. There may be instances when the death sentence is deemed excessive, while a regular life term, which has scope for
remission after 14 years, seems inadequate. In such cases, imprisonment for the rest of ones natural life may be the appropriate
punishment. Any decision on releasing such convicts will have to be made after evaluating the gravity of the crime, the probable
effect of their release on society, and the essential inhumanity of prolonged incarceration without even a sliver of hope of
freedom. Some may believe it is time to set free the Rajiv case prisoners as they were mere accessories in the assassination,
while the masterminds are dead. But there can be no omnibus order covering everyone. With the Supreme Court saying these
convicts should not even be allowed a ray of hope, the BJP-led government at the Centre may not respond positively. The
AIADMK regime could have explored the scope for a constitutional remedy such as invoking the Governors clemency power
under Article 161. Instead, it has chosen a legally discredited route for political gains.
The Delhi High Court order releasing Jawaharlal Nehru University Students Union leader Kanhaiya Kumar on interim bail for
six months is the only welcome news to come out of the three-week-long sedition drama in the national capital. During
these three intense weeks, the Delhi police embarked on an unwarranted investigation into a meeting organised by a small
group of students on the campus on February 9, dubbing the speeches and slogans made there as anti-national. Mr. Kumar
was arrested on February 12, and later, two more surrendered in the case. Mr. Kumar has been charged with sedition, even
though he was neither the organiser nor an active participant in a programme at which allegedly anti-national slogans were
raised on February 9. Unsubstantiated allegations and unreliable video footage containing inaudible slogans and unclear images
were used to put together a legally untenable case of sedition against some students. It is singularly unfortunate that while
theory that the entire JNU campus suffers from some unpatriotic and anti-national infestation that requires cleansing through
pro-active policing. The court goes to the extent of saying that it is releasing Mr. Kumar on bail as a conservative method of
treatment for a supposedly serious infection that would otherwise require surgery.
It is a curious bail order. In many respects, it accepts the prosecutions case. It concludes that the activities at the event were
anti-national, but does not say if the essential ingredients for invoking the sedition charge were present. It declares that Mr.
Kumar cannot invoke the freedom of speech under Article 19(1) (a), and appears to anchor its decision to grant bail on the sole
ground that he should remain in the mainstream. The courts condition that Mr. Kumar should furnish an undertaking that he
would not actively or passively participate in any activity that may be termed anti-national is a vague stipulation. In a democracy,
the court should seek to have a restraining influence on the executive, but should not be seen as contributing to any partisan
discourse that pits radical campus politics against a narrow notion of nationalism. The country is witnessing a disturbing trend
of left-wing students, and liberal intellectuals backing their right to practise their brand of politics, being dubbed anti-national,
while the Army and its admirers are placed in patriotic counterposition to them. Courts should not give the judicial imprimatur to
the bogus binary sought to be created between seditious students and selfless soldiers. Student activists cannot be portrayed
as enemies of the families of martyred soldiers. The government must see reason and drop its attempts to criminalise contrarian
views, especially when there is no proof of actual incitement to subversive violence. It should give up the use of Section 124-
A, which covers sedition. The provision deserves a place only in history books, not the statute book.
o Interim - temporary
o Sedition - the crime of saying, writing, or doing something that encourages people
to disobey their government
o Intense - very serious
o Embarked - to begin (a course of action)
o Uwarranted - not justified or authorized
o Allegedly - * something is said but proof has yet to be produced
o Unsubstantiated - not supported or proven by evidence
o Allegation - a statement, made without giving proof, that someone has done
something wrong or illegal
o Unreliable - not able to be trusted or believed
o Inaudible - unable to be heard
o Untenable - not able to be defended / justified
o Unpatriotic - not showing love for your country
o Infestation - the act of attacking / causing problems in large numbers
o Cleansing - used to describe something that cleans or is used for cleaning
o Pro-active - controlling a situation by causing something to happen rather than
waiting to respond to it after it happens
o Curious - strange / unusual
o Essential - important
WWW.GR8AMBITIONZ.COM COMPILED BY MANISH
Downloaded from www.Qmaths.in
March 05/2016
With Chief Election Commissioner Nasim Zaidi announcing the election schedule for West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Kerala,
Assam and Puducherry, the campaign for a most intriguing cluster of Assembly elections can be said to have begun. Taken
together, these four States and one Union Territory do not carry spectacular weight for the ruling BJP at the Centre. The party
would obviously be anxious to build upon its Lok Sabha showing in Assam, and wrest power in the State from the Congress,
which has ruled since 2001. The BJP has named Sarbananda Sonowal as its chief ministerial candidate, as part of a strategy
to give its campaign focus and avoid exposing Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the kind of direct political face-off that its
adversaries exploited in the Bihar Assembly elections. The BJP has also finalised a tie-up with the Asom Gana Parishad and
the Bodoland Peoples Front. For the BJP, Assam has long been a cherished prize, and it has always seen itself to be in with
a chance, given the States ethnic and communal fault lines. But the coming election has more significance as it would test the
partys capacity to claim the terrain marked on its 2014 general election victory map. After the stumbles in the Delhi and Bihar
elections, Assam would in part determine whether the Modi wave of two years ago was just a singular event, or whether it is a
campaigner.
The BJPs ambitions will obviously be limited in the other poll-bound States. Yet, it is in these face-offs that implications for its
government at the Centre and its prospects in future Assembly elections may be found. The 2014 Modi wave gathered
momentum in large measure because of a scattered opposition to the BJP. Its Bihar setback in 2015 was on account of the
coming together of parties opposed to the BJP. The alliances that are being formed for the elections are not as natural as
Bihars, and should they succeed in forging a durable understanding, the prospects of large chunks of the anti-BJP vote getting
pooled would grow. That there is a demand for an informal understanding between the Left parties and the Congress in West
Bengal even as they stare down each other in Kerala may indicate, first, opposition unity against the Trinamool Congress
but such arrangements would foreshadow greater anti-BJP consolidation among parties in Parliament and outside. That the
BJP, which during different periods shared power at the Centre with both the DMK and the AIADMK, now has no leading regional
party with it in Tamil Nadu hints at the uncertain prospects it faces in finding more support in the Rajya Sabha. The learning
is for the Narendra Modi government to absorb: that the polarising strategy of the Sangh Parivar and even some of the Union
In 2014-15, India added nearly 20 million vehicles, mainly two-wheelers, but also two million cars, vans and so on to the existing
172 million registered motor vehicles. Several million more have been added since, as public transport remains inadequate.
Personal transport has now reached saturation limit in the cities, resulting in gridlock, rising air pollution, lost productivity and ill-
health. The Union Budget for 2016-17 has made a timely intervention at such an inflection point, with the move to expand the
public transport system. The Motor Vehicles Act is to be amended to open up the passenger segment, and more entrepreneurs
will be able to operate bus services. It will be up to the States, though, to accept the new liberalised regulatory system. Any
measure to modernise Indias public transport and help the commuter should be welcomed. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley is on
target when he talks of greater investment, employment and multiplier effects for the economy stemming from such a move.
The law enabling State road transport undertakings dates back to 1950, and many States have failed to progressively augment
their operations after opting for full or partial nationalisation, especially in the cities. Private operators, on the other hand, have
rapidly increased their share of the total number of buses. The Budget proposal to open up the sector has the potential to
Regulation is often seen as the obstacle that has affected the growth of bus transport. Yet, a scheme of the kind that the Budget
proposes cannot run without a sound regulatory framework, if the goal is to remove erstwhile monopolies and introduce greater
competition even in those States where private provision in urban and inter-city services already exists. Optimally, a system
should lay down standards, identify areas of operation, fix prices and enable participation by entrepreneurs. As the National
Transport Development Policy Committee 2013 said in its report, there is a need for a strategy panel at the national and State
levels. This is necessary to take a comprehensive view of rail, road, waterway and non-motorised modes. On the question of
encouraging private sector participation in bus services, the experience of London is worth studying: routes are tendered as per
schedules, fares are fixed by the city government, and buses are run by franchisee operators who are paid according to mileage.
What stands out in this model is the use of intelligent transport systems of the kind the new taxi companies in India use to
determine whether the contractor is adhering to schedules, and to analyse demand-supply patterns. For passengers, they
provide efficient real-time service information. Indias bus transport system lacks the wherewithal to make such studies using
designed as per the national bus code. A renaissance in bus services is possible, but not without modern design standards and
March 07/2016
Passed almost three years after it was first introduced in Parliament, that too in a significantly watered down form, the Fiscal
Responsibility and Budget Management Act has faced a rocky road in terms of implementation. Paused four times since its
enactment in August 2003, including for a reset of the fiscal deficit target in 2008-09 following the global financial crisis, the
FRBM Act has become a subject of animated debate. Central to this has been the question of whether the law has served the
purposes for which it was envisaged. There is no denying that the Act has helped focus attention on the issues relating to fiscal
consolidation thanks to the mandatory medium-term and strategy statements that the government of the day is required to
present annually before Parliament. But with regard to the larger objective of ensuring macro-economic stability, the record has
been less than ideal. Both headline consumer price inflation and the debt-servicing costs for the Central government were, at
different points in the post-FRBM era, at divergence with the performance of fiscal deficit, raising questions about the over-
emphasis on a cast-in-stone target number. The nub of the issue is this: has the law allowed the government the elbow room
needed to use all the fiscal tools at its command to ensure that the growth momentum is maintained, without either significantly
fuelling inflation or curtailing spending on vital and socio-economically relevant development programmes? If it has not, this may
It is in this context that Finance Minister Arun Jaitleys Budget proposal to have a committee review the implementation of the
FRBM Act even as he committed himself to sticking to the 3.5 per cent fiscal deficit target for the next financial year is
timely and germane. He has referred, for instance, to the possibility of adopting a target range rather than a specific number.
The argument is that this would give the necessary policy space to deal with dynamic and volatile situations such as the one
India currently faces global economic and financial market uncertainty, a slowdown in China, and tepid private investment
demand domestically. The suggestion that fiscal expansion or contraction should be aligned with credit contraction or expansion,
as mentioned in the Budget speech, is worth exploring. While any attempt to jettison or even revisit the fiscal deficit targets is
bound to draw sharp criticism from, among others, the global credit rating agencies, Mr. Jaitley has to look no further than the
BRICS compatriot China. Chinese Premier Li Keqiang has just unveiled a budget deficit of 3 per cent of GDP, the highest
level for that country since 1979 and a significant jump from last years 2.3 per cent target. But Mr. Jaitley will need to ensure
that any resources freed up from a fiscal reset, when that happens, are spent imaginatively for an economic stimulus, and
With worrying levels of stunting and lack of healthy weight among children revealed by the fourth round of the National Family
Health Survey (NFHS) for 15 States, Budget 2016-17 was expected to provide some remedies. To begin with, it could have
raised funding for the flagship nutrition programme, the Integrated Child Development Services. Instead, the Budget has dealt
the ICDS a blow in the form of a 7 per cent cut over the revised estimate of expenditure for the previous year, of about Rs.15,500
crore. This follows the pattern of Budget 2015-16 which cut the outlay initially, but with provision of some supplementary grants
later in the year. Such an approach to a welfare programme that is so crucial to the health of the next generation reflects a poor
set of development priorities. It also defies economic reasoning, given that India has been growing steadily after liberalisation
and has the wherewithal to substantially raise social sector expenditure annually. To their credit, several States have used the
ICDS to improve health and welfare by providing good supplementary nutrition to children under six; the support of the
Supreme Court has also helped in ensuring that commercial interests are unable to corner the funds, and there is provision for
community oversight. The Ministry of Women and Child Development must focus on States such as Bihar and Madhya Pradesh
with a large burden of stunted, wasted and underweight children as revealed by the latest NFHS data. Figures for all States
Empirical evidence on the effectiveness of supplementary nutrition should prompt the Centre to enhance funding for the ICDS.
Data from an earlier round of the NFHS show that when nutrition is available every day to children under two, there is a marked
positive effect on their height, particularly for girls. Such early interventions have a life-long impact, in the form of higher
productivity and earnings. Scholars have, however, found a tendency within the ICDS in some States to neglect the needs of
children less than two years old. Only 6 per cent in this age group were getting adequate daily nutrition a decade ago. The more
progressive States have corrected the bias, with striking results. There is a clear lesson here for others, and it is incumbent on
the Central Ministry to monitor the implementation of the scheme. It can take the support of local communities and self-help
groups, as provided for in the Supreme Court judgment of 2004, to ensure that wholesome cooked meals are provided and
contractors are not engaged. More recently, the court wanted high standards of hygiene and nutrition maintained in ICDS
centres. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has missed the opportunity in the Budget to secure the future of Indias children, but he
can still make amends. Raising the outlay, instituting a mechanism to heighten awareness among communities in less developed
March 08/2016
Indias triumph in the Asia Cup will have surprised no one. It would appear that not only are M.S. Dhonis men the best
Twenty20 outfit in world cricket, as evidenced by their No.1 ranking, they are also close to impossible to master in the
subcontinent. The win Indias sixth Asia Cup title and its first in this shortened format was not merely a statement of
regional dominance. The India team would now assume that it has served notice to anyone who might have designs on the
World Twenty20, which will be hosted in the country over the next four weeks. Bangladesh might have briefly threatened a coup
in the rain-shortened final it deserves great credit for its brave, attacking cricket all tournament but few teams are as adept
at the chase under pressure as India. The batting unit contains a mix of disruptive firepower and nerveless skill, contest-ending
weapons both. When deployed calmly with the certainty that comes from doing it repeatedly, as Indias batsmen have in the
Indian Premier League no target is safe. As team director Ravi Shastri said after the final, this is a unit that knows how to get
the job done a truism on the face of it, but, as Germany has shown in international football tournaments, one that has been
coined to explain the unexplainable. In sport, there is such a thing as the tournament team. Australia is the most obvious
example this era in cricket. Dhoni-led teams havent been far off, however; indeed the current one enters the World T20 as the
overwhelming favourite.
combination of pace, bounce and movement. The Pakistani left-armers spell was one of the moments of the Asia Cup heart
warming and eye-catching in equal measure, given his road back from perdition and the sheer spectacle great fast-bowling sets
up. But it was just that: a moment. For a side to subject Indias batting, it will need more. And considering it is unlikely that India
will play on wickets that assist the pacemen to the same degree in the World T20, the chances of an encore are remote. Mystery
spin is the other thing that has challenged India in the past; there doesnt seem to be enough of it around this time, however.
Perhaps the greatest dangers to Indias batting comes from within: complacency and ego. The bowling still needs work; it can
unravel when attacked. But Jasprit Bumrah and his unique action offer India a difference-maker, in support of R. Ashwin. The
others will need careful handling, but Dhoni, perhaps the finest reactive captain in the game, is adept at it. The fielding moreover
is world-class, so chances will be taken and occasionally created. The Asia Cup was a title to be won, but also preparation;
having achieved both objectives in some style, India will be confident about what lies ahead.
o Stake a claim - if you stake a claim to something, you say or show that you have
a right to it and that it should belong to you
o Supremacy - the leading or controlling position
o Triumph - a great victory or achievement
o Outfit - team
o Evidence - one or more reasons for believing that something is true / not true
o Subcontinent - a large area of land that is part of a continent, often referring to
South Asia
o Merely - just / only
o Dominance - power and influence over others
o Have designs on something - aim to obtain / achieve something
o Threatened - to tell someone that you will cause problems if they do not do what
you want
o Coup - an unexpectedly successful achievement
o Adept - very skilled or proficient at something
o Disruptive - causing trouble and therefore stopping something from continuing as
usual
o Firepower - effective power or force
o Nerveless - confident
o Deployed - move into position for some action
o Certainty - something that cannot be doubted
o Far off - a great distance away
o Overwhelming - very great in amount
o Vulnerability - the condition in which you will be easily physically, emotionally, or
mentally hurt or attacked
o Heart warming - emotionally rewarding
By clockwork precision, talk about the Womens Reservation Bill has duly floated in ahead of March 8, International Womens
Day. President Pranab Mukherjee and Vice-President Hamid Ansari have called for reviving the Constitution (108th)
Amendment Bill to reserve for women one-third of seats in Parliament and the State legislatures. Prime Minister Narendra Modi
has been less forthcoming in revealing whether his government has any plans to pilot the Bill through the Lok Sabha. This is
particularly disappointing. The Bill was passed in the Rajya Sabha in March 2010 amid obstructive theatrics from parties such
as the Rashtriya Janata Dal and the Samajwadi Party, but also with an unusual level of cooperation among the national parties,
especially the Congress, which was leading the United Progressive Alliance government, and the Bharatiya Janata Party.
Thereafter they could not or would not overcome similar odds in the Lok Sabha to deliver on their stated support for the
Bill. Six years on, Mr. Modis BJP commands a clear majority in the Lok Sabha. It is therefore in a position not only to get the
Bill passed by mopping up the support of just a few more MPs, but also to force the Congress and the Left into reaching out
across the aisle in a polarised Parliament to affirm fidelity to a long-voiced promise. Every session of Parliament must serve as
a reminder that the real stumbling block to the Bill has not been political from parties opposed to it, but essentially patriarchal
within the very same parties that have affirmed support to it.
In the two decades since it was first presented in Parliament, different governments have tried clearing it but faced tremendous
opposition, often accompanied by manhandling and name-calling. It is obvious that despite the pretty speeches and public
posturing, the political space in the country, regardless of the ideological divide, is uniformly and strongly chauvinistic. Opposition
to the Bill has often taken the form of a demand for the proposed quota to be diced along other parameters of disadvantage,
such as caste and class. Additionally, resistance has been rationalised as a caution that womens quota would be appropriated
by relatives and proxies of powerful politicians, neatly ignoring the fact that such a reality could well obtain with regard to male
legislators too. Women need to overcome gender prejudice firstly in their respective parties before entering the wider electoral
the rotation of reserved constituencies envisioned, and purposefully debate its merits against suggestions for double-member
constituencies, proportional representation and mandatory womens quotas for parties while announcing candidate lists for
elections. To have more women in legislatures and the government is a big step towards empowering women in society. The
experience of several village panchayats that have women as effective leaders bears testimony to this fact. Affirmative action
of this kind is the best way to usher in social and gender justice.
March 09/2016
years have passed since the first attempt was made to give legal validity to Aadhaar, an ambitious project that seeks to provide
unique identification numbers to each individual in a country of over a billion people, collecting demographic and biometric
information in the process. And through these years, amid many legal and political challenges and a change in government,
over 98 crore numbers have been issued. The stated idea of the Aadhaar (Targeted Delivery of Financial and Other Subsidies,
Benefits and Services) Bill, 2016, is to provide for efficient, transparent, and targeted delivery of subsidies, benefits and
services. This, along with a clause that says the unique numbers will not be considered as proof of citizenship, is welcome.
And yet, the process of legislating for Aadhaar has not been wholly reassuring. The Bill has attracted immediate criticism for
being introduced as a money bill, by virtue of which it does not require approval of the Rajya Sabha, where the BJP-led
government does not have the numbers to ensure its passage. Bypassing the Upper Houses vote does give the Bill an easy
route to becoming law. The question is, given that Aadhaar was a signature project of the Congress-led UPA, could not the
government have made the effort to reach out to lawmakers across the board on such a crucial, bipartisan issue?
Wider political consensus and scrutiny are vital. Section 7 of the Bill, for instance, makes proof of Aadhaar necessary for receipt
of certain subsidies, benefits and services. This must be read in the backdrop of a Supreme Court ruling that said Aadhaar
cannot be made mandatory. A key concern over the collection of personal information on this scale is data protection. There
are provisions in this Bill that seem to address the concern, including one that prohibits any official from revealing information
in the data repository to anyone. But the exceptions cause unease. Two provisions are particularly troubling. The first is Section
29(4), by which no Aadhaar number or biometric information will be made public except for the purposes as may be specified
by regulations. The second, which experts have already flagged, is Section(33), under which the inbuilt confidentiality clauses
will not stand when it concerns national security. The only reassurance could be that in such cases the direction has to come
from an official who is not below the rank of a Joint Secretary to the government. Nonetheless, without robust laws to protect
their data, citizens would be rendered vulnerable. It is not about just snooping. It is also being said that in order to be useful and
little doubt that India needs to streamline the way it delivers benefits, and to empower citizens with a basic identification
document. But this cannot be done without ensuring the strictest protection of privacy.
Facing mounting criticism, the Narendra Modi government at the Centre has decided to drop its Budget proposal to tax a
portion of the EPF (Employees Provident Fund) corpus upon withdrawal. An ill-conceived move both context- and content-
wise, it has deservedly been given a burial. In view of the representations received, the government would like to do a
comprehensive review of this proposal, and, therefore, withdraw the proposal in paragraph 138 and 139 of my Budget speech,
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said in a statement in the Lok Sabha. The government has also withdrawn the proposal to limit
tax-free contributions by the employer to the provident fund account of an employee to Rs.1.5 lakh a year. This did not gel with
the Budget speech rationale for taxing EPF savings to bring parity in tax treatment between the EPF and the National Pension
System (or NPS, where employers can pay up to 10 per cent of salary as contribution without any such cap). By putting the
EPF back into an EEE tax regime (where contributions, income as well as the accumulated corpus are all exempt from tax), the
governmentsvolte-face would help retain the EPFs popularity among the salaried class, most of whom are part of it not out of
choice but by statutory default. The Finance Minister had himself called them hostages to the EPF in his last Budget, but instead
of setting them free, he thought it better to tax them citing fair taxation principles. It is still not clear whether the government had
initially thought it could pull the taxation proposal past its middle-class constituency. In the event, the tax on EPF withdrawal
gave additional ammunition to an aggressive Opposition, including the Congress party. Differences within the National
Democratic Alliance and the Cabinet finally ensured the climbdown by the Finance Ministry.
While announcing a return to status quo on the EPF, the Finance Minister has rightly retained the Budget provision allowing
NPS subscribers to withdraw 40 per cent of the corpus without any tax liability. The remainder 60 per cent will attract a
combination of withdrawal tax and deferred tax on the annuity products one buys. In a way, partial tax relief for the NPS will
narrow the existing tax-induced gap between the EPF and the NPS. The strident opposition to EPF tax must be read in the
context of the virtual absence of a social security net of any worth in India. There are no two views on the need to move towards
a pensioned society. However, this cannot happen abruptly or in a coercive manner people need to be nudged over time to
gear up for such transitions. Whatever the intention, it was the out-of-the-blue approach of the government that triggered an
uproar. A sheepish rollback is a smart move, ahead of a round of Assembly elections. It is to be hoped that this U-turn will trigger
o Mounting - increasing
o Ill-conceived - not carefully planned or considered
o Deservedly - it deserve it to happen
Those who dont learn from history may be fated to repeat it, but what about those who dont get their history down in the first
place? Indias record in officially taking stock of communal riots has been especially poor in recent decades, and the report of
the Justice Vishnu Sahai commission inquiring into the 2013 Muzaffarnagar violence plays to form. The report, tabled in the
Uttar Pradesh Assembly this month, zeroes in on the negligence of the local administration, the failure of the intelligence
agencies and exaggeration on social and print media for the violence that coursed through many districts of U.P., leaving more
than 60 dead and 60,000 homeless, an overwhelming number of them Muslims. Commissions of inquiry are often guided, by
framing the terms of reference in a particular way, to conclusions that are politically manageable for governments. Whether by
omission or by the terms set for it, the Sahai commission appears to have exonerated the entire political class. It has also
stopped short of extending the line of responsibility for local administrative failures to the Secretariat in Lucknow. Certainly,
responsibility must be fixed on the intelligence and administrative machinery for failing to pick up and act upon signs of trouble
leading up to a combustive mahapanchayat of September 7, 2013. But once the mahapanchayat gave a rousing war cry, as
violence was visited upon unsuspecting rural dwellings in Muzaffarnagar and neighbouring districts, and as the survivors fled in
search of safety, the Akhilesh Yadav government distinguished itself by responding exceedingly slowly, a lack of haste that was
While giving a clean chit to Mr. Yadavs Samajwadi Party government, the Sahai report mostly glosses over the role of the
Sangh Parivar in the violence. There appears to be an effort on the part of the SP to deny the Bharatiya Janata Party any
opportunity to bring Muzaffarnagar back into the political discourse indeed, to deny the BJP a chance to sharpen communal
politics. Just recently, the BJPs candidate won a by-election in Muzaffarnagar after a polarising campaign. If this is an
indication that the SP is regretting its obvious strategy in 2013 to play along with the BJPs divisive politics in the hope that it
would consolidate the anti-BJP votes to its advantage, the party would have to do much more to come clean. The fissures that
started showing in September 2013 have grown with time. These have to be addressed administratively, by providing
compensation to the victims and bringing the guilty to book. But they cannot be fixed if the politics itself remains evasive, with
the BJP using its Hindutva strategy to consolidate its vote and its opponents side-stepping the issue for fear of giving Hindutva
more oxygen. The Narendra Modi government made a statement about where it stands by making one of the accused, Sanjeev
Balyan, a Union Minister. That the Samajwadi Party government and the Opposition parties refuse to engagingly contest the
anodyne conclusions of the Sahai report is a depressing indication that, for now, the political healing touch needed to rectify the
o Evasive - answering questions in a way that is not direct or clear, especially because
you do not want to give an honest answer
o Fated - not able to be avoided because planned by a power that controls events
o Riots - a violent disturbance of the peace by a crowd
o Inquiring - wanting to know something
o Exaggeration - a statement that represents something as better or worse than it
really is
Two months after the tennis world was rocked by match-fixing allegations, Maria Sharapova, a five-time Grand Slam champion
and the highest-paid female athlete, dropped a bombshell when she admitted to testing positive for the recently prohibited
drug meldonium at the Australian Open. She has been provisionally suspended from March 12. The drug was added to the
Prohibited List of 2016 on January 1 after being on the World Anti-Doping Agencys (WADA) monitoring list in 2015. The Agency
banned the substance because of evidence of its use by athletes with the intention of enhancing performance. According to
WADA, a substance is placed in the prohibited list if it enhances performance, poses a threat to health, or violates the spirit of
sport. In this case, by aiding the circulation of oxygen through increased blood flow, the medication (primarily meant to treat
serious heart problems) enhances performance, thus violating the spirit of sport. The effect of the drug is similar to other banned
substances autogenous and allogeneic blood transfusion for extra doses of red cells and the erythropoietin hormone to
produce more red blood cells to increase oxygen supply to muscles, thereby enhancing endurance. Since the drug was banned
on January 1, 2016, the titles Sharapova won during her career will not be taken back. Nonetheless, by netting one of the
biggest stars, the tennis anti-doping programme has at once brought to an end the debate on whether it has been soft on tennis
While some may be inclined to consider Sharapovas an honest mistake, as she did not know that the mildronate medication
that she had been taking for the last 10 years is also known as meldonium, it raises a few questions. Sharapova has been
residing in Florida since 1994, and it is unclear how she gained access to the drug, as it is not approved by the U.S. Food and
Drug Administration. She is still to adequately explain the medical requirements that necessitated its consumption for a decade,
as according to the company that manufactures the drug, the treatment course may vary from four to six weeks and it can be
repeated twice or thrice a year. But she can seek a retroactive therapeutic use exemption by proving the merit of her case.
Whether or not she enjoyed the performance-enhancing benefits of the drug during the last decade, it once again underlines
the fact that scientific evidence-gathering and testing methods are slow to catch up with the increased use of performance-
enhancing substances. This case should serve as a reminder for India too to clean up its act. While India may not be producing
many world-class athletes and sportspersons, it ranks very high in terms of the number of cheats. According to a 2013 WADA
report, with 91 dope offenders, India is ranked third, behind Russia and Turkey. Russia had 212 persons testing positive for
March 11/2016
Vijay Mallyas quiet departure, a week before the Supreme Court heard a plea from a consortium of lenders to his defunct
Kingfisher Airlines seeking an order restraining the businessman from leaving the country, glaringly exposes the loopholes in
the system that prevails in India. The court was informed by the government that the liquor baron flew out on March 2, the same
day the banks had moved the Debt Recovery Tribunal to have Mr. Mallya arrested and his passport frozen. The failure on the
part of the tribunal and subsequently the Karnataka High Court to act immediately to ensure that Mr. Mallya remained within the
country to face judicial proceedings prompted the lenders to petition the Supreme Court. The Kingfisher Airlines promoter
faces cases for the recovery of about Rs.9,000 crore the airline owes the banks for which he had stood personal guarantee.
That a consortium of 13 banks, which includes the countrys largest lender, the State Bank of India, and the might of the
government were unable to restrain a person declared a wilful defaulter from evading due process and flying abroad right
under the nose of the authorities, reflects poorly on the justice and law enforcement systems. Timely judicial orders protect the
parties interests, but in this case even the DRT order stopping a payment of $75 million from Diageo to Mr. Mallya appears
to have come too late as the British company had already paid him a significant part of the amount. Even a look-out notice
issued to all airports had no effect, according to the Central Bureau of Investigation.
adverse government policies. The banks, however, say he is a wilful defaulter. The CBI also alleges corruption in a Rs.900-
crore loan sanctioned by top officials of IDBI Bank despite the airlines poor credit rating. And the Enforcement Directorate has
registered a money-laundering case against him in connection with the same transaction. Mr. Mallya has sought to portray
himself as a wronged man, singled out for multiple proceedings while those who owe much bigger sums have not been
designated as defaulters or investigated. He has also claimed that banks had recovered Rs.1,244 crore through the sale of
pledged shares and that another sum of Rs.1,250 crore deposited in the High Court is available for recovery. These charges
and claims can only be judicially settled, for which Mr. Mallyas presence and availability are vital. He would do well to return to
the country if he wishes to establish his innocence and bona fides. For the banks and their recovery processes, it is a question
of credibility, as they can ill-afford to give the impression to the average borrower that a high-flying debtor can get away with
brazen default. For Mr. Mallya, the lesson from this episode is that flaunting his wealth may give a man an appearance of
flamboyance in good times, but it ill-serves his reputation in circumstances of adversity, especially when he is perceived to be
The bloated levels of stressed assets in Indias state-owned banks have been a big cause for concern for quite some time now.
With the Reserve Bank of India keeping up the pressure on them to identify, recognise and make provision for bad loans, a
better picture can be had of the magnitude of the stress in the banking system. The RBI is convinced that banks should clean
up their books so that legacy issues are dealt with once and for all to enable them to move forward with a clean slate. This has,
predictably, caused a scare across different layers of the economy. Given this somewhat grim background, there were legitimate
expectations that the Centre, being a majority owner of public sector banks, would step in to provide increased fund assistance.
In the end, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has stuck to what he had promised earlier, and committed in his Budget speech capital
infusion into these banks of just Rs.25,000 crore for the coming year. Mr. Jaitleys offer is inadequate given the magnitude of
the fund needs of these banks. Asserting that we are solidly behind these banks, he did indicate that the government would
find fresh funds should a requirement arise. Capital need is just a subset, or consequence, of the larger malaise of inefficiency
that has been hurting these public sector banks for a long while now. Indeed, as Mr. Jaitley suggested in the Budget speech,
the strength of the financial sector is dependent on a strong and well-functioning banking system. Viewed in this context, the
decision to set up a Banks Board Bureau, headed by former Comptroller and Auditor General Vinod Rai, is a significant move
forward. The board could yet be an effective mechanism to end political interference in business procedures and decision-
making in banks. An empowered independent bureau such as this could help reset the concept of an arms-length relationship
in public sector banking. Once ownership is delinked from management, fixing accountability becomes that much easier. This
can foster a decision-making framework that privileges business sense. It is, however, important to ensure that systems are in
Mr. Jaitley has done well to take a holistic approach to the bad loans problem. Letting the sponsor of an asset reconstruction
company to hold up to 100 per cent stake in it should spur foreign entities to look at the Indian bad asset market as an
opportunity. A bankruptcy code is long overdue, and it would help banks pursue recovery action purposefully. A tough regulator
and a stingy government appear to have combined forces tacitly to lay the groundwork for possible M&A (mergers and
acquisitions) activity in the Indian banking space. It is commendable that there is a concerted effort to clean up the ecosystem
March 12/2016
For the second year in a row, an Opposition-sponsored amendment to the Motion of Thanks on the Presidents Address has
been adopted by the Rajya Sabha. Last year, the Motion of Thanks was amended on the issue of black money; this week, the
amendment focussed on legislation passed by Bharatiya Janata Party governments in Rajasthan and Haryana limiting the rights
of citizens to contest panchayat elections. Before 2015, there were just three occasions on which the Presidents Address was
amended in the Rajya Sabha, once each during the tenures of Indira Gandhi, V.P. Singh and Atal Bihari Vajpayee. The
Presidents Address sets out a governments policies and programmes, and is first approved by the Union Cabinet. Should an
amendment to the Address be carried through in the Lok Sabha, the government would have to resign. There is, of course, no
such obligation in the Rajya Sabha, but it is still seen to undermine the governments ability at consensus-building. For the
members of the Rajya Sabha, it is a way to give notice that they cannot be taken for granted. It is therefore not just an
embarrassment for the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance government to have faced this situation twice less than halfway
through its five-year term. It also hints at the ruling partys failure to reach out to the Opposition and forge a working consensus
on the legislative agenda. With its clear majority in the Lok Sabha, the BJP may feel unencumbered by the need for floor
management of the sort that ruling coalitions have had to work at over the past couple or decades this weeks vote shows
that its lack of numbers in the Rajya Sabha does in fact demand an inventive outreach to the Opposition if it wants support on
The first instance of such an amendment to the Motion of Thanks came in 1980 on the issue of engineering defections. The
second was in 1989, when six amendments including on the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid dispute and the India-Sri Lanka
accord were approved. The third occasion was in 2001, when the House adopted an amendment on the sale of a public
sector undertaking, Balco, to a private company. These were all politically contentious issues. So was the issue on which the
Opposition parties mobilised themselves this year, and it raises vital questions for democracy. Imposing curbs on who may
contest panchayat elections based on requirements of educational qualifications and having toilets in homes effectively cuts the
underprivileged out of the fray. The BJP could plead helplessness over its lack of numbers in the Rajya Sabha, and instead cite
the passage in the House of the Real Estate Bill this week as proof that it is getting on with its legislative workload. Or it could
heed the spirit of the institutional mechanism of the amendment to a Motion of Thanks, and take up the subject highlighted for
in Delhi to demonstrate humanitarianism and the oneness of cultures will go down as a spectacular example of thoughtless
environmental destruction. The Central and Delhi governments have, in a display of extraordinary non-application of mind,
allowed a private entity to take over part of the Yamuna floodplain, an area with well-known ecological vulnerabilities, for a
show. The low priority accorded in recent times to environmental impacts of official decisions is manifest here: large parts of
the biodiversity-rich floodplain have been irresponsibly levelled, provision made for approach roads and vehicle parking, and
a massive, 40-foot-high stage with garish symbols built for the event. The Union Ministry of Culture, the Uttar Pradesh and Delhi
governments, the Sangeet Natak Akademi, the Lalit Kala Akademi and other organisations that have supported the three-day
extravaganza should worry that they have lent their credentials to the creation of a large and destructive footprint for the river.
The Yamuna is a major resource for Delhi, and there is a great deal of scientific literature on why it should be protected and
rejuvenated for the benefit of the national capital region. Studies done on Delhis water needs indicate that there are twice as
many people living in the city than it can support based on carrying capacity norms. The imperative therefore should be to help
the Yamuna use its full potential of recharging its aquifers using monsoon flood flows across a generous one-kilometre width,
It should surprise everyone that the NDA government, which has been making a high-profile campaign of river-cleansing
projects, allowed unregulated construction activity on the Yamuna floodplain and removal of vegetation without so much as a
sound environmental impact assessment. Deploying the Army to put up long bridges was also unwarranted. The National
Green Tribunal, which heard a petition against the holding of the so-called world culture festival, noted that the Art of Living
Foundation had failed to submit even a detailed project report on the works it was undertaking after it obtained permission from
the Delhi Development Authority last year. Faced with a Rs.5-crore initial fine imposed by the NGT, the head of the Foundation,
Sri Sri Ravishankar, first decided to brazen it out and not remit the penalty, although saner counsel seems to have prevailed.
The NGT has rightly ordered an exhaustive review by a special committee of the damage caused to the river and its floodplain.
The only option for the Foundation should be to meet the full cost of scientific restoration, consistent with the polluter-pays
principle. Having claimed the participation of 3.5 million people from 155 countries, it should not be difficult for the organisers to
mobilise the funds needed to restore the ecology of an invaluable part of the countrys natural heritage.
MARCH 14/2016
a lot of legislative activity in the House. In the course of five years, the Bill went through several rounds of discussions and
numerous changes were made to its original text before it passed muster. Once enacted, it would finally give homebuyers
enough confidence to be less inhibited by the buyer beware caution in a sector largely known for honouring the terms of
deals mostly in the breach. An industry estimate suggests that about 10 lakh buyers invest every year in a house. According to
Minister of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation M. Venkaiah Naidu, a total of 76,044 companies are involved in the real
estate sector. It is estimated to contribute about 9 per cent of GDP (gross domestic product). He told the House that a total of
17,526 projects were launched between 2011 and 2015 with an investment value of Rs.13.70 lakh crore. The sheer scale of
these numbers demands that this sector be run on transparent lines, taking into consideration both the need to foster fair play
and encourage equity. Given the deep political divide in Parliament, it is encouraging to see that parties have risen above narrow
Beyond just being a disciplinary legislation that regulates the haphazard functioning and the presence of unscrupulous operators
in the real-estate business, the Bill will also bring in a sense of comfort and feeling of security to homebuyers. Compulsory
registration of any project of the size of 500 square metres in size or involves eight apartments, a separate escrow account to
park collections, greater clarity in the definition of carpet area, a tighter penalty norm for structural defects in construction, a
mandatory consent clause for changes in construction plans and other such provisions will go a long way in boosting consumer
confidence. Read in tandem with the stringent disclosure norms and penalty provisions, including imprisonment, in some cases,
for delays and other contractual failures on the part of a builder, this legislation is a necessary and desirable means to clean up
the real estate sector. It is hoped that the legislation will improve the trust quotient, which has been identified as a key factor
hurting the credibility of the sector that serves the role of a multiplier in a growing economy. If that happens, it would go a long
way in strengthening the overall demand sentiment. A better regulatory environment could also inject a sense of clarity in the
operation of the industry, and facilitate prospective investors to look at it as a huge opportunity. It is important to note that the
Central legislation has to be implemented by the States. The responsibility of providing the enabling ecosystem rests with them.
The proof of the pudding will lie in the manner the States implement the legislation.
The shutdown of the 220 MW Unit-1 of the Kakrapar Atomic Power Station located in Gujarats Surat district following
leakage of heavy water used to cool the nuclear reactor, on March 11, the fifth anniversary of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear
plant disaster in Japan, is at once a reminder of the inherent risks associated with operating nuclear reactors and the importance
of augmenting safety mechanisms. Unlike the Fukushima accident, rated seven (the highest level) on the International Nuclear
and Radiological Event Scale, where meltdown of the core of three reactors occurred due to the failure of the cooling system, it
is reassuring that the safety systems of the KAPS reactor worked as intended, including the backup cooling systems, thus
preventing any cascading event leading to radioactivity release outside the plant. While this may be a rare event for a functioning
plant that happened for the first time in India, it is a cause for concern that the magnitude of the coolant system failure was
significant. That the reactor has been shut down and an independent assessment of the safety situation at the plant is
being undertaken by scientists from the Atomic Energy Regulatory Board evokes confidence. The second unit here has
remained shut since July 2015 for maintenance. While the AERB has maintained its independence in terms of its risk
Japanese government, the countrys regulator and the operator had led to many violations that were detrimental to the
Given the heightened fear of nuclear energy in India following the Fukushima disaster, the only way AERB officials can reassure
the public and win confidence is by being more transparent with its findings, however grave they are, and by taking all necessary
steps to ensure that similar events are averted in the future. Just as lessons learnt from the Fukushima accident led to an
enhancement of the level of safety of the backup systems in reactors that are under construction in India, lessons from this
incident should be put to good use. These steps are indeed warranted as India plans to increase the installed nuclear power
capacity from the current 5,780 MW to 10,080 MW by the end of the Twelfth Plan (2017) and 20,000 MW by 2020. Also, India
gave an assurance in Paris that by 2030 it would reduce carbon emissions relative to its GDP by 33-35 per cent from 2005
levels and also generate 40 per cent of the countrys electricity from non-fossil fuel-based sources, using among others the
solar, wind and nuclear options. While India has positioned itself as a leader in the renewable energy sector by playing a pivotal
role in the creation of the International Solar Alliance, the nuclear space is plagued by delays in completing the construction of
reactors, as seen in the case of Kota in Rajasthan (RAPP 7 and 8) and at Kakrapar (KAPP 3 and 4). Whether public sentiment
supports fresh nuclear reactor proposals would depend on how well the AERB fulfils its tasks.
MARCH 15/2016
The question whether marital rape should be treated as a criminal offence has once again arisen after Union Minister for
Women and Child Development Maneka Gandhi repeated the governments stand in a written reply in Parliament. She said,
The concept of marital rape as understood internationally cannot be suitably applied in the Indian context due to various factors
like level of education/illiteracy, poverty, myriad social customs and values, religious beliefs [and the] mindset of the society to
treat the marriage as a sacrament. This controversial formulation must be familiar to those calling for marital rape to be
criminalised and those opposing it on the ground that it would ruin the institution of marriage. The argument that there is too
little education and too many customs and beliefs in Indian society is often held up to stall legal reforms. The principal objection
to the criminalisation of rape within a subsisting marriage is rooted in western tradition too. It originates in the common law
principle of marriage as coverture, the idea that the woman is always under the husbands protection and authority. In England,
Matthew Hales 1736 dictum that a man can never be guilty of raping his lawful wife, for by their mutual matrimonial consent
and contract, the wife hath given herself up in this kind unto her husband which she cannot retract, has been abandoned in
progressive jurisdictions.
The Justice J.S. Verma committee, which recommended sweeping changes in the law relating to offences against
women, called for marital rape to be made an offence. This was not implemented. The present Indian law exempts non-
consensual sex between a husband and wife, not being less than 15 years of age, from being charged with rape. However, by
another provision it makes rape of a wife who is living separately a criminal offence. The age limit of 15 years above which
marital rape is not an offence is inherently problematic, as normally sex with a girl up to the age of 18 is an offence regardless
of consent. The exemption given to marital rape, as Justice Verma noted, stems from a long out-dated notion of marriage which
regarded wives as no more than the property of their husbands. Marital rape ought to be a crime and not a concept. Of course,
there will be objections such as a perceived threat to the integrity of the marital union and the possibility of misuse of the penal
domestic violence already covers both physical and sexual abuse as grounds for the legal system to intervene. It is difficult to
argue that a complaint of marital rape will ruin a marriage, while a complaint of domestic violence against a spouse will not. It
has long been time to jettison the notion of implied consent in marriage. The law must uphold the bodily autonomy of all women,
The settlement in the Kodaikanal mercury poisoning case, which came to light 15 years ago after the release of contaminated
waste materials into the environment, brings partial closure to a long-running struggle between the community and a major
industrial corporation. Hindustan Unilever Limited has come to an agreement with 591 former workers and their
families for payment of ex gratia amounts towards livelihood and skill enhancement. The Madras High Court has taken the
settlement on record, and the disbursal of the fund should bring some succour to those who suffered various health setbacks
that they believe are related to mercury exposure. The closure is the culmination of a sustained campaign by environmental
activists and concerned citizens for these 15 years, which got global attention after a rap song on the plight of those
affected went viral on the Internet. The HUL case highlights the often neglected questions of occupational health interests of
workers, and poor diligence shown by governments in allowing industries that handle toxic materials without satisfactory
management processes. Many workers in Kodaikanal were claiming for over a decade that they fell ill after working in the
thermometer factory, but received little government support. That is unsurprising, considering that occupational health receives
low priority in policymaking, while environmental concerns are counterposed to rapid growth of industry as an obstacle. The
Kodaikanal story should convince Environment Minister Prakash Javadekar, who said his Ministry would no longer be a
roadblock, that a culture of superficiality in making impact assessments is unsustainable, even counterproductive.
There is also the unresolved issue of the clean-up of the unit, of environmental remediation and the standards to be adopted.
The Tamil Nadu Pollution Control Board has to ensure that the decontamination meets the highest standards adopted anywhere,
and in any case, not less than the new standards being considered by the Environment Ministry as part of its guidelines for
contaminated sites. While many national institutions have gone into the issue of fixing a remediation standard, there appears to
be clear divergence between what the Ministrys draft of 2015 proposes a soil clean-up standard of 6.6 mg per kg for
residential purposes and the much higher quantum of 20 mg/kg that is under consideration by the pollution control authorities.
Therefore, it is necessary to conduct a fresh and transparent review of the ecological issues arising from any mercury residues
in Kodaikanal, an important segment of the southern Western Ghats, before a decontamination plan is finalised. The pollution
tonnes of scrap was moved by the company from its yard in 2001. Government and industry should now endeavour to regain
public trust, and this is possible only through credible scientific scrutiny and community participation. Crippling pollution cannot
be justified as a small negative externality that must be endured for short-term growth.
MARCH 16/2015
After a series of electoral reversals for both in the last five years at all levels Parliament, Assembly, local bodies the Left
Front and the Congress have decided on a seat-sharing understanding in West Bengal in order to take on the Trinamool
Congress. Viewed historically, this is nothing short of proving politics to be the art of the impossible. For the Communist Party
of India (Marxist), the largest stakeholder in the Left Front, an alliance with the Congress is especially problematic, both politically
and ideologically. The Congress is its major opponent in its remaining strongholds of Kerala and Tripura. Indeed, Kerala goes
to the polls at the same time, and the CPI(M)-led alliance would be keen to wrest power back from the Congress-led UDF
government there. The CPI(M) had announced at its party congress in 2015 that it would not align with the Congress given the
serious ideological differences. It therefore had to nuance its engagement with the Congress so as not to be perceived to be
compromising on its political and ideological positions. For years, the CPI(M) has worked out an elaborate set of fronts
to suit various political circumstances. The Left Front in West Bengal has existed for decades as a cogent ideological block of
parties. The Left Democratic Front in Kerala is slightly less ideologically coherent. In West Bengal, the united front mechanism
with the Bangla Congress in 1967 was adopted to build electoral alliances with disparate political forces based on common
programmes. The CPI(M)s recourse to a seat-sharing arrangement without a common minimum programme is more common
The Congress had to overcome a political dilemma on the question of an alliance, as traditionally the party has found it difficult
to recover electoral ground ceded to coalition partners. The understanding, without an official alliance, has helped these parties
break out of a zero-sum game. It is another matter whether the Congress and the Left Front, which have been traditional rivals
in the State for decades, will manage to translate this understanding into transferring their vote to each other. Certainly, their
support bases are not as distinct as they used to be. The CPI(M) is now less of a class-based organisation after holding power
for nearly three and a half decades in the State before its loss in 2011. Both parties have positioned themselves as responsible
alternatives to the patronage-based governance of the Trinamool. The Congress has pockets of strong support in a few rural
districts, and the Left expects to capitalise on this through the understanding. On the other hand, there has been little sign of
the rural electorate, a large majority of which shifted its support to the Trinamool following the land acquisition-related
controversies during Left Front rule, moving away from it. A sting in the tail for the Trinamool could be the corruption scams
opposition, rendering the 2016 Assembly election a referendum on its own tenure.
Vladimir Putin has once again surprised world leaders by ordering the withdrawal of Russian troops from Syria. As in the
case of Mr. Putins other major foreign policy moves in his current term as Russian President, such as the annexation of Crimea
and the intervention in Syria, not many had seen this coming. While announcing the decision he said the principal tasks set for
the armed forces of Russia in Syria have been accomplished, without detailing the achievements. Though Mr. Putins claims
may sound rhetorical, it is not difficult to understand the rationale behind the move. The five and a half months of Russian
intervention has irrevocably changed the course of the Syrian civil war. As Russia started the bombing campaign on
September 30, the regime looked fragile after continuous military setbacks. President Bashar al-Assad had publicly
acknowledged that his army was struggling with manpower shortages. But since the Russian involvement started, the regime
has regained some territory, weakened rebel positions and disrupted rebel supply lines. It even expanded its reach to the
outskirts of Aleppo, once considered completely lost to militant groups. The timing of the Russian move is also important. The
Geneva peace talks between the regime and the opposition are set to start. For the first time in the five years of the conflict, the
prospects of peace look less doomed, if not actually bright. A ceasefire between the rebels and the regime that came into force
two weeks ago is still holding, however fragile it might be. By announcing the troop withdrawal, Moscow is putting enormous
pressure on the Assad regime to make real compromises in the peace talks. Moreover, Mr. Putin does not want Russia to be
dragged into a protracted war, the way the Soviet Union got trapped in Afghanistan in the 1980s.
However, this does not mean Russia is deserting Syria. Mr. Putin has made it clear that Russia would continue to operate the
Latakia airbase. Needless to say, the Russian presence at the Tartus naval facility on the Mediterranean Sea will continue. This
will allow Russia to quickly deploy troops in Syria in the future if the need arises. So Mr. Putins actual plan appears to be to use
the momentum created in favour of the regime by the Russian intervention to find a political settlement to the Syrian crisis. This
is consistent with Russias position towards Syria. From the advent of the crisis, Moscow has been insisting on a political solution.
Russias concern is less about protecting Mr. Assad than about retaining the core of the Baathist state, which, Moscow believes,
is vital for the survival of Syria in the long fight ahead against terrorist groups such as the Islamic State. Now it is time for the
rebels and their backers, including the United States, Turkey and Saudi Arabia, to respond to Russias gestures. They should
make use of the opportunity at the Geneva talks to push for reconciliation with the regime. Because the only alternative to talks
MARCH 17/2016
The murder of a 22-year-old Dalit man at Udumalpet in western Tamil Nadu has brought to the fore the worst aspects of todays
Tamil society: the resurgence of caste pride, a shameless disregard for individual rights when they are in conflict with the
hegemonic order, and an anachronistic belief in the notion of caste purity and pollution. That a group of mercenaries could
casually surround V. Shankar and his 19-year-old wife Kausalya, and brutally slay one of them and leave the other seriously
wounded on the edge of a busy road does not merely indicate a lack of fear of the law. It demonstrates a disquieting confidence
that no one would dare challenge or pursue them. Often characterised as honour killings because their motivation arises from
the idea that a woman marrying outside her community brings dishonour to the family, such murders in India normally involve
family members rendering brutal justice to the transgressor within. In recent years, it appears to work in a different way in
Tamil Nadu. In such murders, the victims are often Dalits, for daring to transgress social mores to marry someone deemed to
be above their station in life. Thus, E. Ilavarasan, a Dalit youth whose marriage to a Vanniyar woman led to caste riots in
November 2012 and whose body was found on a railway track in July 2013, and Gokulraj, another Dalit youth murdered for
talking to a Gounder girl last year, were clearly victims of caste atrocities.
In the case of Shankar, too, the emphasis seemed to be mainly on wreaking vengeance against a Dalit man; though the element
of punishing the family member too was present, as Ms. Kausalya was also attacked with long knives and remains in hospital.
Whether in alleged defence of imaginary family honour or as a strike against Dalit assertion, such murders have become
disturbingly frequent. The regrettable part of the entire episode is that major political parties tend to condemn such murders only
in general terms, and avoid any mention of the role of dominant castes. Seldom do they confront the arrogance of some castes
that enjoy political patronage and operate as enforcers of norms in some regions, especially targeting Dalits. Caste groups have
become powerful political lobbies. Caste associations attract young and educated members of the community. Shockingly,
Shankars murderers drew fulsome praise on social media from committed caste adherents. There is a shallow debate over
whether present-day caste consciousness indicates the failure of the Dravidian social reform movement in Tamil Nadu. It is
futile to blame social reformers who fought for caste-based reservations when it is the political leadership of recent years that
has given credence and credibility to caste icons. Tamil society, which prides itself on its cultural moorings, needs to look
inwards. Freedom to choose who to love has been seen to be a distinguishing sign of progressive societies. That it can be
The election of U Htin Kyaw as Myanmars President is a watershed moment in its history. Mr. Htin Kyaws government would
be its most democratic administration since 1962 when the military seized power. During this period, the generals ran a
repressive regime that denied the people even basic democratic rights and isolated the country internationally. For Myanmars
pro-democracy camp, the election is a moment of joy, and sorrow. Finally a legitimate, democratic government is in place, but
there is deep disappointment at the fact that Aung San Suu Kyi, their rightful leader, could not become the President. A
provision in the military-era Constitution bars Ms. Suu Kyi from assuming the highest office as her children are foreign citizens.
Her National League for Democracy (NLD) lacks the parliamentary power to rewrite the Constitution. Efforts by Ms. Suu Kyi to
reach a settlement with the generals did not bear fruit either. It was against this background that she nominated Mr. Htin Kyaw,
an economist and writer she has known from her early school days, as the partys presidential candidate. Ms. Suu Kyi has made
it clear that she will be in control of the government, irrespective of her constitutional status.
While the formation of a democratic government is clearly a firm step forward, the new government faces an uphill task.
Primarily, it has to address the deep economic problems. Myanmar is one of the poorest countries in Asia. In the years of
isolation under the junta, economic growth stagnated, trapping millions in acute poverty. Getting the economy back on track is
no easy task, and Myanmar will need regional and global assistance. Besides, though the generals have agreed to civilian
takeover of political power, they still wield enormous influence over Myanmars institutions. One-quarter of seats in both Houses
of Parliament are reserved for the military. This prevents any constitutional amendments without the militarys approval. The
military also has direct control of three key Ministries: defence, home affairs and border affairs. Two recent actions of the military
indicate it is still not ready to cede influence over institutions completely. The first is its refusal to let Ms. Suu Kyi become the
President. It knew that if Ms. Suu Kyi, hugely popular at home and widely respected abroad, becomes President, that could
expedite the countrys transition into a full democracy. Second, by successfully getting Myint Swe, a controversial retired general
who served the previous junta, elected as one of the two vice-presidents, the military has sent a clear message to the
government that it is not going to completely stay away from power. But the good news is that the balance of power has clearly
shifted in favour of the pro-democracy camp after the November elections. Ms. Suu Kyi and President Htin Kyaw will have to
tread cautiously but purposefully to build on the democratic gains, and expedite Myanmars transition into a full democracy.
MARCH 18/2016
The governments admission in Parliament that the present definition of sedition in the Indian Penal Code is too wide and
requires reconsideration, is the first indication that the fallout of the Kanhaiya Kumar episode has had a chastening effect on
the ruling party. There seems to be a realisation that invoking the draconian penal provision against students of the Jawaharlal
Nehru University was an act of overreach by the Delhi Police. Further, legal luminaries had pointed out that the essential
ingredient of sedition an imminent threat to public order was absent in the case. Opinion is growing that the relevant
provision, Section 124-A, has no place on the statute book. While Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh assured Opposition
members that an all-party meeting on the issue would be convened after the Law Commission submitted its report on the matter,
Minister of State for Home Kiren Rijiju made a pointed reference to concerns that the definition of sedition was very wide. He
also sought to clarify that he was not discussing the merits of the case against JNU students or defending the action of the
Delhi Police, indicating a significant political climbdown. In other remarks, Mr. Rijiju recalled that the Law Commission in its 42nd
Report had rejected the idea of repealing the section altogether. A look at the 1971 report shows that in fact it wanted to expand
the term relating to exciting disaffection towards the government established by law to cover disaffection towards the
Constitution, Parliament, the government and legislatures of the States, and the administration of justice.
of the act that seems to allow both provocative and innocuous speeches to be treated as equally criminal. While upholding
sedition as an offence that fell under the public order restriction on free speech, the Supreme Court ruled that it ought to be
invoked only if a particular speech or action had a pernicious tendency to create public disorder. Words such as excites or
attempts to excite disaffection or brings into or attempts to bring into hatred or contempt are unacceptably vague, and the
further explanation that disaffection includes disloyalty and all feelings of enmity compounds the problem. The provision in
effect appears to demand affection towards the government, except for a general exception allowing disapproval of
governmental measures. Two High Courts had declared Section 124-A unconstitutional before the Supreme Court upheld the
section in 1962 in Kedar Nath Singh v. State of Bihar. The Law Commission, while revisiting the issue, should take into account
recent developments, especially the flagrant instances of misuse of the sedition law and the tendency to invoke it against those
involved in strident forms of political dissent and scathing criticism of governments. One way to limit its mischief is to narrow the
definition; but a more rational and constitutional option would be to scrap the provision altogether.
When the Narendra Modi government chose to introduce the Aadhaar Bill in the Lok Sabha a couple of weeks ago as a
money bill, the move came under sharp criticism. The Rajya Sabhas recommendations on a money bill are non-binding, and
the Lok Sabha can reject them. The BJP-led NDA does not have a majority in the Rajya Sabha, and this was therefore seen as
a way to avoid a defeat of the legislation. On Wednesday, this controversial strategy allowed the Lok Sabha to pass the Aadhaar
(Targeted Delivery of Financial and Other Subsidies, Benefits and Services) Bill, 2016, in its original form, ignoring a handful of
amendments to the legislation in the Upper House. It is unfortunate that the government chose to so summarily toss aside the
Rajya Sabhas concerns. Giving legal validity to a project that seeks to provide unique identification numbers to more than a
billion people, that too after many futile attempts over six years, is no doubt an achievement. But the Bills un-amended passage
is a missed opportunity, for those amendments would have only strengthened the stated idea behind it, which is to provide an
around issues of privacy as well as preventing the use of Aadhaar being made mandatory. Very serious concerns have been
raised from various quarters that the proposed Aadhaar database facilitates mass surveillance, and that there are not enough
checks to secure citizens data from misuse. The Aadhaar Bill has provisions to deal with data protection, but these are not
sufficient because exceptions are built into confidentiality clauses. One of those exceptions can occur on the grounds of national
security. One of the five changes successfully moved by Mr. Ramesh was to substitute the words public emergency and public
safety for national security. A related amendment aimed to include the Central Vigilance Commissioner or the Comptroller
and Auditor General of India in the committee to decide on requests for biometric data. He had also sought to make Aadhaar
optional, by permitting alternative means of identification and giving individuals the choice to opt out of the system. According
to the Bill, Aadhaar is necessary for receiving certain services and benefits. An amendment successfully moved by Mr. Ramesh
sought to do away with a clause that deemed nothing in this Act shall prevent the use of the Aadhaar number for establishing
the identity of an individual for any purpose, whether by the state or any body, company or person. Certainly, critics of the
amendments would compare the Congress-led UPAs version of the Aadhaar Bill and the NDAs version to point out the
Congresss hypocrisy now that it is no longer in power. But that is a political point. What is important, and disquieting, is that the
Opposition did seek to work in popularly voiced privacy concerns within the ambit of the legislation, and these interventions
o Disquiet - worry
o Criticism - the act of saying that something or someone is bad
o Non-binding - not legally necessary to obey or follow
o Subsidies - money given as part of the cost of something, to help or encourage it
to happen
o Amendment - a minor change or addition to improve something
o Summarily - in short and clear manner (that gives the main facts or ideas about
something)
o Toss something aside - to throw away or get rid of something
o Futile - pointless / having no effect or achieving nothing
o Transparent - open and honest, without secrets
o Privacy - a state in which one is not observed or disturbed by other people
o Concern - worry
o Mass - a large number of people or objects crowded together
o Surveillance - the careful watching of a person or place
o Misuse - use (something) in the wrong way or for the wrong purpose
o Exceptions - something that is not included in a rule, group, or list
o Confidentiality - secrecy / privacy
o Substitute - to use something instead of another thing
o Emergency - a serious, unexpected, and dangerous situation requiring immediate
action
MARCH 19/2016
The Punjab Assembly continues to thumb its nose at the law of the land. A day after a five-judge Constitution Bench of the
Supreme Court ordered status quo on land marked for the construction of the Sutlej-Yamuna Link (SYL) Canal, on Friday
the Assembly unanimously resolved that it cannot be allowed to be built. It is not clear whether this is an emotive cover for the
Punjab government to wind down the efforts to change the facts on the ground by even levelling the canal. But the events of
the past week frame political adventurism of an order that this country has not witnessed in a long time. Supported by a political
consensus that brings the Opposition Congress and even the Aam Aadmi Party on board the Shiromani Akali Dal-Bharatiya
Janata Party governments unilateral repudiation of inter-State agreements, they put the onus on the Centre to reiterate the
redlines that cannot be crossed in a federal set-up. On Monday, the Punjab Assembly passed the Punjab Sutlej-Yamuna Link
Canal (Rehabilitation and Re-vesting of Proprietary Rights) Bill 2016, seeking to return land acquired for the canals construction
to the original owners free of cost, and thereby completely destroy the work (still incomplete after more than three decades) to
channel to Haryana its duly allotted share of the waters of the Ravi and the Beas. Even though the Governors assent has not
come for the Bill, work on levelling the land, scooping earth and flora along the canal began at fever pitch, causing ecological
The origins of the crisis go back to 2004, when the State passed the Punjab Termination of Agreements legislation. With this, it
reneged on its upper-riparian responsibility to share water with Haryana through the SYL Canal. The matter went to the Supreme
Court, and hearing finally started this month. The 2004 abdication has now been aggravated by wilful destruction of parts of the
canal, on which hundreds of crores of rupees have already been spent. The earlier effort to reap political dividend by raising the
spectre of Punjabs fields turning barren has been topped by exciting hopes on the possibility of farmers getting back lost land.
been guided by Parkash Singh Badals SAD-BJP government. Twelve years ago, the Congress-led government at the Centre
refused to read the Riot Act to a Congress Chief Minister. Today, a BJP-led Central government is keeping silent at the outrage
fomented by its own coalition in Punjab. Inter-State water disputes tend to be particularly emotive, and thereby amenable to
populist politics. However, in the 1970s and 1980s, most issues relating to the SYL Canal had been sorted out. Indeed, by the
1990s, much of the construction of the 212-km-long canal had been completed in Punjab. It is against this groundwork that the
Punjab government-led destruction and repudiation of a federal agreement must be squarely condemned.
It is far from clear where in the rule book there is sanction to suspend a member of a legislature for allegedly outraging the
nationalist sentiments of colleagues. But as things stand, Waris Pathan, a member of the Maharashtra Assembly, is
suspended for the remainder of its Budget session for refusing to chant along to Bharat Mata ki Jai. The sequence of events
that led to his punishment is unbecoming of a legislative chamber. Mr. Pathan belongs to the All-India Majlis-e-Ittehadul
Muslimeen. Imtiyaz Jaleel, the partys other MLA, participating in a debate on the Governors Address, criticised the State
governments plans to build memorials for historical and contemporaneous political leaders, including Shivaji, B.R. Ambedkar
and Bal Thackeray. Questioning the expenditure, he sought funds for public goods such as hospitals, when a Bharatiya Janata
Party MLA cornered him on his loyalties and demanded that the AIMIMs two MLAs chant Bharat Mata ki Jai. Mr. Pathan said
he would not, drawing an uproar from MLAs not only of the ruling BJP-Shiv Sena coalition, but also of the Opposition Congress
and Nationalist Congress Party. Following some threatening slogans, Minister of State for Home Ranjit Patil moved a resolution
to suspend Mr. Pathan for the rest of the session, and it was carried through unanimously. Even by the recent standards of
intimidation within some legislatures, the Maharashtra Assemblys action is a dangerous one and must be contested legally
if it is not to become a precedent that would further hollow out Indias constitutional freedoms.
The suspension of a member for asserting his freedom of expression is a particularly spectacular low for democracy. Indias
legislatures enjoy extraordinary privileges to secure the freedom of expression, drawn from the British House of Commons
historic struggle to win autonomy from the Crown. Over the decades they have absorbed dissent against the Indian Republic
far more potent than this insistence by Mr. Pathan that he be allowed to choose how to word his loyalty to India. Indeed, it is a
matter of pride for Indian democracy that not only have legislatures accommodated different ideas of nationhood but they have
emerged the stronger for that. Wednesdays events therefore must be seen for the alarm that they represent for the
substitution of a new politics of intimidation in place of Indias more organic politics of persuasion. If politics is going to fall in
place around binaries forced by slogans such as Bharat Mata ki Jai, with ideologues like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sanghs
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polarising means to profess their challenge to a majoritarian consensus, the polarisation can only be fought from the middle
ground on the basis of basic democratic values. That political parties see little value in holding this ground must be cause for
foreboding about the Bharat Mata ki Jai touchstone migrating out of the State legislature.
MARCH 21/2016
Of late, political uncertainty has hit some of Indias strategically significant border States Jammu and Kashmir, Uttarakhand,
Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. Of these, J&K is undoubtedly the most sensitive State, where the Government of India has
bled physically and financially for over 25 years to stop the separatist discourse and bring its people back to the political
mainstream. But the demise of Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed in early January culminated in a political crisis as
the two coalition partners, the Peoples Democratic Party and the Bharatiya Janata Party, fell out, with the former accusing the
latter of not abiding by the Agenda of Alliance, the goodwill treaty that had brought them together. Last week, the hope of
such a coalition government emerging was renewed when Mehbooba Mufti, who is deemed a natural political successor to her
father, met BJP president Amit Shah in Delhi. The meeting only resulted in further estrangement and left one big question: will
the BJP be able to give Ms. Mufti what she wants? So far, she has declared the Muftis decision to join hands with the BJP an
unpopular choice, but she has been vague when it comes to explaining where the BJP has gone wrong with the Agenda of
Alliance. The BJP has not been forthright enough either. It is unclear what the party would or would not seek to deliver under
the Agenda. For the Centre, governing Jammu and Kashmir has not been easy, not even in the post-insurgency era. Previous
governments led by the BJP or Congress, backed governments in the State by making efforts to fill its budget deficits, fix its
The three successive governments in post-insurgency Kashmir could only function when they had the Centres backing. In the
early 2000s, the decision of the Vajpayee government to allow cross-LoC trade and travel, enter into bilateral engagement with
Pakistan, and talk to Kashmiri separatists on the side, not only increased voter confidence but also brought the mainstream
discourse back to the Valley. A decade later, with the arrival of the PDP-BJP coalition government, a similar approach was
expected. But the State seems to be vulnerable again, with the number of militant strikes increasing and the absence of a civilian
government furthering political alienation. For the BJP, the need of the hour is to work out an alliance with the PDP and scuttle
any attempts to subvert Ms. Mufti within her party through undemocratic means, such as horse-trading. It is equally important
the constitutional framework. Therefore, the BJP must not use the government at the Centre to make political gains in Jammu
and Kashmir. It should revisit the Agenda of Alliance and also set the terms of the Agenda in concrete terms. If that does not
work, it should simply go for new elections. Any undemocratic attempt to break the deadlock could have larger ramifications.
o Of late - recently
o Uncertainty - a situation in which something is not known
o Strategically - in a planned manner
o Significant - sufficiently great or important to be worthy of attention
o Undoubtedly - without doubt
o Separatist - a person who supports the separation of a particular group of people
from a larger body on the basis of caste, religion, or gender
o Discourse - communication in speech or writing
o Mainstream - the ideas, attitudes, or activities that are shared by most people and
considered as normal
o Demise - a person's death
o Culminated - reach a climax point (at the end)
o Crisis - an extremely difficult or dangerous point in a situation
o Coalition - the joining together of different political parties or groups for a particular
purpose, usually for a limited time
o Accusing - saying that you think someone has done something bad
o Abiding - stick to a specific emotion / feeling without changing
o Treaty - a written agreement between two or more countries / organizations,
formally approved and signed by their leaders
o Estrangement - to have had a serious argument with someone and no longer
friendly with them
o Unpopular - not liked by many people
o Vague - not clearly expressed / known / decided
o Alliance - an agreement to work with someone else to try to achieve the same thing
o Forthright - honest or direct in behaviour
o Insurgency - an occasion when a group of people attempt to take control of their
country by force
o Deficit - the amount by which something, especially a sum of money, is too small
o Battered - damaged (hurt by being repeatedly hit)
o Skilfully - with great skill
o Successive - following one another
o Backing - help / support
o Bilateral - involving two countries / parties
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Without doubt, it is a very unpopular course to pursue. Yet, the Bharatiya Janata Party-led government has decided to act
boldly and slash interest rates on several Centrally sponsored savings schemes. The decision will upset senior citizens,
and the salaried middle class that forced the government to reconsider its decision to tax a portion of the Employees' Provident
Fund (EPF) corpus upon withdrawal. The government has also decided to reset these rates every quarter. The objective is to
align them with market rates. It has not come all of a sudden: there were enough hints to indicate that the government is not
averse to shedding its populist mindset and looking to deal with economic issues from a realistic perspective. For instance, the
government has excluded people above an annual income threshold from availing of the subsidy for LPG for household
use. And though the government finally abandoned the Budget 2016 proposal to tax EPF, it was a clear indicator of things to
come. Viewed in this context, there is a method in the manner in which the government has set out to implement its economic
agenda. Its latest action on small savings could yet deliver the unkindest of cuts to its core constituency, the middle class. For,
the rate cut covers a broad spectrum of schemes, including the Public Provident Fund (PPF), the Kisan Vikas Patra (KVP) and
the National Savings Certificates (NSC). Surprisingly, the cut has also not spared schemes with a larger social intent, such as
those for girl children and senior citizens. However, the government has decided to maintain the interest spread on such
schemes. The rate cut is bound to emerge as a fresh rallying point for the Opposition to corner the government. These schemes
have been a safe bet and offered assured returns for the salaried sections. These are also useful instruments to foster the
saving habit among people. You cannot easily wish away the social security concerns thrown up by the rate cut decision, and
Read in tandem with the U.S. Federal Reserve decision last week to keep its interest rate policy unchanged, the rate cut on the
Centrally backed small savings schemes must clear the way for the Reserve Bank of India to lower its policy rates. Though the
RBI had slashed its key policy rate by 125 basis points in 2015, banks had been extraordinarily reluctant to pass on the full
benefits to borrowers. The deposit mobilisation efforts of the banks have faced unequal competition from small savings schemes,
which offer artificially fixed, higher interest rates. That makes it difficult for banks to transmit fully the benefits of rate cuts made
by the RBI. The rate cuts on savings schemes represent a necessary course correction to right the distortions in the system. It
MARCH 22/2016
On the opening day of the Bharatiya Janata Partys two-day national executive meeting on March 19, president Amit Shah set
the tone not just for the deliberations but also for the approaching Assembly elections. The battle lines between the nationalist
and anti-national forces, according to him, had already been drawn. The theme was picked up by other senior leaders Rajnath
Singh, Arun Jaitley and Ravi Shankar Prasad stressing that while political opposition and dissent were acceptable, neither
anti-national activity nor slogans would be permitted in the name of freedom of speech. Prime Minister Narendra
Modi touched on the subject only briefly on the second day: while saying that the BJP had always given primacy to
nationalism and patriotism, he instead chose to expand on issues of governance, stressing that the partys mool mantar should
be development, development and development. The BJP also used the occasion to target the Congress, portraying it as anti-
national. Mr. Shah took Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi to task for standing in solidarity with those who had shouted
allegedly anti-national slogans on the Jawaharlal Nehru University campus. He said it was hypocritical of a party that had
imposed the Emergency, crushing the freedom of the press and ordinary citizens, to lecture others on freedom of expression.
Finally, the political resolution concluded by stressing that the BJP remains the only political party where a person without any
illustrious pedigree or connections can rise to the very top of the party yet another swipe at the Congress.
The BJP may have aggressively trained its guns on the Congress over the weekend at its first national executive meeting
after its defeat in Bihar last year, but it is clear that its electoral setbacks and its failure to fix the economy are forcing it back
to its basics of divisive communalism. There was a clear tension visible as the BJP sought to balance its development slogan
with a return to its time-tested Hindutva line, though now clothed in the national tricolour. The political resolution adopted on the
last day of the session described nationalism as an article of faith, and claimed that upholding the primacy of the slogan of
Bharat Mata ki Jai was a reiteration of our constitutional obligation as citizens. The gap between pronouncements by Mr.
Modi and those around him, as well in the wider Sangh Parivar, would suggest that either he is not in control or he believes that
this Janus-faced, seemingly contradictory, approach will help him polarise political discourse to the BJPs advantage even as
he retains plausible deniability by remaining above the fray, ready to battle another day. Indeed, the resolution described Mr.
Modi as a beacon of hope and trust, while Minister M. Venkaiah Naidu called him a gift from god and a messiah. So, while
Mr. Modi speaks of development, the cry by others of Bharat Mata ki Jai, with its dog-whistle invocation of a majoritarian
There is hardly any element that is not contentious or controversial in the agreement that the European Union (EU) has
struck with Turkey to stem the flow of thousands of mostly Syrian migrants and refugees on to its shores. It could not have
been otherwise, given the intra-EU divisions on a collective approach to the current refugee crisis and staunch domestic
opposition to Ankaras entry into the EU. Despite Turkeys long-standing bid for membership in the bloc, bolstered by its strong
secular, liberal and democratic credentials and geographic contiguity, ties between Ankara and Brussels have not been the
most cordial in recent years. Turkeys record on human rights under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, exemplified by the
systematic suppression of freedom of expression and ill-treatment of the countrys Kurdish minorities, has drawn strong
condemnation from EU leaders. Now the bloc has promised once again to revive negotiations on a specific aspect of Ankaras
protracted accession process, in return for the admission of Syrian refugees from Greece. But the motivation to open talks on a
relatively minor element of the package, frozen at one point, is itself meant to paper over a more fundamental objection, from
Cyprus, to Turkeys EU membership. Nicosia has vetoed EU-entry talks unless and until Ankara accords formal recognition to
the Greek-Cypriot administration. That is seen to be critical for the reunification prospects of the island state, divided during the
1974 war with Turkey. Another curious component of the deal is the EU decision to advance the date for the liberalisation of
visas to Turkish nationals. The concession comes at a time when the EUs Schengen passport-free travel zone, the most visible
symbol of the founding principles of the Union, is already under considerable strain as a consequence of the refugee crisis.
Notable in this regard are recent unilateral moves by Austria and Hungary to seal borders along the Balkans, not without causing
some embarrassment to Berlin, but intended to contain the fallout of Germanys more accommodative stance on migration.
Then there is the decision whereby every new migrant reaching Greece via the Aegean Sea would be turned over to Turkey, in
exchange for Ankara transferring one to the EU but with the total subject to a limit. Human rights groups have criticised the
back migrants on top of an already explosive situation. For Ankara, the difficulties centre on its readiness to extend protection
for migrants from other nationalities, in addition to Syrians, on the lines of the Geneva Conventions. This is an area where the
EU would tread cautiously in view of its strained relations with Turkey in recent years. If the agreement is to be received more
favourably than it was when sealed, the parties would have to display sagacity in their diplomatic dealings, and sensitivity on
MARCH 23/2016
The political crisis in Uttarakhand finally, and inevitably, reached Rashtrapati Bhavan on Monday, with Congress and
Bharatiya Janata Party delegations separately seeking President Pranab Mukherjees attention. The BJP has demanded the
dismissal of the Congress Harish Rawat government, arguing that it has lost its majority, and questioning the role of Speaker
Govind Singh Kunjwal in refusing a division of the vote on the State Budget. The party claims it now has the support of 36 MLAs
in the 70-member Assembly, including of nine rebel Congress MLAs. The Congress party, in turn, charged the BJP with using
holds, Mr. Rawat has to prove his majority in the House by March 28. Meanwhile, the Speaker has given the nine rebel MLAs
time till March 26 to reply to notices asking them to show cause why they should not lose their membership of the Assembly
under the Anti-Defection Act. The Congress has also expelled its former Chief Minister Vijay Bahugunas son, who is leading
the revolt. The spark for the rebellion is linked to the spoils of office. Mr. Bahuguna reportedly wanted ministerial posts for his
loyalists, portfolios that are currently held by members of the Progressive Democratic Front, which has a total of six seats in the
With this, Uttarakhand unfortunately faces a new phase of political uncertainty. It was created out of Uttar Pradesh in 2000 after
a long grass-roots level struggle for statehood to meet the unique administrative needs of the Himalayan region. The States
composite character demands genuine, responsive politics to bind the 13 districts into an organic whole. Indeed, party politics,
as contrasted with the social coalition that won the statehood, is still a work in progress in crafting the balance and depth to
keep the different regions and constituencies on board. Both the BJP and the Congress, during their respective stints in power,
have struggled to paper over intra-party rivalries. In the case of the Congress, it has finally spilled over into outright rebellion.
Mr. Rawat had been seen to be the front runner for the chief ministership after the 2012 Assembly elections, when the Congress
high command airdropped Mr. Bahuguna, perceived to be a Gandhi family loyalist. Two years later, he was replaced by Mr.
Rawat. Now, the ambit of the Anti-Defection Act is being tested in ways that could influence and nastily so the campaign
for the next Assembly elections, due by early 2017. It is important that lessons in propriety from the recent experience in
Arunachal Pradesh be learnt and the sanctity of the office of Governor be protected. It is not clear how much of the Uttarakhand
rebellion has been extraneously engineered and how much of it draws from the Congress lax political management. Either way,
the Centre needs to handle the situation with a light touch, and it must wait out the vote of confidence sought by the Governor.
o Counsel - advice
o Crisis - a time of great difficulty or danger
o Inevitably - unavoidably
o Delegations - a group of representatives
o Dismissal - the act of ordering someone to leave
o Majority - the difference in the number of votes between the winning person or
group and the one that comes second
o Rebel - a person who rises in opposition against an established government or
leader
o Unconstitutional - not allowed by the constitution (set of rules for government) of
a country or organization
o Apprehensions - anxiety or fear that something bad or unpleasant will happen
o Imposing - to force someone to accept something (law)
o Meanwhile - while something else is happening
o Expelled - to officially make someone leave an organization
o Revolt - take violent action against an established government (because they
refuse to be controlled or ruled)
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American President Barack Obamas visit to Cuba is a remarkable moment in global diplomacy for various reasons. Till a
few years ago, a U.S. President walking down the streets of Old Havana with his family, meeting the Cuban leader at the Palace
of Revolution and even saying that the U.S. should face up to criticism by Cuba all would have looked beyond imagination.
The two countries, bitter foes during the Cold War era, remained hostile towards each other even after the collapse of the Soviet
Union, till President Obama and his Cuban counterpart, Ral Castro who succeeded his brother and leader of the Cuban
revolution Fidel Castro in 2008 began a process of rapprochement in December 2014. Over the past several months,
Washington took a number of steps, including removing Cuba from its list of nations charged with sponsoring terrorism, to
restore confidence in bilateral relations. Havana reciprocated by reopening its embassy in Washington. Mr. Obamas visit, the
first by a U.S. President since 1928, is the symbolic culmination of this diplomatic engagement. It confirms the view that
Washingtons traditional Cuba policy, rooted in Cold War animosity, is way past its use-by date. In July 2015, after both
countries announced that they would restore diplomatic relations, Mr. Obama said the U.S. had been clinging to a policy
that was not working. Despite U.S. efforts to weaken the Communist Partys rule, Cuba stood tall in Latin America. Even those
were proved wrong. A new wave of socialist forces in the continent actually strengthened Cubas standing in the region. The
blunted opposition of the Cuban American community towards Havana, as well as the demand from American capitalist sections,
especially big farming, for new markets, may also have influenced Mr. Obamas thinking. Cubas positive responses to U.S.
overtures, mainly driven by economic imperatives, set the stage for a grand deal.
But the road ahead may not be all that smooth. The hour-long joint media conference in Havana, despite all its hype, also
exposed old grievances. President Castro demanded that the embargo be lifted and Guantnamo returned to Cuba for full
normalisation of relations. President Obama said he had pressed the Cuban leader over his countrys treatment of dissidents.
All this indicates that full normalisation of ties will take time. The removal of sanctions needs Congressional approval, which,
given the opposition to the rapprochement from Conservative Republicans, is unlikely to come in the near future. Also, it has to
be seen what the next U.S. Presidents Cuba policy will be. On the other side, Cuba is unlikely to radically overhaul its approach
towards dissent. Nor does the Communist Party have any plan to end its monopoly over power. But future challenges should
not cloud the significance of this weeks breakthrough. Mr. Obama and Mr. Castro have created a historic momentum in bilateral
o Pivotal - important
o Diplomacy - the management of relationships between countries
o Various - different
o Revolution - a change in the way a country is governed (using violence or war)
o Criticism - the act of saying that something or someone is bad
o Beyond - outside of a stated limit
o Bitter foes - enemies
o Hostile - unfriendly
o Collapse - sudden failure of something
o Counterpart - a person or thing that has the same purpose / job as you
o Rapprochement - an agreement reached by opposing groups or people
o Reciprocated - to behave in the same way as someone else
o Embassy - the office of the people who represent their country in a foreign country
o Culmination - the highest or climactic point of something (after a long time)
o Animosity - strong dislike / opposition / anger
o Clinging - to stick to something (to hold something tightly)
o Stood tall - to be brave and proud
o Disintegration - the process of losing strength (to become weaker)
o Aid - help
o Blunted - weak
o Overture - a communication made to someone in order to offer something
o Imperative - an essential or urgent thing
MARCH 24/2016
This time it is Brussels. The bomb attacks that have killed at least 31 people at the airport and a metro station in the Belgian
capital demonstrate that jihadists remain a serious security threat to European societies despite a massive security crackdown
since the November 2015 Paris attacks. Brussels, which hosts key European Union institutions, is the de facto capital of
Europe. By striking in the city four days after Salah Abdeslam, thought to be the lone remaining perpetrator of the Paris
attacks, was caught, the terrorists have sent a strong message not just to the Belgian government but to the entire European
establishment. The Belgian government woke up to the terrorist threat it faces only after the Paris attacks that killed at least 130
people. Several of the attackers came from the Brussels neighbourhood of Molenbeek. Security forces had carried out a massive
combing operation in the neighbourhoods and even locked down the capital city for days. But still it took more than four months
for the Belgian authorities to track down and arrest Abdeslam, who was reportedly planning more attacks in Europe. What is
more tragic and surprising is that the authorities still could not stop the attack. Belgian Prime Minister Charles Michels words
that what we feared has happened, bluntly point to the failure of the intelligence and security establishment.
The Brussels attacks also come in a broader context of global jihadists stepping up attacks on civilians around the world. The
Islamic State in particular, which has claimed responsibility for the Brussels strike, has carried out a number of attacks across
the world, from Paris to Ankara, in recent months. One of the reasons for these attacks in faraway locations is that the group is
facing military setbacks in and around the so-called caliphate, the seat of its influence. Attacking public places and killing
innocent people may appear to be sheer madness. But for groups such as the IS, there is a rationale. First, not being able to
expand the territories of the caliphate, the IS wants to export terrorism to other countries so as to stay relevant and find more
recruits. Second, and more important, the IS is fighting a war against the civilisational values of the modern world. By attacking
the public, it wants to create panic in free and open societies, break their social cohesion and then reap the dividends. And it is
certain by now that Europe is high on the hit list of the IS because it knows that when it hits Western societies, which are
challenges before Europe are also greater. To be sure, it has to raise security operations to a higher standard and strengthen
cooperation among other countries in fighting terrorist groups such as the IS and al-Qaeda. But Europe should do it cautiously,
without compromising on its moral values and imperilling civil liberties. But refusing to give in to the jihadists designs is as
important as security measures in this fight one that is not going to get over any time soon.
o Security threat - a possible danger that manages the security and cause harm
o Massive - large and heavy
o Crackdown - a situation in which someone starts to deal with bad or illegal
behaviour in a more serious way
o De facto - in fact (whether by right or not)
o Perpetrator - someone who has committed a crime
o Establishment - organization
o Several - some (more than two but not many)
o Neighbourhood - surrounding / nearby area
o Combing - to search thoroughly (look through)
o Reportedly - according to what many people say
o Tragic - very sad
o Bluntly - to speak without trying to be polite or considering other people's feelings
o Context - the situation within which something exists or happens
o Faraway - a long way away
o Setback - something that happens that delays or prevents a process from
developing
o Caliphate - an Islamic state, especially one ruled by a single religious and political
leader
o Sheer - completely / nothing other than
o Rationale - the reasons that cause you belive in something
o Territory - an area of land that is considered as belonging to a particular person or
country
o Relevant - closely connected with what is happening
o Recruit - a new member of an organization (especially the army)
o Panic - sudden uncontrollable fear or anxiety
o Cohesion - the situation when the members of a group or society are united
o Reap - to collect / gather
o Dividend - profit
o High on something - stood at top position of something
o Hit list - a list of people / organization who someone intends to murder or take
unpleasant action against
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In unerring succession over the last five decades, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the All India Anna Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) have alternately ruled Tamil Nadu, where no national party has been in power since the
Congress lost in 1967. Dislodging the party in power has been the overarching objective of other parties, and the thought of
providing an alternative to the two mainstays of Tamil Nadu is only a minor theme in any election. The coming together of
Vijayakant and the four-party Peoples Welfare Front (PWF), which includes two regional parties and the two Left parties, to
forge a third front is therefore a significant development. As the party with the third largest vote share in the State, Mr.
Vijayakants decade-old Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) may not have really lived up to its early promise, but in
tandem with the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the Communist Party of India, the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam (MDMK) of Vaiko and the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), a Dalit party, it seems to be in a position to mount a
semblance of a challenge to the two formidable leaders M. Karunanidhi of the DMK and Jayalalithaa of the AIADMK. Mr.
Vijayakant, who will be projected as the new fronts chief ministerial candidate, was the most sought-after political ally in the
run-up to the Assembly election, with the DMK, the PWF and the BJP courting his company. The DMK went out of its way to
win him over, but Mr. Vijayakants political instincts seem to have taught him that he should lead a front rather than join one.
Mr. Vijayakant, who floated his party in 2005, began as a lone ranger and garnered an impressive 8.5 per cent vote share in the
2006 Assembly polls, followed by an improved figure of 10.3 per cent in the 2009 Lok Sabha election. Frustrated that his vote
share was not translating into seats, he tried the alliance route in 2011, joining hands successfully with the AIADMK, winning
29 out of the 41 seats his party contested. But he lost out in political terms as he could no longer project himself as an
alternative. He was part of the National Democratic Alliance in the 2014 Lok Sabha poll and drew a blank. His performance as
Leader of the Opposition in the last five years was largely inconsequential. The lack of a clear policy or programme for his party
and his own image as an inarticulate, confused and perennially angry man, and one whose party is largely controlled by close
family members, do not exactly mark him out as a leader with great potential. Yet, his presence as a challenger in the fray may
have helped transform the search for an alternative from being just an ambition into a concrete idea. This summers vote may
be a real opportunity to examine whether the voters of Tamil Nadu will be content with alternately voting in two powerful parties,
or whether they would like a viable choice in the form of a combination of parties equidistant from the two main forces.
o Alternative - something that you can use if you do not want to use another one
o Unerring - always right (never failing to hit a target)
o Succession - a number of similar events that happen, after each other
o Alternately - in a manner in which two things each replace the other
APRIL 13/2016
system. In Tamil Nadu, while most of the opposition parties are more conscious of the advantages, the ruling All India Anna
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam seems more mindful of the disadvantages of seat-sharing. Chief Minister and AIADMK general
secretary Jayalalithaa set aside just seven of the 234 Assembly seats for allies; even in those seven, the alliance party
candidates will technically be AIADMK members, as they will have to contest on the partys Two Leaves symbol. But it is not
clear whether it is confidence alone that has made Ms. Jayalalithaa spurn alliance proposals from major parties, including the
Tamil Maanila Congress. She could be open to the possibility that the election may result in a hung Assembly and worried that
alliance partners could switch sides after the results are out. The strategy appears to be one of maximising the yield by contesting
as many seats as possible in the hope that a divided opposition will not be able to capitalise on any anti-incumbency sentiment
among the voters. A similar strategy worked in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, with the AIADMK winning 37 of the 39 seats in
the State. In the opposition camp, minor political parties, which usually rally behind either the DMK or the AIADMK in a general
election, have tried to create an alternative. Most significantly, the Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam led by actor-politician
Vijayakant has decided to assume the leadership of a third front that includes parties such as the Marumalarchi Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam of Vaiko, the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi and the two Left parties. The TMC, after failing to strike an
alliance with the AIADMK, is also now part of this front, giving it a semblance of viability.
Ms. Jayalalithaa will be emulating her political mentor, AIADMK founder M.G. Ramachandran, if she returns to power. Since
1984, when MGR came back as Chief Minister despite being confined to a hospital bed in the United States throughout the
campaign, no one has been able to retain power in the State. On issues such as prohibition, she is tailing the opposition, offering
to introduce it in phases after all the opposition parties made this a major election point. Also, the go-it-alone strategy will not
work as well as it did in the Lok Sabha election. While it was unable to bring the DMDK into its fold, and only has the Congress
as a major ally, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam led by former Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi may be still able to tap into the
anti-incumbency vote by virtue of being the largest opposition party by far. Parties such as the DMDK and the Pattali Makkal
Katchi, with a rural support base similar to that of the AIADMK, could cut into both the anti-establishment vote and the pro-
AIADMK vote. Polarisation will work to the advantage of the DMK. But Ms. Jayalalithaa is banking on the multiplicity of her
In a world facing tremendous pressure on space and resources, a rise in the number of wild tigers is cause for cheer. The big
cats are shy and react negatively to human presence. Any credible estimate of growth in their population indicates that a good
conservation policy has been at work. According to the latest count released by the World Wildlife Fund and the Global Tiger
Forum, over 600 tigers have been added to the global number of some 3,200 in 2010. Yet, determining the health of an
elusive species across countries using absolute numbers is a flawed approach, because it risks shifting the focus away from
the health of core populations that persist in a small area of individual countries. India made terrible counting mistakes in the
past and failed to undertake intensive scientific censusing of tigers across the country. It came as no surprise when tigers were
wiped out of Sariska, and a chastened government corrected its methodologies. Using relatively better techniques, including
photographic capture and recapture, the national assessment by the Ministry of Environment and Forests came up with the
estimate of 2,226 tigers in 2014, representing an increase from the previous count of 1,706 in 2010, and well above the dismal
figure of 1,411 four years previously. Now that India is hosting the Third Asia Ministerial Conference on Tiger Conservation with
In the future, wild tigers will survive if countries can maintain inviolate core habitats for breeding populations, ensure habitat
connectivity for genetic exchange and crack down on poaching of both tigers and prey. There are wildlife reserves in Madhya
Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Assam, West Bengal and Jharkhand where the Environment Ministry wants to improve
conditions for tiger breeding. As part of this exercise, Rs.380 crore has been made available to Project Tiger this year. What is
conspicuous, however, is the lack of political will to remove industrial pressures on forests. The proposal to widen National
Highway 7 in Central India, for instance, has become controversial because of the dreadful impact it would have on tigers in the
Kanha-Pench and Kanha-Nagzira corridors in Maharashtra. It is contradictory to talk of protecting source populations which
occupy only 6 per cent of the habitat on the one hand, and simultaneously engage in destructive activities in the same forests.
Mitigating the damage through benign alternatives is vital. Such green leadership would also make Indias collaboration with
other countries in the Global Tiger Forum meaningful, demonstrating to them the unique experience of a populous nation
conserving forests and wildlife and providing life-sustaining ecosystem services to all. The Environment Ministry must also view
independent scientific organisations as partners, and stop putting up bureaucratic hurdles to research in protected areas.
APRIL 14/2016
Topic 1 : " Green shoots? Maybe, but they need watering "
Are there green shoots in the economy? Do Achche Din lie ahead of us? Given the number of times such false hopes have
been raised over the past couple of years, it is much too hasty to conclude that the recent thread of positive economic data puts
the country firmly on the path of accelerated economic growth. While three data points suggest that the economy may be
turning the corner, they dont offer conclusive evidence that there will be a period of sustained growth. The Index of Industrial
Production (IIP) has registered a 2 per cent growth in February after three consecutive months of decline. While it is significant
that industrial activity is returning to the expansionary mode, the cumulative growth rate of 2.6 per cent in the first eleven months
of this fiscal doesnt call for cracking open the champagne. After all, this is lower than last years 2.8 per cent and also well
below the 6 per cent expansion in output the country has averaged in the last ten years. As for the dip in consumer price
inflation to 4.8 per cent in March from over 5 per cent, this moderation, particularly in the food component of the index, is good
news as it puts more disposable income in the hands of consumers. But then, low inflation rates have a flip side too. By hurting
nominal GDP growth and corporate revenues, very low inflation can adversely impact job prospects and income growth, both
of which are crucial for the feel-good factor in the economy. A third trigger to growth is expected from the Reserve Bank of
combined with the Centres concerted push on promoting infrastructure and encouraging start-ups, that has prompted RBI
Governor Raghuram Rajan to predict that India is poised for a leap in production.
While the stimulus measures will take some time to play out, one factor that could have an immediate impact on the economy
is a bountiful monsoon. The IMDs forecast that there is a 64 per cent probability of the South West monsoon bringing in above-
normal or excess rain is indeed good news after two consecutive seasons of drought-like conditions. Erratic growth in agriculture
has been the wild card in Indias GDP estimates in recent years. In 2015-16, industry and services were estimated to grow at
7.3 and 9.2 per cent, respectively, while agriculture played spoilsport at 1.1 per cent. Though the farm economy contributes just
17 per cent of Indias GDP, the last two years have provided ample proof that rural distress has a disproportionate impact on
consumption. Given that the sector employs nearly half the workforce, everyone from toilet soap manufacturers to light
commercial vehicle makers looks at rural spends to shore up bottomlines. Policymakers may not like it, but at this juncture it
appears Indias economic prospects are still dependent on the benevolence of the rain gods.
Definitive changes in policy do not happen suddenly one day; often they happen over weeks and months, and sometimes
years. The three-day visit of U.S. Defence Secretary Ashton Carter, which concluded on Tuesday, appears to fit into a new
security paradigm that is unfurling under the Narendra Modi government. By agreeing to sign the Logistics Exchange
Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), India has sent out a clear signal that it has no inhibitions about being bound in strategic
engagements with the U.S. Once concluded, the agreement would give American aircraft and warships access to Indian military
bases for logistical purposes, including refuelling and repair. In turn, Indias military will enjoy similar access to U.S. bases. This
would qualitatively transform Indias relations with the U.S. The logistics agreement had been first proposed officially in June
2004, but the UPA government remained wary of seeing it through. The then Defence Minister, A.K. Antony, in particular was
concerned that it was too intrusive and could also be perceived as a signal that India was jettisoning its policy of non-alignment.
Indeed, for all the atmospherics of the American visit this week, it appears that the NDA government shares some of the UPAs
reticence, especially on India-U.S. issues that have multilateral implications or that could impact Indias relations with other
countries. Significantly, the logistics agreement, one of three foundational agreements the U.S. has been insisting on, was not
signed in the course of Mr. Carters visit, as the Americans had expected. This gives New Delhi time to tackle the ongoing
While the joint statement refers to ensuring freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar
has been careful to avoid the U.S.s repeated references to joint patrols. Even the agreement on sharing data on commercial
shipping traffic that Mr. Carter had expected to conclude during his visit will be the subject of another round of talks. The pause
is wise. New Delhi must take a considered view of the repercussions that such a strategic alliance may have for Indias relations
with other countries. Moreover, the U.S. administration will change in the year ahead, and it would be wise to wait for the next.
Significantly, Indias concerns about continued American military funding and defence transfers to Pakistan still remain
unaddressed. Meanwhile, Mr. Parrikar and Mr. Carter have agreed to expand collaboration under the Defence Technology and
Trade Initiative, infuse greater complexity in their military engagements and maritime exercises, commence discussions on
submarine safety and anti-submarine warfare, and initiate a bilateral maritime security dialogue that would include diplomats
and the defence establishments. A firm handshake with the U.S. is welcome, but it need not be an embrace, just yet.
1. Firm - Steady.
2. Embrace - Accept.
3. Definitive - Most reliable or complete.
APRIL 18/2016
At a closed-door meeting with BJP office-bearers recently, Prime Minister Narendra Modi made a case for holding elections
to Parliament, State legislatures and local bodies simultaneously. Last week, a group of ministers initiated a discussion
with Election Commission officials on the proposal. Certainly the proposal is far from new, having been made earlier by top BJP
leaders. L.K. Advani has advocated it on occasion, and the BJPs manifestos for the 2009 and 2014 general elections promised
to evolve a method of holding Assembly and Lok Sabha elections simultaneously. The reasons cited are to check election
expenditure and to impart stability to State governments. As a general idea, simultaneity can hardly be faulted as it would check
election expenditure, free the Central government from a populism that is forced on it by a constantly ticking election cycle, and
end the repeated pause on decision-making because of the model code of conduct. It is a necessary debate that the Prime
Minister has begun. But it must be evaluated with a clear focus on the problems it seeks to solve, as well as its practicability.
Yes, the early years of the Republic saw simultaneous elections to national and State legislatures. That this link was firmly
broken by the early 1970s provides an inkling of the difficulties in mandating it for Indias Westminster-inspired parliamentary
democracy. For instance, how do fixed-term legislatures square up with other constitutional and democratic processes, such as
the requirement that the government command the confidence of the Lower House? This operates at many levels. In the event
of a government losing its majority and no other party being able to mop up the numbers, it would be untenable to hold off
elections for too long. In addition, fixed terms would militate against the freedom that a government has to go back to the people
option of returning to the people for a refreshed mandate would be self-defeating. In fixed-term legislatures, as in the U.S., there
is a clear separation between the legislature and the head of government. Such a system is far removed from that envisaged
by the founders of our Constitution, who settled for a Cabinet system of government that comprises a constitutional head and
the exercise of power through a Council of Ministers headed by the Prime Minister. The solution to excessive campaign
expenditure and a much too focussed eye on the electoral cycle is better found in persuading political leaderships to develop
self-discipline and to explain to the people the need for unpopular, but necessary, decisions. The sporadic advocacy of
simultaneous elections by the BJP is informed by self-interest as well. An overlapping campaign would rejig the federal terms
in its favour by allowing it to project its prime ministerial candidate against regional parties chief ministerial aspirants.
In a much-needed measure to keep the consumption of chewing tobacco under check, the Delhi government has extended
by a year the ban on the sale, purchase and storage of all forms of chewable tobacco scented, flavoured and mixed sold
in forms such as gutka, pan masala, khaini and zarda. The extension of the ban has come after the previous notification expired
recently. In 2012, a few States, beginning with Madhya Pradesh, Kerala, Bihar, Maharashtra and Rajasthan, banned gutka just
months after the notification of the Food Safety and Standards (Prohibition and Restriction on Sales) Regulations, 2011 came
into effect. The FSS Act clearly states that tobacco and nicotine shall not be used as ingredients in any food products. By the
end of 2012, all of 14 States had banned gutka, and in 2013, following the Supreme Courts direction, gutka was banned in all
the States. Besides gutka, 11 States including Delhi have over a period of time banned flavoured chewing tobacco, and three
States Maharashtra, Bihar and Himachal Pradesh have banned flavoured areca nut too. There is a strong case for all
States to ban pan masala as manufacturers have effectively sidestepped the FSS Act by selling chewing tobacco and pan
masala in separate sachets. Also, the rampant surrogate advertisement of pan masala products has made a mockery of the
ban on gutka. The biggest blow for tobacco control in India, which has banned the advertisement of all tobacco products, came
through the amendment of the Cable Television Networks Amendment Rules 2009; in contravention of the World Health
Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, the amended Rules allow for the use of the brand name or logo of
The International Agency for Research on Cancer, functioning under the WHO, had stated in a 2008 monograph that areca nut
is carcinogenic to humans (Group I). In India, areca nut is the second most consumed carcinogen after tobacco. Also, many
of the flavouring agents used in pan masala, a cunning mix of natural products and chemicals, are dangerous substances. So
what is preventing the Central government from extending the scope of the amended FSS Act to include areca nut and thereby
ban the sale of pan masala in India? After all, the number of smokeless tobacco users in India is alarmingly high at 206 million,
as estimated in an August 2012 paper in The Lancet. Unlike in the case of smokers where less than 10 per cent of cigarette-
users are women and a little over the same percentage consumed bidis about 50 per cent of consumers of smokeless
tobacco are women, according to the 2009-2010 Global Adult Tobacco Survey. The number of oral cancer deaths caused by
chewing tobacco is alarmingly high. According to the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, about 100,000 new oral cancer
cases are diagnosed every year and nearly 50 per cent of these lead to death within one year of diagnosis. Its time the
APRIL 19/2016
The suspension of Vijay Mallyas diplomatic passport by the Ministry of External Affairs, within a week of his failing for the
third time to heed an Enforcement Directorate summons to appear in connection with a money laundering probe, is a prompt
and appropriate step. The Directorate had repeatedly sought his personal presence and, in the face of non-compliance, wrote
to the MEA seeking revocation of the passport. The Ministry, which has given the liquor baron a weeks notice to explain
why the official travel document should not be revoked or impounded, should increase the pressure on him to return to India
and face the law of the land. As a sitting member of the Rajya Sabha he is due to retire on June 30 and as someone who
portrays himself as the victim of a campaign of calumny and asserts that he has neither the intention nor any reason to
abscond, it is appropriate that he submit himself to due process. At its last hearing, the Supreme Court had given him time until
him, Mr. Mallya still has to discharge his liabilities, which the banks that have lent to his companies have quantified at about
Rs.9,000 crore. He also has to answer the Central Bureau of Investigations charge that the Rs.900-crore loan Kingfisher
Airlines had taken from IDBI Bank involves money-laundering; it is in this connection that an open-dated, non-bailable warrant
Mr. Mallyas elbow room is shrinking, and he must know that he is not merely battling the legal consequences of corporate loans
gone bad. He is also battling a widespread perception that the loans went bad because of his profligate ways, poor management
and possible malfeasance. His flamboyant lifestyle has been central to contributing to a negative public perception; if anything,
his sudden exit from the country has only added weight to such a view. He has challenged the determination by banks that he
is a wilful defaulter by arguing that he is personally not a borrower, and only gave a personal guarantee for corporate loans. Any
credibility that one could attach to his defence will have to flow from his own conduct and submission to due process in this
country, something that the Supreme Court has underscored by asking him for a possible date for his appearance and an
authentic statement of his assets. The Central government must not ease the pressure on him, and must take recourse to all
diplomatic and legal means to achieve the objective of bringing him back. It cannot afford to lend the impression that it allowed
Mr. Mallya leave India at a crucial stage in the legal proceedings for recovery of the money due from him and is not doing
If it is hard to agree on strategies that are critical for global growth, then at least avoid the ones that could hurt progress. This
seems like a reasonable reading of the deliberations at the Spring Meetings of the World Bank and the International Monetary
Fund last week. Clearly, the earlier impatience to see a return to the robust rates of growth that preceded the 2008 meltdown is
gradually giving way to a more sober acceptance of a modest medium-term recovery. Chinas slowest rise in GDP since early
2009, low global commodity prices, and the uncertainty over Britains continued membership of the European Union,
together seem to contribute to a more cautious stance. Scepticism over excessive reliance on monetary tools, especially in the
backdrop of the prolonged low interest rates in the eurozone, is not unfamiliar in these forums. But U.S. Treasury Secretary
Jacob Lew was in line with the majority when he spoke uneasily about the pursuit of negative nominal interest rates, currently
being adopted by six central banks and 25 per cent of the world economy. The explicit opposition to negative rates could partly
be explained by the exceptional and experimental nature of this particular measure rates of zero per cent and below have
been a rarity until very recently. Proponents see negative rates as a means to induce consumers to spend more and banks to
lend more, with the potential to spur growth and raise inflation expectations.
The implications of low or negative returns for individual savings, however, could be mixed. Customers would either have to
save more to meet long-term targets or hold cash to avoid its adverse effects, assuming that banks brave themselves to pass
on the burden. The negative rates policy has thus come under considerable attack both in Germany and Japan, despite the
macroeconomic objectives they were designed to realise. A more serious objection, in view of the sizeable ageing populations
in these societies, is the impact on the viability of pensions, life insurance and savings vehicles. German Finance Minister
Wolfgang Schuble has gone so far as to blame the rise of populist anti-EU parties for the European Central Banks negative
rate cuts by Japan. Curiously, within two months of the hike in the U.S. in the rate of lending last December, the chair of the
Federal Reserve did not rule out a plunge into negative territory. While emphasising the potential to create additional stimulus
in the economy and maintain price stability, the IMF is tentative about how long governments may persist with negative rates.
Meeting in Shanghai earlier this year, the Group of 20 countries agreed to refrain from a competitive devaluation of currencies.
It may not be long before negative rates policies, which in effect weaken currencies, are pushed up the agenda for concerted
action.
APRIL 20/2016
Across India, States are marching towards total prohibition. Kerala has embarked on a 10-year path to total prohibition, by
first limiting the sale of hard liquor to five-star bars and restaurants and gradually reducing the number of sale points. Bihar
initiated a two-step plan, with a ban on country liquor effective from April 1, followed just days later with a prohibition on the
sale of Indian Made Foreign Liquor, bureaucratese for everything other than country brew. Indeed, in a sign of the moral panic
that grips political parties at the mention of prohibition, the Bihar Assemblys successful adoption of the Bill banning country
liquor was accompanied by a unanimous resolution by MLAs that they would not consume alcohol. Now a similar
competitiveness is playing out in the Tamil Nadu Assembly election campaign. The ruling AIADMK has countered the DMKs
pledge to turn the State dry by affirming a graded shift. This is not the first time India has grappled with the social consequences
of alcohol consumption, such as alcoholism, indebtedness and domestic violence. For example, vestiges of prohibition-era
practices survive in States such as Maharashtra, though the law tends to realistically look the other way; Gujarat of course
continues to remain dry. In recent decades, States such as Haryana and undivided Andhra Pradesh adopted a prohibitory
regime, but abandoned it soon after. Whether the current spate of prohibition legislation will sustain is unclear. But once again,
the populist solution of prohibition is being offered without attendant focus on the social problems that it seeks to address.
The creep of the nanny state to guard citizens from their worst selves, or at least their lack of self-discipline, is worrying. It is
perhaps the overhang of the Gandhian spirit of the Directive Principles of State Policy in the Constitution that inhibits politicians
and civil society from shedding hypocrisy and initiating public advocacy of moderation. However, there is a pragmatic case
against prohibition as well. Banning the sale and consumption of alcohol has, in this countrys experience, not been an effective
check against its use. It has only criminalised the activity, with disastrous consequences for individual health, the economy and
administration these include bootlegging, liquor mafias, spurious liquor, and a complicit police. It also deprives States of an
important source of revenue. For instance, in Tamil Nadu nearly Rs.30,000 crore, or over a quarter of its revenue in 2015-
from 2006 onwards to splurge on social sector schemes, especially the trademark programmes to supply free rice to nearly all
ration card holders, distribute consumer goods and maintain its pioneering nutritious noon meal scheme for all children in
government and aided schools and anganwadis. Certainly, alternative sources of revenue must be found if prohibition can
virtuously, magically transform society. That case has, however, not been made, in argument or by experience.
o Populism - political ideas and activities that are intended to get the support of
ordinary people by giving them what they want
o Prohibition - the act of officially not allowing something
o Embarked - to begin an action
o Gradually - slowly over a long period of time
o Initiated - to cause something to begin
o Brew - to make beer
o Panic - sudden uncontrollable fear or anxiety
o Grips - have a strong or serious effect on something
o Unanimous - fully in agreement
o Resolution - an official decision that is made
o Countered - to react to something with an opposing opinion or action
o Pledge - a serious or formal promise
o Affirming - to publicly show your support for an opinion or idea
o Grappled - to fight (especially in order to win something)
o Consequence - a result or effect
o Indebtedness - owing money to someone
o Domestic violence - the situation in which someone you live with (husband / wife
/ father) attacks you and tries to hurt you
o Vestige - a small part or amount of something larger
o Regime - a system or ordered way of doing things
o Abandoned - left
o Spate - a larger number of events than usual, especially unpleasant ones,
happening at about the same time
o Sustain - to cause or allow something to continue for a period of time
o Creep - to move slowly, quietly, and carefully in order to avoid being noticed
o Nanny state - a government that tries to give too much advice or make too many
laws about how people should live their lives, especially about eating, smoking, or
drinking alcohol
o Overhang - to have a negative effect on a situation
o Inhibits - prevents
o Shedding - getting rid of something / leaving
WWW.GR8AMBITIONZ.COM COMPILED BY MANISH
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Brazils Lower House of Congress has decided to start impeachment proceedings against President Dilma
Rousseff, inflicting another blow to her and her embattled left-wing party. Ms. Rousseffs popularity has eroded fast over the
last year with a deepening economic crisis and a spreading corruption scandal, in which several of her Workers Party (PT)
leaders have been implicated. Some of her recent moves to ride out the crisis, such as appointing former President Luiz Inacio
Lula da Silva as her Chief of Staff, backfired in the face of legal, congressional and political opposition. Even crucial allies in
Parliament such as the centrist Brazilian Democratic Movement Party deserted her, providing her rivals the required number of
votes in the Lower House to send the impeachment motion to the Senate. It is not yet clear whether her rivals will secure a
majority in the Senate to impeach the President. But Brazil appears set to become even more deeply politically polarised given
the resolve to press ahead with the impeachment process against a backdrop of daily street demonstrations by those for and
Few would have imagined that Ms. Rousseff would be engulfed in such a crisis when she was re-elected two years ago,
extending the PTs rule to a fourth consecutive term. Though her margin of victory was not large, it was still comfortable. But
ever since her re-election, Brazils economy has been on a downward slide, with global commodity prices falling. Ms. Rousseff
could do little as the economy slowed down, then stalled and finally slid into the worst recession since the 1930s. Her immediate
response was to slash public spending to rein in the deficit, which alienated the core support base of the PT, the working
population. Undercut by economic troubles, Ms. Rousseff became an easy target for the opposition, which sniffed an opportunity
corruption is a cover for a larger power struggle. The President has not been implicated in any corruption case. The impeachment
motion is based on allegations that during her 2014 campaign she manipulated government books to hide the real numbers
relating to Brazils deficit. Ironically, many of her rivals, including House Speaker Eduardo Cunha, the leader of the impeachment
campaign, face serious corruption charges. Yes, it is true that Ms. Rousseff could have managed the crisis better. Her
ineffectiveness in addressing the countrys vital problems and failure to take allies along are cases in point. However, the
oppositions bid to oust an elected President based on unproven charges of fudging accounts exposes a more Machiavellian
game plan. If the impeachment goes through, it would set an unhealthy precedent for a country with a history of coups.
Union Labour Minister Bandaru Dattatreya has backed off from enforcing new rules to restrict employees from emptying
their provident fund accounts before they turn 58 years old. This is the second time in just over a month that the government
has backtracked on a major policy shift concerning retirement savings in PF accounts. Another U-turn may be called for once
the implications of new rules issued by the Finance Ministry to forfeit unclaimed deposits in small savings schemes sink in.
Earlier, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley withdrew two paragraphs of his Budget with a provision to tax three-fifths of employee
PF accumulations at the time of retirement. That rollback came within a week, in the face of a widespread political backlash.
The rules restricting EPF withdrawals were notified nearly 10 weeks before they were rolled back. Though there were some
murmurs of discontent and many rushed to withdraw PF balances from previous jobs, it was only when violent protests rocked
Bengaluru that the Centre changed tack. It first tried to buy peace with a three-month deferral and relaxations to allow
employees access to their entire EPF balance for the marriage of children, the purchase of a house, enrolment in an educational
course, and switch to a government job. Less than 24 hours later, the rules were simply scrapped. Most of the protesters in
Bengaluru are employed in the textile sector, where India is fast ceding ground to Vietnam and Bangladesh; jobs are vulnerable
and workers cannot take it for granted that they will be employed under the same conditions till the age of 58.
The violence may be seen as an act of desperation, and the Centres rationale ensuring people dont fritter away their PF
savings during their working life is good in theory. But it does not take into account the fact that people often withdraw EPF
balances when they change jobs, simply because transfers are not handled smoothly at the PF office. Moreover, the labour
market has undergone a paradigm shift; it is now characterised by greater job mobility, contractualisation and weaker security
of tenure. A similar we know whats best for the people strand of thinking was evident in the Budget proposal to tax EPF
savings. The Finance Ministry claimed it was meant to nudge people into buying an annuity with their retirement corpuses rather
than blow them away. The quick rollbacks in the face of protests create an impression that the government hadnt done its
homework in these cases. Had it persisted, more people may have preferred informal jobs (without mandatory payroll deductions
like EPF), thus defeating the larger objective of creating quality formal sector jobs, that account for just 10 per cent of the
workforce. Micromanaging retirement choices for the privileged few is a waste of time. Redoubling efforts at providing genuine
social security for the other 90 per cent of the workforce is a far better idea.
The Empire State has smiled upon its own. In Tuesdays primary elections, New York yielded rich bounties to Democrat and
former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and also to Republican property billionaire Donald Trump. Both were already
delegates each had garnered. In sweeping New York, both candidates have consolidated their leads over their nearest rivals
and set themselves up for victory in the July conventions in Philadelphia and Cleveland, respectively. Ms. Clinton, who has led
by a sizeable margin over her only Democratic rival, self-described socialist and Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, sprinted to
the finish line in the state that she represented in the U.S. Senate for eight years from January 2001. Of the 247 delegates
available for the taking, she scooped up 135 and won 57.9 per cent of the vote. Mr. Sanders managed to win 104 delegates
after getting 42.1 per cent of the vote, but he now faces an increasingly uphill road to the nomination with 19 states still to hold
their primaries or caucuses, and 1,692 delegates remaining. To seal his nomination Mr. Sanders would have to win 71 per cent
of these outstanding delegates, a prospect that is not necessarily impossible given his seven straight victories prior to New York.
However, to achieve that he would need a major national-level popularity surge that could offset Ms. Clintons overwhelming
lead with super delegates, or unpledged party heavyweights who can cast a vote in favour of any candidate of their choosing
at the convention.
The broader lesson is simple: ensure that you are the darling of the party mainstream and you will go much farther in the
delegate count than if you are a maverick with an ideological plinth that challenges the rugged individualism and unbridled
excesses of Wall Street capitalism that so many in America instinctively veer towards. The battle for the Grand Old Partys
nomination is the perfect mirror image of the Democratic experience. The maverick in this case is frontrunner Mr. Trump, the
plain-speaking casino owner who has made disparaging remarks that have offended a variety of minorities including
Muslims, Mexicans, women, and the differently-abled. After his resounding victory in New York, Mr. Trump holds at least 845
delegates against his nearest rival Senator Ted Cruzs 559. However, the GOPs deep disenchantment with Mr. Trumps
campaign, not to mention the prediction by nationwide polls that he would fare less well against Ms. Clinton than Mr. Cruz would,
implies that a contested convention could be on the cards. This will happen if Mr. Trump fails to snatch 1,237 delegates, the
minimum necessary to secure the nomination. In effect, a potentially chaotic nomination process could engender a political crisis
that would pit the GOP leadership not only against Mr. Trump, but also against the millions who voted for him this year.
APRIL 22/2016
The provocation for violence is often very different from the underlying cause. After days of unrest in Jammu and Kashmirs
Handwara town, in which five civilians died, it now emerges that the trigger for all the moral outrage and protests the report
of a molestation bid on a young woman by a soldier may not have had any basis in fact. She submitted before the Chief
Judicial Magistrate, Handwara, that she was assaulted by a local youth, and not by any of the Army personnel stationed in
Handwara. The facts of what actually happened are still contested, but the manner in which the rumour of the involvement of
The dismantling of four Army bunkers at the town square was thus a necessary, and welcome, response to bring the situation
under control and to restore normalcy in the area. The larger reason for the protests was precisely that: the high level of
resentment in the town against the obtrusive presence of the Army. Reports, factual or rumoured, of the assault on the young
woman provided a spark to draw attention to what is locally perceived as the larger problem: the repressive force of the Army
against civilians. The deaths of young people in subsequent protests further aggravated the local populations anxiety about
failing to keep young men and women out of harms way. The dispiriting takeaway is that if it had not been the assault on the
The response from the locals, including government servants, holds out a lesson for the Centre. It is that such incidents will
tend to recur as long as a deeper political engagement eludes Kashmir. However much the Centre may defend the deployment
of the Army citing strategic reasons, it remains an inescapable fact that its obtrusive presence adds to the political alienation of
the people as well as sporadic human rights violations and harm to civilians caught in the crossfire. In fact, Handwara is one of
the areas relatively free of militancy, one that witnesses good turnouts in elections. That the Army demolished four bunkers
instead of asking for reinforcements in Handwara following the violence is partly on account of this reading of the situation.
Street protests, and violence against the armed forces on some emotive issue or the other, have unfortunately become a part
of everyday life in Kashmir. Given the persisting militant activity in the Valley, reducing the Army presence in any substantive
manner is not an immediate possibility. But steps such as reducing the Army deployment in densely populated areas, and
ensuring accountability for the actions of the security forces, should help keep the fragile peace in the Valley.
o Excuse - a reason that you give to explain why you did something wrong
o Provocation - action or speech that makes someone angry
o Underlying - used to describe something on which something else is based
o Unrest - a state of dissatisfaction / disturbance
o Emerges - to appear by coming out of something or out from behind something
o Trigger - an event or situation, etc. that causes something bad to start
o Outrage - an extremely strong reaction of anger
o Protest - an action expressing disapproval of or objection to something
o Molestation - to touch or attack someone in a sexual way
o Stationed - to assign to a specified place for a particular purpose, especially a
military one
o Contested - to participate in a competition to get something
o Distrust - the feeling of not trusting someone or something
o Dismantling - to get rid of something, usually over a period of time
o Normalcy - the condition of being normal
o Precisely - exactly
o Resentment - to feel angry because you have been forced to accept someone or
something that you do not like
o Factual - using or consisting of facts
o Assault - to make a physical attack
o Spark - a first small event or problem that causes a much worse situation to develop
o Perceived - become aware or conscious of (something)
o Repressive - to control what people do, especially by using force
o Subsequent - following (coming after something)
o Protest - an action expressing disapproval of or objection to something
The Delhi governments decision to ban surge pricing by taxi service aggregators, which follows a similar ban imposed
by Karnataka, is misguided. In Delhis case, the surge pricing ban has flowed from the imposition of the odd-even licence
plate rule, which has increased the demand for taxis. The odd-even scheme may be a welcome intervention to reduce traffic
congestion in the Union Territory, but the decision to clamp down on surge pricing by aggregators such as Uber and Ola, which
is set to continue even after Phase Two of the odd-even scheme ends on April 30, is counterproductive. As expected, after the
ban, the number of taxis plying on Delhis roads has dropped. Arbitrary interventions in the demand-supply market are pointless
in the absence of alternative solutions. If Uber and Ola are charging their customers unscrupulous sums, the only long-term
solution for the Delhi government is to provide its residents with cheaper and better public transport. The rapid growth and
popularity of taxis managed by aggregators across India is a testimony to the fact that public transport and transit facilities
remain hopelessly inadequate. Surge pricing, essentially an algorithm-based mechanism that determines fares based on supply
and demand, exists in slightly dissimilar forms in other areas, including that of transport. Airlines have the flexibility to raise fares
depending on demand, subject to a cap. And the Railways sets aside some seats for those willing to pay more, based on the
knowledge that demand generally outdoes supply when it comes to train tickets.
In general, aggregators have helped customers with more taxi options and reduced prices. There is evidence to suggest that
drivers of taxis and autorickshaws who ply under an aggregators brand earn more on an average than they would otherwise.
There has also been substantial competition from domestic players in the aggregator market, allaying fears about monopoly
operations by multinational players. Some regulations of course are both necessary and welcome. For instance, guidelines have
been released by the Ministry of Road Transport to ensure that taxi commutes are safe and that aggregators cannot be owners
of fleets unless registered as operators. Aggregators are part of the new economy; they use modern technology to disrupt the
have been central to their popularity. Obtrusive regulation of these new players would work against the interests of both the
commuter and the driver. Instead, governments can do more in the medium term to enhance options in terms of better modes
of public transport, greater frequency of bus and metro services during rush hour and perhaps even adoption by mass transport
of applications using similar algorithms to allow passengers to plan their commute better. Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal
has invested significant political capital in the odd-even scheme. Tilting at windmills will not help. A more useful intervention
would have been to enhance public awareness about how these algorithms work in commuters favour, and at the most cap
APRIL 23/2016
The Uttarakhand High Courts verdict declaring the imposition of Presidents Rule in the State as unconstitutional was
expected, but the quick stay on its operation granted by the Supreme Court means that Harish Rawat is once again a former
was a drastic measure that no court could have unequivocally endorsed. The High Court after all was only applying the law laid
down in the Bommai case in 1994, which made it clear that the only place to ascertain the majority of a government was the
floor of the House. In assessing the merits of the Centres case for the imposition of Presidents Rule, the High Court had to
examine three main contentions. These were the unusual passage of the Appropriation Bill through a voice vote rather than
a division (following which the Bill was not sent for approval to the Governor), the summary disqualification of nine dissident
ruling party legislators, and a sting video that allegedly caught Mr. Rawat offering inducements to win back the support of
dissidents. Serious though these issues are, the Uttarakhand High Court concluded, and perhaps with some justification, that
they did not add up to a breakdown of the constitutional machinery in the State.
While it is impossible to predict what the Supreme Court will make of the High Courts judgment the full details of which are
not yet available the controversy in Uttarakhand is symptomatic of the kind of problem that requires a judicial fix going
beyond the rules laid down by the Bommai judgment. Seminal though it was, the Bommai case was essentially about imposing
a restraint of gubernatorial discretion nay, even machination. By the 1980s, Raj Bhavans had become a stage for headcounts
and horse-trading; some incumbents resorted to questionable means to prevent legitimate attempts to cobble up a majority.
The judgment did put an end, or at least considerably mitigate, this kind of problem. However, those relating to the application
of Article 356 today are somewhat more complex. Chief Ministers cling on to posts even after dissidents have clearly reduced
their governments to a minority, and partisan Speakers manipulate floor tests by a selective application of the anti-defection
law. (The BJP is no stranger to this cynical and self-serving game; in 2010, Chief Minister B.S. Yeddyurappa won the floor test
in Karnataka after 16 legislators were summarily disqualified.) If earlier the problem was that of partisan Governors, the issues
that need to be addressed in todays political context are that of partisan Speakers and vitiated floor tests. Bommai placed
severe limitations, and very rightly in our federal set-up, on the Centres discretion to dismiss politically inconvenient
governments. While keeping the handcuffs that this judgment had introduced in place, what we need are some fetters to keep
the ruling party and their friendly Speakers from making a mockery of floor tests.
o Verdict - an opinion or decision made after judging the facts that are given
(Judgement)
o Unconstitutional - not allowed by the constitution (= set of rules for government)
of a country or organization
o Dismissal - a decision that someone or something is not important / rejection
o Unequivocally - totally or expressed in a clear and certain way
o Endorsed - to make a public statement of your approval or support for something
or someone
o Ascertain - make sure of something
o Merits - advantages
o Contention - the disagreement that results from opposing arguments
o Dissident - a person who opposes official policy
o Legislator - a person who makes laws
o Sting - carefully planned
o Inducement - bribe
o Perhaps - used to express uncertainty or possibility
o Breakdown - a failure of a system
o Controversy - a lot of disagreement or argument about something, usually because
it affects or is important to many people
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When U.S. President Barack Obama arrived in Riyadh on Wednesday to attend a regional summit of Gulf leaders, he was
welcomed by the local governor, not by King Salman Bin Abd al-Aziz himself. Given that the monarch personally welcomed
other leaders who arrived for the summit, this is a strong indicator of the deep rift in the U.S.-Saudi alliance. The visit was
positioned as a major diplomatic outreach to the kingdom by Mr. Obama, perhaps his last as the President, to allay concerns
about Washingtons approach towards Iran and other contentious issues such as the civil war in Syria. But it turned out to be a
low-key affair with both sides holding on to their respective positions. This is not the first awkward moment in the over 70-year-
old U.S.-Saudi alliance. On the face of it, relations are riddled with contradictions. One is a democracy that has even embedded
human rights issues into foreign policy actions. The other is a closed society ruled by a conservative, authoritarian family. But
economic and strategic interests the U.S.s dependence on the Gulf for oil, the fight against Soviet communism and the war
on terror had helped both countries set aside these contradictions and build a strong partnership based on trust. Of late, with
the region witnessing massive changes, this partnership has come under enormous strain.
Relations turned sour when Washington refused to protect the regime of Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian dictator, when he was
threatened by mass protests. The mistrust deepened when President Obama declined to bomb Syria. It hit a new low when
the Iranian nuclear deal was signed. The Obama administration is against bombing Bashar al-Assads regime because it
thinks a collapse of the state in Syria would help the Islamic State. Likewise, it wants Iran to play a more responsible role in
regional politics, especially in stabilising Iraq and defeating the IS in Syria: both are vital for American interests in the region.
This marks a clear divergence of interests between the U.S. and its Sunni Gulf allies, who are worried about Irans growing
the U.S. is no longer dependent on the Gulf for oil, thanks to its domestic shale boom. Another is the realisation in Washington
that it needs Iran to stabilise the region. That doesnt mean it is going to abandon Riyadh or embrace Tehran. Both the U.S. and
Saudi Arabia still need each other. Despite tensions, U.S. defence sales to the kingdom and other Gulf countries have soared
in recent years. The U.S. is still committed to the security of its Gulf allies. On the other side, Washington and Tehran do not
even have full diplomatic relations. But the underlying message of Mr. Obamas policy changes is that it cant be business as
o Cracks - breaks in something, but it does not separate, but very thin lines appear
on its surface
o Alliance - a union or association formed for mutual benefit, especially between
countries or organizations
o Regional - related to a particular area of a country
o Summit - a meeting between heads of government
o Monarch - king, queen, or emperor
o Rift - a serious break in friendly relations
o Diplomatic - involving the management of the relationships between countries
o Outreach - reach further than something
o Allay - to relieve / reduce something
o Concerns - worries
o Contentious - controversial
o Awkward - causing difficulty / hard to do or deal with
o Riddled with something - if something is riddled with bad features, such as
mistakes, it is full of them
o Contradiction - a combination of words that is nonsense because some of the
words suggest the opposite of some of the others
o Embedded - attached
o Enormous - very large in size / quantity
o Turned sour - to be unsuccessful / to not develop in a satisfactory way
o Mistrust - lack of trust / suspicion
o Deepened - to become deeper
o Declined - politely refuse
o Regime - government
o Collapse - sudden fall down of something
o Likewise - in the same way / also
o Vital - extremely important
o Divergence - the situation in which two things become different
o Stature - importance or reputation gained by ability or achievement
o Shale - a type of soft, grey rock
o Boom - a period of sudden economic growth, especially one that results in a lot of
money being made
o Abandon - give up / leave completely
o Embrace - to hold something very closely
o Soared - increased in a rapid leve
o Ally - a country that has agreed officially to give help and support to another one
o Underlying - used to describe something on which something else is based
o Rebalance - to change the amount or level of one or more things in order to
improve a particular situation
Opposition to the death penalty is often rooted in arguments about its irreversibility, its essential cruelty, the possibility of error
and the false sense of justice in doing unto convicted murderers what they had done to their victims. In the Indian context,
politics surrounding the prisoners ethnic origin or linguistic affinity is often the basis for pleas for clemency. Rarely is a more
compelling reason invoked: the possibility of an offenders economic background, educational level, social status or religious
identity working against his interests in legal proceedings. A report released on Friday by the National Law University, Delhi, on
the working of the death penalty in India provides validation and proof for something that those familiar with administration of
justice knew all along: that most of those sentenced to death in the country are poor and uneducated; and many belong to
religious minorities. In addition, a revealing number is that as many as 241 out of 385 death row convicts were first-time
offenders. Some may have been juveniles when they committed capital offences, but lacked the documentation to prove their
age. Against the salutary principle that those too young and too old be spared the death sentence, 54 death row convicts whose
age was available were between 18 and 21 at the time of the offence, and seven had crossed 60 years of age. An average
prisoner awaiting execution is likely to be from a religious minority, a Dalit caste, a backward class, or from an economically
The late President, A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, had once said a study by his office into the background of convicts seeking mercy
showed a social and economic bias. He digressed from his prepared text during a public lecture to ask, Why are so many
poor people on death row? The link between socio-economic standing and access to competent legal counsel and effective
representation is quite strong. A question of concern that arises is whether these statistics indicate systemic bias or
institutionalised prejudice. It is not uncommon that legal grounds unavailable to the vulnerable are invoked in favour of the
influential. A recent instance is that of four prisoners from a political party who were sentenced to death for burning a bus during
a protest and killing three women students. The court, while commuting their sentence, invoked the doctrine of diminished
responsibility and reasoned that those gripped by mob frenzy were not fully cognisant of the situation around them. While
invoking any ground to commute a death sentence to life is welcome, the impression is inescapable that such relief often comes
at a very late stage and only to those with the means to pursue legal remedies till the very end. When a judicial system that is
seen as favouring the influential resorts to capital punishment, it will be vulnerable to the charge of socio-economic bias. Law
and society, therefore, will be better served if the death penalty itself is abolished. These statistics must reinforce the larger
moral argument against the state taking the life of a human being any human being as punishment.
The murders of liberals, bloggers, secularists and LGBT rights activists continue in Bangladesh. Over the past few weeks, a
Hindu tailor, a gay rights advocate, a social media activist and a Sufi leader have been killed by suspected Islamists. The exact
identity of the killers is widely contested. The Jamaat-e-Islami, the leading Islamist group, denies any link to the attacks while
many disagree with the breezy attempt to connect the Islamic State to the killings. Any which way you look at them, the murders
cannot be seen in isolation from the ongoing war crimes trials of those who collaborated with the Pakistan Army during the
Liberation War of 1971, causing countless deaths in the months leading up to the creation of Bangladesh. The attacks are but
indications of a battle being waged between two sets of ideas on the countrys past, present and future. The first set imagines
Bangladesh as a nation born of a struggle against the linguistic and cultural hegemony of what was then West Pakistan, and
founded on a commitment to liberal, secular and civic values. The second imagines the country not in civic terms but as yet
another outpost of political Islam. The activists have bravely taken positions on the front lines of this struggle against Islamists.
It is this stark contrast that has rendered the rights activists sworn enemies of the Islamists.
punishment for Jamaat-e-Islami leader Abdul Quader Molla and a ban on the organisation. To the ruling Awami Leagues credit,
the government set up the war crimes trials despite threats from the Islamists. It also sought thus to delegitimise groups such
as the Jamaat-e-Islami that had harboured war criminals and allied themselves with powerful political forces, including
successive military dictatorships and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, to stall the transition of Bangladesh into a progressive,
democratic nation state. But Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has tended to limit her governments role to prosecuting the trials.
The government has failed to bring the assassins of bloggers, rights activists and others to justice it perhaps fears a greater
blowback from the Islamists if it does so. As crucially, it is refusing to articulate the political narrative connecting the attacks to
the war crimes trials. This abdication exposes ordinary citizens as the first line of defence against extremism. Ms. Hasina will
be jeopardising Bangladeshs future as a democratic nation if her government does not rally on the side of the rights activists
against the Islamists. Already, groups such as the Islamic State seem to be emboldened by the actions of the Islamists and
have publicly sought to deepen their base in Bangladesh. The longer the government remains on the sidelines in this fight for
o Liberals - people who respect and allow many different types of beliefs or behaviour
o Secularists - people who believe that religion should not be involved with the
ordinary social and political activities of a country
o LGBT - Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender
o Contested - to oppose an action as mistaken or wrong
o Isolation - to separate something from other things
o Trial - a formal examination of evidence by a judge
o Hegemony - leadership or dominance
o Stark - complete
o Contrast - difference
o Rendered - to cause someone or something to be in a particular state
o Delegitimise - withdraw authority from
o Dictatorship - government by a dictator (a leader who has complete power in a
country and has not been elected by the people)
o To stall - to stop
o Assassin - a person who murders an important person for political or religious
reasons
o Blowback - the unexpected and negative results of a political action or situation
o Crucial - extremely important or necessary
o Articulate - able to express thoughts and feelings easily and clearly
o Abdication - failure to fulfil a responsibility or duty
o Extremism - the holding of extreme political or religious views
o Jeopardising - to put (someone or something) into a situation in which there is a
danger of loss, harm, or failure
o Rally - recover
o Emboldened - to get the courage or confidence to do something
MAY 10/2016
Once again, Nepal appears to be on the brink of leadership change. The past few days have seen frenetic activity, driven by
Maoist leader Prachandas desire to oust Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli just months after he took charge. While the attempt
has been stalled for the moment, it may be only a matter of time before the number-crunchers get to work to forge an alternative
coalition in the 601-member Parliament. There is a difference of only 24 seats between Mr. Olis Communist Party of Nepal
(UML) and the Nepali Congress. With their 83 seats, the Maoists can always tip the balance. Keeping the confidence of a
fragmented Parliament was always going to be a challenge for Mr. Oli. But he finds himself embattled so early in his tenure is
also the result of failing to deliver on three important promises. The first is that of a more equitable Constitution and polity, that
accommodates the sensitivities of Madhesis, Janjatis and other marginalised groups. The second is that of reversing the
estrangement with India. Yes, Mr. Oli has reached out to different groups, and invited the SLMM, or the Samyukta Loktantrik
Madhesi Morcha, back for talks after a three-month hiatus. The strain in ties with India has been prevented from worsening,
thanks to conciliatory statements from Deputy Prime Minister Kamal Thapa over the weekend. It is on the third, and possibly
most pressing, responsibility that Nepals government has failed its people entirely: speeding up reconstruction after last years
earthquake that killed nearly 9,000 people. NGOs estimate that only about one per cent of the 7,70,000 destroyed houses have
been properly reconstructed; millions are living in damaged, unsafe homes or in temporary shanties. At this rate, another winter
may well come and go without children returning to proper schools, and without hospitals acquiring the facilities to serve Nepals
most wanting. It is a mystery why Mr. Olis government has been so lethargic in drawing up a comprehensive plan to spend the
India too must share some responsibility for the political crisis in Nepal. For the past six months, New Delhi has raised the ante
with Kathmandu. New Delhi has criticised Nepals Constitution, banding with other countries at the UN Human Rights Council
as well as with the European Union to rebuke Nepals government. Behind the scenes, Foreign Ministry and PMO officials have
expressed their discomfort with Mr. Olis leadership and his overtures to China. In fact, it is widely believed in Kathmandu that
India played a role in the late Sushil Koiralas surprise election challenge to Mr. Oli last year and had a hand in Mr. Prachandas
gambit this month. The Nepali street is particularly conducive to rumours about Indian interference, even if much of this has no
basis in fact. Regardless, this is enough reason for New Delhi to quickly adopt a more open and more energetic outreach, one
that is aimed at nothing more than the overall progress of the Himalayan republic.
Expectedly, tobacco companies are resisting a new regulation that the mandatory pictorial warnings on cigarette packages be
made larger. The legal challenge to the new rule is likely to be finally settled in the weeks ahead, but till then, as per the Supreme
Courts directives, the larger warnings must be printed. For now, cartons will have up to 85 per cent of the packet devoted to
graphic messaging. Having lost the argument on the health effects of cigarette consumption, as well as passive smoking,
cigarette-makers are pleading that tobacco-growers will be adversely affected. Experience in other countries suggests that they
are fighting a losing battle. Australia has become something of a shining example for the rest of the world to follow in clamping
down on suggestive branding. In 2012, it pioneered a move to have cigarettes sold in logo-free plain cartons to deter smokers.
This month, the European Court of Justice backed a measure to cover two-thirds of a cigarette packet with health cautions in
the 28 member-states of the European Union. Earlier, the ECJ had prohibited the use of descriptive terms such as light and
mild to differentiate among cigarettes. This was in addition to the mandatory disclosure on cigarette packs of the ingredients.
The smoking habit is often picked up by suggestive nudges through advertising, peer pressure, and cultural signals that
associate smoking with hipness, attitude, stress-busting, and so on. Indeed, Canberras post-implementation report shows that
there has been a statistically significant drop in the prevalence of smoking since packages have gone logo-less.
In tandem with the latest restrictions on how cigarettes are packaged, the EU and the U.S. have clamped down on the sale of
electronic cigarettes. In the U.S., e-cigarettes cannot be sold to people under 18 years of age. This is the result of a growing
consensus that far from being a harm-free alternative as claimed by industry lobbies, e-cigarettes could sooner or later lure
consumers to take up the real thing. Curiously, it was when the new nicotine-based substitute began to make inroads that some
tobacco giants were more willing to acknowledge the toxic chemicals and carcinogens released while smoking. However, they
continue to pin their hopes on a challenge at the WTO, which they are fighting together with countries that have strong interests
in the tobacco crop. That ruling may still be some time away. But the public health campaign must continue apace with the
enforcement of extensive curbs on smoking in public spaces. This is an effective way to help break the smoking habit, besides
of course protecting bystanders from second-hand smoke. Countries such as India have enforced rules that warnings be affixed
advertising. Having temporarily won its battle in the Supreme Court on packaging, it is time New Delhi did more to discourage
smoking.
o Go up in smoke - to be wasted
o Resisting - to refuse to accept or be changed by something
o Pictorial - to express something using pictures / illustrated
o Directives - official or authoritative instructions
o Carton - a box made from thick cardboard / packet
o Passive - not directly involved
o Pleading - requesting
o Adversely - having a negative or harmful effect on something
o Fight a losing battle - to try hard to do something when there is no chance that
you will succeed
o Clamp down on something - to take strong action to stop or limit a harmful or
unwanted activity
o Pioneered - to develop or be the first to use or apply (a new method, area of
knowledge, or activity)
o Deter - to discourage (someone) from doing something
o Backed - give financial, material, or moral support to something
o Ingredient - part or element of something
o Nudge - small push
o Hipness - style
o Stress-busting - getting rid of stress
o Prevalence - existing very commonly or happening often
o Tandem - having two things arranged one in front of the other
o Consensus - a general agreement
o Lobby - to try to influence somebody that a particular thing should or should not
happen, or that a law should be changed
o Lure - tempt somebody to do something
o Inroads - direct and noticeable effects on something
o Toxic - poisonous
o Carcinogen - a substance that causes cancer
o Apace - quickly
o Extensive - covering or affecting a large area
o Curb - to control or limit something that is not wanted
o Bystander - a person who is present at an event or incident but does not take part
of it
o Enforced - compulsory
o Affixed - attached
o Surrogate - replacing someone else or used instead of something else
MAY 11/2016
According to a draft of the Geospatial Information Regulation Bill circulated for feedback, all information that can be represented
on geographical maps will have to be necessarily vetted by a special authority before being publicised. Of course, India has
always been wary of sharing map-making powers. The anxiety, post-1947, draws as much from the nature of the countrys
territorial disputes as from the security implications of a more laissez-faire map policy. Most of these anxieties are, of course,
overblown. This is why two aspects of the new legislation need to be separated and carefully considered before rushing the final
draft for Parliaments approval: the possibility of harassment for possession of widely prevalent cartographic imagery at odds
with the official boundary (think most foreign magazines), and the implications for a host of applications, commercial or in the
public interest, that need real-time updates. Any company, organisation or individual that disseminates maps contradicting
official versions could face up to seven years in prison and a fine of up to Rs. 100 crore. The proposed legislation envisages
appellate authorities and enforcement agencies a signal that issues of misrepresentation could be dealt with more strictly
The Survey of Indias two-dimensional, multi-coloured maps, of varying resolutions, have served to give us a static picture of
the world around us. But geospatial maps, which the government wants to oversee, reflect how our neighbourhoods are mutating
in real time. They allow us to capture the extent and nature of air pollutants around us, plot the unsustainable plundering of our
groundwater, gauge the spread of a new flu outbreak to confirm if official estimates of, say, a malaria outbreak are understated,
or that simply plot restaurant options in a neighbourhood. The provisions suggest that any modification to the maps or value
addition also need to be cleared. The time lag the proposed process would impose, as well as the possibility of updates being
rejected have worrying, disruptive implications. The draft Bill says that the government will vet geospatial information to preserve
the security, sovereignty and integrity of the country a broad objective that could be misused by the authorities to prevent
any inconvenient information from being tracked, besides creating an avenue for rent-seeking. This is ironic considering that
the Centre has a data-sharing policy in place since 2012 that exhorts departments to make their data on health statistics, forests,
weather, and so on, more accessible to the public and in machine-readable formats. That the government says it is open to
modifying the draft is reassuring. Much like telecom spectrum, geospatial imagery too is a resource that is only beginning to be
valued. It would be better mined to the profit of the public and the government with a transparent policy that values
My name is Sadiq Khan and Im the Mayor of London, he said after a bitterly fought election. Whether or not he meant it as
just a statement of fact, for voters of South Asian origin in the British capital the words would have carried a particularly affirming
resonance. In the end, Mr. Khan triumphed easily in the May 5 vote, giving his Labour Party much-needed cheer. The London
mayoral election has been a prestigious one since the directly elected office was created in 2000. It helped that Mr. Khans two,
and only, predecessors were larger-than-life figures who freely took on their party leaderships, giving the office a higher profile
Blair, still wildly popular at the time. Boris Johnson, consistently flamboyant and attention-seeking, now leaves the office to head
straight off on a bus tour to rally voters around the Leave option in the Brexit referendum on June 23. Prime Minister David
Cameron, of Mr. Johnsons Conservative Party, invokes the spectre of war and isolation if Britain does indeed exit the European
Union. But the prestige of the office derives in greater measure from the civic ambitions Mr. Livingstone and Mr. Johnson realised
Attracting investment and talent while ensuring urban inclusion is a growing challenge in big cities around the world and
London, with its global city dimensions, continues to project 21st century challenges and opportunities more engagingly than
any other. For example, Mr. Livingstone proved critics wrong by successfully implementing the congestion tax and using the
revenue to strengthen public transport, creating a template for urban planners. Mr. Johnson giddily got on a bicycle, withstanding
outrage from motorists for taking away space for cycles. During his campaign, Mr. Khan promised to freeze transport fares,
significantly increase the number of homes created in the city annually, and reserve half of these for Londoners. Zac Goldsmith,
his Conservative rival, was comparatively vague on specifics, and mounted what can be aptly described as a racist attack on
Mr. Khan by accusing him of engaging with Muslim extremists. This was an attempt to harness, if not create, Islamophobia.
That Londons diverse electorate rejected Mr. Goldsmiths polarising campaign lends a heartwarming sheen to the 2016 mayoral
election. After his election, Mr. Khan spoke of the need for big tent politics rather than politics that speaks almost exclusively
to the ideological base a message seen to be directed at his party chief, Jeremy Corbyn, too. That is why it is not only the
rise of the son of a bus driver and a seamstress of Pakistani origin that makes Mr. Khans election so fascinating from afar. It is
MAY 12/2016
Former Uttarakhand Chief Minister Harish Rawats victory in the floor test was a foregone conclusion after the Supreme Court
barred nine dissident Congress legislators from participating in the confidence vote. The votes of 27 remaining loyalists and a
six-member bloc have seen him through. The result, which has been confirmed by the Supreme Court, brings an end to the
Bharatiya Janata Partys political misadventure in exploiting the dissidence within the Congress and attempting to install a
government either run or backed by defectors. Ever since the government led by it hastily imposed Presidents Rule on the eve
of a floor test scheduled in March, it has been unable to convince the judiciary of the justification for doing so. Two legal principles
stood in the way of its plan: the bar on defection and the primacy of the floor test in determining a governments majority.
Whatever be the right of legislators to disagree with their leadership, it is limited by the rule against defection, as the law stands
at present. In Uttarakhand, of course, the situation was complicated by the fact that a clear majority in the State Assembly
made up of BJP and rebel Congress MLAs had pressed for a division of votes in writing in advance of the Appropriation Bill
being taken up. While there is no escaping the fact that Mr. Rawat had lost his majority in the House, one lesson from the
development is that one piece of impropriety (remaining in office by the use of the Speakers disqualification powers) does not
stalled).
As for Mr. Rawat, he will still have to face possible prosecution if the CBI decides to press ahead with its probe into a sting
operation that showed him offering bribes to some MLAs for their support. The legal challenge to his reinstatement is also by
no means over, with the Supreme Court still to take a view on whether the disqualification of the rebel Congress MLAs was
valid. At a larger level, the Uttarakhand crisis raises important questions that are relevant to the functioning of democracy: should
Chief Ministers who have lost their majority take recourse to the anti-defection law to stay in power? Is disqualifying inconvenient
MLAs an acceptable way of managing the majority of a government? On the flip side, should a few lawmakers, who constitute
a fraction of a partys strength in the legislature, be allowed to topple a regime at the behest of the opposition? While the floor
test rule to prove majority laid down by the Bommai judgment must remain, the time may have come to rethink the provisions
that give Speakers untrammelled power to adjudicate on the issue of defection, particularly when such rulings can have a direct
bearing on a trust vote. Bommai insured State governments to a large extent against the Centres machinations, as the BJP
has just rediscovered to its embarrassment. But the growing misuse of the anti-defection law by ruling parties across the political
spectrum suggests that Assemblies need some insurance against scheming State governments as well.
o Floor test - a test to prove majority (by head-count) on the floor of the Parliament
for a crucial decision
o Foregone conclusion - a result that is obvious to everyone even before it happens
o Dissident - a person who opposes official policy
o Legislator - a person who makes laws (a member of a legislative body)
o Loyalist - a person that strongly supports the government or ruler in power
o Bloc - group
o Misadventure - an unfortunate incident
o Exploiting - to use something in a way that helps you
o Dissidence - protest against official policy
o Backed by - supported by
o Defector - a person who leaves his own group to join an opposing one
o Hastily - hurriedly
o Defection - to leave a country / political party, etc., especially in order to join an
opposing one
o Primacy - the state of being the most important thing
o Rebel - a person who is opposed to the political system in their country and tries to
change it using force
o Impropriety - behaviour that is dishonest, socially unacceptable, or unsuitable for
a particular situation
o Toppling - remove (a government or person in authority) from power
o Probe - a thorough investigation into a crime or other mattee
o Sting operation - an operation implemented by undercover agents to catch
criminals while they are doing illegal things
o Reinstatement - the action of giving someone back a position they have lost
o Valid - legally or officially acceptable
o On the flip side - opposite side of something
o Topple - to (cause to) lose balance and fall down
o Regime - government
o Behest - a person's orders or command
More than three decades and several billions of dollars of lost revenue after India entered into a bilateral Double Taxation
Avoidance Agreement with Mauritius, the two countries have finally renegotiated the terms of their agreement. The signing, this
week, of the protocol for amending the treaty means that with effect from April 1, 2017, companies and investors resident in
Mauritius will have to pay capital gains tax on the sale of shares purchased, on or after that date, in a company based in India.
The amendment to the convention has been some time coming. In 2011, the UPA government had informed Parliament that a
joint working group was in place since 2006 to ensure adequate safeguards to prevent misuse of the DTAA and that work
was in progress to strengthen the agreement and improve the exchange of information on tax matters. However, nothing
concrete emerged. The present NDA government too, in its first full Budget, presented in 2015, acceded to opposition from
overseas investors and postponed the implementation of the General Anti-Avoidance Rules (GAAR) to 2017. It is against this
backdrop that the amendment to the DTAA with Mauritius comes as a very welcome development that could help plug a
significant loophole for tax avoidance. The practice of setting up companies in Mauritius merely to take advantage of the DTAA
and the prevailing low tax rates there will now be rendered pointless. There is to be a mandatory check of the main purpose and
bona fides of a business a firm based in Mauritius will be deemed to be a shell or conduit company if its total operational
expenses in that country are less than Rs.27 lakh. It will not be eligible for the 50 per cent reduction in tax rate on capital gains
to be applicable to investments made under the amended DTAA during a transitional two-year period between April 1, 2017 and
March 31, 2019. From April 1, 2019, all transactions attracting capital gains tax for investments made out of Mauritius will be
The DTAA amendment will also ensure Indias conformity to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development and
G20-led guidelines on combating base erosion and profit shifting. In 2015, the OECD had spelt out a series of measures
countries needed to take to curb abusive tax avoidance by multinational enterprises including steps to tighten double taxation
avoidance treaties. For a country keen to play a greater role in global decision-making, the move to seal a key route for the
round-tripping of capital generated out of tax-dodging enterprises will help boost both revenue and confidence in the rule of law
in India. It is beyond doubt that ensuring a level playing field for all international investors, irrespective of domicile, can only
MAY 13/2016
That scarcity of water and its poor quality plague many parts of India this year is widely acknowledged today. Yet it has taken
the Supreme Court to call out the reluctance of some States to declare a drought while simultaneously decrying the Centres
recourse to federalism as an excuse to avoid taking up the matter with these States. In the judgment, delivered on a writ
petition filed by the non-governmental organisation Swaraj Abhiyan, the Supreme Court concluded that Bihar and Haryana had
been remiss in not officially declaring a drought despite clear indications of water scarcity; also that Gujarat was late in its
declaration made in April 2016. The governments of Bihar and Haryana had argued that a declaration of drought was not
necessary as rainfall deficits had eased in many districts by July 2015. But the Supreme Court has pointed out that many districts
in these States have since progressively suffered rainfall deficits till as late as October 2015. The court also said that steps
taken by State governments for irrigation and foodgrain production, or the presence of perennial rivers (which the Bihar
government has submitted as a factor), alone cannot determine whether there is a drought-like situation or not. It has directed
the Centre to take proactive steps in drought mitigation as well as in assessment, planning and relief as mandated by the
Drought is attributed to rainfall deficit in several States, suggesting that meteorological and natural factors are primarily
responsible for the phenomenon. This, however, is an incomplete explanation. Water scarcity in both surface and ground
water is also the result of failure to regulate water extraction, storage, wastage and patterns of use. The excessive use of
deep borewells to extract groundwater has eroded the capacity of aquifers to replenish. Poor reservoir management has led to
silt accumulation, among other issues limiting water storage. Lack of water harvesting and over-irrigation owing to cropping
beyond mitigation and include steps to address this man-made scarcity. This cannot be done without a coordinated effort at all
levels of government. The Supreme Court has directed the Centre to constitute a National Disaster Response Force, establish
a National Disaster Mitigation Fund, formulate a National Plan on mitigation and crisis management, and standardise the
methodology for declaring a drought. If one sets aside the question of whether this is another case of judicial overreach, it is
difficult to deny that this is a truly landmark judgment. By laying down a broad framework for dealing with such situations and
firmly emphasising that the government cannot absolve itself from acting decisively, the manner in which we deal with drought
It is a coup by another name. With the suspension of President Dilma Rousseff from office on Thursday through a Senate
impeachment vote, the Brazilian opposition has secured a rare political victory. The impeachment, approved with a 55-22
majority, brings to an end 13 years of rule by the Workers Party (PT). It also puts Ms. Rousseffs political future in limbo as she
now has to weather the impeachment trial, which could last up to six months and will determine if she may or may not regain
the presidency. While the opposition politicians are understandably happy with the outcome, the impeachment is likely to deepen
Brazils political crisis at a time when the country needs a stable administration to cope with the enormous challenges it faces,
especially the current economic crisis, and chronic corruption. Certainly, Ms. Rousseff could have done more to lead her country
out of this situation. Her government was ill-prepared to cope with the challenges of the global drop in commodity prices, which
hit Brazils export-dependent economy particularly hard. Some of the measures she took, such as cutting public expenditure to
control deficit, were counter-productive as they drove the PTs traditional base, the working people, away from her. Besides,
she could do little to check the pervasive corruption within the PT. The question of course is whether such political failures
warrant an impeachment. Also, will the forcible removal of Ms. Rousseff help address any of the major problems Brazil faces
now?
Those who support the impeachment, politicians and others, say it is a fight against corruption and Ms. Rousseffs economic
ineptitude. This line of reasoning has at least two problems. First, she has not been implicated in any corruption case. Ironically,
Vice-President Michel Temer, who will now take over as acting President, has been named in a Petrobras bribery scandal.
According to surveys, only 2 per cent of Brazilians support him for President, while 60 per cent favour his impeachment. Even
the head of the Senate and the man who oversaw the impeachment vote, Renan Calheiros, is the subject of 11 criminal probes.
Second, it is not clear what kind of changes the incoming acting President can bring about to rescue Brazils economy from a
free fall and to stabilise its politics given that he faces corruption charges and has no popular mandate. Though Ms. Rousseff
is unpopular, the PT still commands respect among large sections of Brazils poor. If the PT continues its street protests against
the impeachment, which have at times turned violent, that would make it that much more difficult for Mr. Temer to establish
credible authority. The best, and the democratic, way out of this crisis would be to call fresh elections and let the people decide
who should be the next President. He or she could start afresh on the basis of a new mandate. Unfortunately, Brazils political
elite appear to be more interested in political manoeuvring than in addressing the real issues.
o Regime - government
o Coup - a sudden, violent, and illegal seizure of power from a government
o Senate - the smaller upper assembly in the US, US states, France, and other
countries
o Impeachment - to make a formal statement saying that a public official is guilty
of a serious offence in connection with their job
o Limbo - an uncertain situation that you cannot control and in which there is no
progress or improvement
o Weather - to deal successfully with a difficult situation or a problem
o Cope - to deal successfully with a difficult situation
o Enormous - very large in size
o Ill-prepared - not ready or prepared for something
MAY 14/2016
The Supreme Court verdict upholding the provisions of the Indian Penal Code that make defamation a criminal offence is
retrograde and out of tune with the times. Many countries, including neighbouring Sri Lanka, have decriminalised defamation,
which should be a civil offence alone. The court has unfortunately accepted the self-serving argument by the Centre that criminal
defamation does not have a chilling, inhibiting effect on the freedom of expression. In fact, there is enough anecdotal evidence
that its existence on the statute book leads to self-censorship, and that it is often used to stifle legitimate criticism. The court
has sought to create an artificial balance between the fundamental right of free speech under Article 19(1) (a) and the right to
reputation as part of ones right to life under Article 21. When an individual has the recourse to sue respondents in civil courts
for damages against loss of reputation, there is hardly any justification to keep the criminal option open. It is true that defamation
is one of the reasonable restrictions to free speech envisaged in the Constitution, but this is not enough to justify retaining its
criminal component. In the Indian context, criminal defamation is not generally a dispute between two individuals. It is invariably
a shield for public servants, political leaders, corporations and institutions against critical scrutiny as well as questions from the
media and citizens. The challenge to the validity of Section 499 and 500 of the IPC was undoubtedly the biggest free speech
issue to have arisen in recent times. The two-judge Bench could have referred the matter to a Constitution Bench.
If criminal defamation is really needed to protect reputations, it is befuddling how the right to reputation under Article 21 can be
extended to collectives such as the government, corporations and institutions, which presumably have the resources to set right
damage to their reputations. The origins of criminal defamation lie in the Court of the Star Chamber of King Henry VIII, where it
was used as a means of punishing disrespect towards authority. Some State governments seem to go by this principle while
filing defamation complaints against political rivals, media organisations and journalists. The outcome is often of little
significance, as it is the process that is the punishment. The court could have read down Section 199 of the Code of Criminal
Procedure that allows public prosecutors to step into the shoes of allegedly defamed public servants. It is patently unfair to allow
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the actual injury or loss of reputation suffered by them. The faith the court has reposed in the ability of prosecutors and lower
court judges to apply their mind before instituting cases or issuing summons is worrying. Given the presence of key political
figures among those who challenged the provisions, perhaps the last hope is that Parliament may be rallied to scrap it.
o Verdict - an opinion or decision made after judging the facts that are given
o Uphold - to say that a decision that has already been made (especially a legal one)
is correct
o Provision - a statement within an agreement or a law that a particular thing must
happen or be done
o Defamation - the action of damaging the good reputation of someone
o Offence - an illegal act / a crime
o Retrograde - returning to older and worse conditions, methods, ideas, etc
o Out of tune - not in agreement with someone or something
o Decriminalised - to stop something from being illegal
o Inhibiting - slowing down a process or the growth of something
o Anecdotal - not based on facts or careful study
o Statute - a written law passed by a legislative body
o Stifle - to prevent something from happening
o Legitimate - allowed by law
o Recourse - a source of help in a difficult situation
o Sue - to take legal action against a person or organization
o Hardly - only just / almost not
o Envisaged - to imagine or expect that something is a desirable possibility in the
future
o Context - the situation within which something exists or happens
o Dispute - a disagreement or argument
o Invariably - always
o Shield - protection
o Scrutiny - critical observation or examination
o Befuddling - confusing
o Collective - an organization or business that is owned and controlled by the people
who work in it
o Presumably - used to say what you think is the likely situation
o Rival - a person or thing competing with another for the same objective or for
superiority in the same field of activity
o Significance - the quality of being worthy of attention / importance
o Step into the shoes of somebody - to take someone's place
o Allegedly - used to say that something has happended (although there is no proof).
o Patently - clearly / without doubt
o Reposed - to keep something in a particular place
o Instituting - introducing / establishing
o Rallied - to come together in order to provide support
o Scrap - to not continue with a system or plan
moment for the sport in this country. Conversely, his re-election as the chairman of the International Cricket Council is a fillip to
the games apex body. In his recent stint at the ICC, Mr. Manohar helped curb the disproportionate powers and profit of the so-
called big three, India, Australia and England, an initiative that has been insufficiently lauded. And on his watch, the BCCI has
been able to recover a semblance of equilibrium after its credibility had been steadily eroded since 2013. Beginning with
controversies drawing from conflicts of interest in the Indian Premier League, the BCCI had come under a gathering cloud. The
boards functioning eventually came to be scrutinised by the Supreme Court, which has made some extraordinary interventions.
In fact, recommendations on a clean-up by the court-appointed Lodha panel are still being heard in the Supreme Court. It is not
clear whether Mr. Manohar chose to leave the BCCI on account of his inability to adequately tide over the Lodha storm or
whether he simply saw it as a prerequisite for election as the ICCs first independent chairman. Till now he had been serving in
the ICC post as the BCCIs nominee. New rules, in the framing of which he played a role, stipulate that nominees not be attached
to any board.
Now that he has been elected as chairman of the ICC on Thursday, Mr. Manohars fresh stint will be closely watched. Freed
from his moorings at the BCCI, will he bring some coherence to the administration of international cricket, particularly to its
calendar? Post-IPL, international cricket is being played basically to the dictates of the games most profitable territories read
India, Australia and England. Will he, for instance, revive the Future Tours Programme that gave all ICC full members assurance
of matches with each other? Will he check the BCCIs arbitrariness in forcing its agenda on other boards? Meanwhile, back at
the BCCI, different lobbies are at work to swing the numbers to their own advantage. Whoever steps into Mr. Manohars shoes
will first have to contend with the Lodha panels wide-ranging recommendations. These include an age cap of 70 years for office-
bearers, a representative of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India to oversee financial transactions, withdrawal of full
membership to the Cricket Club of India and Railways (among others), induction of the northeastern States, and the removal of
BCCI office-bearers from the IPL Governing Council. Mr. Manohar worked towards implementing some of the suggestions but
much more needs to be done. If the Supreme Courts unerring gaze is focussed on the BCCI, it only has itself to blame. The
top item on the next board presidents agenda has to be to avert a slide back to the BCCIs bad old ways and reverse the
MAY 16/2016
An emerging third player in a polarised political field can effect unpredictable changes to the electoral outcome. The Bharatiya
Janata Party will not end the dominance of the two alliance formations in Kerala, the Congress-led United Democratic
Front and the CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front, but may be set to alter the political scene in the State in new ways.
Traditionally, BJP sympathisers, drawn from the considerable cadre base of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, have voted
against the Left, seeing the Congress as the lesser, god-fearing evil. However, with the BJP now scaling up to a significant
presence in Kerala, a section of Hindu votes may shift towards it and away from the Congress. At the same time, such
calculations may be upset if the BJP, now in a seat-sharing arrangement with a party that purports to represent the States large
Ezhava population, traditional supporters of the Left, makes electoral inroads into this upwardly mobile backward class
community. Keralas polarised politics hides a deeply fragmented polity held together by coalitions and power-sharing. Smaller
parties have earned their place in one or the other front on account of their proven ability to tilt the scales for the Congress and
the Communist Party of India (Marxist) in specific constituencies. The UDF-LDF polarisation was thus achieved on the basis of
accommodative politics, and not through marginalisation of the smaller players. Over the years, casteist and religious groups
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right-wing politics and its anti-Congressism, is a different political force it cannot, and maybe will not, allow itself to be
assimilated in either of the two fronts. Kerala might thus be witnessing a slow political churning, one that could unsettle the two
major fronts with long-term consequences. While parties seeking to represent the Muslim and Christian communities, the Indian
Union Muslim League and the factions of the Kerala Congress, may not cohabit with the BJP, its future may lie in replicating the
success it had in wooing the Ezhava-backed BJDS, and attracting the support of other caste-based outfits.
The LDF seems to have overcome, if only on the surface, the factional rivalry in the CPI(M) between former Chief Minister V.S.
Achuthanandan and former State secretary of the party Pinarayi Vijayan. The UDF is mired incorruption scandals and the
anti-incumbency factor hangs heavy on Chief Minister Oommen Chandy. The bar bribery scandal, involving Kerala
Congress (Mani) leader and former Finance Minister K.M. Mani has also exacerbated divisions within the UDF. This is an
important election for the Congress, which is looking for an Assembly election victory it can call its own after the Lok Sabha
debacle of 2014, and for the Left, which desperately needs to return to power in Kerala after losing its stranglehold on West
Bengal. In a State where a small vote swing can determine the result, much will depend on how BJP supporters vote: they will
determine whether this election will alter the revolving-door pattern that has seen one Front yielding to another every five years.
During his election campaign, Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines was often compared to Donald Trump. Like the Republican
Partys presumptive candidate, Mr. Duterte ran a divisive, anti-establishment campaign built around a strongman image. His
contempt for law, threats to shut down Congress and pledge to send the army and the police to kill criminals had all revived
memories of Ferdinand Marcoss brutal dictatorship, brought to an end by a revolution in 1986. Mr. Dutertes victory in the
presidential elections by a clear margin, has thrown the future of the Philippines into uncertainty. The countrys political elite are
partly responsible for the triumph of his brand of politics. Though outgoing President Benigno Aquino is hailed as a champion
of economic reforms, the high growth barely trickled down to the poor. Despite the economy clocking an average annual growth
rate of 6.3 per cent between 2010 and 2015, the percentage of Filipinos living below the national poverty line in 2015 stood at
26.3, almost the same as in 2009. Infrastructure is poor and corruption is persistent. The revolution that brought the Marcos era
to an end has, over the years, ossified into oligarchic rule, with a few political dynasties pulling the strings. Mr. Duterte, known
for his crackdown on crime in Davao as the citys Mayor, presented himself as an alternative to the oligarchs in Manila. His
The race to the presidency from the office of a city Mayor was indeed tough. But ruling a country of 100 million people that faces
enormous challenges is going to be harder. Mr. Duterte lacks experience in national politics and support among the legislators.
If he turns dictatorial, as Marcos did, he risks a mass rebellion. Those who voted him to power could easily turn against him. If
Mr. Duterte is serious about implementing reforms to spread growth beyond Manila, he will require the help of the very legislators
he antagonised during the campaign. He should tread cautiously because the established parties that control Congress can
make his job more difficult. Two of Mr. Aquinos immediate predecessors faced impeachment charges one had to resign and
the other was jailed after her term was over. Geopolitically, Mr. Dutertes election comes at a crucial moment. The Philippines
and China are in a stand-off over claims in the South China Sea. Mr. Dutertes brash comments on other countries, including
regional allies, seem to point to a lack of diplomatic equanimity needed to grapple with complex geopolitical issues. These
challenges and weaknesses dont guarantee his failure as President. But he would do better if he toned down the rhetoric,
adopted a more conciliatory approach in order to buy peace with political rivals, and pursued an inclusive, growth-centric
approach.
MAY 17/2016
Chinas announcement that it intends to oppose Indias membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group unless it agrees to
sign the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) comes just a month ahead of the NSGs annual plenary session. For the past year, India
had made admission to the 48-member NSG a focus of its international outreach, though membership has been a goal since
the India-U.S. civil nuclear agreement was signed in 2008. Several major countries including the U.S., Russia, Germany,
the U.K. and Australia have openly backed the bid, despite the fact that India is not a signatory to the NPT, widely considered
to be a key criterion for NSG membership. In 2015,India reached out to many other NSG members, including those such as
Ireland and Sweden that are members of the pro-disarmament group, the New Agenda Coalition, and have traditionally been
opposed to its admission. The visit to New Delhi of NSG Chairperson Rafael Grossi in October 2015, when he spoke of
taking the request forward, was seen to be a positive sign in this effort. Thus the disappointment after the signal from Beijing
friend Pakistan not be disadvantaged in the process. While this ignores Pakistans well-known proliferation record, it also points
to failure on the part of Indian diplomats tasked with convincing China that admitting India to the NSG is the logical thing to do.
However, this is not the end of the road for Indias NSG ambitions. Indeed, it is a signal that more persuasive diplomacy is
needed to bring around naysayers such as China from blocking New Delhis bid, much as was done to bring China on board to
get India the NSG waiver in 2008. For this, the government must begin an internal debate to appraise its own position on the
NSG membership, and to figure out how far it is willing to go to secure it. It will, first, have to reckon with the possibility that NSG
members could object to an India-specific ruling, and that other non-NPT countries, including Pakistan and Israel, may also
benefit from any flexibility that is shown in Indias case. Second, there is a possibility that India could receive a second class
membership, and not be considered a nuclear weapons state by the NSG. The third, and most important, point is that
membership of the NSG, a body set up specifically in response to Indias nuclear test in 1974, will eventually require India to
curtail its nuclear weapons programme. U.S. President Barack Obamas comments, made after the Nuclear Security Summit,
that the nuclear arsenals of India and Pakistan are taking them in the wrong direction, underscore this. If India aims to be part
of the elite NSG club, it must have a realistic idea of what the fee for full membership is, added to the diplomatic outreach
required to win support from China. A full and transparent cost-benefit analysis is crucial.
After topping the list of cities with the most polluted air, Delhis ranking has improved in the latest air quality
assessment published by the World Health Organization. Indias car-dominated national capital is no longer in the top ten cities
choked by particulate matter. The top spot is now taken by Zabol, a city in Iran crippled by a vast disappeared wetland, dust
storms, deforestation and desertification. The WHOs upgrading of Delhi may appear a positive, but it is cold comfort to India
because the problem of small particulate matter (PM) measuring 10 and 2.5 micrometres is still deep-rooted, and its health
impact has been under official scrutiny only in recent years. Also, while Delhi has come to the 11th place for fine particulate
matter pollution, many other cities in north India with a history of poor air quality are still high on the WHO list. This is unsurprising,
as scientific studies point to distinct causative factors and atmospheric conditions in this part of the country that lead to very
poor air quality. It is becoming clearer, for instance, that there is a higher risk of premature death from respiratory and cardiac
conditions in several districts of Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Bihar, where living conditions are already difficult, and there is
a large population suffering long-term exposure to PM and PM from a variety of sources, including household cooking. It is
strongly quantified through research that air pollution increases the risk of death from chronic obstructive pulmonary disease,
heart problems, lung cancer and other chronic ailments. This should prompt the Centre, which frames environmental law, to act
speedily.
It has been known for long that the States along the Indo-Gangetic basin register higher levels of particulate matter pollution
due to specific factors. Haryana, Punjab, Delhi and western Uttar Pradesh contribute a large part of the air pollution suffered by
populations in the east too. A policy of mitigation should therefore aim to reduce the burning of solid cooking fuels and agricultural
biomass, which takes place in the post-monsoon and winter seasons. This requires a coordinated approach involving the Centre
and the States, and enlightened welfare policies relating to improved cooking stoves, solar stoves and cooking gas, low-cost
heating facilities and affordable shelter. These measures would contribute to a reduction in the general burden of disease, and
reduce the number of premature deaths linked to pollution. In fact, one government-funded study by IIT Delhi suggests that if
India could meet its target for PM levels of 40 micrograms per cubic metre which is not at all ambitious since the national
average is about 37.3 over 44,000 premature deaths could be prevented annually. It is important to curb the use of automotive
fossil fuels, and promote public transport and non-motorised alternatives such as cycling and electric vehicles. Urbanisation
also needs to become green, with eco-sensitive administrations providing paved surfaces, wetlands, parks and trees.
MAY 18/2016
West Asia lies in tatters. Parts of the border between Iraq and Syria have been virtually erased by the Islamic State. Syria itself
is divided among multiple groups. Iraqs government has no control over at least a fourth of its territory. Iraqi Kurdistan, an
autonomous region, has demanded freedom from Baghdad. The Syrian Kurdistan region is being run by the Kurds themselves
for the first time in several decades. The regional map is fractured in many more ways. What triggered this crisis? Part of the
blame lies with a century-old agreement between Britain and France that is viewed as the source of the modern map of West
Asia. When the British and French signed the Sykes-Picot pact a century ago on May 16, 1916 to divide the huge land
mass of the Ottoman Empire between themselves, their primary concern was to retain their colonial interests. In the process,
the map prepared by diplomats Mark Sykes and Franois Georges-Picot ignored local identities, leaving several ethnic and
social contradictions unaddressed. Even when actual boundaries were identified after the First World War, the focus was on
colonial and regional interests, not on the political preferences of the people. Against this background, it may not be a
coincidence that over the years the most powerful political ideologies that emerged from the region directly or indirectly
challenged the Sykes-Picot system. Both Nasserism and Baathism sought to transcend the territorial nationalist boundaries.
Egypt and Syria even went ahead to declare a United Arab Republic, an experiment that collapsed after the 1961 coup in
Damascus. And now, even Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the leader of the IS, calls for an end to the Sykes-Picot conspiracy.
more now than the actual Sykes-Picot map is the legacy of the agreement: foreign interventions. From the colonial carve-up to
the Iraq war or the fight against the IS, foreign involvement in the region continues, and often exacerbates the crises rather than
solving them. Equally problematic has been the failure of West Asias leaders to live up to the challenges of their respective
states. Over the years, they resisted reform and ran largely oppressive systems rooted in social conservatism and patronage.
They showed no interest in tackling the problems the Sykes-Picot pact failed to address, such as the Kurdish question. Their
authoritarianism simply sharpened the social contradictions in their states, while intra-regional rivalries made peace elusive.
The rise of the IS is a result of these external and internal problems. If the Iraq war unleashed sectarian and jihadist demons,
they found a battlefield in Syria where President Bashar al-Assads dictatorship triggered a civil war, which was in turn worsened
by his regional rivals. Both the interventionists from abroad and the warring dictators at home should rethink their approaches.
A long election season is finally coming to a close. Polling for elections to the legislative assemblies in West
Bengal, Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and Puducherry began on April 4, and concluded on May 16. A cluster of elections in
States as far apart geographically as Kerala and Assam and as varied in the ideological choices before the voters as West
Bengal and Tamil Nadu is bound to change the political landscape of the country. In the hiatus between polling and the
counting on May 19, one message of the people of India already rings loud and clear: they have kept their date with the ballot
at the voting booth. The voter turnout in some of the States that went to the polls this year is as high as 84.7 per cent, as in
Assam, where it is nearly 9 percentage points more than it was in 2011. Similarly, based on provisional estimates from the
Election Commission, Keralas turnout increased by 2.1 points to 77.4 per cent. Tamil Nadu, Puducherry and West Bengal may
have suffered drops of 4.03, 2.1 and 1.9 percentage points respectively, but the registered turnouts of 74.3 per cent, 84.1 per
cent and 82.8 per cent are quite high. This trend of rising participation in the democratic process is in tune with the pattern seen
over the last decade or so. Certainly, voter interest has been enhanced because of the relative ease in polling brought about
and other steps taken by the EC. These include an increase in the number of polling stations, the use of voter identification
cards and photo electoral rolls, and a computerised system that allows for easier verification of residence. The ECs outreach
through various public officials and well-known personalities as part of its voter awareness programme has given voting a do-
good aura. And the Commissions regular updates of electoral rolls have taken off the list the names of people who have moved
Indian democracy occupies a unique position among parliamentary democracies, not only in terms of the scale of electioneering
and overall participation but also the social inclusion that voting day witnesses. The enhanced participation of the poor and
marginalised sections in the voting process in India is in contrast to that seen in many developed countries, such as the U.S.,
where gerrymandering and lack of documentation in effect disenfranchise them. Indeed, Indian voters speak of feeling special
on polling day. Waves of electoral reform and the ECs continued initiatives have simplified the voter registration process. But
this special feeling draws from more than the administrative processes at the voting booth, for that polling day, every Indian
when the Constitutions promise of equality is tangible, however transiently. It is a reminder of the compact the state has with
citizens, with those who have reposed faith in the system and in the leaders they elect.
MAY 19/2016
The Election Commission may believe it has done enough by postponing voting in two Assembly constituencies in Tamil Nadu
where there were allegations of rampant voter bribery and distribution of cash and gifts over the last month, and ordering an
inquiry. But given the situation on the ground, coupled with the ECs own grim portrayal of the widespread electoral malpractice,
deferring the election in Aravakurichi and Thanjavur by a week is a grossly inadequate response. For one, there is enough
in the long run if recovery of cash is not followed up with the implementation of strategies to stamp out this perversion.
In Aravakurichi, the EC seized Rs.4.77 crore from a person linked to the AIADMK and its Ministers. It seized Rs.1.98 crore
from the DMK candidate and his son. It found evidence that ambulances were used for cash runs to distribution points. Details
of ward-wise distribution, possibly of up to Rs.6 crore, have been found in Thanjavur. A well-oiled cash distribution system was
undoubtedly in place. Some cases have been registered, but the candidates remain untouched. Hence the widespread
scepticism about the ECs claim that with the seven-day postponement the vitiating effect of the money and gifts distributed
The term money power is used to describe the financial clout of some candidates backed by superior resources. In Indias
electoral history, there have been any number of allegations of attempts to influence voters. However, Tamil Nadu is acquiring
a reputation for its well-oiled cash economy of electioneering, with every vote seen to be on auction. This dynamic, in part,
explains why Assembly elections in the State are becoming so lacklustre, with the essential democratic outreach through
manifestos and programmes replaced by competing rosters of freebies and, behind the scenes, the promise of payment for
votes. By-elections held a decade ago heralded the beginning of large-scale bribing of voters, and there are suggestions that
few, if any, constituencies are wholly free of cash enticements. Indeed, candidates tremble at the prospect of meeting voters
empty-handed. The EC has used its enormous powers effectively to end most malpractices across the country. It has worked
successfully to increase turnouts and opened up access to polling booths to all sections. However, it has clearly failed to contain
money power, especially in Tamil Nadu. That is only to be expected. The EC cannot wage this battle alone efforts to curb
the flow of cash in election campaigns need to be embedded in a wider cleaning up of the account books of political parties.
Campaign finance remains anachronistically opaque, and the distortions include not just money power at election time, but
also corruption in administration and in, say, the use of local area development funds. The only cause for cheer in this grim
scenario is that voters do not necessarily vote for the highest bidder.
Even before India announced Prime Minister Narendra Modis visit to Iran, it was certain that the Centre was keen on
taking ties with this extended neighbour to a higher level. The removal of sanctions on Iran following the nuclear deal has
ended its isolation, and enabled its return to the economic and diplomatic mainstream. Over the last few months, Iran hosted
several high-profile visitors, including Chinese President Xi Jinping and Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi. Three senior
Ministers of the Modi government, including External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, have travelled to Tehran in the past
few months to step up engagement, revive some stalled joint projects as well as set the stage for the prime ministerial visit. Mr.
Modis trip on May 22-23 is expected to bridge the trust deficit in bilateral cooperation and boost energy and trade ties while
expediting Indias connectivity plans. Strong ties with Iran are vital for India. The key factor is energy. Till sanctions were imposed
on Iran, it was Indias second largest source of crude oil after Saudi Arabia. Once the Chabahar port in Iran is developed, it
will offer India alternative access to landlocked Afghanistan, bypassing Pakistan. Both Iran and India share the goal of a stable
government in Kabul free of the Talibans influence. Globally, New Delhi and Tehran are on the same page in their opposition
International Atomic Energy Agency over its clandestine nuclear programme and, under pressure from the U.S., slashed oil
imports from the country by up to 40 per cent during the period. New Delhi had also backed off from a pipeline project that aimed
to bring natural gas from Iran to India through Pakistan. But with sanctions removed and foreign countries and companies
rushing back to Tehran to seize business and economic deals, it is important for India to reboot relations. Iran also seems keen
on pursuing stronger ties with India. The Iranian government had invited Mr. Modi some months ago and expressed interest in
expediting stalled projects. Mr. Modis visit assumes greater significance in the larger context of his own policy of enhanced
engagement with West Asia. The Iran visit comes after his trips to the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia and ahead of
visits to Qatar and Israel. The government appears to be trying to reach out to the three poles of the region. While it will pursue
good ties with the Sunni Gulf for energy supplies, Iran would act as a gateway to Central Asia besides enhancing Indias energy
security. Israel remains one of Indias top defence and technology suppliers. The success of this policy depends on New Delhis
capacity to do the balancing act. The Iran visit is an opportunity to restore equilibrium in Indias foreign policy, which, of late,
MAY 20/2016
only party with a realistic chance of being part of a winning coalition in all the five elections, won only one, the least important
politically, the Union Territory of Puducherry. In Assam, it ceded ground to its principal rival at the national level, the Bharatiya
Janata Party, for the first time. In Kerala, where it headed a coalition government as the leading member of the United
Democratic Front, it lost heavily to the Left Democratic Front led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist). In West
Bengal, the partys incongruous alliance with the Left Front failed to enthuse voters, who saw it as devious and opportunistic.
And in Tamil Nadu, the revival of the alliance with the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam yielded little dividend for the Congress.
The BJP, however, can take heart from its victory in Assam, where it managed to stitch together an alliance with regional parties,
the Asom Gana Parishad and the Bodoland Peoples Front. In West Bengal and Tamil Nadu, the two big States in which it is a
minor player, the BJP will not be displeased with the success of the Trinamool Congress over the Left-Congress alliance and of
the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam over the DMK-Congress alliance. Both victors have better relations with the
BJP than with the Congress. In Kerala, the BJP made its debut by winning its first seat, signalling that it could emerge as a third
force in the medium to long term. So, in a head-to-head with the Congress, the BJP is the clear winner in this round of Assembly
elections.
In Tamil Nadu, the AIADMK led by Ms. Jayalalithaa did well to overcome anti-incumbency. Not since her political mentor
M.G. Ramachandran won in 1984 has any Chief Minister retained power, winning a comfortable majority despite the close
contest. After decades of alliance politics, Tamil Nadu seems to be moving towards a polarisation between the two major
Dravidian parties. The third front, led by the party of actor-turned politician Vijayakant, the Desiya Murpokku Dravida
Kazhagam, failed to win a seat. Indeed, it was supplanted as the third force by the Pattali Makkal Katchi, which polled almost
as many votes as the six-party DMDK-led front. The DMKs allies fared worse than it did, raising the question whether it gave
away too many seats in trying to win new friends. Although the alliance with the Congress seems to have worked in the deep
south, where the national party retains a support base, in many other places the DMK appeared to have only made things easier
for the AIADMK by handing over the seats to its allies. Two things seemed to have settled the election in the AIADMKs favour.
First, the anti-incumbency sentiment, if it existed at all, was not as strong as many observers believed it was. Second, the
existence of a multi-cornered contest served to blunt anti-incumbency even further. Her biggest challenge is how to manage
her revenue-sapping promise of introducing a phased prohibition without scaling down her populist policies. Also, she will have
to contend with a much stronger Opposition than before, with the DMK alliance having won over 40 per cent of the seats in the
Assembly.
In Kerala, the LDF, having returned with a comfortable majority, will now have to choose between its two chief ministerial
aspirants, former Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan and former State secretary Pinarayi Vijayan. Mr. Achuthanandan is the
popular face of the CPI(M), but Mr. Vijayan is the organisation man, commanding greater support within the party. Whoever is
chosen will be tasked with improving governance in this politically conscious State of unforgiving voters. The Left, and the
CPI(M) particularly, would have been devastated with a loss in Kerala, given how poorly the party fared in West Bengal. Kerala
ranks high on most human development indices; what it has failed to do over the years is to leverage this effectively to attract
In West Bengal, the Trinamool Congress appears to have perfected the art, learnt from the Left Front, of managing elections.
Its leader, Ms. Banerjee, has a knack for identifying popular issues and aggressively mobilising support around them. Quite
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strength of the Left and the Congress. The CPI(M) will rue the decision to ally with the Congress, despite serious
reservations within a section of the national leadership. The alliance clearly helped the Congress more than the Left, which
astonishingly ended up with fewer seats than its junior partner. The Lefts continually sliding electoral performance in West
Bengal raises questions about how it can reinvent itself in a State it ruled for three decades. Quick-fix alliances are not the
solution; if anything, it lies in winning back the support of the peasantry and the labour class, which it has lost in part to the
Trinamool. In Assam, the BJP-AGP-BPF alliance was able to convince people of the importance of putting up a joint fight
against their long-time rival, the Congress. By registering its first victory in an Assembly election in the Northeast, the BJP
will hope to use this as a launchpad for further consolidation in the region. All in all, it is the Congress, having lost control of two
States, which has reason to be most disheartened by the results; the victory in Puducherry in alliance with the DMK is small
consolation. The question about how it can reverse the slide after 2014 will only become sharper now. As for the BJP, its boasts
of having emerged a truly national player are vastly exaggerated. While it has repeatedly demonstrated it is better placed in
direct face-offs against a diminishing Congress, there are parts of India where its presence is either marginal or very slight. This
is relevant for a party looking to retain power in 2019. It is difficult, if not well-nigh impossible, to repeat its stunning 2014 sweep
of the Hindi heartland; the seats the BJP will lose here will need to be compensated in States where its base is weak. It made
no headway in Tamil Nadu. And while its performance in West Bengal and Kerala was much better, it needs to do a lot more
before it can be regarded as a serious player in these States and a truly pan-Indian presence as the Congress once was.
Nothing is more difficult than to turn the tide of history. That All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam general
secretary Jayalalithaa won the support of the voters of Tamil Nadu for a second consecutive term as Chief Minister, defying
the historical weight of six previous Assembly elections, which had voted out the incumbent, is truly remarkable. That she
achieved this without any significant allies more out of choice than force of circumstance is quite extraordinary. Ms.
Jayalalithaa adopted a high-risk strategy that relied as much on opposition disunity as on the strength of her own party. There
was a mild swing of votes away from the AIADMK; and the main Opposition, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, gained from the
collapse of the third front led by the Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam. But, in the end, Ms. Jayalalithaa was the clear
winner, leading her party to success in 134 seats, 16 more than an absolute majority in the 234-member Assembly. What
separated the AIADMK from the DMK-led front was only 1.1 per cent of the total votes, but this was enough for a party with a
more or less uniform support base across the State. Not even her political mentor M.G. Ramachandran, the charismatic founder
of the AIADMK, who won three elections in a row beginning 1977, had dared to contest all the seats without entering into seat
adjustments with other parties. In doing so, Ms. Jayalalithaa revealed herself as a shrewd strategist, building on her political
experiment in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, in which the AIADMK fought all the 39 seats and lost just two. The victory has
dispelled any remaining doubts that the AIADMK is the single largest force in the State in a situation where the rival DMK is
unable to stitch together a viable alliance, it can expect to triumph. This election was also a much-needed reminder to political
parties that people do not vote as a Pavlovian response; anti-incumbency was mitigated this time by a shrewd mix of populism
and social welfare programmes, something that a clutch of political pundits and opinion polls failed to detect.
Although the AIADMK has been voted in with a reduced majority, and the Assembly will have a strong Opposition, Tamil Nadu
seems to have given Ms. Jayalalithaa the mandate to continue with her social welfare programmes initiated over the last five
years. The AIADMK leader had expanded welfare measures by opening canteens with subsidised food, and selling everything
from salt, bottled water, and medicines to maternity kits and cement at subsidised rates. During the next five years, the tasks
before her are greater and possibly even more challenging. They include expanding the achievements on the education and
health fronts, improving Tamil Nadus infrastructure to attract more investment, and ensuring that its manufacturing sector is not
o Against all odds - If you achieve something against all odds, you achieve it
although there were a lot of problems and you were not likely to succeed
o To turn the tide - to reverse the trend of events
o Consecutive - following each other continuously
o Term - the fixed period of time that something lasts for
o Defying - refuse to obey
o Incumbent - the person who has a particular official position
o Significant - important or noticeable
o Allies - supporters
o Adopted - choose to take up or follow (an idea, method, or an action)
o Strategy - a detailed plan for achieving success
o Relied - depended
The Red disaster has drawn the spotlight away from the Green splash in West Bengal, and recriminations in the Communist
Party of India (Marxist) are ringing louder than celebrations in the Trinamool Congress. The verdict has expectedly opened old,
unresolved debates in the CPI(M). The decision of the State unit of the party to forge a seat-sharing agreement with the
Congress was taken against the central leaderships firm reservations, and the air is already thick with both misgivings and
excuse-making. It is not clear if the party will take away from its West Bengal disaster lessons of theory, praxis or realpolitik
or none at all. But on a larger canvas, the election result suggests significant messages from the electorate. Indeed, these
messages could be projected nationwide. For one, the electorate has again rejected the politics of cynicism. Voters have
showed that they couldnt care for an alliance that is scared to even utter its own name. The Congress-CPI(M) seat-sharing
was referred to as jot in Bengali, but quibbles about its definition gave away the lack of conviction in the two parties for it to be
anything but an expedient measure, with no positive outreach. Left Front chairman Biman Bose would say in interviews that it
was not an alliance, simply seat-sharing. It is impossible to say after the event whether the Left-Congress combine would have
got more seats had they gone to voters with a common minimum agenda, and levelled with voters on the obvious contradiction
about facing each other down in the Kerala elections. But certainly, the Left would not have found itself floundering to give an
Trinamool Congress. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee went back to the people with a firmness of conviction. She owned the
record of her five years in office. Elections in India, especially at the State level, now pivot less on anti-incumbency. With the
increased focus on development and delivery of essential services over the last two decades, incumbency is not always a
disadvantage. Governments that defend their record, that do not get squeamish about taking on election-time charges flying
their way, are usually unbeatable. Ms. Banerjee won West Bengal in 2011 when the Left Front had its back to the wall. She has
retained it, now in 2016, by knitting together a welfare politics that not only borrows freely from the Lefts economic agenda, but
also customises outreach Rs.2 per kg rice, cycles for students, stipends for young women who continue their studies,
recruitment of special police constables from the Maoist belt of Jangalmahal, recreation facilities, and so on. This has left Ms.
Banerjees government struggling with a debt-GDP ratio of 35.5 per cent. But her opponents were not exactly cornering her on
that.
The Red disaster has drawn the spotlight away from the Green splash in West Bengal, and recriminations in the Communist
Party of India (Marxist) are ringing louder than celebrations in the Trinamool Congress. The verdict has expectedly opened old,
unresolved debates in the CPI(M). The decision of the State unit of the party to forge a seat-sharing agreement with the
Congress was taken against the central leaderships firm reservations, and the air is already thick with both misgivings and
excuse-making. It is not clear if the party will take away from its West Bengal disaster lessons of theory, praxis or realpolitik
or none at all. But on a larger canvas, the election result suggests significant messages from the electorate. Indeed, these
messages could be projected nationwide. For one, the electorate has again rejected the politics of cynicism. Voters have
showed that they couldnt care for an alliance that is scared to even utter its own name. The Congress-CPI(M) seat-sharing
was referred to as jot in Bengali, but quibbles about its definition gave away the lack of conviction in the two parties for it to be
anything but an expedient measure, with no positive outreach. Left Front chairman Biman Bose would say in interviews that it
was not an alliance, simply seat-sharing. It is impossible to say after the event whether the Left-Congress combine would have
got more seats had they gone to voters with a common minimum agenda, and levelled with voters on the obvious contradiction
about facing each other down in the Kerala elections. But certainly, the Left would not have found itself floundering to give an
The fact, however, is that the West Bengal elections were not lost by the Left Front and Congress. They were won by the
Trinamool Congress. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee went back to the people with a firmness of conviction. She owned the
record of her five years in office. Elections in India, especially at the State level, now pivot less on anti-incumbency. With the
increased focus on development and delivery of essential services over the last two decades, incumbency is not always a
disadvantage. Governments that defend their record, that do not get squeamish about taking on election-time charges flying
their way, are usually unbeatable. Ms. Banerjee won West Bengal in 2011 when the Left Front had its back to the wall. She has
retained it, now in 2016, by knitting together a welfare politics that not only borrows freely from the Lefts economic agenda, but
also customises outreach Rs.2 per kg rice, cycles for students, stipends for young women who continue their studies,
recruitment of special police constables from the Maoist belt of Jangalmahal, recreation facilities, and so on. This has left Ms.
Banerjees government struggling with a debt-GDP ratio of 35.5 per cent. But her opponents were not exactly cornering her on
that.
MAY 23/2016
The political drama that was expected after the LDF victory, as a result of the rivalry between the two stalwarts of the
Communist Party of India (Marxist), former Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan and former State secretaryPinarayi Vijayan,
did not materialise. The transition to power was a smooth affair with Mr. Vijayan chosen as the CPI(M)s legislature party leader
and Mr. Achuthanandan stepping aside graciously, albeit after some gentle persuasion from the national leadership of the party.
Mr. Achuthanandan was the face of the Left Democratic Fronts campaign, drawing massive crowds to his meetings as he took
on the Congress on issues such as poor governance and corruption. But old age and ill-health, as well as political exigencies,
necessitated the relinquishing of his claim on the chief ministership. It is Mr. Vijayan, the quintessential organisation strongman,
who enjoys the support in all tiers of the party. Having risen through the CPI(M) ranks in north Keralas Kannur district, a hotbed
of political violence between the Communist and Sangh Parivar cadres, he lacks the geniality and mass appeal of Mr.
Achuthanandan. But during his years as the State secretary, Mr. Vijayan was the backbone of the party, holding the organisation
together within a disciplinary framework that gave no scope for either internal dissent or external threats. Other than his public
spat with Mr. Achuthanandan, for which both were suspended from the Polit Bureau, Mr. Vijayan is not known for being out of
The LDF did not return to power on a wave of popularity. Its victory was facilitated, and in no small measure, by the ineptness
of the United Democratic Front, the surge in the vote share of the Bharatiya Janata Party, and its role as a keen watchdog during
its years in opposition. Given his age, Mr. Achuthanandan could not be as active as the leader of the opposition over the last
five years as he was in 2001-06. Given the rise of the BJP in Keralas politics, Mr. Vijayan, given his political acumen, may well
be the right person at the helm for the CPI(M). But clearly, it is his skills as an administrator that will be under test in the next
five years. In his earlier stint in government, as the Minister for Power and Cooperation in the E.K. Nayanar government for two
years from 1996, Mr. Vijayan faced corruption charges, but was subsequently cleared by a special court. Despite being a hard-
nosed communist, the new Chief Minister of Kerala is not averse to big ticket investment, something the State badly needs.
Indeed, in this he is more forward-looking than Mr. Achuthanandan, who is schooled and set in the old ways as an administrator.
Kerala needs a more dynamic Left-leaning government, one that harmoniously accommodates both industrial growth and social
welfare. Retaining power in Kerala is more easy than regaining it. Mr. Vijayan would do well to remember this as he readies to
o Strongman - a person who is very powerful and able to cause change (especially
of a political type)
o Rivalry - competition for the same objective or for superiority in the same field
o Stalwarts - loyal, reliable, and hard-working supporters
o Materialise - happen
o Transition - the process or a period of changing from one state or condition to
another
o Legislature - the group of people in a country or part of a country who have the
power to make and change laws
o Step aside - to leave an important job or position, especially to allow someone else
to take your place
o Graciously - pleasantly and politely
o Albeit - although
The Bharatiya Janata Partys conquest of Assam is momentous not only for its scale but also for the hopes that accompany
it. Its first electoral win in the State was comprehensive: 86 out of 126 seats in Assembly, and a combined vote share of 41.5
per cent for the BJP-led alliance, numbers that suggest the verdict was more than a mere expression of anti-incumbency against
15 uninterrupted years of Congress rule. The win has bred an air of expectation perhaps not seen since 1985, when the Asom
Gana Parishad, the BJPs junior ally this time, also reduced the Congress to the mid-20s in terms of seats, primarily on a plank
of safeguarding the rights of the States indigenous communities against illegal immigration from Bangladesh. It is indicative of
the slow pace of progress in the frontier State that the BJPs successful campaign, three decades on, was also mounted on a
promise to solve the foreigners issue, and usher in all-round development. Its two leading faces at the poll stump, chief
ministerial candidate Sarbananda Sonowal and campaign committee convener Himanta Biswa Sarma, have the requisite
credentials for this dual message. It was Mr. Sonowals dogged legal pursuit that resulted in the Supreme Court scrapping the
Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) Act in 2005, an Act specially legislated for Assam in 1983, and which was perceived
to be a hindrance in the actual detection and deportation of illegal residents. Mr. Sarma, 23 years a Congressman before
The BJP insists that Assam has voted for change, for prosperity, for peace, for good governance and that the secular identity
of the State would be preserved. Mr. Sonowal has also promised to seal the border with Bangladesh. The fact is, Assam
shares only 263 km of which 44 km is riverine of the 4,096-km boundary between India and Bangladesh, and the onus of
fencing and barb-wiring the border and formulating processes for the return of proven illegal immigrants back to Bangladesh
rests on the Centre. In any case, there are more pressing matters at hand in a State where roughly one-third of the population
lives below the poverty line and whose human development indicators are among the worst in the country. Going forward, there
are other political minefields to navigate if the new government seeks to implement some of its campaign promises, such as the
one to grant Scheduled Tribe status to six indigenous communities that constitute 40 per cent of the States population. Assam
is a mosaic of ethnic and religious groups of uncommon diversity, and the BJP-led alliance must temper its poll-winning rhetoric
with ground reality. The anti-immigrant rhetoric during campaigning at times virtually conflated Muslims with illegal immigrants.
The new government must expressly reassure the minorities. The State needs a development narrative in its social tapestry.
MAY 24/2016
The death of Mullah Akhtar Muhammad Mansour, the leader of the Afghan Taliban, has thrown the insurgency into its
second leadership crisis within a year. Mansour, who took over command of the Taliban after its founderMullah Omars
death was announced in July 2015, had a chaotic year. His attempts to capture more territory from Afghan troops were thwarted,
and his plans to unify the group under his leadership never succeeded. Now, after a year of bloodshed and internal power
struggles, he has been killed in an American drone strike in Pakistans Balochistan province, miles away from the actual
battleground. Whether this development weakens the insurgency will depend on three main factors. First, todays Taliban are
not a cohesive force. Mansour never enjoyed the authority that his predecessor had. Omars family had challenged him, and a
breakaway faction under commander Mullah Mohammad Rasool may have even cooperated with Afghan intelligence against
him. If Mansour, a long-time associate of Omar, failed to unify the Taliban, it is doubtful if his successor would succeed in doing
so. Mansours deputy, Sirajuddin Haqqani, who was practically in charge of the Talibans attacks over the past few months, is
tipped to become its next leader, but having been brought into the Taliban network only last year he could face resistance within
the group.
Second, Pakistan will continue to play a major role in Afghanistan. President Ashraf Ghanis initial plan was to persuade the
Taliban to come for talks through Pakistan, and he reached out to Islamabad. But this did not go far as the Taliban under
Mansour continued to stage attacks on security personnel and civilians. Even the circumstances of his death raise serious
questions. Mansour was killed not in Pakistans restive north-west, where the Taliban operate from, but in Balochistan. This
raises questions about how Mansour managed to travel so freely in Pakistan. The U.S. airstrike, the first in Balochistan, also
indicates its willingness to widen the drone war in Pakistan, putting more pressure on the government. The third factor is the
state-of-play of the peace process. When Omars death was made public, the Taliban had already begun talks with the
government, though a section within the organisation, mostly field commanders, continued to oppose negotiations. Mansour
had a choice between peace and war. He chose the latter, perhaps in a bid to win over the rank and file of the Taliban and to
he managed to do was to unleash widespread death and destruction, eventually prompting the U.S. to target his life. Kabul has
to keep in mind these three factors when it makes the next move. Its in an advantageous position now the Taliban are
leaderless and divided, and Pakistan stands exposed. Whoever the groups next leader is, Kabul should press ahead with the
plan for talks, either directly or through Pakistan, without being complacent on security. The U.S. must continue to put pressure
peers, till now it hasnt worried much about making or selling its wares in the country and the course correction is timely. Mr.
Cooks visit, the first to India by an Apple CEO in the companys 40-year history, comes barely a month after its first quarterly
revenue fall in 13 years. The long period of heady sales growth, making Apple the worlds most valuable company by market
capitalisation, seems to have ended. Even as critics debate whether this is due to the innovations pipeline at Apple drying up or
a global slowdown, the Cupertino-based company is now finding that customers in its two main markets the U.S. and China
are not as eager as before for its premium phones and tablets. In the last six months, the Apple share has lost about a fifth
of its value. Last month, maverick billionaire-investor Carl Icahn sold his stake in Apple, citing concerns about Chinas attitude,
the trigger being Beijings decision to shut down Apple iTunes movies and iBooks stores. This is far more serious than it may
appear, as Apple offers not just hardware but a whole marketplace. It is clearly time for Apple to nurture a big, promising market.
Mr. Cook has taken the task of engaging with India seriously. He has ticked all the boxes including visiting the
Siddhivinayak temple, meeting Bollywood stars, watching an IPL cricket match, and calling on the Prime Minister. But he would
know that India can be no match for China in the scheme of things for Apple immediately. True, India proved to be a rare high-
growth region for the company in the last quarter. But that growth came from a very small base. Not only is China a key
manufacturing base for Apple, it also accounts for about a fourth of its sales. As Mr. Cook pointed out, India is now where China
was seven to 10 years ago. It is poised to become the second-largest smartphone market in the world but its buyers are
extremely price-sensitive. Apple is premium. There is little doubt amongst analysts that there is immense potential for Apple in
India in the long run. But till it gets there, Apple would want to see how much of the market it can tap for its products and its
marketplace. Its plan to sell pre-owned phones, which was overruled by the government recently, was an attempt in this
direction. Two announcements made by Apple during Mr. Cooks visit regarding the opening of its first development centre
in India and the establishment of a design and development accelerator in Bengaluru show how Apple is now looking at India
not only as a market. But the big news that the Centre would have liked to hear Apple manufacturing in India has proved
MAY 25/2016
A trilateral transport corridor project, inked in Tehran this week by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the leaders of Iran
and Afghanistan, has the potential to alter the geopolitical map of South and Central Asia. Mr. Modis visit also put an end to
years of ambivalence on the development of Irans Chabahar port on the Gulf of Oman, the focal point of the corridor project.
New Delhi and Tehran had agreed in 2003 to develop the port, near the Iran-Pakistan border. But the project did not take off,
mainly owing to international sanctions against Iran over its nuclear programme, but also on account of inertia in Delhi. The
removal of sanctions after Irans nuclear deal has provided New Delhi an opportunity to revitalise bilateral ties. The road, rail
and port development projects, once implemented, will change the way India, Afghanistan and Iran do business. For India, the
projects have specific economic and strategic significance. India and Afghanistan have failed to realise the full economic
potential of their friendship owing to connectivity problems. The Pakistan link between India and landlocked Afghanistan has
been an obstacle, given Islamabads tense diplomatic ties with both New Delhi and Kabul, and sometimes with Tehran too.
Once the Chabahar port is developed, Indian ships will get direct access to the Iranian coast; a rail line to the Afghan border
town of Zaranj will allow India a route around Pakistan. This will surely boost trade with Iran and Afghanistan. Besides, the
proposed free trade zone in the Chabahar area offers Indian companies a new investment destination at a well-connected port
city. India has already said its companies will set up plants in sectors such as fertilizers, petrochemicals and metallurgy in the
zone. It will also supply $400 million worth of steel rails to Tehran to build the railway link.
From a strategic point of view, Chabahar is situated just 100 km from Pakistans Gwadar port, the centrepiece of a $46 billion
economic corridor that China is building. Though the Indian investment in Chabahar, at $500 million, does not match the scale
of the Chinese project, the Chabahar port will act as a gateway for India to Central Asia bypassing the China-Pakistan arc. The
long-term potential of this connectivity is immense. The real challenge lies in execution. Indias record in finishing big-ticket
projects abroad is far from consistent. Also, with Tehran becoming the new destination of global powers, India needs to energise
its diplomacy to keep engagement with Iran on an even keel, irrespective of outside pressure. With the Chabahar project, India
has raised the stakes in Tehran substantially, and also raised the bar on its own regional ambitions. It cannot afford to let bilateral
With the successful launch on Monday of the first technology demonstrator of the indigenously made Reusable Launch
Vehicle (RLV), the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) has taken a baby step in building a vehicle that can be reused
multiple times to launch satellites into orbit. The hypersonic flight, that lasted about 770 seconds from lift-off to splashdown in
the Bay of Bengal, reached an altitude of about 65 km before re-entering the atmosphere at nearly five times the speed of
sound. Many more such successful launches have to be undertaken before the RLV becomes a reusable launch system to put
satellites into orbit. Some of the objectives of this weeks launch were to test the aero-thermodynamic characterisation of the
vehicle with wings when it re-enters the atmosphere at hypersonic speed; the control and guidance system; the control system
to land the vehicle at a specific location; and the hot structure, the basic body-carrying part of the vehicle with heat protecting
tiles. The ultimate objective is to test the vehicles performance when it travels at a speed of Mach 25 using air-breathing
propulsion. It will take 10 to 15 years, and several more launches, before ISRO readies a reusable launch vehicle for commercial
use.
Building a fully and rapidly reusable launch vehicle will play a pivotal role in cutting down by as much as 80 per cent the cost of
launching satellites into orbit. In fact, ISRO is already well-known for launching satellites at a far cheaper cost than other space
agencies. Currently, the bulk of the launch cost comes from building the rocket, which can be used just once, as the rockets get
burnt on re-entry into the atmosphere. No other space agency has reusable launch vehicles in operation, and ISRO has taken
space shuttle programme, ISRO will not use the same reusable vehicle to launch satellites and carry astronauts as it drastically
reduces the payload capacity and thereby increases the cost per kg. ISRO will also use cutting-edge technology to shield the
launch vehicle from intense heat to reduce, if not completely eliminate, refurbishment expenses. Getting this right would enable
the vehicle to be reused within a very short span of time. If all works as per plan, ISRO should be able to break even after 25 to
50 launches, bringing down the cost of further launches on the same vehicle.
MAY 26/2016
The ordinance granting a years exemption to State government institutions from NEET, the National Eligibility-cum-
Entrance Test, provides timely relief to lakhs of students. There was confusion, and anxiety, after the Supreme Court suddenly
decided that the test should be the sole basis for medical and dental college admissions from this year onwards. Several State
governments objected to NEET, arguing that its implementation would denude them of the power to regulate admission to
institutions run by them, as well as to private institutions within their jurisdiction. Some States have their own legislation
governing admission and had strong objections to the prescriptive approach underlying NEET. The Centre clearly had no option
after the State governments brought pressure on it. The exemption is, however, limited to undergraduate courses of State
government institutions. Admission to postgraduate courses and all courses in private medical and dental colleges will still
be under NEET. And from next year, NEET will be the sole national test to decide a candidates admission to any medical or
The dissenting judge, Justice A.R. Dave, now heads the Bench hearing the review petition against that judgment. The 2013
verdict has been recalled, but the review plea is yet to be disposed of. The Bench is keen on enforcing NEET immediately.
A common national test for professional courses is faultless, in principle. In this connection, it will address the problem of private
institutions selling medical courses at astronomical prices to candidates who may lack aptitude. Yet, it is important that the
ground is properly prepared before the implementation of a common test. State governments have to be convinced that their
socio-economic priorities will not be affected by centralised regulation of admissions, and that regional disparities in syllabi and
linguistic differences will be adequately resolved. There is also a larger legal issue since there are Supreme Court judgments
that have underlined the unfettered right of unaided, minority institutions to regulate their own admissions processes, subject to
their being fair, transparent and non-exploitative. These contradictions need to be ironed out, and it would have been far better
had the court allowed the political executive to assess the feasibility of having a common national test this year instead of ruling
on what is essentially an executive decision. A perfect pan-Indian medical admission system needs to be carefully crafted in the
With the second round of 13 cities making it to the Centres list, there are now 33 urban agglomerations that have made a
successful bid to become smart cities. The idea of city managers accepting a challenge to make specific smart proposals is
being followed in several countries at different levels of development. Cities in the developed world are focussed on self-driving
cars, electric vehicles and smart grids, while those in India are yet to meaningfully address basic issues such as walkability,
public transport, waste management and pollution. This was evident in the latest round, for instance, with the Lucknow municipal
administration, which made the best-rated bid, finding that 58 per cent of residents who took part in its online survey cited traffic
and transport as their top priority, with 24 per cent highlighting solid waste management. Unsurprisingly, this is also
representative of the national story. City administrations have done a poor job of gathering data available from multiple sources
and analysing them to make informed decisions on civic services. A lot of new information about what people do is now available
from commercial services that use mobile phone applications, such as taxi companies, and the anonymised data with them can
aid planning.
Cities that have successfully bid for Central seed funding face the real challenge of attracting private partners to raise the
massive resources needed. The 20 cities chosen in the first round are expected to spend Rs.48,063 crore on projects, and
the 13 in the second round, Rs.30,229 crore. Intelligent parking could be one way to mobilise funds and cut congestion. By
integrating IT, motorists could be guided to available parking spaces in various locations in a city, using real-time information.
Over time, it would be possible to even predict the availability of parking spaces based on usage patterns. A smart city should
look at robust IT connectivity and digitalisation. At the consumer end, however, few cities have achieved this. They have not
integrated the databases of their service agencies for water, transport, property and energy, and are therefore unable to serve
citizens online. This is the low-hanging fruit of civic smartness waiting to be picked, and it should be mandatory for all million-
population cities to do so in a time-bound manner. The benefit of investment in urban regions is bound to increase property
values, and governments should tap into the surplus to fund more programmes, especially affordable housing. All cities can
become smart, if the Urban Development Ministry makes available off-the-shelf open source technology solutions for
management. In the smart world, sharing rules. And governments should set the pace.
MAY 27/2016
The Ministry of External Affairs, in the end, was mobilised sufficiently to persuade African envoys to call off their
proposed boycott of the Africa Day event in the national capital on Thursday. But by then, by their extreme threat of rebuffing
the host countrys invitation, they had made their point and for India, embarrassingly so. First, by centring their protest around
something as particular to them as Africa Day, the African Heads of Mission have highlighted how India fails to appreciate the
continents changing identity and aspirations by not forging constructive people-to-people contact. And second, by making
common cause around the murder of a Congolese student in Delhi, they have shown India a brutal mirror. Many attacks on
African students may be isolated incidents of urban crime that could catch any individual in its grip, irrespective of identity, but
there is a latent expression of discrimination in our everyday interactions that is stinging, that makes the next attack a reminder
of a larger problem. Upon hearing of the boycott threat, the government went into damage control, with the Minister of State in
the MEA reaching out to African envoys, and a mechanism being worked out for a meeting with Heads of Mission every three
months. However, the remarkable manner in which the problem of Afro-phobia has been brought to public attention demands
more more diplomatic introspection and more political will to address dehumanising prejudices in Indian society.
It is not that India has not recognised the growing importance of Africa. Last year, the Modi government rendered the Africa
Summit a spectacular splash to show that it is mindful of the continents rising profile. The 54 countries of the African Union
indeed, the 54 seats in the UN General Assembly are key to Indias global ambitions. African countries too are responding
to Indias rise by appointing more senior diplomats and often senior politicians to their missions to New Delhi. One consequence
is that the envoys do not follow an older, sedate template for their roster of duties. As the MEAs announcement of the
mechanism of minister-level interactions shows, the diplomatic outreach needs re-evaluation. More importantly perhaps, envoys
treatment of their citizens. India is scaling up its engagement with Africa Vice President Hamid Ansari begins a visit to
Morocco and Tunisia next week, Prime Minister Narendra Modi goes later this year. But this is not only about Africa. India fails
itself by carrying on, business as usual, instead of politically and socially tackling the discrimination and violence faced by its
Barely nine months since the Reserve Bank of India announced the names of the 11 applicants who had won in-principle
approval to start payments banks, three have backed out. Tech Mahindra this week became the latest to drop its plans,
and joined Cholamandalam Investment in citing competition and a long gestation period as key considerations in reaching the
decision. That a corporate entity, which initially evaluated the business to be attractive enough to apply and was prepared to
compete with other players to win a coveted licence, could have cited competition as a reason to withdraw is intriguing. While
it is true that this experimental banking licence would allow licensees limited scope to earn attractive interest spreads since they
are prohibited from lending loans, the constraints of the business model were already known. Similarly, given the banking
regulators focus on extending a remittances and payments network to unbanked and far-flung rural areas, it was understood
that this new breed of niche banks would take more than a few years to establish standalone profitability. So, the argument of
a long gestation period also wears thin. The logical surmise is that after the first flush of excitement at the prospect of winning
a banking licence albeit a watered down one they have realised that catering to a customer base that largely comprises
low-income households, farmers and the migrant workforce may not be such a rosy proposition after all.
For the RBI, the experience of having its chosen applicants develop cold feet must be disconcerting, given the time and effort
invested in the process. Its disappointment is reflected in Deputy Governor S.S. Mundras recent comment that some kind of a
processing fee could be considered as a levy on those withdrawing their applications. But central bankers too need to do some
introspection. For one, the ground has shifted in the months since the RBI released draft guidelines for the payments banks in
November 2014. The National Payments Corporation of India recently introduced its Unified Payments Interface that is
expected to alter the way payment transactions are conducted. Also, commercial banks are now aggressively pushing their own
mobile application-based offerings, eroding the potential that payments banks had for the banked and technology-savvy
segment. Ultimately, though, it is in everybodys interest to see a pared down field of banks unveiling their payments services
when the licences are finally issued, especially if the goal of widening financial inclusion is to be sustainably met over the long
term.
o Birth pangs -
o actual meaning - pains associated with the process of childbirth
o meaning in this topic - difficulty / painful feeling associated with a
development of something
o Barely - by the smallest amount / only just
o In-principle approval - a general approval, although the details are not yet
checked properly
o Gestation - the period of the development of ideas, thoughts, or plans
o Coveted - strongly desired by many
o Intriguing - very interesting because of being unusual or mysterious
o Licensee - a person who has official permission to do something
o Prohibited - to officially refuse to allow something
o Constraints - limitations or restrictions
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MAY 28/2016
As expected, U.S. President Barack Obama did not utter any apology on behalf of his country for dropping an atomic bomb
on Hiroshima in 1945. But such is the power of personal presence that by the simple act of laying a wreath at the Hiroshima
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repeat of an atrocity if you do not admit in the most candid manner that it in fact occurred. Mr. Obama did so with a gesture that
will be one of the defining images not only of his presidency but also of the wider struggle to rid the world of nuclear weapons,
when he embraced a survivor of the attack. The visit did not have the high emotionalism of Willy Brandts trip to Warsaw, when
the West German Chancellor fell to his knees, but the drift of history that Mr. Obama was tugging at was different. He was
walking through such a political minefield to make it to the memorial that it had not been certain till almost the last moment
whether he would even meet the survivors, or hibakusha. Death fell from the sky, Mr. Obama said of the Hiroshima bombing,
and it showed that mankind possessed the means to destroy itself. The nearest any previous occupant of the White House
had come to acknowledging the devastation caused by the bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki was Jimmy Carter, but only
after he demitted office. Mr. Obamas call for a moral revolution issued at Hiroshima makes the sober, and sobering, point that
the wrongs of living memory cannot be evaded, no matter what the provocation, and he did dwell on wartime Japans excesses.
On a narrower time horizon, Mr. Obamas visit to Hiroshima can be viewed against the backdrop of his landmark address in
Prague in 2009, when he laid bare his disarmament agenda. He declared that as the only country to have deployed the nuclear
weapon, the U.S. had a moral responsibility to act. Those remarks earned Mr. Obama plaudits from the global peace
movements, whereas hawks at home attacked him as an apologist President. But the pragmatist in Mr. Obama minced no words
in Prague, in saying that as long as nuclear weapons were around, the U.S. would maintain a credible deterrent, even while
striving for a reduction in the arsenals of Washington and Moscow. More recently, he made it clear that the point of the visit to
Hiroshima was not to revisit Harry Trumans decision. Therein lurks a hard-nosed, statesman-like approach to rid the world of
nuclear weapons. In his two terms in the White House, Mr. Obama has made a modest beginning. Understanding his realism
The Centres plan to identify surplus land held by government departments and public sector undertakings with a view to
auctioning such land to the private sector, or deploying it for urban renewal projects, is noteworthy. This also appears to be in
sync with the Budget promise to encourage public sector firms to divest individual assets and re-invest the proceeds in new
projects. A committee has been tasked with creating an inventory of public landholdings and identifying plots that are not needed
for future expansion or strategic purposes, and thus could be alienated for other uses. As past strategic disinvestment cases
have shown, valuation of land is a prickly issue that leaves governments susceptible to extreme scrutiny from political peers as
well as the auditor. In addition, it can take years to conclude. For example, the Tata Group bought a stake in VSNL in 2002, but
the government could only put a number on the value of its extensive surplus landholdings by 2011. To that extent, the Budgets
promise to divest specific assets (such as land) of public sector firms through the auction route with total transparency, it is
to be hoped seems pragmatic. More so since the Modi government has chosen to refrain from any lock, stock and barrel
privatisation of PSUs.
However, this approach also reflects a lack of institutional memory in the government. Five years ago, a scam-hit UPA
government had set up the Committee on Allocation of Natural Resources to suggest transparent mechanisms that would
eliminate discretionary powers in such allocations. It had determined not just how much land was under the domain of Central
government departments, but also how much was under encroachment. Of the 16 lakh acres of defence land outside the
cantonments, 11,000 acres had been encroached upon. Every department told the panel it had no land to spare that could be
done to indicate actual usage, which it is hoped the new panel will also do. Other recommendations are also pertinent: land
transactions should be on an outright sale basis with the optimal land use being approved before the sale, via e-auction. It must
also be kept in mind that this exercise is a minor recompense for the larger reform agenda that the government has set aside:
amending the land acquisition law. A model tenancy law that the NITI Aayog has mooted as an alternative reform step to allow
the leasing of agricultural land, also remains a work in progress. The government needs to put more energy into those solutions
o Quick-fix - something that seems to be a fast and easy solution to a problem but
is in fact not very good or will not last long
o Surplus - more than what is needed or used / excess
o Deploying - to use something in an effective way
o Divest - to sell something
o Proceeds - the amount of money received from a particular event or activity or
when something is sold
o Inventory - a complete list of items
o Alienate - transfer ownership of (property rights) to another person or group
o Disinvestment - to sell your shares in a company or to stop taking part in a
business activity
o Prickly - complicated and difficult to deal with
o Susceptible - easily influenced or harmed by something
o Scrutiny - the careful and detailed examination of something in order to get
information about it
o Peer - a person who is the same social position or the same abilities as other people
in a group
o Auditor - someone whose job is to carry out an official examination of the accounts
of a business and to produce a report
o Conclude - to end / to complete
o Stake - a share or a financial involvement in something such as a business
o Extensive - covering or affecting a large area
o Transparency - the quality of being done in an open way without secrets
o Pragmatic - solving problems in a sensible way that is based on practical rather
than theoretical considerations
o Refrain - to avoid doing something
o Reflects - shows
o Lack of something - to not have or not have enough of something that is needed
o Discretionary - decided by officials and not fixed by rules
o Determined - wanting to do something very much and not allowing anyone or any
difficulties to stop you
o Domain - an area of territory owned or controlled by a particular ruler or
government
o Encroachment - the act of slowly taking control of someone's land
o Cantonment - a building or area where soldiers live
o Mooted - to suggest something for discussion
o Depository - a place where things are stored
o Pertinent - relevant or applicable to a particular matter
o Recompense - compensation or reward given for loss or harm suffered
MAY 29/2016
A year since the Reserve Bank of India ended regulatory forbearance the norm that allowed banks to avoid treating
restructured loans as sub-standard the pile of stressed assets at lenders has grown manifold, lengthening the shadow over
balance sheets. Forced by the central banks time-bound Asset Quality Review to classify troubled loans correctly and make
appropriate provisions for them, lender after lender has reported sizeable losses or dramatic declines in profit in recent quarters.
The biggest lender, the State Bank of India, last week posted a 66 per cent plunge in fourth-quarter earnings as provisioning
for non-performing assets banking parlance for loans where borrowers have defaulted on repayments more than doubled
to Rs.12,139 crore. And SBI Chairman Arundhati Bhattacharya indicated that while a bulk of the stressed assets on its books
had been recognised last quarter, more provisioning was in the offing as the bank leads lenders in the race to meet the RBIs
goal of completely overhauling balance sheets by March 2017. That the clean-up is inflicting short-term pain on banks and
investors is evident. The bigger question is how much more red will be inked and what cost this is likely to impose on the
economy. The SBI, for instance, has said that while gross NPAs (as a percentage of the entire Rs.15 lakh crore it has advanced
to borrowers) jumped to 6.5 per cent, or Rs.98,173 crore, at the end of March, it was placing loans amounting to another
Rs.31,000 crore on a watch list for exposure under stress. Coming as it does from a lender whose total loans amount to more
than one-tenth of Indias GDP, the disclosures of bad and stressed loans reflect the extent of distress its borrowers representing
various sectors of the real economy are experiencing. Iron and steel, engineering, power and construction are some of these
The Centre is cognisant of the magnitude of the problem and has in large measure moved in lock-step with the central bank in
addressing the systemic and regulatory issues that need fixing. An autonomous Banks Board Bureau is now in place, tasked
with the specific brief of ensuring that state-owned lenders will hereafter be ring-fenced from political interference in the selection
of top management and on business strategy. Separately, a Bankruptcy Code intended to improve the legal framework for
assisting creditors in taking defaulters assets through a liquidation and recovery process has won parliamentary backing and
could soon be in operation. At the same time, there is the risk that a clutch of lenders will need greater levels of capital infusion
than previously estimated; this will test the fiscal deficit as well as the taxpayers willingness to underwrite the excesses of the
past.
Alarm bells have been sounded after a woman in the U.S. was detected with bacteria resistant to a last-resort antibiotic.
The 49-year-old was carrying E. coli bearing a new gene, mcr-1, which is resistant to even colistin, the last available antibiotic
that works against strains that have acquired protection against all other medication. This is the first reported case of the mcr-1
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of mcr-1 gene identification were published recently in the journal Antimicrobial Agents and Chemotherapy. Though resistance
to colistin has been detected for about 10 years in several countries, the danger from this has been somewhat played down
since such resistance was brought about by gene mutations that cannot spread easily between bacteria. But mcr-1 poses a
threat of an entirely different order; in this case a small piece of DNA (plasmid) found outside the chromosome carries a gene
responsible for antibiotic resistance. Since the gene is found outside the chromosome, it can spread easily among different
types of bacteria, as well as among patients. In the case of E.coli, the colistin resistance is not insurmountable as it is still
treatable by other known drugs. But were the gene to spread to bugs treatable by only last-resort antibiotics, we could be facing
the dreaded and indeed, long-anticipated superbug. Thus, the discovery of mcr-1 in more countries and settings increases
the chances of the emergence and spread of resistance against all available antibiotics. It could well lead to an era without
The mcr-1 gene was first identified in China in November 2015, following which there were similar reports from Europe and
Canada. The unchecked use of antibiotics in livestock is a major reason for the development of drug resistance. Indeed, given
the widespread use of colistin in animals, the connection to the drug-resistant mcr-1 gene appears quite clear. A November
2015 paper in The Lancet noted that a significantly higher proportion of mcr-1 positive samples was found in animals compared
with humans, suggesting that the mcr-1 gene had emerged in animals before spreading to humans. Besides being administered
for veterinary purposes, colistin is used in agriculture. The global community needs to urgently address the indiscriminate use
of antibiotics in an actionable manner, and fast-track research on the next generation of drugs.
MAY 31/2016
Tamil Nadu, Aravakurichi and Thanjavur, where money and gifts had been distributed to voters by candidates and members
of the two major parties, the AIADMK and the DMK, the Election Commission probably hoped to at least partially redeem its
image as a tough, no-nonsense institution, that is both independent and powerful. Nothing more was at stake. The results are
out, the AIADMK has formed the government with 134 of the other 232 seats, and whatever happens in these two
constituencies will have no impact in the larger scheme of things. However, in the context of the rampant distribution of
favours in cash and kind to voters in the run-up to the polls, the EC was under pressure to restore popular confidence in its
ability to curb electoral malpractice. Its reputation was at stake. As a result, in Aravakurichi and Thanjavur the Commission did
all that it was empowered to do, baring teeth and claw, and asserting its authority vis--vis other constitutional authorities.
Postponement was the most it could have done, after having deferred the elections earlier; disqualification of the candidates
was beyond its remit. Unprecedented it might have been, but the calling off of the electoral process, on a maximalist exercise
The events and happenings in the two constituencies differed in degree, and not in type, from what occurred elsewhere in the
State. As reports from different parts of Tamil Nadu suggested, there were few constitutencies, if any, that were totally free of
the pernicious influence of money and other inducements. Therefore, the ECs action in these two constituencies may be
construed as one that did little but carry symbolic weight. A Commission with better resources and more manpower on the
ground for the entire State not to mention much greater courage may have considered postponement of the entire
Assembly election. But such a drastic course of action would have had serious ramifications for the democratic process. Even
so, it must be granted that the EC went well beyond merely delivering a mild reprimand to the parties. Its detailed order
clearly recorded its displeasure with Tamil Nadu Governor K. Rosaiah, who broke both convention and propriety by asking
that the polls be held before June 1, or in time for the Rajya Sabha election. In doing so, the EC underlined its independence
and authority and signalled that it would not be cowed down by political pressure. In taking on the Governor for his overreach
night party in its backyard, Bengalurus M. Chinnaswamy Stadium. Sunrisers captain David Warner marshalled his resources
rousingly and also chipped in with 69 quick runs. Yet, even as he failed to clinch the final for RCB, the 2016 season undoubtedly
belonged to skipper Virat Kohli. The Twenty20 format is configured for short bursts of drama, mostly to the batsmens advantage,
so that the narrative of a T20 tournament is a cascade of rapid-fire innings, with one knock fading into the other. Often a batsman
is as good as his last innings. It is in this context that Kohli showed his mastery over all formats of cricket by rewriting the record
books. His 973 runs in 16 games came at a strike-rate of 152.03, and an average of 81.08, and were studded with four hundreds,
this Kohli became the most prolific run-getter in the nine-year history of the IPL, with 4110 to his name, ahead of Suresh Rainas
4098. It was certain that Kohli would walk away with the accolades, and he bagged the Orange Cap for maximum runs and
Not since Sachin Tendulkars explosive Desert Storm knocks in Sharjah in 1998 has an Indian batsman left such a firm imprint
on a limited-overs contest. In this years IPL, Kohli was in the zone, his bat a mere extension of his arm, pulling out shots at will
that no fielding team could anticipate or limit. Kohli held centre stage, ahead of Chris Gayle and A.B. de Villiers, also part of
RCB, but this is only part of the achievement. Throughout the tournament Kohli gained tempo, shepherded his team, destroyed
bowlers with huge sixes and was always alert to the little gaps in the field through which he threaded boundaries. What makes
it particularly remarkable is that this was a sportsman not simply validating his rising profile, but also raising the profile of the
tournament itself. His four centuries came double-fast. The first, against Gujarat Lions, was reached in 63 balls, the second
against Rising Pune Supergiants in 56, the third against Gujarat Lions in 53, and the fourth against Kings XI Punjab in just 47.
His 54 runs in the final did not have the same impact, and it was the lone blip in a remarkable summer that Kohli and cricket will
JUNE 1/2016
a dynastic leadership. If it is truly democratic, it is only in the sense that it takes a lax view about factional infighting and
indiscipline. Its intolerant side is reflected most sharply in its refusal to entertain any discussion or introspection on the role of
the Nehru-Gandhi family. Despite all the noise about the need for a surgical intervention to save the party after its dismal showing
in four major Assembly elections, the organisation is still unable to have an honest and rational discussion on the leadership
issue. After every failure, the favourite target of criticism is the clique surrounding the dynasty the family itself is above reproof.
In todays context, the focus is invariably limited to whether Sonia Gandhi should continue as president, whether she should
immediately hand over the leadership to Rahul Gandhi, or why only Priyanka Gandhi can save the day. It is arguable that a
large party like the Congress, with its diverse support base and competing regional satraps, needs to be guided by a strong and
unassailable leadership. But this should not stand in the way of an honest appraisal of the loss in Assam which gave the BJP
a historic victory. The defeat in Kerala, though expected, has hurt it. The party was left holding on to the tiny Union
Territory of Puducherry, a poor consolation prize. The failure to build a viable alliance in Assam and the inability to
accommodate those unhappy with the regional leadership of the party cost the Congress dearly. Although it did well to stitch
together alliances with the Left in West Bengal and the DMK in Tamil Nadu, there is no guarantee these will last. If success
Some of the problems the Congress faces at the national level were reflected in Puducherry, where the central leadership had
to resolve differences within the local unit on who should be Chief Minister. The eventual choice was V. Narayanasamy, an
AICC general secretary who had not even contested the Assembly election. Very often, the criteria for electing leaders of the
legislature party have more to do with loyalty to the national leadership and less to do with their acceptance among voters or
the cadre. The party that ran the Congress close in this election, the AINRC, is led by N. Rangasamy, who had to leave the
Congress after other factions rallied against him. The national leadership of the Congress has always been deeply suspicious
of regional strongmen, and factional rivalry has served as a tool to keep middle-level leaders in check. While this might
strengthen the position of the national leadership in the organisation, the long-term consequences of such an approach are
debilitating.
o Faction - a group within a larger group, especially one with slightly different ideas
from the main group
o Unfettered - not limited by rules or any other controlling influence
o Lower tiers - lower levels
o Dynastic - a series of rulers or leaders who are all from the same family
o Lax - without much care, attention, or control
o Infighting - competition between people within a group, especially to improve their
own position
o Intolerant - disapproving of or refusing to accept ideas or ways, which are different
from your own
o Introspection - examination of your own ideas, thoughts, and feelings
o Dismal - sad and without hope
o Rational - based on the reason or logic
o Clique - a small group of people who spend their time together and do not welcome
other people into that group
o Reproof - an expression of blame or disapproval
o Context - the situation within which something exists or happens
Sometimes the reaction is the real joke. The police force in Indias financial capital have sought legal opinion to check if they
have grounds to file an FIR against a comedian for a video he recently posted on the messaging application, Snapchat. The
Mumbai police were following up on a complaint from the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, a political party with a remarkably low
threshold for taking offence. And the MNS was not the only party outraged by the post by Tanmay Bhat, a comedian fairly
well-known for his roast videos, or takedowns of celebrities. Sanjay Raut of the Shiv Sena, for instance, decided to make it
clear that people like Mr. Bhat should be whipped in public. Using the face swap feature on Snapchat, Mr. Bhat had spoofed
Sachin Tendulkar and Lata Mangeshkar, with jibes about his cricketing ability and her long singing career. It was certainly not
polite. It could be argued that locker-room chatter goes with the roast territory, and that it is in the nature of the beast to push
the boundary of how much political incorrectness can be deemed passable. The point here is not to applaud his sense of humour
or to condemn it. It is to spotlight the speed with which the system mobilises to shut any expression of mockery targeted at
the well-known.
That the effect is to stifle freedom of expression, to force the next person to look over her shoulder before mocking the next
public figure, is obvious and intended. To be mocked is the most trying way of being critiqued. One can ignore evenly stated
takedowns not spoofs that make folks laugh. To deal with mockery in a democratic society, one needs to be committed to a
public culture of engagement, of openness to questioning. Indias public figures are clearly not. Politicians and celebrities (mainly
film and cricket stars) have failed India not just by using the strongest arm of the law to curb expressions of humour aimed at
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should pass as good humour and what may not. When jokiness is curbed so menacingly and for all the brave front they may
put up, cartoonists and comedians are lonely people against the might of the state the only response is to rally to defend
freedom of expression. In an environment where possibly personal jokes are seen to warrant scrutiny and police action, no
space can be available for shared humour, for comedy to evolve sufficiently so that the larger community internalises what is
o Sought - to ask
o Grounds - reasons sufficient in law to do something
o Threshold - the level or point at which you start to experience something
o Taking offence - to be insulted by someone or something
o Outraged - feeling anger and shock
o Roast - to criticize very seriously
o Takedowns - to make somebody feel ashamed or stupid
o For instance - for example
o Whipped - to beat with a leather rope
o Swap - exchange
o Spoofed - to imitate somebody in a funny way
o Jibes - insulting remarks that are aimed to make someone look stupid
o Locker-room chatter - used to describe the type of sexual jokes and remarks that
men are thought to enjoy when they are together
o Deemed - to consider or judge something in a particular way
o Passable - satisfactory / just good enough to be acceptable
o Applaud - show approval or praise by clapping
o Condemn - express complete disapproval of
o Spotlight - to receive a lot of public attention
o Mobilises - to organize or prepare something
o Mockery - teasing language or behaviour directed at a particular person
o Stifle - to prevent something from happening, being expressed, or continuing
o To look over her shoulder - to behave in a way that shows you feel nervous about
something that might happen
o Obvious- easy to see, recognize, or understand
o Intended - planned or meant
o Critiqued - judged
o Evenly - in equal amounts
o Openness - honest and not trying to keep things secret
o Curb - to control or limit something that is not wanted
o Sensitisation - the process of becoming highly sensitive to specific events or
situations
o Curbed - controlled
o Menacingly - harmfulluy
o Warrant - to make a particular activity necessary
o Scrutiny - critical observation or examination
o Evolve - to develop slowly
o Internalises - to accept or absorb an idea, opinion, belief, etc. so that it becomes
part of your character
o Progressive - encouraging change in society
Roughly 130 tonnes of ammunition blew up in the fire at the Armys Central Ammunition Depot in Pulgaon, in
Maharashtras Wardha district, in the early hours of Tuesday. The cause is unclear, and the high toll of life and material at Indias
largest ammunition dump calls for not merely an inquiry, which has already been ordered by the Army, but also a thorough
appraisal of the standard operating procedures for storage and inventory. The fire began past midnight, and it is to the credit of
the Quick Reaction and Fire Fighting Teams that it was eventually restricted to just one shed. By the time the fire was brought
under control around 6 a.m., the authorities had also evacuated people from neighbouring villages, where the impact of the
explosions set off by the fire was visible in cracked houses and debris scattered from the depot. The CAD Pulgaon is a 7,100-
acre facility that is in effect the main ammunition cupboard for the Army. From standard-issue bullets to Brahmos missiles,
virtually all types of ammunition purchased by the Army are stored here, feeding 14 ammunition depots and field ammunition
depots across the country. These 14 depots further distribute the ammunition to field formations. The brave operation by the
small group of men, at risk to their own lives, has saved Indias nuclear-armed military from a much bigger setback.
The accident also comes at a time when the shortage of War Wastage Reserve (WWR), the ammunition held in the Army
inventory, is exercising military observers and the top brass. The officially sanctioned requirement is that WWR equivalent to 40
days of intense war be held by the Army. However, a CAG audit in 2015 pointed out that the Army itself was procuring
ammunition based on Minimum Acceptable Risk Level (MARL) requirements, which averaged to WWR for 20 days of intense
war. Even this MARL level was not being maintained, the audit found, with availability of ammunition, as on March 2013, below
the MARL for 125 out of a total of 170 types of ammunition the Army was using. Significantly, the audit pointed to serious
concerns regarding fire safety, transportation and storage. In violation of prescribed safety standards, the Army continued to
transport explosives in ordinary vehicles, not enough had been done to ensure environmentally friendly and timely disposal of
expired explosives, and the storage facilities were poor. Even today in Pulgaon there are sheds covered with tarpaulin. This
tragedy must be a wake-up call, for the government and the military, to improve the safety of ammunition dumps and to accident-
proof the transport of ammunition. Even the slightest lapse can have a devastating effect, as we are finding out this week.
The latest GDP growth data released by the Central Statistics Office show that Indias economy expanded by 7.9 per cent in
the three months ended March, a sharp acceleration from the marginally downsized 7.2 per cent achieved in the preceding
quarter. Significantly, that this growth has been achieved despite a prolonged and widespread drought, which would certainly
have dampened rural demand, is noteworthy. Even if it is assumed that this provisional figure is likely to be revised downward
by about 10 basis points, in line with the revisions for recent quarters, the number would still end up keeping India at the top of
the heap among the worlds fastest-growing major economies. The result of the strong fiscal fourth-quarter performance is that
growth for the full year was lifted to 7.6 per cent, from 7.2 per cent in 2014-15. And the wind in the sails was clearly the robust
private consumption expenditure, which increased 7.4 per cent last fiscal compared with 6.2 per cent the year earlier. But then,
different statistics offer different perspectives, and some of the other data released by the CSO paint a more modest picture of
the economy. Gross Value Added at basic prices provisionally grew 7.2 per cent for the full year, barely nudging up from the
7.1 per cent pace posted in 2014-15, and slower than the Reserve Bank of Indias projection for 7.4 per cent growth. The GVA
figure is significant because it strips the impact that taxes and subsidies have on the overall GDP number. Thus a substantial
5.6 per cent contraction in the amount the government spent on subsidies helped inflate GDP, and by extension the pace of
growth.
The outlook for the current quarter and the rest of this year may then hinge a lot on this years monsoon: firstly, in terms of the
volume of rainfall, and then critically in its geographical and seasonal distribution. Heavy rains in areas that faced flooding last
year or with crops standing in the fields ready for harvest can do more damage to the rural economy than help provide the widely
expected demand fillip. And with the CSO data revealing private sector investment having slowed and showing barely any signs
of revival, the onus of providing some investment stimulus may rest squarely with the government through increased public
expenditure outlays. RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan also has his task cut out as he is to present the bi-monthly monetary policy
statement on June 7. Given the growth data, the forecast for a normal monsoon, and the global uncertainties, he would be
justified if he opts to hold interest rates and wait and watch instead.
JUNE 03/2016
rare victory for justice and accountability. The Ahmedabad Gulbarg Society massacre, in which 69 Muslims, including former
Congress MP Ehsan Jafri, were murdered by a rampaging mob, was one of the most gruesome incidents of the Gujarat riots of
2002. The conviction of 24 persons, including 11 for murder, by a Special Court in Ahmedabad for their role in the incident,
marks a partial, but significant, victory for the Special Investigation Team constituted by the Supreme Court to probe specific
cases of the post-Godhra riots, after serious misgivings were expressed on the manner in which the cases were being
investigated and tried. That identified members of a mob have been found guilty of murder, and several others for rioting, arson
and unlawful assembly, will go some way in giving the victims a sense of closure. The quantum of punishment will be known
shortly, but nothing short of life imprisonment is in store for at least 11 found guilty of capital offences. Given Indias long
experience of seeing perpetrators of communal violence get away, it is some consolation that many of the Gujarat riots cases
are reaching a logical judicial conclusion. The Best Bakery and Bilkis Bano cases ended in convictions after being transferred
out of Gujarat. After the SIT took over, the more sensational cases also saw rioters being jailed. The Naroda Patiya
massacre, in which 97 Muslims were killed, resulted in a historic verdict, as the trial court upheld the conspiracy angle and
sentenced a former Gujarat Minister and a Bajrang Dal leader to life. For a riot at Sardarpura, in which 33 people were killed,
After the SIT gave a clean chit to Narendra Modi and repudiated allegations by Ehsan Jafris widow that, as Chief Minister of
Gujarat, he had instructed the police to let the mob run riot, the Gulbarg Society case became a rallying point for those pleading
that the Modi administration be implicated in the riots. The SIT included a police inspector and a BJP councillor in the charge
sheet, but both are among the 36 now acquitted. The prosecution was unable to prove any conspiracy behind the communal
violence with the court finding insufficient evidence of pre-planning, never easy to establish in a case such as this. The collapse
of the conspiracy angle does not imply an acceptance of the narrative that the Gujarat riots were an angry, reflexive response
to the Godhra train carnage. The lines between spontaneity and subtle orchestration are hard to delineate. Likewise, there is a
difficulty in assessing the varying degree of moral culpability between commission and wilful omission. It would be well to
remember this as the Gujarat riot cases reach their judicial closure.
The death of about 700 people in three shipwrecks in the Mediterranean Sea is another reminder of the horrors of
the refugee crisis confronting Europe. Despite the obvious danger of crossing the sea on small, unseaworthy vessels, tens
of thousands of refugees from Africa and West Asia make this perilous journey every year, fleeing war and misery. This year,
more than 2,000 people have drowned trying to reach Europe, a number that may well surpass last years 3,700. Europes
response to the crisis has been far from effective. Globally there is a spike in the number of refugees over the past few years,
mainly due to the wars and civil strife in West Asia and North Africa. Europe cannot insulate itself from such problems in its
to Italy. The One In, One Out deal reached recently between the European Union and Turkey, under which Europe will resettle
one Syrian refugee in the continent for every Syrian returned to Turkey from the Greek islands, has seen the arrival of refugees
from Turkey subside. But the closure of this route has prompted those who smuggle refugees to shift their focus to Libya,
Europe needs a comprehensive plan to tackle this crisis. First, it should welcome more people. But for Germany and Sweden,
European countries have largely been shy of accepting refugees. Second, Europe needs to have a more efficient and proactive
search and rescue mission with the required financial muscle. Italy has proposed the creation of euro bonds to finance the
response facility, a move Germany opposes. If Europe wants to prevent people from drowning, rescue teams should be provided
the resources they ask for. Third, the official European position is that more should be done to stop refugees from leaving for
Europe in the first place. This cannot be done unless there are functional, cooperative governments in these countries. The EU
could reach an agreement with Turkey because there is a stable authority in Ankara that could implement the plan. But Libya
has been in the midst of a violent civil war ever since the regime of Muammar Qadhafi was toppled in a war led by Europeans.
This makes it difficult to crack down on the sophisticated smuggling network that has developed over the last few years. Any
plan to check the flow needs to be supplemented by efforts to find peace in Libya.
JUNE 04/2016
For the first time in three years, the India Meteorological Department has projected that the monsoon rains will be above
normal. Rainfall during the June to September southwest monsoon season is forecast to be 106 per cent of the long period
average, with a margin of error of 4 per cent. Coming as the forecast does after two years of an acute drought that has turned
large swathes of the hinterland into parched dustbowls, and a scorching summer that has sent the mercury soaring past records
in many regions, the prospect of abundant rains is obviously cause for cheer. With the lives of more than two-thirds of Indias
1.3 billion people directly linked to the fortunes of the rural economy, and almost 80 per cent of Indias annual rainfall a product
of the southwest monsoon, the import of the IMDs prediction cannot be overstated. Significantly, the Met department also
expects the above-normal rains to be well distributed across the key crop farming areas in the north-west, central and southern
peninsular regions, with the likelihood of a shortfall seen only for the north-east. In its April policy statement, the Reserve Bank
of India had highlighted the significance of the rains to monetary policy when it said a normal monsoon in 2016 could provide a
favourable supply shock by strengthening rural demand and augmenting the availability of farm produce that would help
moderate inflation. While agriculture and allied economic activities contribute just a little over 15 per cent to overall Gross Value
Added, they have a disproportionate impact on rural consumption, as they provide livelihood for almost half of the countrys
workforce. So for manufacturers of goods ranging from personal care products to tractors, a bountiful monsoon can potentially
deliver a substantial boost to sales. Adequate rainfall, especially in upstream catchment areas, would also help improve
electricity supply in States more dependent on hydel-power, such as Karnataka and Kerala.
However, the capricious nature of weather phenomena and the fact that the IMD has a success rate of about 30 per cent in
correctly predicting the rainfall range over the last 10 years demand that expectations remain well anchored till the actual onset
and subsequent advance of the monsoon has been established. The government needs to use this opportunity to strengthen
the water retention and storage infrastructure. In his Budget speech, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley had said work on least five
lakh farm ponds and dug wells would be taken up as part of MGNREGA, and it is hoped a fair portion of that has been executed
or is set to begin. Given the alarming levels to which groundwater has declined countrywide, the Centre and States need to be
Indias policy of deepening its engagement in the post-Taliban Afghanistan through economic reconstruction will mark a
milestone when Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurates a dam built with Indian aid in Herat province. The 42 MW dam,
with an investment of over $275 million, will boost the agricultural and industrial sectors of Herat, one of the few success stories
in this war-torn country. The project underlines Indias resolve to sharpen its profile in the region. The Herat visit comes close
on the heels of a regional corridor agreement Mr. Modi signed with Iranian and Afghan leaders in Tehran, under which India
will finance the development of Irans Chabahar port, which will be linked to Afghan road networks.
Indias interest in seeing Afghanistan move towards greater peace and prosperity cannot be overstated. India is one of the
closest regional powers that has invested in institution and infrastructure building in Afghanistan. For India, Afghanistan has
immense strategic potential. Besides the infrastructure work India has initiated and completed, it has also signed the TAPI
pipeline project that aims to bring natural gas from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan and Pakistan to India. More important,
Pakistans good-terrorist-bad-terrorist nuancing. Afghanistan is currently going through a particularly turbulent transition. The
government in Kabul has been stretched in trying to stop Taliban advances over the past few months. President Ashraf Ghani
seems to have realised that a complete military victory is improbable. In fact, Mr. Modi goes to Afghanistan at a time when Mr.
Ghani is openly targeting Pakistan for supporting the Taliban. This raises the question of whether New Delhis engagement
should be limited to infrastructure development or whether it should expand its relationship. Lately, India has signalled a small
shift in its policy by delivering M-25 attack helicopters to Kabul. But it remains cautious about making larger overtures on security
and is wary of being sucked into a never-ending war. Such caution is required. But it should not deter India from playing a bigger
role in a country whose stability is vital for its regional ambitions and whose people traditionally count India as a well-meaning
friend. As the Chabahar agreement brought together India, Afghanistan and Iran, New Delhi should work to bring together more
JUNE 06/2016
At least 27 people are dead, including a Superintendent of Police, after violence in Mathura, which has only begun to throw up
details of a deeply secretive cult. But the longer timeline of the Swadhin Bharats land grab in the citys Jawahar Bagh since
2014 and the recap of those fateful final hours on Thursday draw a clear line of indictment running from officials in Mathura to
the Uttar Pradesh administration in Lucknow. Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav has admitted to lapses in the police operation to
evict the group, with estimates of those present going up to 3,000. In their own defence, district officials say the police did not
go to Jawahar Bagh to clear the 200 acres involved, only to recce the area. The explanation given for a Superintendent of Police
landing up at the spot with a few dozen men and a bulldozer in tow is that the action was meant to create an opening on one
side of the encroachment, so that, during a final operation, those believed to be held coercively by the cult could have safe
passage. The settlers have expectedly been on edge after the Allahabad High Court ordered their eviction. Lapses is too mild
a word to explain the botched operation, undertaken with a few dozen personnel but with the provocation of a bulldozer. There
was a clear intelligence failure the administration was unaware of the large cache of arms stored by the settlers. The police
were unprepared for the ferocity of the attack, during which LPG cylinders were exploded, destroying habitations and causing
roughly half the total deaths, including that of the leader of the cult.
Swadhin Bharat had arrived in Mathura from Madhya Pradeshs Sagar district in April 2014, seeking permission to halt for a
couple of days. They were ostensibly on their way to Delhi to stage a protest at Jantar Mantar. But they stayed on, and over
time their list of irrational demands became known: annulling the election of the President and Prime Minister, issue of Indian
National Army currency, sale of 40-60 litres of fuel for a rupee. All this was wrapped in a dreamy, nationalist homage to Subhas
Chandra Bose. At the same time, they chased Horticulture Department staff off the park and met any visitors with fierce violence.
Locals tell fantastical stories about their parallel administration, something the authorities were not wholly unaware of. FIRs
were filed, the District Magistrate informed higher-ups in Lucknow formally, and attempts were made to use drones to snoop on
the settlement. In the meantime, the two days became years. There is a clear picture emerging that the groups leadership
enjoyed the patronage of the powerful. This must be inquired into, along with other lapses in the police action.
Spectator sport is at its riveting best when the script involves an underdog, virtually down and out, marshalling his last ounce
of energy to turn the tables on a fancied opponent. Both within and outside the ring, Muhammad Ali embodied that never-say-
die spirit. In 1964, a young Ali, then known as Cassius Clay, with a gold at the Rome Olympics behind him, squared off against
the reigning world heavyweight champion, Sonny Liston. Critics gave him no chance, but his quick feet and quicker
counterpunches forced Liston to stay in his corner and give up at the beginning of the seventh round. A decade on, Ali was still
taking blows on his chin and standing tall, using his rope-a-dope strategy to eventually wear out George Foreman, one of the
hardest punchers in history, after taking a pounding on the ropes. Then he knocked him out in the Rumble in the Jungle match
in Kinshasa in 1974. The same resilience came in handy as he weathered near-38C temperatures to last 14 rounds and win
by technical knockout against his greatest rival, Joe Frazier, in the Thrilla in Manila in 1975. By the time he retired in 1981, Ali
had a 56-5 professional record (including 37 knockouts). But years of pounding took a physical toll, and he bravely fought the
debilitating effects of Parkinsons disease for more than three decades until his death on June 3 even as he turned into a global
The truth, however, is that the legend of Muhammad Ali will endure as much for his political activism, his showmanship and
his glib talk that forced the world to see the context of his exploits in the ring. In an America emerging from the Jim Crow era,
Ali confronted racism insistently, and with uncommon dignity. He took his anti-racism polemic to another level with conversion
to Islam early in his reign as heavyweight champion of the world. He refused to be drafted into the U.S. Army in Vietnam in
countrymen to settle the more important, internal war against racism. The words are telling: No, Im not going 10,000 miles
from home to help murder and burn another poor nation simply to continue the domination of white slave masters of the darker
people the world over. His emergence as a counter-cultural icon of the 1960s inspired other African-American athletes in
different professional sports, basketball in particular. Ali transcended boxing, and then transcended sport. Was he the greatest
of all time, as he claimed to be? Such categorisations are always debatable. Whats undisputed is that he punched well above
o Punching above your weight - competing against someone who you are no match
for
o Heavyweight - a weight in boxing and other sports, typically the heaviest category
(ranges from 81 to 91 kg)
o Spectator - a person who watches at a show, game, or other event
o Riveting - extremely interesting
o Underdog - in a competition, the person or team considered to be the weakest and
the least likely to win
o Virtually - nearly / almost
o Marshalling - combining / arranging in an order
o Turn the tables on somebody - to change a situation so that you now have an
advantage over someone who previously had an advantage over you
o Fancied - expected to succeed
o Embodied - to represent an idea exactly
o Never-say-die - * said to encourage people to keep trying (to refuse to stop trying
to do something)
o Squared off - to prepare to fight, compete, or argue with someone
o Reigning - ruling (being the most recent winner of a competition)
o Critics - people who express an unfavourable opinion of something
o Counterpunch - a punch thrown in return for one received
o Rope-a-dope strategy - a boxing technique
o Eventually - in the end
o Wear out somebody - to make someone extremely tired
o Pounding - repeated and heavy striking or hitting of someone
o Knocked out - in boxing, the act of hitting the other fighter so that they fall to the
ground and are unable to get up again within ten seconds
o Rumble in the Jungle - a historic boxing event held in Kinshasa, Zaire (Congo) on
October 30, 1974
o Resilience - the quality of being able to return quickly to a previous good condition
after problems
o Came in handy - to be useful
o Rival - the person competing with you for the same thing
o Thrilla in Manila - 3rd and final boxing match between Muhammad Ali and Joe
Frazier
o Toll - suffering / damage
o Debilitating - causing weakness
o Endure - suffer (something painful or difficult) patiently
o Showmanship - skill in making people feel entertained
o Glib talk - speaking in a confident way, but without careful thought or honesty
o Exploit - to use something in a way that helps you
JUNE 07/2016
Given the Centres focus on attracting investment and improving Indias Ease of Doing Business ranking, it is time it took an
unambiguous stand on foreign direct investment (FDI) in retailing. While it is true that the government has eased some rules
relating to investment in single-brand retail operations, the norm on sourcing locally remains a significant grey area, as reflected
in the discussions around Apples plans for India. In November, the Centre eased the rules permitting 100 per cent FDI in Single
Brand Product Retail Trading subject to the sourcing caveat the precondition being that companies with more than 51 per
cent foreign ownership must source 30 per cent of the value of goods in India, preferably from medium, small or micro
enterprises. In isolation, the requirement of a certain proportion of domestic content in the products has a socio-economic
relevance, given its potential to create jobs and protect livelihoods. But the sourcing norm has inhibited FDI inflow; worse, it
could fall foul of the WTOs National Treatment norms. The Centre therefore amended this condition allowing for an exemption
to entities selling products having state-of-the-art and cutting-edge technology, and even more ambiguously, in cases where
local sourcing is not possible. Predictably Apple has sought waivers citing the exemption clause. Its case seems to have found
support with Commerce Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, who said her Ministry was in talks with the Finance Ministry on allowing
Apple to open company-owned stores in India and to explore whether there was a need for separate guidelines for sourcing
waivers.
Rather than get into a potentially convoluted debate about when exemptions should be given, the best course, given the
circumstances, is to drop the sourcing condition altogether. It is counterproductive and open to charges of arbitrariness. Allowing
Ministry officials the discretion to decide on what constitutes cutting-edge technology or whether local sourcing is possible or
not opens the door for less-than-transparent outcomes and the possibility of litigation. A competitor that has invested in local
manufacturing capacity would justifiably feel hard done by if a rival incorporating a similar level of technological advancement
in its products were exempted. The Centres stated objectives for relaxing FDI norms improving the availability of such goods
management practices would be rendered fruitless if overseas companies, subject to the whims of interpretation, opt out of
either entering the market or from making significant investment. Ultimately, keeping it simple works best, especially when it
Has completing the career Grand Slam winning each of the four Majors at least once become easier in mens tennis,
with the increased homogeneity of surfaces and playing styles? Or is the sport simply at a singular moment in its lifetime with
three of its greatest champions succeeding each other so swiftly? There is truth in each argument, and one does not necessarily
contradict the other. But what is beyond debate is Novak Djokovics quality. It has been clear these last two years that the Serb
has elevated his game to rarefied heights. The only caveat to his being recognised as one of the best of all time was the lack of
a French Open title. In conquering Roland Garross unforgiving clay, the destroyer of so many dreams, Djokovic has armoured
his legacy. He is just the eighth man to achieve the career Slam; also only the third, after Don Budge and Rod Laver, to hold all
four Majors at the same time. Budge (1938) and Laver (1962, 1969) did it in a single year, whereas Djokovics string of four
began last Wimbledon. But while the calendar year Grand Slam remains tenniss holy grail, Djokovic has managed something
Roger Federer and Rafael Nadal, the two men to precede him to the career Slam this era, have not.
Where then does Djokovic sit at the table of the greatest-ever? Only Federer (17), Nadal and Pete Sampras (14 each) have
more Major titles than his 12. But Sampras never made a Roland Garros final. Bjorn Borg and Rod Laver (11 each) have fewer
Grand Slam crowns, but persuasive cases. Borg did the French-Wimbledon double thrice when the transition from clay to grass
was at its most challenging; and he played just one Australian Open, a tournament many top players did not bother travelling to
at the time. Laver, meanwhile, lost out on five years of his prime (1963-68) because he turned professional. Some have
suggested that Djokovic winning the calendar Slam this year will earn him the strongest claim to the title of the Greatest of All
Time. Its a discussion that will rage and rage, for like many things in sport, its unknowable. More readily apparent, however, is
why Djokovic is so good. Nobody can stay with him in the long rally, for he enjoys a significant athletic edge over everyone else.
And much like against a fully fit Nadal, the pressure to do too much too soon weighs heavily on opponents. Significant technical
advancements to his forehand and serve have allowed Djokovic to dictate play, making him less reactive. Working meticulously,
he has honed the modern baseline style to its subtlest, most effective form. His mental resilience, moreover, has both drawn
from and supplemented the physical to a point where he now appears invulnerable. In professional sport, where every mask
JUNE 08/2016
Ordinarily, Ajit Jogis decision to form a new political party in Chhattisgarh wouldnt have caused as much as a mild flutter
in the Congress. His reputation has been under a cloud for a long while and his importance in the Congresss scheme of things
has declined. Having become the first Chief Minister of Chhattisgarh upon its formation in 2000, he lost the State to the BJP in
2003, which has held it since then; meanwhile, the Congress has frittered an inordinate amount of political capital in trying to
defend him in a string of controversies. His exit should have been the opportunity for the Congress to signal its regeneration in
the State. But the Congress today is affected by a sense of helplessness. In State after State, crisis has struck in the past few
months from the defections in Arunachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand to the exit of important leaders such as Gurudas Kamat
and Himanta Biswa Sarma in Maharashtra and Assam, respectively. There is a tendency for entrenched Congresspersons
around the party president and vice-president to see every crisis as a self-serving opportunity to embed themselves as advice-
givers. To talk of how the party should be organised and how exactly each crisis may be the moment to hasten Rahul Gandhis
The Gandhi family succession is an issue the Congress grapples with in its own peculiar way, but there is no evidence of the
party rectifying its internal organisation to fix the lines of communication and accountability between the high command and the
State units. Put simply, the Congress needs to reclaim its political coherence by reassessing the functioning of its general
secretaries in working with State leaderships. Run down the list of office-bearers today and there are far too many young
in periodic, mostly unsolicited, advice to the Congress that it must empower its leaders in the States the party needs to only
look at the returns from giving Sachin Pilot a freer hand in Rajasthan. Such advice is also borne of the experience that once the
Congress cedes political space to a regional party, it pretty much gets turfed out of the State. But to fulfil its obligation as a
democratic opposition, a national party cannot be a conglomerate of State units led by local satraps. The Congress needs to
connect the dots to align its Akbar Road headquarters in New Delhi with the State units. The party HQ is in as much need of
Reserve Bank of India Governor Raghuram Rajan has opted for caution, citing the uncertainty surrounding the future trajectory
of inflation and signs of an upside bias to expectations. In leaving interest rates unchanged while retaining an accommodative
monetary policy, he has chosen to leave all options on the table and wait to see how various global and domestic factors pan
out. That the RBI has opted for watchfulness, notwithstanding the prospect of an above normal and well-distributed monsoon
that has the potential of being a source of disinflationary pressure, is testimony to the central banks concern about keeping
inflation expectations well-anchored. Consumer price inflation posted a surprisingly rapid acceleration to 5.39 per cent in April
on the back of a more-than-seasonal jump in the prices of food items including vegetables, fruits, sugar, meat, fish, pulses and
edible oils. Separately, international prices of commodities have started to strengthen, including that of crude oil; this has begun
feeding through into higher transport and communication costs. The overall impact of these trends has been that the inflation
expectations of households, projected three months ahead, moved up marginally in May after the previous survey had shown
a decline. And the elephant in the room is the anticipated implementation of the Seventh Central Pay Commissions
recommendations: to what extent the increased payouts will fan inflation has yet to be quantified, and will ultimately depend on
The RBI has also flagged the challenges to sustaining Indias economic momentum: global growth is uneven and struggling to
gain traction, world trade is floundering for want of demand, the U.S. is weighed down by contracting industrial activity and
exports, deflationary pressures are building in Japan, and the slowdown in China shows no signs of reversing. Besides, if Britain
votes to leave the European Union, there is a real risk of some turmoil in the financial markets, according to Dr. Rajan, who
added that the RBI is armed with adequate reserves to weather any volatility that may emerge. On the domestic front, green
shoots are visible on many fronts. Cargo traffic at major ports, commercial vehicle sales, cement output and steel consumption
are leading an upturn that point to a more broad-based expansion. The RBIs own surveys reveal healthier order books and a
pick-up in capacity utilisation that can help trigger a revival in private investment. Ultimately though, a lot will hinge on how the
monsoon fares, and how much the Centre is willing to invest by way of capital to bolster public sector banks. The central bank,
JUNE 09/2016
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Even before Americans went to the polling booths on Tuesday for a blitzkrieg of primaries across six States, history was in the
making. According to a survey by a news agency, Hillary Clinton had already secured more than the minimum of 2,383 delegates
necessary to clinch the nomination at the Democratic Partys convention in Philadelphia. This would make her the first woman
to clinch the presidential nomination of a major political party in the U.S., an achievement that comes 96 years after women in
the worlds oldest democracy won the right to vote. If the superdelegates backing her stay true to their promise to support her
at the convention, then Ms. Clinton will have finally won the bid to be on the ballot as a presidential candidate, eight years after
she first gave it a shot. Of course, to occupy the White House, she will first have to ward off a stiff attack from presumptive
Republican nominee Donald Trump, the fire-breathing property billionaire. At the moment Ms. Clintons strong delegate count
puts in the shadow her only Democratic rival the self-declared socialist Bernie Sanders. Yet regardless of what Mr. Sanders
does going forward, he will be recognised for consistently tilting the hateful discourse of this election year towards a more
humane, less bigoted idiom and fighting unapologetically against economic inequality and the influence of special interests.
Among the challenges Ms. Clinton faces is the need to win, before November, the hearts and minds of Mr. Sanders supporters,
who are disenchanted with a policy that is seen as favouring the super-rich. Her credentials as former Secretary of State, First
Lady and a well-connected Washington insider place her in stark contrast to Mr. Sanders. She will have to travel many miles to
persuade the young, liberal millennial cohort that supports him, convincing them she has the quintessentially Democratic value
of batting for the middle class through publicly provided safety nets. Then there is the other persona that she has to contend
with: Mr. Trump. Despite vicious verbal attacks on minorities, including Muslims, Mexicans and the differently abled, women
and the media, he has soared from strength to strength on the back of astonishing support from a socially insecure Middle
America. Ms. Clintons much stronger lead in nationwide opinion polls in previous months has shrunk to a mere two-point
average across seven major polls. If she is to ultimately become Madam President, she will have to step deftly through a
quagmire of troubling questions surrounding the 2012 Benghazi attack, her use of a private email server while serving as
o Glass ceiling - a point after which you cannot go any further, usually in improving
your position at work
o Blitzkrieg - a sudden attack that is intended to surprise and quickly defeat the
enemy
o Primary - a preliminary election to select the candidates for a principal, especially
presidential, election
o Delegates - a person sent or authorized to represent others (an elected
representative)
o Clinch - to finally get or win something
o Convention - a large formal meeting
o Superdelegate - (in the Democratic Party) an unelected delegate who is free to
support any candidate for the presidential nomination at the party's national
convention
o Backing - supporting
o Bid - competetion
o Ballot - a system of voting secretly
Udta Punjab is not the first film that the Central Board of Film Certification has sought changes in. And as in several previous
instances of censorship, its demand has no rational basis and violates the constitutional guarantee of freedom of expression.
The plot line of the film is anchored in Punjabs widespread drug addiction, a problem that has been extensively researched and
detailed. It is widely known that drugs are laying waste the people of the State. Ironically, the CBFC wants Punjab expunged
from the title along with edits so that the drama could be read as taking place anywhere in the country, not specifically in Punjab.
Depictions of live issues and events are usually introduced with the caveat that resemblance to real persons is accidental, and
it would be logical to assume that this is where the Board should have left it. The reasons for its censorious zeal are not difficult
to guess. Assembly elections in Punjab are less than a year away, and the ruling Shiromani Akali Dal, which leads a coalition
with the Bharatiya Janata Party, is being cornered most acutely on drug abuse. It is accused not only of failing to check the drug
matter to court, and one must await further legal developments to know the fate of the film. But in his inordinate enthusiasm in
talking down Udta Punjab, CBFC chief Pahlaj Nihalani has only brought the issue of drug consumption in Punjab back into the
spotlight.
It is just as well that the matter of certification has been taken to the courts. As film-makers scope the landscape for realistic
depictions of immediate issues, they face resistance in the form of CBFC recommendations or outright threats of violence from
assorted groups. From Bombay in the Nineties to Vishwaroopam more recently, the right of producers to screen their films is
often negotiated politically. There have been many efforts to secure the freedom of expression for example the G.D. Khosla
report in 1969 recommended independent members on the Board, then called the Central Board of Film Censors.
Independence has remained elusive and even if full autonomy of the Board is ensured, there is no guaranteeing that the
institution would be any less scissor-happy. Perhaps the Shyam Benegal Committee set up early this year by the Information
and Broadcasting Ministry has offered a more practical solution: the CBFC should only certify a film and its scope should be
restricted to categorising the suitability of the film according to the audience group for which it is intended.
o Instances - examples
o Rational - based on clear reason / logic
o Violates - to break or act against something (especially a law / agreement)
o Plot line - the story of a film
o Anchored - presented
o Addiction - the need or strong desire to do or to have something
o Extensively - covering a large area / having a great range
o Ironically - in a way that is different or opposite from the result you would expect
o Expunged - removed completely
o Depiction - the way that something is represented or shown
o Caveat - a warning to consider something before taking any more action
o Resemblance - to look like someone or something
o Zeal - great enthusiasm or eagerness
o Coalition - the joining together of different political parties or groups for a
particular purpose, usually for a limited time
o Acutely - completely
o Abuse - to use something for the wrong purpose in a way that is harmful (misuse)
o Accused - to say that someone has done something morally wrong, illegal, or
unkind
o Inordinate - much more than usual or expected
o Enthusiasm - interest
o Spotlight - receiving a lot of public attention
o Resistance - a force that acts to stop the progress of something or make it slower
o Threats - warnings (suggestions that something unpleasant or violent will happen,
if a particular action or order is not followed)
o Assorted - consisting of various types mixed together
o Negotiated - happening or existing as a result of formal discussions
o Elusive - difficult to find, catch, or achieve
o Autonomy - independence
o Scissor-happy - using scissors and then cut something up that you shouldnt
o Categorising - to put people or things into groups with the same features
o Intended - planned
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At the end of his rousing speech to the U.S. Congress, Prime Minister Narendra Modi quoted Walt Whitman to indicate that
there was a new symphony in play between India and the U.S. The past two years bear out such lyricism in the bilateral
relationship. Defence ties have been consolidated in three ways: in defence procurement from the U.S. as well as co-
development projects, which are worth over $14 billion; in coordination, cooperation and sharing of information between the two
defence forces; and increasingly, on the idea of working together on operations on piracy, peacekeeping and patrolling.
However, it is the strategic relationship, with Indias positioning on non-alignment, that is the most dramatic score in the
symphony. Although the Centre has drawn the line at an alliance and joint patrols, it is clear from the joint vision statement
signed in New Delhi last year that the Modi government intends to move closer to the U.S. on defence issues. In recognition,
during Mr. Modis visit the U.S. declared India a major defence partner, a designation specially created to describe this new
relationship and one that is just short of a military alliance. In 2005, Manmohan Singh told the U.S. Congress of how Indias
growth and prosperity is in American interest, and the heavy lifting has yielded annual bilateral trade of $107 billion now. On
Wednesday, Mr. Modi took the theme forward by saying, A stronger and prosperous India is in Americas strategic interest.
All symphonies have a short pause between movements, and the government must take a similar pause as the U.S.
administration changes to chart the road ahead. It must also factor in the strategic closeness with the U.S. on its other key
bilateral engagements, from Russia to China, and within the neighbourhood. Mr. Modis statement that a strong U.S. partnership
will ensure security of the sea lanes of commerce and freedom of navigation on seas all the way from Asia to Africa and from
the Indian Ocean to the Pacific will be read by Beijing with some concern; India should either reassure China or be prepared
for a counter-move from Beijing on this count. Mr. Modi seemed to suggest India has firmly put its Cold War compacts behind it
when he said the Indo-U.S. relationship has overcome the hesitations of history. If such a candid admission can be made
across the seas inside the U.S. Congress, the Modi government would serve Indias foreign policy well to explain its strategic
shift to Parliament too. This is a necessary domestic input to allow the relationship to be a bridge to a more united, humane
o Rousing - exciting
o Quoted - repeatd the words that someone else has said or written
o Lyricism - the beautiful expression of personal thoughts and feelings
o Bilateral - involving two countries
o Consolidated - to become stronger
o Procurement - to get something, especially after an effort
o Piracy - the unauthorized use or reproduction of another's work
o Peacekeeping - the activity of preventing war and violence
o Patrolling - to go around an area to see if there is any trouble or danger (especially
soldiers or the police)
o Strategic - relating to the gaining of overall or long-term advantage
o Non-alignment - if a country is non-aligned, it does not support or depend on any
powerful country or group of countries
o Dramatic - very sudden or noticeable, or full of action and excitement
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If governments paid serious attention to the economic geography of Indias cities, they would be doing a lot more to prepare
for annual weather events like the monsoon. UN Habitat estimates that by 2030 India will have 14 major clusters of cities
accounting for 40 per cent of its GDP. Other assessments indicate that nearly 80 per cent of economic production will be in
urban areas by that year. What this underscores is the extremely vulnerable condition of cities as economic assets. Proof of this
is available from catastrophic events such as unprecedented flooding in Chennai in 2015 and in Mumbai some years ago. Even
with weak insurance cover for the general population, the volume of claims in Chennai crossed Rs.5,000 crore, highlighting the
avoidable losses arising out of infrastructure deficits. Much of the total loss was borne by individuals. On the other hand, cities
devote vast amounts of their revenue merely to repair roads after the monsoon rather than create new assets. This is a colossal
planning failure, and governments should at least now draw up integrated plans to make cities and growing towns resilient to
weather events and disasters. This should begin with the creation of information systems that tell administrators about weather
The Chennai floods exposed the mindless permissions for construction in floodplains, and the high tolerance to commercial
encroachment of wetlands. They also highlighted the indifference among policymakers over providing decent housing for
migrants. This approach is eroding the economic gains of urban India. If megacities that face seasonal storms are to be
strengthened, they should be provided with more water harvesting facilities in the form of urban wetlands with connected drains.
Suburban lakes have to be revived. Natural ecological structures are readily available to achieve this. City managers should not
commit the mistake of building engineered systems to transfer precious rain flows to the sea, ignoring water security for growing
that during the monsoon, basic requirements of urban living such as transport, safe water supply, energy and health systems
are not severely disrupted. On the positive side, city residents have a higher degree of education, capability and financial
wherewithal, and these should help administrations find durable solutions. Much of urbanising India is yet to be built, and it can
JUNE 11/2016
Road accidents in India kill more people than some epidemics, but the Central and the State governments refuse to see it for
what it is a national crisis. The antiquated traffic management and transportation system resulted in 1,50,000 deaths and left
more than half a million injured last year, affirming the countrys status as among the riskiest in the world for road users.
Significantly, the counts for deaths and injuries in accidents are viewed as less than accurate. The Road Safety in India status
report 2015 from the Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi, says injuries requiring hospitalisation are likely to be underestimated
by a factor of four and for all injuries by a factor of 20. For everyone undertaking a road journey, the risk of a fatal accident has
been rising steadily: absolute fatalities in 2014 showed a 6 per cent average annual growth rate compared to 1970 figures. Data
also show that more than half of those killed last year were in the productive age group of 15 to 34, pointing to a calamitous loss
of young lives. This is a public health emergency that requires immediate action. One of the most productive measures to bring
down accidents is zero tolerance enforcement. Strong policing reduces the risk for vulnerable road users such as pedestrians
In spite of fast-paced motorisation, India does not have a scientific accident investigation agency. Nine years have passed since
the Sundar Committee on Road Safety and Traffic Management recommended the creation of a safety board through legislation.
Under the archaic Motor Vehicles Act and the Indian Penal Code, the police adopt simplistic methods to determine driver fault,
rather than look at composite factors including bad road design and failure of civic agencies to maintain infrastructure while
fixing responsibility for accidents. It is unlikely that the proposed National Road Safety and Traffic Management Board will lead
to dramatic improvements, since it is envisaged only as an advisory body. Without empowered oversight, it is impossible to
eliminate systemic corruption in transport departments in vehicle certification and licensing of drivers, and poor monitoring of
roadworthiness of commercial vehicles. The Centre should also act on the virtual monopoly held by automotive companies on
the sale of spares and servicing of vehicles, which is raising cost of ownership and affecting quality of maintenance. Research
suggests there will be an annual rise in fatalities until 2042, before a decline sets in. That distressing prognosis can be changed
France is no stranger to strikes. But weeks-long unrest by left-leaning labour unions against the policies of a Socialist
government is unprecedented. The unions that began the strike on May 17 are demanding that the government abandon
a bill to reform Frances strict labour laws. If the bill is passed in Parliament or taken to law through a decree, employers
will be allowed to negotiate the 35-hour maximum working week and severance payments if they need to downsize the
workforce in times of financial difficulty. The government says overhauling the labour laws is necessary for job creation,
and that it is part of a larger reform push to spur economic growth. Growth is stalled at around 1 per cent. The
unemployment rate hovers at more than 10 per cent, twice that of Germany. Youth unemployment is stubbornly high at
25 per cent. Franois Hollande, one of the most unpopular presidents in modern France, has to jump-start reforms to
But the question is whether Mr. Hollande can accomplish this while antagonising the unions that helped him come to
power four years ago. Before the 2012 elections, he had presented himself as an ally of the working population and vowed
to squeeze the wealthy to protect Frances egalitarianism. But once in power, Mr. Hollande turned business-friendly, and
the constituency that elected him felt betrayed. The government appears determined to move ahead with the reform plan
despite the strike, which has already affected fuel distribution in parts of France. However, over the past two months the
unions have demonstrated that they have mass support for the protests. Since March 31, tens of thousands of French
citizens have taken to the streets against the government. Also, a section of the ruling Socialist Party is opposed to the
governments economic policies. Unilaterally proceeding with the legislation could deepen rifts within the party and trigger
more public unrest. These protests come at a particularly delicate time for France. The country is already under a state
of emergency. After last Novembers Paris attacks, it remains on heightened alert. The European Championship football
tournament began in Paris on Friday, and its successful conduct needs the help of Frances workers and security
personnel. In such a scenario, the last thing the country needs is an open showdown between workers and the
government. In the end, there may be no option available to either but a compromise. The government must realise the
limits of high-handedness and unilateralism, just as the unions need to face up to the reality that the French economy,
fired by government and European Union subsidies and a publicly funded welfare system, cannot hold amid stalled
growth.
JUNE 13/2016
Surprise victories and shock defeats are usually the stuff of the direct elections; much less frequently that of indirect
elections to the Rajya Sabha. When elections to the Upper House throw up a surprise, they usually reveal stories of
dissension and, on occasion, extraneous influences of a dubious sort. The >unexpected jolts in the last round of Rajya
Sabha elections were caused by MLAs in the Congress in Haryana and the Janata Dal (Secular) in Karnataka. Strategies
drawn up at the leadership level came to naught as the legislators, dissatisfied with the choice of candidates or the style
of decision-making, ensured the defeat of official nominees. The Congress high command decided to ignore the early
warning signs in Haryana, blinkered by the overwhelming desire to defeat the independent candidate sponsored by the
Bharatiya Janata Party media baron Subhash Chandra. For the Haryana unit of the party, the course adopted by its
leadership, of joining hands with the Indian National Lok Dal to support the lawyer R.K. Anand, made little political sense
as the two parties are fighting for the same political space in the State. In this instance, the interests of the national
leadership and those of the State unit were in direct conflict. The Congress high command was more intent on reducing
the support for the BJP in the Rajya Sabha, if only by one. But the partys MLAs were more concerned about how the
battlelines are drawn in Haryana. What makes the situation worse for the Congress is that it is in no position to act against
the rebels. The 15 MLAs, who very deliberately invalidated their votes, have the backing of large sections of the State
unit, led from the front by former Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda. It is the national leadership of the party that will
In Karnataka, it was the Congress that was the beneficiary of another partys internal bickering. Dissidence within the
JD(S) has a longer history, and the cross-voting had more to do with dissatisfaction with the leadership's style of
functioning than with the choice of candidate. Although some of the rebels are considered close to Congress Chief Minister
Siddaramaiah, who was formerly with the JD(S), their vote was largely a signal to the JD(S) leadership, and not so much
out of love for the Congress. In Uttar Pradesh, the >Congress managed to get Kapil Sibal elected despite some cross-
voting in favour of Preeti Mahapatra, a Gujarat-origin entrepreneur considered close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Like in some earlier Rajya Sabha elections, there was evidence in this round of wealthy candidates securing votes across
party lines, reinforcing the belief that elections to the Upper House continue to be influenced by the power of money.
As a deepening economic crisis aggravates Venezuelas severe social and political unrest, it has exposed the fragility of
its institutions to deal with the situation. Plagued by long years of populism kept afloat on a sea of oil, the plunging prices
of crude have resulted in a lethal mix of goods shortages and hyperinflation, threatening to push the country into a state
of chaos. Already, there are snaky queues for food and medicines and a crippling shortage of electricity that has forced
a two-day week for government employees and blackouts across the country. The oft-repeated grievance of President
Nicols Maduro, the charismatic Hugo Chvezs hand-picked successor, that Venezuela is the victim of an economic
accumulated during the oil boom even as it is forced to cut down on imports of basic necessities to avoid a default.
As a rash of criminal activity and a >surge of angry protests break out on the streets, the opposition, buoyed by a victory
in the congressional elections last December, is looking to oust Mr. Maduro. The focus now is on the fate of the recall
referendum, with the opposition claiming it has the required 1.85 million signatures to force one and the government
dismissing this as fraudulent, something that a pliant National Electoral Council has endorsed by declaring about a third
of the signatures on the petition as invalid. The opposition, led by Henrique Capriles, a former presidential candidate,
wants the referendum to be held by January next year as a victory would mean a fresh presidential election. Were the
referendum to take place later, then a Maduro loss would merely mean that his Vice-President runs the country until 2019.
The big question is whether the country can afford to wait for the political process to play itself out. Time and patience are
wearing thin. It is becomingly apparent that Mr. Maduro, who has become isolated within the region he was described
as a traitor to ethics by the Secretary General of the Organisation of American States will be unable to carry the
country for much longer with rhetoric of jingoism and victimhood. The President has the backing of the armed forces and
a government-stacked Supreme Court and is now armed with emergency powers to confront allinternational and
national threats. It is imperative that he allows some sort of international mediation with the immediate aim of calming
political tempers and dealing with the shortage in food and medicines. The risks otherwise are a slip into dictatorship or,
JUNE 14/2016
The toxic forces of global jihadist terror, lax gun control laws and pernicious homophobia converged on Sunday night at
a gay club in Orlando, Florida. The >outcome was the worst mass shooting incident in U.S. history. Omar Mateen, 29, a
U.S.-born son of Afghan immigrants, killed 50 people and injured at least 53 using both a handgun and a long gun,
thought to be an AR-15-style assault rifle. This bloodshed, which marked the 16th mass shooting during the presidency
of Barack Obama, speaks to that plague of peaceful American society: gun proliferation bolstered by constitutional
protection under the Second Amendment, and relentless lobbying on Capitol Hill by the National Rifle Association, with
its deep pockets. Mateen, who was known to have ranted about gay people in the past, meticulously targeted the gay
Courts >landmark decision nearly a year ago upholding marriage equality. While the latest attack is another grim
bookmark in the annals of gun control reform and hate crimes against the LGBT community, the standout dimension of
the incident is without doubt the creeping menace of lone wolf attacks linked to Islamic State (IS), and the prognosis for
The surest sign of the heightened political temperature surrounding domestic terrorism of this sort came from the instant
reactions of the two presumptive presidential candidates, Republican Donald Trump and Democrat Hillary Clinton. While
both >focussed on scoring political points, neither sought to tackle the phenomenon of mounting lone wolf attacks. On
Sunday, Mateen said on a call >he made to the 911 emergency line that he swore allegiance to IS. Experts have noted
that such a pledge has come to be considered a core element of the IS protocol. In December 2015, the San Bernardino,
California, attackers posted such an oath of allegiance on Facebook. In May 2015, the shooter at a cartoon exhibit
displaying images of the Prophet Muhammad in Texas posted tweets pledging loyalty to IS. These public pledges prior
to a violent attack eerily mesh with the recent exhortations of IS spokesman Abu Muhammad al-Adnani, who called on
supporters to kill innocents in the U.S. and Europe during the holy month of Ramzan. Without overreach that would
amount to curbing civil liberties, the U.S. surveillance and security apparatus would have to respond with a higher level
of creativity to deal with lone wolf strikes. Significantly, the Federal Bureau of Investigation had interviewed Mateen twice
but found no evidence of any terror links. In the U.S. it is all too easy for a psychotic, bigoted or otherwise unstable
individual with leanings towards jihadist extremism to act out his beliefs in the land that has one gun for every human
being.
By asking five prominent private hospitals in the national capital >to deposit nearly Rs.600 crore to compensate for their
failure to treat poor patients, the Delhi government has drawn attention to the social obligation of healthcare providers in
the corporate sector as well as the need for timely enforcement of applicable regulations. According to the Kejriwal
government, trusts and registered societies to which public land was allotted to establish hospitals were required to
earmark a percentage of their medical facilities and services for indigent patients. The administration is now moving
against institutions that failed to comply with the provision. As early as in 2007, the Delhi High Court had acted on a public
interest litigation to lay down that 10 per cent of inpatient facilities and 25 per cent of outpatient services be provided free
had made. The hospitals that have now been fined dispute any failure to treat the required number of indigent patients
and plan to challenge the order. While the courts will have the final say on the dispute, the principle of opposing
The World Health Organisation (WHO) estimates that government accounts for only one-third of Indias healthcare spend
well below what is desirable. As a result, we have a situation in which the private sector accounts for a significant part
of healthcare services. Given the low penetration of health insurance, about 86 per cent of expenditure on health comes
out of peoples pockets. This strengthens the case for private hospitals to dedicate a part of their services to those who
cannot afford treatment. However, there is no national legislation that makes this mandatory. In the case of Delhi, it is
enforced as a condition on which land is allotted to private hospitals. Wherever such regulations can be legally enforced,
it is best that they are monitored on a real-time basis and rigorously enforced. In the present case, it has taken years to
assess the audited accounts of the hospitals and initiate action to recover their profits. Enforcing social obligations of
private service providers must go hand in hand with other measures to achieve the real goals of health policy: universal
health coverage and protection for all sections against excessive out-of-pocket medical expenditure.
JUNE 15/2016
The Bombay High Court has handed out a lesson to the scissor-happy members of the Central Board of Film
Certification, one that they, especially its overzealous chairman Pahlaj Nihalani, should learn at least now. While ordering
that Udta Punjab be granted a certificate in the Adult category and >allowed to be screened with one cut and a
disclaimer, the court has served a reminder that certification, and not censorship, is the real job of the CBFC. And that
the power to order changes and cuts must be exercised only in line with provisions of the Constitution and Supreme Court
orders. Its mandate is not to interfere with the film-makers creative process and freedom of expression. More importantly,
the CBFC has been advised not to look at cinema like a grandmother and instead move with the times and understand
the impulses of present-day creators who may have a candid and direct manner of storytelling. It has reminded the Board
that a film should be seen as one whole and its scenes and dialogues be not taken out of context. The CBFC had no
business in the first place to appoint itself the guardian of the honour of Punjab and take umbrage at the portrayal of the
prevailing reality of widespread drug addiction in the State. Suggesting that references to Punjab and other places be
deleted amounted to ordering that a film about a besetting vice in a particular geographical area be converted into a vague
The reasonable restrictions under Article 19(2) have been routinely invoked to choke free speech and expression. These
restrictions were never meant to include such things as whether people, in power or otherwise, found something in poor
taste, offensive or against the grain of social or political opinion. We live in a country where hurt sentiment is used to seek
curbs on all manner of creative expression in books, music, art and film. In doing what he did, Mr. Nihalani may not,
as some of his detractors allege, have been batting for the ruling dispensation in Punjab, which is slated to go to the polls
next year. But he is guilty, at the very least, of succumbing to the view that hurt sentiments (whether real or manufactured)
are a basis for ordering extensive and story-altering cuts in a film. The Shyam Benegal Committee, which recently
submitted its report on norms relating to film certification, >recommended that the CBFC should be nothing more than a
certification body. It has suggested that films be classified on the basis of their suitability to different age groups. After Udta
The decision of Microsoft >to spend over $26 billion to buy LinkedIn, the worlds largest professional network, is an
earnest attempt by the company founded by Bill Gates for continued relevance in a space that it once dominated, to the
point of being a monopoly. That space the technology sector is nothing like what it was in the 1980s and 1990s,
when Microsoft ruled. Over the last decade and a half, the rise of the Internet, social media, and smartphones have
dramatically altered the contours of this space, giving rise to new and more powerful companies such as Google,
beyond its legacy products and create new ones, even new categories. For a long time, Microsoft wasnt able to reconcile
itself to such changes, tied as it was to the old way of doing things. As recently as last year, a sizeable share of its $93.5
billion revenue came from its old business model of selling its operating system and Office suite to desktop buyers across
the world. When Microsoft did wake up, the game had already slipped from its hands. Rather than create the future, as
the clich in the technology world goes, Microsoft had to reconcile itself to playing me-too in this new world.
This is not the first time Microsoft is trying the acquisition route to make up for lost years. Three years ago, it bought the
phone-maker Nokia for nearly $8 billion, a move that its then CEO Steve Ballmer called a bold step into the future. But
Microsoft got nowhere with that buy and had to write down the investment eventually. Notwithstanding this, critics are
more optimistic about its latest acquisition, Microsofts biggest ever. Satya Nadella, who took over as CEO in 2014, has
been laying emphasis on playing to the companys strengths. He has since focussed on new businesses such as cloud
services, one of the fast-growth areas for the company. But what does a software-seller have to do with a social network?
Microsoft has a history of providing tools to businesses. And LinkedIn, though certainly not the most high-profile social
network around, is in the business of linking business professionals in the new age. With more than 400 million members,
LinkedIn makes its money through recruitment ads and subscriptions. As its CEO, Jeff Weiner, noted in a post:
Essentially, were both trying to do the same thing but coming at it from two different places: For LinkedIn, its the
professional network, and for Microsoft, the professional cloud. The coming together is sure to give Microsoft the traction
JUNE 16/2016
Legal issues become needless controversies when politics casts a dark shadow on them. The issue of the >President
withholding assent to a Delhi government Bill seeking to protect its 21 parliamentary secretaries from incurring
disqualification on the grounds of holding an office of profit, is a flagrant example. Chief Minister >Arvind Kejriwal accuses
the Narendra Modi government of having a political motive in advising the President against granting assent. He cites the
prevailing practice of appointing parliamentary secretaries in several other States, notably in Gujarat and Punjab, where
the BJP and its allies are in power. Further, laws in these States expressly protect them from disqualification a
protection that he says Delhi is being denied by the Centre. The matter is essentially a mix of two legal questions: whether
the post of parliamentary secretary, paid or unpaid, is an office of profit; and whether MLAs are given the positions only
to get around the constitutional limit on the number of ministers a State can have. These questions can be settled through
the Election Commission and the courts of law, and attempts to politicise them are unnecessary. The parliamentary
secretaries are under notice from the EC to show cause why they should not be disqualified for holding an office of profit.
The Centre appears reluctant to clear the Bill as it may amount to granting retrospective protection and pre-empting the
ECs opinion.
Mr. Kejriwal contends that his parliamentary secretaries do not draw any salaries or perquisites. He ought to canvass this
point before the Election Commission. The EC will have to go by the set of tests evolved by the Supreme Court on whether
a particular post is an office of profit: whether the government makes the appointment, remunerates the appointee, has
the right to remove the appointee and controls the appointees functions. Further, some High Courts have ruled that
parliamentary secretaries are essentially ministers and their appointment would be struck down if it resulted in the
ministrys strength breaching the constitutional limit. Under Article 164 (1A) of the Constitution, introduced in 2003, the
Council of Ministers should not comprise more than 15 per cent of the strength of a Legislative Assembly. In the case of
the 70-member Delhi Assembly, the limit is 10 per cent, or seven ministers. Such questions arise because the term office
of profit and the post of parliamentary secretary do not yet have a clear legal definition. A legislative solution applicable
across the country is needed. That should ensure that there are no double standards in applying the law on office of
profit.
For the British voter, its a rare moment. The results of the June 23 referendum, the second vote in 41 years on United
Kingdoms place in the European Union, will have implications for generations to come. But unlike in 1975, when those
Britons who wanted the country to remain within the European Economic Community had a clear lead over those who
wanted it to exit, this is a neck- and-neck race. According to one poll tracker, the exit camp has a one percentage point
lead over the remain lobby in the weighted average of recent major polls. There is widespread resentment among voters
against the current terms of Britains membership in the EU, and sections of the Tories and other far-right politicians are
trying to exploit this. The Brexit camp argues that owing to the EU membership, Britain is not allowed to make changes
in existing laws and take independent economic decisions. Such restrictions have cost the country economically and are
partly responsible for high unemployment. The camp also blames the EUs immigration policies for migrant arrivals. But
most of these arguments appear hollow as a post-Brexit scenario could throw up even worse outcomes.
Beyond the rhetoric, the Brexit lobby is yet to make a convincing case in support of the argument that leaving the EU
would benefit the U.K. economically. On the other hand, the Treasury assesses that Brexit would slow down growth, and
could lead to a loss of 36 billion in tax receipts. In the short term, a No vote will throw the country into political instability
as Prime Minister David Cameron is likely to resign. There will also be economic uncertainty as Britain will have to
negotiate its new relationship with the EU within two years. A bigger problem would be trade. Currently, almost half of
Britains exports go to other EU countries. The economic impact of losing access to the EUs single market will be huge.
single market. But Norway has had to make huge concessions for this access, including making payments into EU
budgets. Another option is for Britain to negotiate a free trade agreement with the EU. But this route has at least two
problems. First, free trade deals are unlikely to cover financial services. Second, the U.K. will face competition from other
economic powerhouses such as the U.S. and India in negotiating a trade agreement with the EU. On its own, the U.K.
will be at a disadvantage compared to the bigger markets. Moreover, Brexit would put the idea of a united Europe in
danger as it could have a domino effect. The voters decision will have serious effects on not just the country but on the
whole region.
JUNE 17/2016
The >thriving trade in illicitly procured temple idols was exposed yet again after officers of the Idol Wing of the Tamil
Nadu Police raided the premises of the Chennai-based businessman Deenadayalan on May 31. The sheer scale of the
seizure 71 stone idols, 41 metal idols, 90 paintings and an ivory item signals how big and brazen the idol-looting
business is in India. The value of the loss from this activity cannot be computed in merely commercial terms; every item
illegally exported robs the country of a bit of its heritage. The Deenadayalan raids, for example, yielded idols of Ganapathy,
Dakshinamoorthy, Garudalwar, Boodevi and Sridevi, and numerous pillars and vessels too, mostly dating back to the
unparalleled refinement of Dravidian sculpture and architecture during the Chola age. The octogenarian ran four art
galleries in Tamil Nadu and one in Karnataka, each possibly a hub for storage and smuggling. The meticulously organised
nature of this shadowy business hints at the deep and vast network of idol thieves who have plied their trade across not
only Tamil Nadu but numerous other Indian States and even broader territories of South and South East Asia.
The most notable among these is the >smuggling ring of Subhash Kapoor, the alleged kingpin who is now in a Tamil
Nadu prison after being arrested in the U.S. in 2011 for illegally shipping artefacts to his Art of the Past gallery in New
York and to other museums. The loot of Indian antiquities by Kapoor and Co. stretches as far back as the early years of
Indian Independence, when Subhashs father Parshotam Ram Kapoor began plundering cultural institutions in the
subcontinent and selling objects for profit. The law of the land has changed since then. In the 1970s India became a
signatory to the UNESCO convention on preventing the illicit import, export and transfer of ownership of cultural property.
Under this rubric, no such culturally significant objects could be removed from India under any circumstances. Although
more evidence connecting Deenadayalan to Kapoor is yet to emerge, it is clear that a loot of heritage on a breathtaking
scale has continued despite the evolving legal framework to protect it. Although enforcement action and public awareness
of idol-smuggling have expanded, it has only been in the last few years that idols recovered on foreign soil have trickled
back. Notably, 200 artefacts estimated at $100 million were returned to India in Washington this month during the U.S.
visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. There is an urgent need to halt the outflow of idols. That requires building up the
manpower and surveillance capabilities of the police to disrupt the gangs, and facilitating inter-agency and international
cooperation.
There is little that is surprising about Indias recent >refusal to allow Google to launch its Street View service, which
gives users a 360-degree view of public spaces. As this newspaper has reported, the proposal was rejected following
objections raised by the Defence Ministry. The decision is said to have come in the backdrop of the >terror attack on the
Pathankot airbase in January, with investigators suspecting that terrorists used Google Maps to study the topography of
the targeted area. Barely days after the airbase attack, the Delhi High Court asked the government to examine the issue
of sensitive locations such as defence installations and nuclear power plants showing on Google Maps. It isnt clear if
these concerns have been addressed. Street View goes a step further than the maps. It displays panoramic views of
public spaces, thanks to images captured by Googles moving vehicles, adding a layer of depth and reality to the maps.
India has hinted that its refusal is not final and that such issues could be resolved once the > Geospatial Bill, which seeks
to regulate map-creation and sharing, comes into force. But it is unclear whether this will help, given that the proposed
legislation is somewhat overenthusiastic about regulation. India isnt the first country to seem troubled by Street View.
Since its launch in 2007 in the U.S., the service has faced roadblocks in many countries. In the U.S., for instance, both
the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Defense had concerns over Google capturing images of
sensitive locations. In Europe, especially Germany, concerns over loss of privacy took centre stage. The script wasnt
different in Japan.
And yet, Street View is available in all these countries. Solutions were eventually found. Before long, the service figured
out a way to blur peoples faces and licence plates automatically before the pictures were made public. In the U.S., Google
was asked to remove sensitive information, and its image-capturing cars were ordered to keep off military bases. In
Germany, households were given the option of blurring their buildings. In Japan, the height from which the cameras
scanned the neighbourhoods was lowered and local governments were notified prior to Googles photography. Even
Israel, which takes internal security very seriously, gave the green signal to Street View five years ago, reportedly making
sure Google doesnt show images in real-time and only photographs public spaces open to all. While there is an obvious
tourism angle involved, Google representatives have spoken of Street Views usefulness in disaster management. All
things considered, it might not be in Indias best interests to keep out this technology for long.
JUNE 18/2016
The >civil aviation policy, unveiled after much ado, ticks all the right boxes. The intent to fast-track the sector and harvest
its multiplier effects on the economy, spurring investments, tourism and employment, is clear. Making flying affordable
and bringing more cities on the air transport map either by reviving defunct airports or building no-frills as well as full-
fledged commercial terminals would boost domestic traffic, but the target to more than triple passenger numbers by
2022 is too ambitious. A critical reform is the de-politicisation of identifying destinations. Indeed, resources ought to be
deployed based on economics rather than as populist gestures to the hinterland voter. The >regional connectivity
scheme will be purely demand-driven, on the basis of commitments from airlines and State governments. Aiming for a
Rs.2,500 air ticket for hour-long flights by securing concessions from States and airports and subsidising airlines is a
populist gesture. Implementing a subsidy-based network comes with its perils oil prices tend to swing, and the wisdom
of a dole for flyers on new routes to be financed by a levy on flyers on high-traffic routes is questionable. A complex
regime would make airlines hesitate before investing in smaller aircraft for such routes.
Liberalising the right to fly abroad by scrapping the five-year domestic flight operations requirement doesnt create real
room for manoeuvre for investors. Quick offers of international routes may not mean much for new airlines; it is not
financially feasible to scale up to a fleet of 20 aircraft just to get the right to deploy the next one on an overseas route.
Similarly, while an open sky policy with SAARC countries is a positive, it has a misleading ring when applied to countries
beyond a 5,000-km radius. India already has unused flying rights to EU countries and an open-sky policy with the U.S.
and the U.K. The success of the regional connectivity plan will hinge on concessions from States in the form of free land,
lower utility rates and tax cuts on aircraft fuel. The Centre has offered to grant special economic zone status for any
aeronautical manufacturing activity. But such sops are not as tempting as they used to be. While the policy promises to
that allows operators to use just 30 per cent of non-aeronautical revenues to subsidise costs. This would not only push
up airport costs, but also run counter to the single till approach followed by the independent airport economic regulator.
The trajectory of the policy seems right, but several unseen variables remain. These could well throw Indian aviation off
A little more than three months after detecting gravitational waves from the merger of two massive black holes, the Laser
Interferometer Gravitational-Wave Observatory (LIGO) detectors recorded on December 26, 2015, gravitational waves
from the merger of two smaller black holes nearly 1.4 billion years ago. This has confirmed that the merger of binary black
holes recorded on September 14, 2015 was not a chance discovery, and opened a new category of objects to be observed
in the universe. While the September event was from the merger of black holes 36 and 29 times the mass of the Sun, the
December event was from the merger of smaller black holes that had 14 and eight times its mass. As a result of their
lighter masses, the signal from the last 27 orbits of the black holes before they merged lasted more than one second in
LIGOs frequency band. Unlike the September event, when three times the mass of the Sun was radiated as gravitational
waves, such waves from the December event came from one mass of the Sun. Hence, the signals from the December
event were a lot weaker compared with the first one (which was like a short-duration burst), and distributed over a longer
stretch of time, thus getting buried in noise. Yet, scientists were able to tease out the signal thanks to the seminal work
of Indian scientists in adapting a special technique for gravitational wave data analysis and theoretical modelling of the
expected signals.
The two observations were made by two LIGO detectors located in the U.S. Livingston in Louisiana and Hanford in
Washington during a four-month run from September 2015. The next observation run beginning September 2016 will
have an improved sensitivity of 25 to 75 per cent. As a result, the volume of the universe that can be studied will increase
by 1.5 to two times, and the detectors will be in operation for a longer duration of six months. Hence, three times the
number of events will be witnessed. The Virgo detector, a third interferometer located near Pisa, Italy, which has a design
that is close to LIGO but is not quite identical, is expected to become operational during the latter half of LIGOs upcoming
observation run. Simultaneous operation of the three detectors and the 26 millisecond difference in the arrival time of
incoming gravitational wave signals between LIGO and VIRGO will improve the ability to locate the source of each new
event. The precision of source location will further improve when the arrival time difference increases to 39 milliseconds
as LIGO-India, the fourth detector, begins operations by January 2023. Its a promising time ahead for science.
JUNE 20/2016
In declaring that he will not seek a second term after his first ends in September, Reserve Bank of India Governor
Raghuram Rajan has chosen the best and most dignified way out of a situation that was getting increasingly ugly. Over
the last few months, his extension became the subject of fevered speculation as it became increasingly apparent that
sections within the Modi government were uncomfortable with his continuance. The complaints against Mr. Rajan varied
they included the relatively trifling (his choice of words and plain-speaking ways), the debatable but substantive (his
unwillingness to lower interest rates despite stable macro-economic indicators), and the indisputably ridiculous (his
alleged lack of commitment to India). The last, coupled with the Centres decision to form a search panel to select all
financial sector regulators, could have nudged Mr. Rajan to rule himself out of the race two and a half months before his
term ends. In doing so, he has saved the Centre from the possible repercussions that a refusal to grant a second term
could have had. After all, the RBI Governor has an enormous amount of credibility with international investors (the impact
of his exit on foreign portfolio flows will be keenly watched), and he has earned himself the reputation of having skilfully
managed the countrys currency, inflation and foreign exchange reserves in a faltering world economic climate.
On monetary policy, the Centres uneasiness stemmed from what it believed was an important reason for the economy
not taking off as fast as it could have. The slow pace of interest rate cuts, a result of what Mr. Rajan saw as fresh or rising
inflationary pressures, is on that list; but although the RBI has cut rates by 1.5 percentage points since 2015, private
investments are still moribund. The central banks crackdown on the evergreening of loans, forcing banks to acknowledge
bad loans rather than throw more good money after bad, has led to record losses across the public sector banking system.
This has been another source of friction. By ruling himself out for a second term, Mr. Rajan has brought down the curtain
on the unfortunate and unpleasant politics around his continuance. In choosing his successor, the Centre must remember
that the central bank, by its very remit, is concerned about inflation and that the country needs a Governor with enough
independence and authority to maintain a balance between the aspirations for growth and the concern about rising prices;
it is also imperative that the new central bank chief has a free hand in charting a course to fix banks books so that they
can begin lending again. A rubber stamp for rate cuts wont do, and it is not such a bad thing if a healthy tension exists
Four years after the Indian hockey team finished last at the London Olympics, the men stood on the same turf with their
heads held high, silver medals at the elite Champions Trophy gleaming around their necks. It was a historic win, the
second podium finish at a major international competition in six months and, going into the Olympics, an indicator of how
much India has advanced. The team lost in a shootout, but holding world champion Australia goalless for 60 minutes was
in itself commendable, given that no one except the players believed it could be done. That it came a day after losing 4-
2 to the same opposition makes it more impressive. It is the culmination of a long process that often threatened to derail.
The process began with Spanish coach Jose Brasa and trainer Jesus Garcia Pallares in 2009 soon after the team missed
the Olympic bus for the first time. Pallares was the man who brought science into training despite a very brief stay. It
continued with David John who assisted Michael Nobbs and then Jason Konrath and now Matthew Eyles. Despite the
exit of several coaches in this period, the team always had a good trainer to ensure that fitness did not suffer.
Indias performance was notable in a number of ways. It had the least experienced side with an average of 79.27 games
per player (compared to 140 for Britain and 160 for Belgium). Despite resting many key players, the young side held its
own against experienced opponents. The teams improved fitness is noticeable. Till recently, it was difficult for an Indian
player to keep pace with an Australian. In the final, the Australians struggled to break free. There is also a belief in the
team that they belong in the top order. There is hurt at not being able to put one across Australia, and that pain is critical.
A team without the hunger to win cannot be expected to strive for it. There is a lot to do still. India conceded too many
penalty corners and earned too few. There is too much dependence on P.R. Sreejesh in goal-keeping, and when he has
an off-day, India struggles. But these issues can be resolved. Once Indian teams played with five in attack. In the final, it
had the same number in defence. The team not only changed its entire gameplan but also stifled Australia by sheer dint
of stamina and willpower within 24 hours of looking ragged. That deserves to be appreciated.
JUNE 21/2016
With India now acknowledged as the fastest growing large economy in the world and also edging up in the World Banks
ease of doing business rankings, the time is ripe for the country to open its doors wider to Foreign Direct Investment
(FDI). This is exactly what the Centre has done by raising FDI caps in some sectors (airlines from 49 to 100 per cent),
sweeping others entirely into the automatic route (cable TV, brownfield airports) and diluting preconditions for sectors
with restrictions (relaxation of sourcing norms in single-brand retail and technology norms for defence). FDI is stickier and
more resilient to business cycles than mercurial Foreign Portfolio Investor (FPI) flows. At a time when the private sector
has a limited appetite to invest and when the government is tied down by fiscal constraints, India needs to seek out foreign
capital to keep its growth engines purring. That foreign investors are interested in India is evident: there has been a 23
per cent surge in inbound FDI, which touched a record $55.5 billion in 2015-16.
Even so, it is simplistic to assume that merely opening up more sectors or setting more liberal equity caps will have foreign
investors queuing up to invest. Indias experience suggests that actual investment interest in the newly liberalised sectors
will be tied to three factors. One, foreign investors, like domestic ones, are ROI (Return on Investment) focussed.
Therefore, sectors that are already witnessing booming consumer demand such as DTH television, airlines and
pharmaceuticals are more likely to attract quick investment flows than those that are in need of bailouts (asset
reconstruction firms) or entail long gestation periods (airports or defence). Two, even if the Centre is willing to reduce
initial entry barriers, frequent market or pricing interventions can deter investors. The Centre seems to have recognised
this in watering down the sourcing norms for FDI in single-brand retail. But its attempts to woo FDI into pharma may be
stymied by increasing price controls and the lack of clarity in the policy on essential drugs. Three, the experience with
sectors such as insurance suggests that foreign investors committing long-term capital expect to exercise control over
the entities they fund. Overall, there is no disputing that the FDI relaxations, irrespective of whether they were timed to
in the right direction. But as we have learnt from the past, the devil is usually in the detail.
will go ahead, the Zika virus notwithstanding. An Emergency Committee meeting convened by the WHO Director-General
said there is very low risk of the virus spreading globally as a consequence of the Games being held in Brazil. The local
mosquito population level is expected to drop sharply in August, the Brazilian mid-winter, and the annual infection rate is
expected to peak before that. Intensive vector-control measures at and around the venue will reduce transmission risks.
It is possible that a few individuals may get infected and contribute to a global spread and start off a new chain of local
transmission. But the risk will be the same as in any country where the local transmission of the Zika virus is ongoing; it
does not get amplified even when thousands come together, as the committee has noted. The WHO, however, has
stressed that pregnant women should refrain from travelling to Brazil and other countries where the virus is circulating.
The onus is now on Brazil to ensure that mosquito-control measures are intensified, surveillance is enhanced, and as
required by the WHO, to make all information public about the virus circulation, surveillance and vector-control measures.
Indians travelling to any country with a Zika transmission trail have to take precautionary measures during their stay and
on return. The first case of Zika virus infection through needlestick injury suggests that it is likely to be as infectious as
HIV. While the virus primarily spreads through infected Aedesmosquitoes, through blood, and from mother to foetus
(vertical transmission), several studies have confirmed a sexual route. While the Zika virus has been detected in saliva,
urine and breast milk, there is no evidence yet of its transmission through these body fluids. But in the case of semen,
the viral load has been found to be 100,000 times more than in both blood and urine even two weeks after the onset of
symptoms. The virus has been found in semen even 62 days after symptom onset. A June 2016 study in The Lancet has
found evidence of late sexual transmission 44 days after symptoms show up. It is for these reasons that the WHO
recommends that men and women returning from countries with Zika transmission consider abstinence or adopt safe sex
practices for two months, with these strategies extended for at least six months for men who exhibit symptoms. As the
landscape of Zika transmission is evolving, there is a critical need to exercise caution. More so as the Aedes aegyptiis
widely prevalent in India and the chances of the virus becoming endemic are high.
JUNE 22/2016
With the latest round of reforms in the foreign direct investment (FDI) policy, the Centre has boasted that most sectors
would now be eligible for automatic approvals, making India the most open economy in the world for FDI. At least in the
civil aviation sector, for which the Centre also unveiled a new policy last week targeting greater connectivity at cheaper
fares, that opinion seems a little ahead of time. Raising the FDI limit for airlines (including regional operators for whom
FDI of 49 per cent was only allowed last November) to 100 per cent, with automatic approvals for foreign ownership up
to 49 per cent, sounds good on the face of it. But it is more likely to bring relief for domestic carriers looking to raise capital
or forge an alliance with a global airline than attract many new players into the fray. This is because global airline players
continue to be hemmed in by the 49 per cent ownership limit set by the United Progressive Alliance government in 2012,
following which ventures such as AirAsia India and Vistara took off. In theory, a foreign airline could tie up with other
institutional investors like private equity funds to form a 49:51 joint venture and tap Indias double-digit air traffic growth.
Even if a strategic airline investor agrees to be a junior partner, securing a scheduled operator permit still requires an
airlines chairman and at least two-thirds of its directors to be Indian citizens, and substantial ownership and effective
control to be vested in Indian nationals. There need to be swift changes in the small print, if the skies are to be as open
competitive for now. This process is also driven by security concerns. While the U.S. originally barred foreign control of
airlines in 1926 so that its military could take charge of civilian aircraft in times of strife, most countries adopted a similar
stance following World War II, citing security concerns and the need to protect the turf of national airlines. The U.S. now
allows around 25 per cent foreign ownership in airlines, South Korea permits 49 per cent and Chile a full 100 per cent,
even as it has done away with national control and ownership norms. Australia has now scrapped limits on airline
ownership for aircraft flying within its airspace a model that could very well serve Indias aviation policy objectives of
tripling passenger traffic by 2022 and developing regional connectivity. To stay at the forefront of FDI reforms in a slowing
global economy, India could have proposed a bolder reform in airline ownership norms and dovetailed that with its vision
of an open sky policy within the SAARC region and beyond. That would have been a global game changer.
that had allegedly fled his Lok Sabha constituency Kairana in western Uttar Pradesh and in neighbouring Kandhla in
Shamli district, was a piece of fiction. Many of those who figured in the list were either still in residence or had left much
earlier in search of better prospects. Moreover, there is evidence that many of those who moved out of Kairana and
Kandhla did so not so much because of communalism but crime. Both towns are in the grip of powerful and violent criminal
gangs, which have had a free run of the area. All the fact-finding teams, irrespective of their political affiliation, have been
in agreement that the region was under the threat of such groups, particularly one run by Mukeem Kala, engaged in
extortion. After his list was exposed as a gross and mischievous exaggeration, Mr. Singh himself backtracked, claiming
that the migration was, in fact, essentially a law and order problem. But mischief had already been done, and with a
hugely important Assembly election scheduled for next year, it is impossible to disregard the idea that it was wholly
intended. The Kairana exodus lie exacerbated social tensions in the region, which is yet to recover from the
Muzaffarnagar violence of 2013. As before, the party is talking in two voices. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has exhorted
the BJP rank and file to focus on development, while others in the party are not below using the issue as a campaign
plank.
It has been left to civil society and sections of the media to highlight the untruths and take some of the sting out of the
BJP MPs claims. The counter- narrative is not coming strongly enough from the political class. That said, even if Mr.
Singhs lists were meant to spread fear, the follow-up did put the spotlight on the thriving criminal activity in the region.
Unchecked crime that affects business and working communities in U.P.s mofussil towns has long been associated with
Samajwadi Party rule. The Akhilesh Yadav government has done little to change this perception. During the
Muzaffarnagar riots, the actions of the SP and its government suggested that they were more than willing to play the
game of communal polarisation as a two-step with the BJP. The SP paid for it in the Lok Sabha elections. If the party has
learnt its lessons, it is still to demonstrate this in sufficient measure. Till then, the larger anxiety remains. In a region with
mixed populations, the consequences of painting a largely crime-related phenomenon with a broad communal brush
JULY 1/2016
Another season of the HBO series > Game of Thrones has just come to an epic end, leaving a mammoth television
audience and millions of netizens with a penchant for the illicit happiness of near-real-time downloads with a long,
painful wait until they can start marking their calendar for the countdown to the next. Over six seasons, the adaptation of
George R.R. Martins A Song of Ice and Fire has gripped the global imagination with its tapestry of history, mythology
and fantasy. It has become the pop culture phenomenon of this decade since its debut in 2011, sparking feverish
speculation about the cast and characters through the intervening period between one season and the other U.S.
President Barack Obama was among the legions who wanted to know if Jon Snow, a much-loved protagonist who
ostensibly gets fatally stabbed in the Season 5 finale, would get resurrected. (Spoiler alert: he was.) In fact, in its latest
season the show took Martins epic fantasy series into unmapped plot lines. With 26 Primetime Emmy Awards and
counting, with at least two more seasons planned, and an official viewership figure of 8.9 million for the Season 6 grand
finale, what explains GoTs critical success and phenomenal popularity? It all boils down to quality, and sheer scale. The
series has an enormous ensemble cast portraying warring families across two fictional continents. Its shooting has
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The fantasy genre has anyway always captivated audiences; The Lord of the Ringstrilogy early this millennium raked in
an estimated $2.9 billion at the box office. But unlike Hollywood, American cable television was historically hamstrung by
operating budgets. As it finds newer global audiences through network tie-ups and streaming services, the expanding
viewer base has given television programming the wherewithal to rival films in scale and reach. GoTinterweaves fantasy
with history and throws in malevolence, intrigue, and grisly bestiality to conjure a phantasmagoria that imagines the past
as much as recreates it. Its success has even spurred some historians in the U.K. to use the series as an entry point for
the young to engage with medieval history, though such an exercise is fraught with grave dangers of
misrepresentation; GoT, after all, shuffles across inchoate space and time. Perhaps projecting it into the present and
the future as we dont know it might be a more informing exercise. The wanton blood and gore of modern-day terrorism
and civil wars make the Dark Ages a more apt description for our times.
The Cabinets decision to > raise salaries and pensions for more than one crore government employees and pensioners
by implementing the Seventh Pay Commissions recommendations will impart a fillip to consumption demand and
economic growth. With recent data from the Centre as well as the Reserve Bank of India showing that > robust private
consumption is > a key driver of current economic momentum, additional money in the hands of the government staff and
retired personnel is bound to fuel a healthy demand for a variety of goods and services. As expected, the announcement
of the pay increases has been welcomed by industry groups, from automobile manufacturers to consumer durables
sellers. And with the additional payout from the government toward the enhanced pay, allowances and pensions projected
to exceed Rs.1.14 lakh crore over the course of the current fiscal year ending in March 2017, the multiplier effect is bound
to be significant. Inevitably, the Centres decision will put upward pressure on salaries in State governments as well as
the private sector. Separately, the decision to more than triple the ceiling for house building advance to Rs.25 lakh from
Rs.7.5 lakh is likely to provide a much-needed incentive for more government and defence personnel to invest in housing,
and thereby boost employment. Combined with indications of a normal monsoon and the marginal impact of the fallout
from Brexit so far, the portents for the economy are indeed positive. Besides the anticipated increases in spending, the
higher pay and pensions are also expected to bolster savings, which could help the banking and financial system channel
There are, however, some risks from the increased salary and pension outgo. In its June monetary policy statement, the
RBI had flagged the upside risks to the inflation outlook posed by several factors including the implementation of the
Seventh Pay Commissions recommendations. There is some relief on the price pressure front with the Cabinet keeping
the decision on raising allowances on hold while a committee headed by the Finance Secretary examines the implications
of accepting the pay panels prescriptions. A higher house rent allowance would have immediately stoked retail inflation,
which is already at a 21-month high. The other concern relates to the impact on government finances, particularly the
effort at fiscal consolidation. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley is confident that the > budget deficit will be contained within
the > 3.5 per cent of GDP target this financial year, but how this will be achieved is not yet clear.
JULY 02/2016
The frequent human rights updates in Geneva provide an occasion for the world to discuss Sri Lankas post-war situation,
especially the progress made in investigating the excesses during the last phase of the civil war that ended in 2009. Until
last year, the country considered the process hostile and inimical to its interests. Now, with a new government in Colombo,
there has been constructive engagement with the international community and Sri Lanka says it is looking for ways to
implement a unanimous resolution adopted by the UN Human Rights Council in October 2015. The UNHRC has tried
to >nudge Sri Lanka towards rebuilding civilian lives through resettlement, reducing the military presence in the north and
east, and delivering accountability for past crimes through a credible judicial process with international participation.
However, the update presented by High Commissioner Zeid Raad al-Hussein in Geneva does not present an
encouraging picture. He expressed concern about the heavy military presence in Tamil areas, noting that the process
of the military returning land to its civilian owners has been tardy. There is a lack of urgency in coming up with tangible
measures to build confidence among minorities and victims of human rights violations. In turn, Foreign Minister Mangala
Samaraweera has informed the ongoing session in Geneva that the government has instructed the military to release by
2018 all civilian land it holds. He has promised that the proposed judicial mechanism will inspire confidence among the
stakeholders, but has drawn attention to the divergent views in the country on it, perhaps a hint of further delay.
Sri Lanka went through a democratic transition in 2015 when it elected Maithripala Sirisena as President, ending the 10-
year reign of Mahinda Rajapaksa, which was marked by post-war triumphalism and a disregard for the plight of ethnic
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revival, and transitional justice for the war-affected. But even today the High Commissioner has reason to be anxious that
those promises are at risk. The road was not expected to be smooth for Sri Lanka when it embarked on an ambitious
effort towards national reconciliation and accountability. But the government is frittering away energy and time on political
controversies, the row over the appointment of a new Central bank governor being an example. Having set in motion the
process for a new Constitution and measures for reconciliation and reform, any loss of momentum now on the part of the
Removing regulatory barriers to employ more people in various areas of economic activity is a national priority, and the
Centres Model Shops and Establishments (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Bill, 2016 to enable
operation of such services >all 365 days of the year, and round-the-clock , is a significant step forward. As the Economic
Survey for 2015-16 notes, there is a robust annual growth in services such as trade, hotels, transport and communications.
Creating a healthy environment for the growth of consumer-focussed services will catalyse it further. >The model law ,
which is available to the States to either adopt fully or in a modified form, is to be welcomed for specifying labour issues
such as working hours, overtime, casual and earned leave, protection for women including transport access for those
opting to work night shifts, and workplace facilities. It is all too evident that in the existing regulatory regime, many of these
aspects are impressively inked on paper, but with poor outcomes in practice. Workers are left without effective
mechanisms of redress. In the model law, protections are to be enforced by a cadre of Chief Facilitators and Facilitators.
This is a moment to strike a blow for the rights of workers, and State governments must show as much concern for labour
welfare as the facilitation of business. The Labour Ministry can achieve this by welcoming online registration of complaints,
There is much to welcome in the model law; its major innovation is the elimination of the licensing bureaucracy, and
therefore a lot of corruption. A simplified, online common registration procedure for the businesses covered by the Act
should definitely be part of State law; this would be a big leap in ease of doing business. State governments looking to
accelerate economic activity and generate higher revenues should adopt the law immediately. Two areas that need urgent
reform in all States are provision of reliable public transport and strong law enforcement. Even in big cities with organised
bus, rail and feeder networks, these systems are not reliable at night. The new sharing economy has been filling the gap
with app-based commercial taxi services operating 24x7, but a decision to promote retail services round-the-clock
requires a good, affordable public transport backbone with security arrangements to ensure safe travel. One other aspect
of reform to support employees of shops and establishments is health care. It should be mandatory for employers to cover
their medical expenses through standalone or group insurance policies, since private health insurance is generally
JULY 04/2016
The World Banks agreement with the India-led International Solar Alliance (ISA) to help it mobilise a trillion dollars in
investments by 2030 and >its billion-dollar programme to support Indian initiatives for expanded solar generation are
significant steps in the global transition to a clean energy pathway. While the cost of solar power has been declining, one
of the biggest obstacles to a scale-up in developing countries has been the high cost of finance for photovoltaic projects.
That problem can be addressed by the ISA through the World Bank partnership, as the agreement will help develop
financing instruments, reduce hedging costs and currency risks, and enable technology transfer. India has raised its
ambitions five-fold since the time >it launched the National Solar Mission, and the target now is an installed capacity of
100 gigawatts by 2022 out of a total of 175 GW from all renewables. Strong policy support is also necessary to improve
Indias efforts have also suffered a setback, with the adverse WTO ruling against the stipulation of a prescribed level of
domestic content for solar projects. Developing a strong solar manufacturing industry is essential for sustained economic
growth, and to connect those who never had the boon of electricity.
Support from the World Bank for large-scale and rooftop solar deployments, innovative and hybrid technologies, and
storage and transmission lines presents an opportunity for India to go the German way and achieve energiewende, or
energy transition. For instance, the $625-million grid-connected rooftop solar fund could help strengthen State-level
programmes for net metering. A transparent regime that enables individuals and communities to plug into the grid without
bureaucratic hurdles would unlock small-scale private investment. There are several pointers from Germanys experience
as a leading solar- and wind-powered nation to prepare for a major ramping up of these green sources. Arguably, the
strength and reliability of a power grid capable of handling more power than is available are fundamental to induct higher
levels of renewable power. The emphasis here must also be on improving transmission lines: the World Bank programme
promises to provide the necessary linkage to solar-rich States. Making power grids intelligent to analyse and give priority
to use the output of renewables, accurately forecast the weather to plan next day generation, and viability mechanisms
for conventional coal-based plants are other aspects that need attention. Innovation in battery technology is a potential
gold mine for the solar alliance and for India to exploit.
The attack in an >upmarket caf in Dhaka has left 28 people dead, including six gunmen, and Bangladesh is clearly
shaken. Over the past three years, the country has seen at least 40 targeted killings by militants, with each new attack
raising fears about the growing clout of radicalised groups. The latest represents a marked escalation. The Islamic State
has claimed responsibility for the nearly 11-hour siege. Till now the Bangladesh government has never accepted that the
IS has been operating in the country. Even so, it is clear that IS-style rhetoric against minorities and foreigners and the
use of horrifying violence are influencing Bangladeshi militants. >Of late, gay rights activists, Hindu priests, secular
bloggers and Shia mosques have all come under attack. In the latest, assailants separated foreigners from locals and
hacked them to death one by one. The timing of the attack, at the start of the Ramzan holidays, may also be significant.
The IS has called upon its supporters to attack crusaders and apostates during the holy month of Ramzan.
The Dhaka attack takes the fight to the government of Sheikh Hasina. For months, the government tried to play down the
threats from jihadists, saying those were the acts of local groups. Its focus was on weakening the political opposition,
including the Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladeshs largest Islamist party. When liberal and secular activists were attacked, the
government partly blamed them for insulting religious sensibilities. When the > IS and al-Qaeda claimed responsibility
for the murders, the authorities said no foreign terrorist group was involved. It is only recently that the government
out mass attacks. The IS and al-Qaeda see Bangladesh as an arena of potential expansion.
The IS had released audio propaganda in Bangla. The simmering tensions between the government and the Islamist
organisations have lent radicalised groups an opportunity to drive their agenda and find recruits. To address this, the
government needs both short- and long-term strategies. The immediate task is of course to address the worsening
security situation. The targeted killings started three years ago, but the government has appeared to hold itself back on
pursuing the murderers and their handlers. The long-term challenge is to check growing radicalisation. In this context, the
ruling Awami League, perceived to be at the liberal end of the political spectrum, must step back and reconsider its high-
handedness in dealing with opposition and dissent. If Bangladeshs democracy is hollowed out, only the extremists will
benefit.
JULY 05/2016
The blast in Baghdad, >which killed more than 200 people, is the latest, and the deadliest, in a string of attacks carried
out by terrorists around the world during Ramzan. The Islamic State has boastfully claimed responsibility for the attack
that >occurred in front of a Shia mosque in one of the busiest commercial areas in the heart of the Iraqi capital. The
carnage comes weeks after Iraqi troops, under American air cover and assisted by Iran-trained Shia militias, defeated the
IS in Fallujah, one of the first cities it had captured in Iraq in early 2014. >The loss of Fallujah is a big blow to the so-called
Caliphate, whose territory has been shrinking over the past year in a series of military setbacks. In fact, Iraqi troops are
now preparing for the final battle in Mosul, Iraqs second largest city from where Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi declared the
Caliphate two years ago. But these military setbacks havent done anything to blunt the ability of the IS to stage major
terror attacks, as the latest violence shows. Secondly, by targeting Shias, the IS is trying to deepen Iraqs sectarian
wounds. In an online statement claiming the Baghdad bombing, the group clearly stated that it targeted a Shia gathering.
In 2006, the leader of al-Qaeda in Iraq, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, had led a series of attacks on Shias that triggered a civil
war between the two dominant communities. This sectarian tension helped the IS capture Mosul in 2014.
The attack, moreover, highlights the worsening security situation in Baghdad. Despite repeated protests and international
warnings, the Iraqi government is simply not able to provide basic security to its citizens. If in other global cities terror is
an irregular threat, Iraqis live dangerously in its shadow every day. The problems Iraq faces today are partly structural. It
never completely recovered from the American-led invasion of 2003 which destroyed the state and threw society into
anarchy. One reason the IS machinery became so strong in Iraq is that many battle-ready Saddam-era generals, who
had lost their jobs after the Americans disbanded the Iraqi military, joined its ranks. But the Iraqi leadership also must
bear responsibility for the current mess. If former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki was viewed with suspicion by Sunnis for
his sectarianism, the incumbent, Haider al-Abadi, is seen to be too incompetent to be a wartime Prime Minister. He has
not been able to implement even the promised reforms, and this has virtually stalled governance, helping jihadists exploit
the security gaps in the big cities. Iraq needs a stable, inclusive administration that takes care of the basic needs of its
people while at the same time fighting terror. It is a tall order, but Iraq today doesnt have the luxury of time or choice.
The > brutal hacking in broad daylight of S. Swathi, a young Infosys employee, at Chennais Nungambakkam railway
station has shone a harsh light on public safety in the city. The murder has, expectedly, reinforced a sense of insecurity.
The Chennai police, which did extremely well in nabbing the man suspected of killing her, and the administration, must
engage with civil society to restore confidence through a review, and upgrade, of existing checks. The tragic incident
highlights the >countless crimes against women that we need to address legally, administratively, and socially. As
loved ones and investigators work backwards to identify signs that Swathi was being stalked, signs that could have been
picked up early and possibly prevented the incident, the death must underline a point too easily missed in our casual day-
to-day encounters: that crimes against women are a continuum. It is unfortunate that it should take extreme violence for
society and the law and order machinery to understand that cracking down on everyday harassment is essential. Had
Swathi reported her stalker to an authority, would it have made her safer? We cannot definitively answer that in hindsight.
What is without doubt is that stalking is far too commonly considered a mildly annoying practice, a playful way of courting
even. Women, and even young girls, are anyway not conditioned to approach figures of authority at home, in schools
and colleges, at the workplace, in the local police station to report harassment that falls short of violence, and
Swathi fell to a death that was preventable. >Even as she is mourned, we must make people see stalking as the corrosive,
potentially violent act it is. After the Delhi gang rape of December 2012, as the country was nudged out of its chalta hai
attitude to crimes against women, Parliament passed the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013. Provisions of that law
sought to sharpen identification of crimes against women, to make it easier for them to approach the authorities to register
complaints, and to secure their dignity in this process of getting justice. Stalking was one of the crimes the Act dealt with.
It can lead to a fine and imprisonment of up to three years for the first offence; and for any subsequent conviction to
imprisonment of up to five years. It is an offence to follow a woman and contact, or attempt to contact, her, to foster
personal interaction repeatedly despite a clear indication of disinterest by her; or monitor her use of the Internet, email or
any other form of electronic communication. But for a woman to be sufficiently empowered to say no, there needs to be
stronger awareness.
JULY 06/2016
Progressive legislation and enabling administrative orders constitute the policy framework under which the government
deals with the >rights of persons with disabilities and seeks to provide them equal opportunities. However, it is only when
tested in practice that the real efficacy of the policy is known. Recent court verdicts suggest that the implementation of
measures conferring rights on the people with disabilities is still far from adequate. This is in spite of statutory reservation
in jobs and other measures formulated with great care. The Supreme Courts recent verdict, >declaring illegal two office
memoranda of 1997 and 2005 on the manner in which reservation of seats for the disabled should be handled, is the
latest instance of the governments policy approach being exposed as inadequate. Though the verdict in Rajeev Kumar
Gupta and Others v. Union of India arose out of a specific grievance that the disabled were denied the benefits of
of public employment in the two categories. The court ruled that limiting the disabled quota to posts filled through direct
recruitment in the two groups is in contravention of the Persons with Disabilities (Equal Opportunities, Protection of Rights
and Full Participation) Act, 1995; also, that the disabled quota will extend to promotions. It directed that vacancies among
posts identified for the disabled must be filled through reservation, regardless of the mode of recruitment be it promotion
or direct recruitment. The ruling has significantly enhanced the scope for the disabled to gain employment in the higher
echelons.
In October 2013, in Union of India v. National Federation of the Blind, the court had noted the alarming reality that the
disabled were out of jobs not because their disability came in the way, but rather due to social and practical barriers.
Even then, the court had noted that some provisions of the 2005 office memorandum were inconsistent with the 1995
Act. However, the government is yet to modify it suitably. In the latest ruling, a Division Bench has said it is disheartening
to note the admittedly low numbers of persons with disabilities much below the 3 per cent earmarked for them in
government employment years after the enactment. It is time the Centre evolved a more inclusive policy that is in full
conformity with its legal obligations. It should activate the UPA governments proposal to enact an improved law. If
necessary, the draft Bill of 2014 could be revamped after wider consultation with stakeholders. The ultimate objective
should be to render complete justice to the countrys estimated 2.68 crore disabled people.
o Disabled - not having one or more of the physical or mental abilities that
most people have
o Disheartened - to lose confidence, hope, and energy
o Progressive - happening / developing slowly in stages
o Legislation - laws
o Enabling - making something possible or easier
o Constitute - to be considered as something
o Framework - a system of rules, ideas, or beliefs that is used to plan or
decide something
o Efficacy - the ability to produce a desired or expected result
o Verdict - an opinion or decision made after judging the facts that are
given (judgement)
o Adequate - enough or satisfactory for a particular purpose
o Statutory - decided or controlled by law
o Formulate - to develop all the details of a plan for doing something
o Memoranda - an informal legal agreement
o Instance - an example
o Grievance - a complaint that you have been treated unfairly
o Spectrum - a range of something (here public employment)
o Contravention - an action that is against a law or rule
o Enhanced - improved / increased
o Echelon - a level or rank in an organization / a profession, or society
o Alarming - worrying or disturbing
o Barrier - something that prevents movement or access
o Inconsistent - not staying the same in behaviour or quality
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In yet another remarkable achievement, the National Aeronautics and Space Administrations >Juno spacecraft has
successfully entered the orbit around Jupiter without being knocked down by the planets intense magnetic field and
radiation. That the spacecraft, which >had travelled 2.8 billion km since its launch on August 5, 2011, passed through a
spot that was originally planned for, when it came closest to the planet, provides a measure of the level of success of the
mission. Juno, with a diameter of 11.5 ft, is not the first spacecraft to enter into orbit around Jupiter. But unlike its
predecessor, the Galileo spacecraft that explored the planet between 1995 and 2003, Juno will study Jupiter much more
thoroughly given the array of nine scientific instruments that it carries on board. The most important difference between
the two missions is Junos ability to see below the dense cloud cover of Jupiter; only a probe of Galileo entered the
planets atmosphere. Getting as close as 5,000 km from the cloudtops and being able to see through the clouds will make
it possible for Junos camera, Junocam, to take close-up photos of the poles and other points of interest. The main
objectives of the mission are to understand the origin and evolution of Jupiter, to find out if the planet, like Earth, has a
solid rocky core, to uncover the source of its intense magnetic field, to measure water and ammonia in deep atmosphere,
Though the nine instruments will be turned on by the end of the week, the first full set of observations will not take place
before the end of August when the spacecraft comes close to Jupiter on its first orbit; science experiments will begin in
full earnest in mid-October when it gets into a 14-day orbit. Juno will orbit the planet from pole-to-pole, minimising the
amount of radiation exposure, but the orbit will ultimately shift due to Jupiters intense gravitational field, making the
spacecraft pass through more intense regions of radiation. Though shielded by a titanium vault, the radiation from Jupiter
will slowly but surely compromise the instruments by the time it finishes its mission in February 2018. But before this
happens, scientists expect to collect enough information to further our understanding of how the giant planet was formed
some 4.5 billion years ago, and of the origins of the solar system. The amount of water it contains and the nature of its
core will provide clues about where the planet formed early in the systems life span. After orbiting the planet 37 times
and returning invaluable scientific information, Juno will incinerate in Jupiters atmosphere in early 2018 as the Galileo
spacecraft did.
JULY 07/2016
With a few broad brushstrokes, > Prime Minister Narendra Modi has completely remodelled his Council of Ministers. It
is not just that Tuesdays rejig is his most expansive since 2014 in terms of the number of Ministers inducted (19), sent
packing (five) and transferred (including the big swap at the Human Resource Development Ministry). With the portfolio
allotment and the manner of announcing it, by holding back the big surprises for hours after the swearing-in ceremony at
Rashtrapati Bhavan, Mr. Modi has sent out the signal that he is his own man. As with all reshuffles, >there are losers and
gainers in relative terms. But it has been sought to be conveyed that the sum of these losses and gains is the profile of a
Prime Minister in firm control of his Ministry of someone conscious of the authority he wields with a clear majority in
the Lok Sabha, and equally, someone who is no longer a stranger to New Delhi and therefore in need of guidance to
negotiate his way. Basically, Mr. Modi and Bharatiya Janata Party president Amit Shah have made clear that to read the
reason for a portfolio allotment or change one needs to map the straight line of accountability between the Minister and
the Prime Ministers Office. There are no concessions to regional satraps. Even the nod to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Mr. Modi has clearly traded the promise of >a lean Ministry in the minimum government, maximum governance credo
for electoral considerations by expanding the Ministry. The emphasis is on bringing in more Ministers to give an edge to
the Uttar Pradesh, Punjab and Gujarat Assembly election campaigns in the months ahead, and careful arithmetic in
inducting Dalit, OBC and tribal leaders is evident. The inclusion of Anupriya Patel, whose U.P.-based Apna Dal is on the
brink of merging itself with the BJP and who is a Kurmi, is a good example. Induction of Dalit Ministers is an effort to right
their under-representation in the Ministry and to take the edge off the BSP and Aam Aadmi Party challenge in U.P. and
Punjab, respectively. But this flabbiness is restricted to the junior levels of the Ministry. At the top, by taking away the
Information and Broadcasting portfolio from Arun Jaitley and by replacing Smriti Irani in the HRD Ministry by promoting
performance, but is impatient with cacophony. This has been a highly controlled exercise, one that will consolidate his
grip on power, a prospect that will worry his political rivals as well as some within his own party, a cadre-based
conservative religious and caste groups, award-winning Tamil writer Perumal Murugan had announced his death in a
literary sense. That was his way of voicing his anguish at being hounded by some in his hometown of Tiruchengode in
Tamil Nadu for writing a novel that they deemed prurient and defamatory, four years after its publication. Perumal Murugan
was forced to agree to a written unconditional apology at a peace committee meeting organised by local officials at
Namakkal in the face of orchestrated protests to demand > a ban on his novel Mathorubhagan (One Part Woman) and
his prosecution. In a welcome verdict that reinforces the point that jurisprudence in the country is still speech-protective
and is unwilling to accept any role for faceless mobs in silencing an author, the Madras High Court has rejected the
demand for banning the book or prosecuting him, and declared that it will not allow self-appointed super-censors in society
to decide what people read or see. It has upheld the freedom of writers to write and advised those professing to be hurt
The >160-page judgment by a Division Bench headed by Chief Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul builds on a series of
progressive rulings. It has applied the contemporary community standards test in concluding that there is nothing obscene
in the novel. It has affirmed that the novels focus is on recording the travails of a childless couple subjected to community
ridicule rather than what the books opponents allege: that it is an attempt to vilify the deity in a Tiruchengode temple or
the women who lived in the town by linking them to a social practice of having sex with strangers on one particular night
as part of an age-old temple festival. The Bench has instead reminded the authorities of their duty to secure freedom of
expression and not pander to mob demands in the name of preserving law and order. The court draws on the argument
that eroticism is not unknown in Indian artistic tradition and rebuts suggestions of vulgarity by pointing to the merit of using
the earthy language spoken by the people. If there is one thing in the judgment that sits uneasily in this well-articulated
defence of free expression, it is that the state should have an experts body to resolve such conflicts. Even if the
objective is to counter unreasonable protests, the notion of having a committee to advise the government in dealing with
a conflict between protection of free speech and maintaining law and order may itself represent a grave compromise.
JULY 08/2016
came as confirmation of what they already believed. Yet, t >he conclusions of a government-appointed committee that
Prime Minister Tony Blair exaggerated the case for the 2003 invasion and led Britain to war before all peaceful options
were exhausted are of great significance. They have the power to influence both contemporary politics and future policy-
making. The >inquiry also found that Mr. Blairs government was ill-prepared to face the consequences of the
war. >Thirteen years after the U.S. and the U.K. invaded Iraq and toppled the regime of Saddam Hussein, the real motives
of the war have still not been sufficiently explained. The case for war built by Mr. Blair and U.S. President George W.
Bush crumbled to dust after the invasion. There were no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, nor could the attackers
prove any substantial link between al-Qaeda and Saddam. As a result, the war lacked all justification. Hundreds of
thousands of Iraqis were killed and millions wounded and displaced. The destruction of the Iraqi state and the chaos that
followed set the stage for the rise of several extremist groups. The roots of the Islamic State, perhaps the most vicious
and potent terrorist machinery today, go back to one such group, al-Qaeda in Iraq.
What is worse, the big powers refused to learn any lesson from the Iraq tragedy. Even after it was clear that the invasion
was disastrous, the West forced another regime change in Libya in 2011, repeating the same mistakes committed in Iraq
and creating another haven for extremists. British Prime Minister David Cameron, who voted for the Iraq war in 2003,
wanted military action against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, a proposal rejected by the House of Commons in 2013.
Though the U.S. and the U.K. shelved the plan to directly attack Syria, they continued supporting anti-regime rebels in
the country, worsening its security situation and further helping terrorist groups such as the IS and Jabhat al-Nusra. There
is no disputing the ruthlessness of these dictators. But toppling them through wars or weakening their regimes through
proxy civil wars is far more dangerous, as these crisis-hit nations would recount. The Iraq war set off the contemporary
chaos in West Asia and North Africa, and no one knows where it will all end. Mr. Blair still has an unapologetic air, but his
successors cant turn a blind eye towards the Chilcot findings if they are serious about preventing more such
misadventures. As Jeremy Corbyn, chief of the Labour Party, said, All those who took the decisions laid bare in the
Chilcot report must face up to the consequences of their actions, whatever they may be.
While the economys revival is still a work in progress, higher food prices, >especially of pulses, are affecting nutritional
intake across India. The government is counting on a good monsoon season to spur growth and cool down the prices of
essential food items. Economic Affairs Secretary Shaktikanta Das said on Thursday that the governments move to raise
the minimum support price for pulses is expected to help push up their output and thereby contain food inflation. While a
pulses. Monsoon rains between 2005-06 and 2008-09 were normal or above normal, yet the retail cost of pulses rose at
an alarming pace in three of the four years. The Centre has already undertaken some measures to deal with the current
uptick in dal prices: creating a buffer stock, imposing stock limits, and offering tur dal at Rs.120 a kg through mobile vans.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi is signing a pact with Mozambique to double pulses imports from that country. More dal
diplomacy is under way to scale up the approximately 5 million tonnes of pulses India procures from 46 countries.
But imports cannot be a sustainable solution. Farm policy mandarins need to wake up to the reality that demand for pulses
is rising even in parts of the world where it hasnt been a staple diet. Another warning came from the Food and Agriculture
Organisation of the United Nations, which has incidentally designated 2016 as the year of pulses to highlight their
importance in curbing malnutrition. As population increases and incomes rise, pushing up demand for high-protein foods
like pulses, the weaker sections may be forced to simply cut back on consumption. This is a worrying portent for a country
where per capita pulse intake has already fallen by more than a third over the past 55 years. There are structural problems
in boosting output. Farmers, for instance, prefer to sow wheat and paddy instead of pulses, thanks to the Minimum Support
Price regime. Since the Centre may not have the resources to procure dal on the same scale as wheat and paddy, it
needs to think beyond the usual template. Now that it has allowed 100 per cent FDI in food processing, dismantling the
Agricultural Produce Marketing Committee laws that cripple free trade for farmers could pave the way for them to deal
directly with large traders and retailers, thereby creating the assured market they need and bringing down consumer costs
o Pulses - seeds such as beans or peas that are cooked and eaten
o Deficit - the amount by which something is too small
o Revival - an improvement in the condition of something
o Nutritional - healthy
o Intake - an amount of food, air, or another substance taken into the
body
o Spur - to encourage an activity or development or make it happen faster
o Essential - absolutely necessary; extremely important
o Inflation - a general, continuous increase in prices
o Retail - the activity of selling goods to the public, usually in shops
o Alarming - worrying or disturbing
o Pace - speed
o Uptick - an increase in something
o Buffer stock - a large supply of a commodity (a crop, metal, fuel, etc.)
that is bought and stored when extra is available, and sold when there is
not enough, in order to control its price and quantity in the economy
o Pact - a formal agreement
o Diplomacy - the management of relationships between countries
o Scale up - to increase the size, amount, or importance of something
o Procures - to get something, especially after an effort
o Sustainable - able to continue over a period of time
JULY 09/2016
The Union Cabinets >decision to approve the construction of a new port on Tamil Nadus west coast at Enayam near
Colachel is obviously aimed at making good a poll promise of the Bharatiya Janata Party. The location of the facility so
close to another mega container terminal, however, >has invited doubts about its viability, even its necessity. Envisaged
as a gateway container trans-shipment hub for cargo moving to and from India and along one of the worlds major shipping
lanes connecting the Suez Canal to east Asia, >Enayam is being projected as a competitor to Colombo. Chosen for its
natural water depth of about 20 m, and proximity to the east-west international shipping lane, the proposed port will be
located about 40 km south of Vizhinjam in Kerala, where the Adani Group is developing a trans-shipment container
terminal. It is planned under the landlord model, where the States publicly owned Chennai Port Trust, the V.O.
Chidambaranar Port Trust, and the Kamarajar Port will make the initial equity investment, build the breakwater, undertake
dredging and enable road and rail connectivity, while private companies operate the berths and provide the equipment.
Enayam port is expected to cost about Rs.6,500 crore in the first phase, when container handling capacity is projected at
1.5 million TEUs. The proposed initial funding for the Rs.27,000- crore project raises questions over the facilitys feasibility
given the capital requirement and the ability of the existing major ports to find the money.
Another concern is about the proximity to the Adani concession at Vizhinjam, leave alone the Vallarpadam facility off
Kochi; whether two major container trans-shipment hubs can be justified in terms of the potential traffic they aim to attract
demand remains cloudy. That Enayam will be designed to berth the latest and largest Triple-E class container vessels,
however, does indicate that the Ministrys planners have a strategic vision and are counting on a future rebound in world
trade. According to the preliminary study for this port, trans-shipment traffic at the terminal is projected to surge fourfold
from 700,000 TEUs in 2020 to 2.8 million TEUs by 2025, and touch 3.9 million TEUs by 2030. Whether the potential is
realised ultimately hinges on several factors. These include commitment from the State and Central governments to
promote industrial activity in the ports hinterland; speedy, transparent and fair land acquisition; and provision of world-
class road, rail and coastal shipping links to allow cargo to move rapidly in and out of the port.
The > number of prime ministerial hopefuls is down to two in the United Kingdom, lending a semblance of political
normalcy in what has been a chaotic period. Till the final vote by Conservative Party members on September 9, it can at
least be said with certainty that Britain will have a woman Prime Minister, either current Home Secretary Theresa May or
the junior Energy Minister, Andrea Leadsom. It has been a long and turbulent fortnight. Take back control, reclaim your
sovereignty, rang the >Brexiteers cries before the historic June 23 referendum. In the event, chaos has reigned supreme
ever since. Fast on the unexpected Brexit verdict came a brutal political betrayal, not to mention the gathering storms in
Brussels, and London has not been lacking for drama or surprise. It must have come as no small relief for Conservative
MPs that neither of the two women who now remain in the race for Downing Street had anything directly to do with the
coldly calculated elimination of their once principal contender. Boris Johnson, the former Mayor of London, had staked
his prime ministerial ambitions on leading the Leave campaign to victory on a dangerously divisive platform against
immigration and an imagined loss of national sovereignty. His nemesis was his friend Michael Gove, the Justice Secretary,
who curated Mr. Johnsons leadership bid, till he suddenly announced his own candidature. With both the polarising men
out of the reckoning, the delicate and difficult responsibility of shaping Londons exit strategy without burning too many
bridges with the European Union will fall on the shoulders of either Ms. May or Ms. Leadsom.
Despite the overwhelming support she won among the Conservative MPs, Ms. May will need to reinvent her image for
the sake of the party rank and file. Her support for the Remain camp during the campaign did not go down well with the
sizeable Eurosceptics among them. But she can foreground her six-year stint as Home Secretary, the longest for a
Conservative in over 50 years, and one in which she has been tough on matters of immigration control. Ms. May has
spoken about honouring the popular will, especially after David Cameron emphasised the need for his successor to be a
convinced Brexiteer. Ms. Leadsom is sure to play up her Leave credentials to the partys strongly Eurosceptic activists at
the grass roots. Whoever wins will face the challenge of knitting together a nation bruised from within also, of
negotiating with a bigger, if not stronger, Europe and a world even more distant from empire. British pragmatism and
common sense may be a guide through this arduous journey. But it will certainly not be easy.
JULY 11/2016
Accountability is a facet of the rule of law. This established legal principle has acquired fresh significance after
the >Supreme Court ruled that the armed forces cannot escape investigation for excesses in the course of the discharge
of their duty even in disturbed areas. In such notified areas, security personnel enjoy statutory protection for their use
of special powers. While hearing petitions demanding an inquiry into 1,528 deaths in counter-insurgency operations and
related incidents in Manipur, the court has said the provisions of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act and the purported
immunity it offers to the use of force even to the extent of causing death are not invincible. Such legal protection,
especially in a State that has been under AFSPA for nearly 60 years, has to yield to larger principles of human rights, and
no allegation of the use of excessive or retaliatory force can be ignored without a thorough inquiry. This is a requirement
both of democracy and for the preservation of the rule of law. The court has sought tabulated details on 62 specific cases
in which there is some evidence that the deaths involved were not genuine operational casualties but extrajudicial killings
or fake encounters. Even though the 85-page ruling draws its broad principles from an earlier Constitution Bench verdict
in Naga Peoples Movement of Human Rights (1997), it has special meaning in the present context, with a growing body
The court is not unaware of the circumstances prevailing in Manipur and its neighbouring States. What has caused
consternation is the near-total absence of any inquiry. In most cases, not even a first information report has been
registered, and in some, the cases are against the victims. The court has acknowledged that additional powers have been
given to the armed forces to deal with terrorism effectively. However, it also made clear that this cannot be an excuse for
extrajudicial killings whenever such allegations surface, they have to be investigated, regardless of whether the person
concerned is a dreaded criminal, terrorist or insurgent. The court has reminded the authorities of the circumstances in
which the use of force, even to the point of causing death, is immune from prosecution and the Armys own list of dos and
donts while operating in a disturbed area. It has rejected the notion that every person bearing arms in a disturbed area
is ipso facto an enemy. The occasion calls for an investigation into allegations of enforced disappearances and
extrajudicial killings, especially those already documented or partially probed. It must give momentum to the demand for
The sniper attack in Dallas, Texas, leading to the death of five policemen, has widened a racial wound in the United
States that was being picked at for the past few years. With his choice of targets and venue, the sniper, Micah Johnson,
changed around the message of a Black Lives Matter march on Thursday in the city, one among many across the country
called to peacefully protest the shocking killing of two black men in police action earlier in the week in Louisiana and
These deaths are disproportionately high in number compared to the percentage of African Americans in the population,
and many of them the 2014 encounter in Ferguson, Missouri, for example are seen to suggest an institutionalised
tolerance of racism. Each such incident has threatened to incrementally widen the gulf between the police and black
citizens, and President Barack Obama has strived to play a mediating role between police and community leaders to
bridge the gulf and to make progress on reforms in policing and the justice delivery system. Johnson, a former U.S. Army
reserve, was black, and from all evidence deliberately targeted white police officers. His attack has the potential to widen
the racial gulf further, and change the focus of the debate from the need for institutional reform to open blame-calling.
Mr. Obama, who was on a tour of Europe when the police deaths happened, said from Warsaw that he would travel to
Dallas as soon as possible. But before that he has wisely drawn a line separating Johnsons action from his black identity,
and the assassins agenda from the protesters grief. By definition, if you shoot people who pose no threat to you
strangers you have a troubled mind, he said. Indeed, reports suggest that Johnson was battling his own demons ever
since he returned from Afghanistan but the particulars of Johnson, a demented individual as Mr. Obama called him,
may become incidental to the viciously polarising political wars that are framing the American presidential election. Mr.
Obamas racial and ethnic identity has been constantly attacked by Republicans, and the far right in America has kept an
unswerving focus on his outreach to black community leaders as well as his struggle to put checks on the easy availability
of guns in the country. The irresponsible politics of some Republicans was in evidence after Dallas, too. How Mr. Obama
negotiates this ugly aftermath in the days ahead could come to define his term in the White House.
o Sniper - someone who shoots at people from a place where they cannot
be seen
o Racial - happening between people of different races (groups / castes)
o Wound - a problem or great unhappiness
o Picked at something - to select something from a group
o Protest - an action expressing disapproval to something
o Simmering - boiling
o Disproportionately - too large or too small in comparison to something
else
o Institutionalised - to make something become part of a particular
society, system, or organization
o Tolerance - willingness to accept behaviour and beliefs that are
different from your own, although you might not agree with or approve
of them
o Racism - the belief that people's qualities are influenced by their race
and that the members of other races are not as good as the members of
your own
o Threatened - to be likely to cause harm or damage to something or
someone
o Gulf - difference between the ideas, opinions, or situations of two groups
of people
o Strived - make great efforts to achieve or obtain something
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JULY 12/2016
Burhan Wani, the 22-year-old commander of the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen gunned down last week by the security forces in
Anantnag, was credited with mobilising a new generation of the disaffected in Jammu and Kashmir. In the violent
aftermath of his death, however, young men and women have taken the fight to the security forces on the street. Pitched
battles have engulfed the Valley. Wani was obviously a prize catch. His engaging manner had turned him into a legend
before his death, as he coasted on personal charisma and social media smarts to become the poster boy of a new phase
of Kashmiri militancy that is homegrown. But having got their man, the security forces failed spectacularly in managing
the situation. After the death of over a hundred Kashmiris in the stone-pelting protests in the summer of 2010, the J&K
police and the paramilitary forces were said to have evolved less lethal ways of bringing under control what is essentially
political mobilisation. The fact that so many civilians have been killed or injured in the eye this month, with a high
percentage having possibly lost vision altogether, suggests that no care has gone into keeping the casualties low. Faced
with an attacking mob, policemen are bound to perceive a sense of siege. But it is imperative that any response should
be measured and never grossly disproportionate to the cause of action forgetting this lesson in Kashmir has time and
This is a cycle that cannot be broken by brute force. The Central and State governments have reached out to the
Opposition and separatist leaders to dissuade young Kashmiris from street violence. But appeals for calm must be
strengthened with a demonstrable capacity for a political conversation. When tens of thousands of Kashmiris hit the
streets in mourning for a fallen militant, there is a spectrum of political opinion that presents itself. They can be dispersed
with pellets. But if mainstream politics does not speak to them, if their arguments are not heard patiently to be countered
or fleshed out, as the case may be, the calm that eventually obtains will be an illusion. The Valley has been restive for
more than a year now. In this period, Wani is not the only militant whose funeral has drawn people in the thousands. But
after long, after more than a decade of violence led by foreign militants, he was the rare local boy to be seen in a leadership
role. To put his mourners in a with-us-against-us binary would, as Omar Abdullah has said, give him a recruiting power
Such is the nature of knockout tournament football that it is not the team with the most gifted personnel or the finest style
of play that necessarily triumphs in the end. Often the trophy is lifted by the side that knows best how to survive. Portugal
did not play the prettiest football at Euro 2016 nor did it possess the most talented group of players, but its resolve and
organisation were second to none. Eders extra-time winner against France, in what was a dour final in Paris, gave the
Iberian nation its first major international trophy, ending the pain of five semifinal exits and one runner-up finish in global
competitions. There is no denying that Portugal rode its luck along the way. It progressed to the knockout stages by the
skin of its teeth, after finishing third in Group F; found itself in what was undeniably the easier half of the draw; and over
the course of the five weeks won only one match in regulation time. But all that will matter little in the final analysis. The
victory came as sweet relief for Portugals captain and talisman, Cristiano Ronaldo, who was stretchered off the pitch in
tears in the first half. He would end the night sobbing on his colleagues shoulders, but not for the reasons he may have
imagined at that stage. His efforts in Portugals success, having almost single-handedly dragged it to the final, should
attacks in Paris and the home team had continually spoken of helping heal some wounds. The Stade de France, the
venue for Sundays final, had itself come under attack, during hauntingly a friendly match between France and
Germany. A French victory in the same arena would have been poignant. But it was not to be. This result, however, must
not detract from the host nations performances en route to the final, or indeed the brilliance of its little forward Antoine
Griezmann, whose own sister, incidentally, survived the massacre at the Bataclan concert hall. But Euro 2016, expanded
to 24 teams to much disapproval, will forever be remembered as the tournament of the underdog. Iceland, a nation of just
over 300,000 people, memorably advanced to the quarterfinals while Wales, a deeply passionate, spirited side, made it
as far as the last four; both were appearing at the European championships for the first time. Teams like Albania, Northern
Ireland and the Republic of Ireland enjoyed fervid, heart-warming support in the stands; their presence was impossible to
ignore. Indeed there was much joy for the uncelebrated, right to the very end.
The notion of using tax as a tool to alter consumer food preferences cannot be faulted in principle. Mexico provides us
with proof that levying additional taxes on non-essential food items that are rich in fat or calories can effectively alter food
choices. The country witnessed a 5.1 per cent dip in consumption levels in foodstuff that had more than 275 kcal/100 g
energy density following the imposition of an 8 per cent levy in 2014. Sugar-sweetened drinks saw a 12 per cent drop in
intake at the end of the very first year the tax was introduced. In this context, Keralas decision to slap a 14.5 per cent tax
on certain calorie-rich food items such as pizzas, doughnuts and pasta sold in branded restaurants may seem like a step
in the right direction. But it bears the stamp of being little more than a political gimmick. For once, such foods sold by
branded restaurants, consumed by the higher middle and upper classes, are a very tiny part of the problem of poor food
choices for the States population. If the principal purpose was to tax some multinational food chains, then the decision is
understandable. But ignoring a wide variety of high-calorie food items and focussing on a few is no more than tokenism.
The revenue that Kerala hopes to mop up from this Rs.10 crore is also meagre.
If the State is serious about reining in consumption of unhealthy food, then there are several measures it should quickly
adopt. The first is to set a threshold limit for fat and/or calorie and tax all foods items that are above this limit. Bringing
sugar-sweetened drinks and refined products under the taxable product list should be a priority. There is no reason why
packaged food items that have high salt content should not be additionally taxed. Indians are known to consume a few
times more than the World Health Organisations recommended limit of 5 grams a day and most of it comes from
packaged food items. Similarly, what excuse can there be for not charging a very high rate of tax on food items that
contain trans fats? There are a number of food items sold in India that contain as high as 35-40 per cent of trans fats.
Trans fatty acids, made through the process of hydrogenation of oils, which improves the stability or shelf life of the
foodstuff that contains them, pose serious coronary risks. Taxing bad foods should be accompanied by cross-subsidies
of healthy and wholegrain food items. Only a holistic approach such as this will be effective in making a real change in
Drawing a link between Indian and South African cultures during his four-nation visit to Africa, Prime Minister Narendra
Modi referred to the journey from Gujarat to Durban as one through the spirit of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (globalism)
to Ubuntu, the last a Zulu word that expresses the core of humanism. The evocative reference imbues the historical links
between India and African nations with a unique warmth. But Mr. Modi also made it clear that this visit was more than
about words. In an interview to a South African newspaper, he outlined his focus areas: energy, food and maritime
security. His stops at Mozambique, South Africa, Tanzania and Kenya were accompanied by discussions on securing
lines of coal and natural gas and funding capacity-building in energy production. In Tanzania and Mozambique, in
particular, there were discussions on enhancing the export of pulses to India to meet a demand shortfall. As he travelled
along the southern coast of Africa, Mr. Modi spoke to his hosts in detail about shoring up maritime ties as part of the
South Africa-authored Operation Phakisa, that focusses on Africas combined strengths in blue economies and ocean
governance. India has been slow to upgrade ties with Africa, and it must chart its own trajectory without competing with,
or being inhibited by, Chinas formidable presence in the continent. Chinas current hold in trade and investment in Africa
is three times Indias, and South Africa, for instance, has a key role in promoting the Maritime Silk Route programme as
Mr. Modis visit to these four countries in southern and east Africa should, therefore, be seen as a work in progress. Africa
is a continent of 54 countries, and each has diverse reasons to improve ties with India from sharing low-cost
technologies and pharmaceuticals, building on the Solar Alliance and renewable energies, and growing markets for each
others goods. For instance, 84 per cent of Indias imports from the Sub-Saharan region still come from raw materials and
natural resources, not consumer or processed goods. However, if there was one message that Mr. Modi could have
emphasised more, it was the concern over racism in India that students and others from Africa often face. As he spoke
in Durban to the Indian community on the history of racism that Indians and Africans had fought together for many
decades, a line about Indias commitment to fight the remaining vestiges of racism domestically would not have been out
of place. The omission is, in fact, also a reminder that the outreach to African countries needs to be sustained back home
o Fast food - hot food that is quick to cook or is already cooked and is
therefore served very quickly in a restaurant
o Notion - a belief or idea
o Alter - to change something
o Consumer - a person who buys goods or services for their own use
o Levying - an amount of money, such as a tax, that you have to pay to
a government or organization
o Non-essential - not absolutely necessary
o Rich in something - having high quantity of something
o Witnessed - to see something happen
o Dip - to go down to a lower level
o Consumption - the amount used or eaten
o Density - the relationship between the mass of a substance and its size
o Imposition - the introduction of a new law or system
o Levy - tax
o Intake - an amount of food, air, or another substance taken into the
body
o Context - the situation within which something exists or happens
o A step in the right direction - an action that increases the possibility
of success
o Bears - carries
o Gimmick - a trick to attract attention / publicity
o Tiny - very small
o Principal - main
JULY 14/2016
Once again, a Congress Chief Minister unseated by internal rebellion that enjoyed the backing of a friendly regime at the
Centre is set to return to office. A Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court has ruled that status quo ante as on December
15, 2015, should be restored in Arunachal Pradesh. This means that Nabam Tuki will return as Chief Minister and Kalikho
Pul, the dissident who formed the government with the help of the BJP after a brief spell of Presidents Rule, and even
proved his majority in a floor test in February, will have to go. In political terms, the verdict is yet another rebuff to the
Narendra Modi government, after the Uttarakhand misadventure that led to the reinstatement of Harish Rawat as Chief
Minister. In Arunachal Pradesh, events took an unseemly turn last December when the Governor, J.P. Rajkhowa,
intervened in an apparently partisan manner by advancing a session of the State Assembly by nearly a month and asking
the House to take up a motion to remove the Speaker as the first item on the agenda. This led to a shutdown of the
legislature at the behest of the Chief Minister and the Speaker, and the dissidents holding a parallel session at a makeshift
venue, where the Speaker was removed and a no-confidence motion against the government adopted. The subsequent
imposition of Presidents Rule and the installation of the Pul regime raised questions about the propriety of the BJP-led
Governor has no authority to resolve disputes within a political party; nor is he the conscience-keeper of the legislature.
He has no discretionary power to advance an Assembly session without the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers;
nor can he fix its agenda. On Mr. Rajkhowas defence that he was acting to prevent constitutional improprieties such as
a Speaker, for whose removal a motion was pending, adjudicating on the disqualification of some MLAs, the Court has
made three points about the Governors intervention: he had no role in the removal of the Speaker, he had no authority
to interfere in the Speakers powers under the anti-defection law, and he had no basis to act on the views of a group of
21 breakaway Congress MLAs, who clearly did not constitute a two-third fraction of the 47-member Congress Legislature
Party to be lawfully recognisable. Mr. Tuki may now struggle to demonstrate his majority as 14 MLAs disqualified under
his regime have been reinstated by a recent judgment of the Gauhati High Court. Whether he survives or not, this is not
the last we will hear about the issue of how manufactured majorities in State Assemblies are to be dealt with in the
o Turning back the clock - to make things the same as they were at an
earlier time
o Unseated - to remove someone from power
o Rebellion - violent action organized by a group of people who are trying
to change the political system
o Backing - support
o Regime - government
o Status quo ante - the situation that existed before
o Dissident - a person who publicly disagrees with and criticizes their
government
o Floor test - a floor test is done to prove some type of majority (usually
by head-count) on the floor of the Parliament for a crucial decision
o Verdict - an opinion or decision made after judging the facts that are
given
o Rebuff - to refuse to accept a helpful suggestion or offer from someone,
often by answering in an unfriendly way
o Misadventure - an accident or bad luck
o Reinstatement - the act of giving someone back their job
o Unseemly - not proper or appropriate
o Intervened - to intentionally become involved in a difficult situation in
order to improve it or prevent it from getting worse
o Apparently - as far as one knows or can see
o Partisan - a strong supporter of a party
o Advancing - move forwards in a purposeful way
o Legislature - the group of people in a country who have the power to
make and change laws
o Behest - a person's orders or command
o Makeshift - temporary and of low quality, but used because of a sudden
need
o Subsequent - coming after something in time / following
o Propriety - correct moral behaviour or actions
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As expected, Beijing lost no time in rejecting the unanimous ruling of an international tribunal at The Hague that China
has no legal basis for much of its claims on the South China Sea. But given the tribunals lack of powers to enforce its
rulings, a resolution of the dispute with the Philippines will have to be the stuff of international diplomacy. Generally, this
is not such a bad thing as judicial verdicts on issues of contested sovereignty can trigger a nationalist backlash. The court
at The Hague ruled that Chinas claims to the waters within the so-called nine-dash line, with wide-ranging economic
interests, was in breach of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. The case was brought to the court in 2013 by the
Philippines, centring on the Scarborough Shoal, but Beijing chose to boycott the proceedings. Yet, Vice Foreign Minister
Liu Zhenmin, while asserting Chinas sovereignty over the South China Sea, has committed to negotiations with the
Philippines following the ruling. Indeed, China now has more compelling reasons to reconsider its overall position.
The setback at The Hague comes at a critical juncture in Chinas bid to bolster its global economic status. This relates to
its long-standing ambition to be accorded recognition as a market economy under the World Trade Organisation. As the
2016 deadline looms, China insists the upgrade is automatic as per WTO rules. The European Parliament thinks
otherwise, and voted overwhelmingly in a non-binding resolution in May to delay a decision. Currently, Brussels levies
anti-dumping tariffs on imports from Beijing to mitigate the effects of supposedly unfairly low prices on a range of
commodities. Against this backdrop, the Chinese leadership is unlikely to allow itself any distraction in the form of a long-
drawn confrontation in its backyard, with its adverse diplomatic fallout. Instead, Beijing is more likely to rally support to its
cause for increased trade. History bears witness to a more constructive play of diplomatic forces in similar high-stakes
inter-state disputes. For instance, although Washington ignored a 1986 verdict of the International Court of Justice,
concerted pressure led to the eventual end to U.S. backing for Nicaraguan insurgents. In the current case at The Hague,
the U.S. cant exert much moral pressure as it has not even ratified the United Nations Convention. Conversely, as a
party to the law alongside Manila, there is more pressure on Beijing to comply. It is possible that big-power plays on the
South China Sea will now be behind us. After three years of litigation, this does not seem like a bad thing after all.
JULY 15/2016
Three weeks after a majority of Britons voted in a referendum to leave the European Union, the British political landscape
looks entirely different. David Cameron, who called the referendum, is no more the Prime Minister. Boris Johnson, an exit
campaigner who was widely expected to replace Mr. Cameron, backed off even before the contest for the new Prime
Minister began. Michael Gove, another Brexiteer who entered the race, was rejected by Conservative MPs. Theresa May
rose from this post-referendum chaos to become the second woman Prime Minister of the U.K. A seasoned politician with
administrative experience, Ms. Mays style of working and policy preferences often invoke comparisons with Margaret
Thatcher and Angela Merkel. As Home Secretary for six years, she oversaw Britains security services, borders and police
forces. Despite her hard-line positions on immigration at the Home Office she supported a net immigration cap she
chose to back the Remain camp, like Mr. Cameron, during the referendum campaign. This pragmatic euroscepticism may
have helped her win over both the doves and hawks within the Conservative Party.
That the U.K. has put an end to political uncertainty quicker than expected is good news for both the country and Europe.
But the challenges Ms. May faces are unprecedented. The Conservative Party is divided. Legislators and other party
leaders may endorse her for now, but going forward she could find it tough to maintain the equilibrium between the
centrists and right-wing conservatives. Mr. Camerons decision to call the referendum to appease the right-wingers shows
how unstable that equilibrium can be. Secondly, the Tories were re-elected last year under Mr. Camerons leadership on
promises of fixing the countrys economic worries. The Brexit vote has already done damage to the fragile economic
recovery. Ms. Mays immediate task would be to restore investor confidence. Thirdly, there is an alarming rise of
xenophobia in the U.K. which threatens its social cohesion, which no ruler can ignore. A yet larger challenge for Ms. May
would be dealing with the Brexit referendum outcome. Mr. Cameron had promised to trigger Article 50 of the Lisbon treaty
if there was a Leave vote. In the event, he did not. None of the Brexiteers managed to succeed him. Ms. May, herself a
Remain supporter, faces a difficult situation. If she doesnt begin the process of taking the U.K. out of the EU, she faces
the wrath of Brexiteers within and outside her party. If she invokes Article 50, it could have immediate repercussions for
the economy and Londons ties with Scotland. This is a tall order that even Ms. Mays idol, Margaret Thatcher, would
With the death toll rising to at least 38 in the clashes in the Kashmir Valley, the brutal crowd-control tactics of the police
have come under the spotlight. They call into question the changes in standard operating procedure that were made after
the violent protests of 2010, when scores of people died, mostly to bullet injuries. A decision had then been taken to
introduce non-lethal pellets. But ammunition can only be as non-lethal as the tactics employed. And it is evident that
the security forces have failed to exercise enough restraint, given the nature of injuries sustained by many young men
and women. A high number of the injured have suffered pellet injuries in the eyes. For instance, in one Srinagar hospital
alone, the Shri Maharaja Hari Singh Hospital, of the 87 civilians who were brought in with injuries, about 40 had sustained
pellet injuries to their eyes. Of these, doctors concluded that 19 persons, or almost half of those with eye injuries, may
never recover their eyesight. Do the mathematics, and a terrifying picture presents itself. The Centre has obviously, and
correctly, read the situation, and rushed a team of eye specialists to the Valley. But the tragically excessive loss of life,
limb and sight this month must force a serious rethink on how policemen are equipped and trained to bring calm to the
streets.
Pellets have been fired from 12-bore guns for riot control. These are not long-distance weapons. Police around the world
have been trained to aim for below the knee. The idea is that the pain caused by the pellets, usually made of metal and
sometimes encased in rubber, acts as a deterrent without maiming or causing serious life-inhibiting injuries. Theoretically,
it sounds viable. The reality thats obtained in Kashmir this month tells another story. It speaks to a lack of both training
and leadership. It is nobodys case that it is an easy job to control a violent crowd, but it is the duty of the police to do so
by causing as little injury as possible. They must ensure that the force they use is never disproportionately excessive to
the cause of action. In the heat of the moment, there was a clear lack of restraint, evident in the numbers injured by the
spray of pellets. Even as the best medical care is now sought to be provided, a more holistic healing must be expeditiously
administered. It has to be a political exercise. This week of violence must also end with the assurance that the security
forces have learnt important lessons the most important among them being the adoption of more humane measures
JULY 16/2016
Festivities in France to celebrate Bastille Day were brutally cut short when a truck careened through a packed crowd in
the French Riviera town of Nice. The driver, identified as a French national of Tunisian origin, was shot dead by the police,
Promenade des Anglais. President Franois Hollande quickly termed it a terror attack, extended the ongoing state of
emergency for three months and called for intensifying air strikes in Syria and Iraq. The attack is the third major one in
France in less than 18 months, following last Novembers siege of Paris that claimed 130 lives, and the January 2015
attack on the office of satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo that left 12 persons dead. Although social media channels of the
Islamic State were flooded with messages acknowledging the Nice attack, no group had officially taken responsibility for
There are two broad lines of analysis that the attack calls for. The first is the tactical question of how to deal with the lone
wolf, the solitary potential terrorist motivated by everything from bigotry and mental illness to a genuine belief in the ultra-
violent, nihilistic philosophy of the IS. Lone wolves are committed to carrying out suicide missions and taking as many
innocent lives as possible, sometimes drawing direct inspiration from the words of IS leaders. A case in point here is of
IS spokesman Muhammad al-Adnani who has called upon the faithful to run over [American and French disbelievers]
with your car. How can they be stopped in any part of the world? In the post-Mumbai attacks scenario, Indian intelligence
agencies cannot afford to be complacent about this, even as a growing number of alleged IS sympathisers are reported
in different parts of the country. Secondly, a question that countries such as France must ask themselves is a strategic
one. For instance, how could the French leadership do more to re-examine the roots of the social alienation and economic
misery that engulf so many among its almost five million Muslims and leave them vulnerable to radicalisation? Such
introspection could potentially reset deep-seated ethno-religious dissonance and, over the longer term, take the edge off
the recruitment drives of extremists lurking in the shadows of Syria, Iraq, and the Internet.
o Crosshairs - two thin wires crossing each other in a gun or other device,
which you use to help you aim at something
o Terror - extreme fear
o Festivities - the parties, and other social activities with which people
celebrate a special occasion
o Brutally - cruelly, violently, and completely without feelings
o Cut short - to have to stop doing something before it is finished
o Careened - move speedily in an uncontrolled way
o Packed crowd - completely full crowd
o Strewn - to spread things over a surface (not in order)
o Termed - named
o Ongoing - continuing
o Emergency - something dangerous or serious, such as an accident, that
happens suddenly or unexpectedly and needs fast action in order to avoid
harmful results
o Intensifying - to make something more serious
o Air strike - an attack made by aircraft
o Siege - the surrounding of a place by an armed force in order to defeat
those defending it
o Satirical - using humour to criticize people or things and make them
seem silly
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The Maharashtra governments decision to promulgate an ordinance this week to exempt farmers from having to
mandatorily sell their fruit and vegetable crop at mandis governed by a 1963 law on marketing farm produce, is a bold
and laudable step. That Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has stood his ground against the powerful lobby of middlemen,
be sold through Agricultural Produce Market Committees, is that farmers seldom benefit from price movements; traders
rake in the upside that consumers are forced to shell out. When onion prices soar, for instance, it is usually traceable to
APMC mandis in Nashik. This reform could help check household food expenditure by cutting out high intermediary costs
to an extent. But an even more critical objective is to make Indian agriculture a sustainable economic activity.
Maharashtras move is pertinent as acute indebtedness among farmers in the State has become almost systemic over
the past decade. If the Central government wants to double farmers incomes in five years (not an easy task even over a
decade, going by official data from 2003 to 2013), several interventions are necessary, including better irrigation facilities,
and the freedom to sell output where farmers get the best price. Fruits and vegetables are a good place to start dismantling
monopolies of the sort that Indian industry was freed from 25 years ago. Despite a substantially lower acreage than crops
such as cereals and pulses, they contribute a quarter of farm sector incomes. Estimates vary, but there is no denying that
a significant chunk of horticultural produce just rots. That wouldnt be the case if farmers could sell easily to food
Breaking the stranglehold of APMCs must be accompanied with easier access to credit and market information services,
for which farmers often rely on their captive buyers; there also needs to be a greater push for cooperative groups so that
marginal and small farmers have adequate negotiating heft in a free market. Healthy competition among private traders
and processing units, government procurement agencies and cooperative farmer-producer groups would improve price
discovery from farm to fork. Going ahead, Maharashtra and other States also need to back the Centres ambitious plan
unveiled this April to create an e-National Agriculture Market for 25 major crops. BJP-ruled or not, States must wrestle
with vested interests and create more choices for the farmer and the consumer. Though seven States had already
implemented the Centres June 2014 advisory to allow farmers to sell their horticultural produce anywhere instead of
through APMCs, Maharashtras initiative is crucial as it has a larger agrarian economy with a greater impact on national
JULY 18/2016
The >return of a Congress government , albeit with a different Chief Minister, restores a semblance of political stability
in Arunachal Pradesh, which was caught in a political and constitutional crisis. In a clever and unexpected twist, the
Congress retained power by backing 36-year-old >Pema Khandu as Chief Minister after it became evident that former
Chief Minister Nabam Tuki would fail to command a majority. The credit must primarily go to the >Supreme Court for
reinstating the Tuki regime purely on grounds of constitutional propriety, despite serious doubts about whether he
commanded a majority. The numbers in the legislature tell an interesting tale. Out of the 47 MLAs with the Congress, 14
were disqualified by the Speaker in December, while two were told that their resignations had been accepted. The game-
plan was to give the impression that the rebels had 31 MLAs, a clear majority. When >Kalikho Pul, the rebel faction head,
was sworn in as Chief Minister in February, he claimed the support of 29 Congress MLAs. (Orders disqualifying 14 MLAs
had already been stayed.) He declared that his 30-strong group had merged with another party. The strategy was to
claim that two-thirds of the Congress Legislature Party had merged with another party, the only situation in which an act
of defection is permitted under the law. After Mr. Tukis regime was reinstated after the Supreme Court verdict, he stood
no chance of surviving a floor test. This impending embarrassment appears to have goaded the Congress to shake off
months of lethargy. It salvaged the situation by recognising the dissidents grievances, offering the leadership to a more
Earlier, the Congress leadership had ignored the deep divisions within the legislature party and the extent of
dissatisfaction within its own ranks, which resulted in Mr. Tuki no longer enjoying the confidence of the House. Using this
situation, the Governor intervened by arrogating to himself the power to advance a duly convened Assembly session and
seeking to set the agenda for it. The BJP responded to the unfolding crisis with cynical opportunism by backing a rebel
faction in the Congress and playing along with, if not encouraging, overreach by the Raj Bhavan. Now that the Supreme
Court has reemphasised the limits of the Governors role, the political class needs to show that it has learnt the right
lessons, a significant one being that parties should not seek to use individual ambitions for political ends. There is a
stronger case than ever before for greater care in the appointment of Governors and the manner of their functioning.
Guidance is available in abundance the reports of the Sarkaria and Punchhi Commissions, for instance. A better sense
oAlbeit - although
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Turkeys is a classic case of a >coup-prone political system . The military is a relatively autonomous and popular
institution. It has in the past toppled civilian governments four times. There had always been tension between the ruling
elite and the military establishment. But the relatively stable rule of the Justice and Development Party since 2002 and
the popularity of its leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan had projected a picture of military coups having become a thing of the
past. >The developments that unfolded on Friday and Saturday > bust this myth. Even President Erdogan didnt foresee
the attempt. His success in taking back the reins of government is good for both Turkey and the larger West Asian region.
Turkey is important for regional security at a time when West Asia is in turmoil. Instability here is in nobodys interest.
However, the failed coup exposes the weakness of Mr. Erdogans regime. The fact that it was not a minor revolt by a few
soldiers, but an uprising by thousands of troops, raises serious questions about the coherence of the Turkish state. Mr.
Erdogan has contributed to the weakening of the state in many ways: his disastrous foreign policy that has worsened the
security situation; forced Islamisation that has sharpened the contradiction between the Islamist and secular sections;
and the push to rewrite the Constitution to award more powers to himself.
The coup-plotters may have sensed they would get support from the anti-Erdogan masses and the secular political class.
Sections of the population have problems with Mr. Erdogans politics. At Istanbuls Gezi Park, thousands braved his brutal
police force in 2013. Despite the government crackdown on liberal academia, opposition, media and social networks,
Turkey still has a thriving public sphere where anti-Erdoganism is a common theme for mobilising people. But they dont
want the soldiers to solve their problem through force. That is why thousands thronged the streets to defend the
government they had elected. That is why even Mr. Erdogans fiercest critics in the opposition denounced the coup. The
question now is how the fissures that have been exposed will impact Turkey. It depends, in large measure, on the choices
Mr. Erdogan makes. He could see the peoples commitment to democracy and use the crisis as an opportunity to
reconsider his dictatorial policies. Or he could use the military revolt as a pretext to purge more of his enemies and get
what he always wanted, which is a more powerful executive presidency. His choice will guide the future of Turkeys
democracy.
JULY 19/2016
Abrupt > political realignments are not uncommon in Nepal. After the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist-Centre)
led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda withdrew support to K.P. Olis Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-
Leninist)-led government last week, >another such rearrangement appears to be on the cards. A no-confidence motion
is due to be taken up in Parliament on July 21, and the numbers are stacked against Mr. Oli. The opposition Nepali
Congress led by Sher Bahadur Deuba and the UCPN(M-C) have worked out an alternative arrangement to share power.
Mr. Prachanda will lead the government for nine months, and Mr. Deuba will then take over for the next nine months until
the scheduled parliamentary elections. If, as expected, the UCPN(M-C)-NC coalition manages to form the government
with the support of smaller Madhesi parties and other groups, this would mark the 24th government in the 26 years since
the first Jan Andolan led to the end of absolute monarchy and the beginning of parliamentary democracy in Nepal. The
creation of a new republic in 2008 has not changed things there have been eight prime ministers in eight years. Mr.
Olis government had barely managed to get a grip on the reconstruction effort after the devastation of the 2015
earthquake and the instability in the federal arrangement after the turmoil in the Terai with Madhesi groups protesting
The promulgation of a Constitution took place in a peculiar set of circumstances. Following the second Constituent
Assembly elections, the status quoists political leaders across parties who were not part of the second Jan Andolan
in support of a federal republic led the process of promulgation. Mr. Oli, one such politician, had never showed any
enthusiasm for a truly federal Nepal and chose to ignore the demands of Madhesi, Tharu and Janajati groups that sought
greater decentralisation of power. With Mr. Prachandas volte face on this issue, a marriage of convenience made it
possible for Mr. Oli to remain in power with the support of a motley group in Parliament comprising Maoists and former
royalists. Hushed in this power game were the issues the Maoists originally stood for: recognition of the less privileged
sections through a federal restructuring of the state, and redistribution. With little movement on these issues in the past
year, a fresh start can be possible if Mr. Prachanda and Mr. Deuba commit to fulfilling some of the federal demands and
to redouble post-quake reconstruction efforts. Given the Nepali political classs track record, there is bound to be cynicism.
It is a matter of immense relief for students and education administrators that the > Supreme Court decided not to stay the
Centres ordinance granting a > one-year exemption to State government institutions from the > National Eligibility-cum-
Entrance Test (NEET) for medical courses. The Bench wisely refrained from suspending it, though its displeasure was
obvious. With lakhs of > students preparing to sit for NEET-2 on July 24, it obviously did not want to cause chaos. The
court found the ordinance disturbing and lacking in taste, and hinted that its legality was open to doubt. However, it is
difficult to blame the Centre for resorting to the ordinance, which is aimed at resolving practical difficulties faced by many
State governments in changing their admission policy at short notice. It was only in April that a five-judge > Bench recalled
unaided private institutions were not covered by a common eligibility or entrance test in the past few years. The courts
decision to reinstate NEET and declare that it would be the sole means of admission from the current academic year itself
came as a stunning blow to both the authorities and students. Thanks to the ordinance, this years MBBS admission is
However, the fundamental question remains open: do we need a national-level common test, and if so, should it cover all
institutions, government and private, aided or unaided and run by minorities or otherwise? > NEET may be the answer to
issues such as the need for an admission process that is fair, transparent and non-exploitative the triple test laid
down by the Supreme Court and to curb the commercialisation of medical education. It may also provide a national
pool of eligible students from which government and other institutions could choose students in the order of merit on the
basis of their reservation scheme or any other extant policy. However, the courts cannot be impervious to the other side.
Aspirants belong to different States, speak different languages and come from diverse socio-economic backgrounds. Any
common system that is introduced must be practical and feasible. It should not be hastily thrust on unwilling or unprepared
sections of society without due deliberation. The Bench that recalled the earlier verdict should hear the entire matter soon
and pass a reasoned final judgment before the next academic year, spelling out the ingredients for a common test that
will impinge neither on the priorities of States nor the rights of minority institutions.
o Immense - great
o Administrator - a person responsible for carrying out the administration
of a business or organization
o Ordinance - an authoritative order
o Refrained - stop oneself from doing something
o Suspending - to stop something from being active, either temporarily
or permanently
o Displeasure - unhappy
o Obvious - easy to see, recognize, or understand
o Chaos - a situation in which everything is confused and in a mess
o Legality - the fact that something is allowed by the law
o Blame - to say that someone did something wrong
o Vrdict - an official judgment made in a court
o Striking down - (of a court) to decide that a law or rule is illegal and
should be ignored
o Regulations - a rule or directive made and maintained by an authority
o Aided - working with the help of somebody
o Reinstate - restore (someone or something) to their former position or
state
o Sole - only
o Transparent - open and honest, without secrets
o Exploitative - using someone unfairly for your own advantage
o Laid down - to officially establish a rule, or to officially say how
something should be done
o Curb - to control or limit something that is not wanted
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JULY 20/2016
The significance of some judicial interventions trumps the fact that they are unusual or are marred by excessive activism.
The Supreme Courts project to revamp the cricket administration is one such. It has >accepted the recommendations of
a committee > headed by former Chief Justice of India R.M. Lodha, which favoured sweeping structural reforms and
specific rules to eliminate conflicts of interest and the creation of near-permanent tenures and fiefdoms. In its overall
approach, the court has shown a sharp understanding of two broad ills: the concentration of power in the president of the
Board of Control for Cricket in India and the patronage extended by the office to favoured individuals who enjoy the
presidents confidence. The panels recommendations stem from the same concern: they include restrictions on the
number of terms and overall tenure for office-bearers, a bar on anyone holding more than one office at a time, a cooling-
off period between one tenure and another, and the replacement of the bloated working committee with a nine-member
Apex Council with player representation. Normally, a private body would not be subject to such restrictions in its right to
form an association. And the BCCI may well believe its powers are unfettered or at least not subject to judicial
micromanagement. But cricket is a national sport and the BCCI, irrespective of its legal status, must act in a transparent
and accountable manner as a trustee of the game. The need to do so is all the greater given the huge infusion of corporate
funding in recent years, which has attracted an assortment of operators and shadowy interests seeking to capitalise on
crickets popularity.
It was the betting scandal that hit the Indian Premier League in 2013 that brought to the fore the unsavoury aspects of
the cricketing administration. An impression had gained ground that the Board operated like a cosy, self-serving club.
That it was important to put an end to grave conflict of interest issues that have plagued the game and take a hard line
against malpractices such as match-fixing and spot-fixing is indisputable. One may disagree with some aspects of the
courts order such as the one State one vote rule and the placing of a cap on the age of office-bearers these are
details best left to administrative bodies. But these are but cavils given the overall thrust of the order, which is aimed at
be tested in the years to come. If it brings about greater transparency in the operation of both commercial and sporting
aspects of cricket, it would mean a significant victory for its genuine proponents and supporters.
The > disruption of normal life in the Kashmir Valley after the >killing of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan
Wani was conveyed most poignantly by a photograph of a half page of advertisements in a Kashmiri newspaper. One
personal ad after another announced the cancellation of wedding functions on account of what one of them called the
prevailing situation. By the weekend, after curfew, violent clashes, and mobile, cable TV and Internet disruptions, the
morning newspaper too disappeared. In a move as ill-advised as it was vicious, the police >prevented the printing and
distribution of local newspapers >. It highlighted how suffocating the effort to control the narrative has been, cutting off
oxygen to all avenues for Kashmiris to voice their anger and to exchange information. The cc issued a statement
condemning the clampdown, terming it a direct assault to the freedom of the press. The ban was to be reviewed after
July 19 but the government reacted to the criticism a day earlier, >contending that there had been no ban at all, and
This is not the first time the authorities have cut off communication links to thwart collective mobilisation, or to inhibit the
circulation of information. And this is not the first time they will shrug off criticism with the familiar justification for the
information freeze: to cool the air, to stop impressionable young people from being drawn out on to curfew-bound streets,
to counter the signalling from Pakistani TV channels. What is forgotten is that such a clampdown reinforces the sense of
siege that has kept anger in the Valley on a slow boil. The protests after Wanis death were, by all accounts, spontaneous.
Instead of engaging with the range of reasons that drew young Kashmiris out to the streets in the full knowledge that they
risked injury, even death, the governments at the Centre and in the State took refuge in platitudes and evasion. The death
toll has crossed 40, thousands are injured, many of them with sight-threatening eye injuries from indiscriminately fired
pellets. After days of curfew, residents are running low on essentials, especially food and medicine. To disrupt channels
of communication is to turn away inhumanly from the first responsibility of a civil administration to mobilise resources
to rush aid and succour to the ailing and distressed. And to stem the free flow of information and views, even on a
JULY 21/2016
Even as the reverberations of the > violence inflicted on a group of Dalit men by cow protection vigilantes near the
small Gujarat town of Una are felt in Parliament, > the protests continue to spread across the State. Large parts of
Saurashtra, the region rocked most by agitations led by Dalit groups, were practically shut down on Wednesday >after a
bandh call, and different modes of protest have been adopted. It is a protest that appears to have grown organically in
response to the violence the men bore on July 11, a video of which had been posted online by one of the assailants. They
were stripped, flogged, bound and paraded on accusations that they had killed a cow for skinning. It is a videographic
record of both random and systemic cruelty. The various modes of protest must be seen as a cry for redressal and
systemic social change all around. Some have protested >by attempting suicide, and one died after consuming a
poisonous substance. Certain protesters have taken to dumping animal carcasses near a district officials office. There
has been mobilisation on the streets across Gujarat, with one policeman succumbing to injuries after stone-pelting by
protesters. There are plans for more State-wide protests. This is a rage that needs a comprehensive and holistic response
Gujarat Chief Minister Anandiben Patel has met the victims. Prime Minister Narendra Modi condemned the atrocity and
Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh spoke about the assault in Parliament, terming such acts against Dalits a social evil
that everyone must come together to combat. Congress president Sonia Gandhi has sought to corner the Bharatiya
Janata Party for social terror, and party leaders are scheduled to visit Una, as are representatives of many other political
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moreover, the administration must ensure their safety, so that reprisals are not visited upon them. But for this to happen,
the Central and State governments need to level with the people. Cow protection ( gau raksha) cannot be a cover for the
pursuit of the kind of aggressive vigilantism that has been witnessed in different parts of the country, more often than not
as an exercise in communal consolidation. That violence and intimidation in the name of the cow (or beef) will not be
tolerated is a message that needs to go out quickly and unequivocally not only from the Gujarat government but also
Consecutive prison terms for those convicted of more than one offence in a single trial are infrequent in India. When
those who have attracted great public odium by the enormity of their crimes are found guilty, the judges are seen to have
the option of awarding sentences that are consecutive, to be undergone one after another as opposed to concurrently,
where the longest jail term subsumes the shorter ones. On rare occasions, for example in the case of self-proclaimed
godman Premananda in Tamil Nadu, two life sentences have been ordered to run consecutively. The > Supreme Court
has now provided clarity on the question of whether two or more sentences of life imprisonment can be made to run one
after another. It is basically irrational and anomalous, says the Constitution Bench. As life imprisonment is for the
remainder of ones life, unless ended by remission or commutation, multiple life terms should be counted concurrently.
Accordingly, judgments that run contrary to this principle have been overruled. Consecutive sentences are still permissible
if one is a fixed term and the other is one of life, provided the term sentence is completed first and the life sentence begins
later.
Unbelievably lengthy prison sentences are not common in India, unlike in some jurisdictions in the West. However, most
of these countries balance it with a robust system of probation or parole. On the other hand, the idea of releasing a
prisoner under supervised probation after a part of the sentence has been served is still rare in India; both state and
society expect convicts to be imprisoned for as long as possible. This highlights an issue that occasionally crops up in
judicial discourse: the absence of sentencing guidelines in India. In theory, sentences can be deterrent, retributive,
reformative or restorative. However, the present sentencing paradigm is judge-centric, leaving much to the courts
discretion. Some believe this may be right because no two offences, or even offenders, are likely to be the same.
Circumstances (aggravating or mitigating), motive and nature of the crime are all taken into account by judges in
sentencing. For heinous crimes, the ideas of deterrence and retribution inform judicial discretion, and hence the more
popular verdicts are those that award condign punishment. Until sentencing guidelines are framed by the legislature or
the superior judiciary, individual judges will have to carry the burden of awarding punishment that befits the crime. By
life, even if it may not guarantee release. For, justice ultimately cannot be merely retributive.
JULY 22/2016
>Donald Trump is the Republican Party nominee for the November presidential election. This has brought cheer to the
great many conservative Americans who voted for him in the primaries. It has also caused a ripple of consternation among
his detractors within the Grand Old Party and his Democratic opponents, many among who are possibly still in a state of
disbelief that the real estate mogul trounced as many as 16 rivals and scored resounding primaries victories in 37
States. >The GOP convention in Cleveland, Ohio, was symbolic of the state of this race. A number of party heavyweights
stayed away from the festivities, with some saying they had to go fly fishing, and others to mow their lawns. Their implied
distaste for the apotheosis of Mr. Trump has been a consistent theme of the election season this year, and it reflects a
deep fracture between the Republican leadership and the mass base. Many attribute the rise and rise of Mr. Trump to
the partys subtle pandering to racist claims that emerged early in his campaign. >Mr. Trumps most vitriolic statements
have targeted minorities including Muslims, Mexicans, women, the LGBT community and the differently abled, not to
mention the media. How much did Republican heavyweights speak out against, say, his call for a ban on Muslims entering
the U.S.?
This week those very same Republican bosses who remained silent as a wave of conservative support aligned itself with
the base values of one man must find themselves in a political terrain that feels like quicksand. On the one hand, they
watched tacitly as their partys nominee positioned himself in the hateful corners of the far-right. On the other, there is a
deep irony in the fact that many rank-and-file Republicans, for example those who subscribe to the minimum-government
agenda of the Tea Party, distrust Mr. Trump and believe he is a liberal who spent his time in corporate America getting
Democrats elected. This cohort, as well as Democrats and many outside America, believe that Mr. Trump has at best a
rudimentary understanding of domestic and foreign policy. Domestically, could a man who has a wink-and-nod policy
towards attacks on African-Americans, one who equated Mexicans to drug dealers and rapists, be made responsible for
healing the chasm between overzealous armed police and fearful racial minorities? Abroad, could a man who has
promised to bomb the hell out of the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq be handed launch codes of the most fearsome
nuclear arsenal in the world? Unless the United States has unshakeable faith in the capabilities of such a man, it had
better spend the next few months casting about for alternative choices.
Another session of Parliament has begun with the BJP-led government expressing its determination to ensure the
adoption of the Constitution amendment bill to usher in the >long-delayed Goods and Services Tax. Prime Minister
Narendra Modi has invested significant political capital in wresting a favourable outcome. In the >recent Cabinet
reshuffle, he changed the team in the Parliamentary Affairs Ministry for better floor management. Addressing an all-party
meet on the eve of the session, Mr. Modi appealed to members to give primacy to the national interest while urging
bipartisan support for the GST bill. So far, the Congress had reiterated its credentials in championing the GST during its
years in power as proof that it is committed to the tax reform measure, without fully explaining its obstructionism once out
of office. But now it has adopted a conciliatory tone on working with the government to hammer out a consensus. With
many non-Congress Opposition parties expressing their willingness to see the legislation through, there is hope that the
The Centre has, by all indications, >agreed to drop the proposed additional 1 per cent levy on inter-State sales over and
above the GST rate, as sought by the Congress. The differences over the dispute-resolution mechanism have also
narrowed. The remaining bone of contention involves the question of an explicit cap on the GST rate and whether it ought
to be made a part of the amendment bill itself. Whatever the rate, capped or uncapped, it is obvious that the GST regime
will boost economic activity. It will subsume multiple indirect taxes, including State-level sales tax, octroi and other levies,
that make doing business in India a compliance as well as logistical nightmare. Seamless movement across States is
critical for a truly national common market, and for incentivising producers of goods and services to scale up investment
and create jobs. A more efficient system for collecting indirect taxes, a far larger contributor to the exchequer than direct
taxes, could also create room for higher public investment in areas such as education and health. Certainly, the challenge
of warding off incipient inflationary pressures in the early stages of the taxs implementation will require enlightened
policies. For the BJP and the Congress, the next couple of weeks will be a real test of political sagacity in pulling together
and delivering on a reform they have both advocated. No party may, for now, get the GST regime entirely of its liking
but it is better to initiate change on the basis of a reasonable consensus rather than wait for that elusive perfect
agreement.
JULY 23/2016
Ever since the German broadcaster ARD released a documentary, titled Top-secret doping: How Russia makes its
winners, in late 2014, skeletons from the Russian closet have been > tumbling out at an embarrassing rate. The
documentary had alleged that Russia was funding an East German-style doping programme and that an elaborate
network was in place to cover it all up. In November 2015, a report by Dick Pound, > a former president of the World Anti-
Doping Agency, corroborated most of the revelations. Mr. Pound uncovered what he called a deeply-rooted culture of
cheating.
The International Association of Athletics Federations then suspended the Russian track and field team from international
competition and last month >refused to overturn the ban, not satisfied with Russias efforts at overhauling its system.
Even as the IAAF left the door open for individual athletes to prove that they had been training outside Russia, and
therefore be allowed to compete as neutral athletes at the Rio de Janeiro Olympics, the IAAFs doping review board
rejected all but two of the applications. A subsequent appeal by the affected athletes to the Court of Arbitration for Sport
has now been turned down, with another report, this time by Richard McLaren, a highly respected Canadian law professor,
released just before the CAS ruling, proving to be the final nail in the Russian coffin.
It confirmed that dope-tainted urine samples > were substituted with clean ones during the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics,
in collusion with the Russian Sports Ministry, the Russian security service FSB, and the Centre of Sports Preparation of
Coming as it does on the eve of the Olympics, the pinnacle of sporting excellence, fair play and credibility, this episode
raises troubling questions. The main finding of the McLaren report is that Russian athletes from the vast majority of
summer and winter Olympic sports had benefitted from the doping programme. For this reason alone, it is difficult to
argue against a total ban on the 387-member strong Russian Olympic contingent.
The International Olympic Committee, owing to the overlapping worlds of geopolitics and sports, might well leave the
decision to individual sporting bodies, but the overwhelming stench is something the quadrennial extravaganza could do
without. Russia has argued that collective responsibility is hardly acceptable and that its own system should be trusted
Fingers have also been pointed at disgraced cyclist Lance Armstrong to prove that the West does not have a clean record
either. There is a difference. It was, in fact, the U.S. Anti-Doping Agency that was instrumental in exposing Armstrong. In
o Tainted - spoiled
o Doping - the act of giving a person drugs in order to make them perform
better in a competition
Two weeks after > protests in the Kashmir Valley caught the authorities by surprise, a semblance of calm has been
restored. It is a tenuous one, built on extended curfews, and it has come at a huge price. Even as the government faces
Speaking in the Lok Sabha, Home Minister Rajnath Singh sought an all-party meeting to address the problem. > Jammu
and Kashmir Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti chaired another such meeting in Srinagar that asked Delhi to engage in a
larger political dialogue with all stakeholders, including separatists. These are important, necessary steps.
But given the record of outreach in the Valley, the Centre needs to > get its framework for a political conversation right. If
the proposal to include stakeholders in a larger process is to be credible, the idiom must be genuine. Regrettably, far too
much of the vocabulary on Jammu and Kashmir is platitude and hollow cliche.
The challenge before the government is to demonstrate that it is not reaching out as an automatic response learnt from
some worn-out troubleshooting manual but to show it has acknowledged the outrage, weariness, and distress in the
Valley. That it cares enough to be open to being nudged out of its certitudes.
Former Home Minister > P. Chidambarams suggestion this week that India assure the people of Kashmir that it is
conscious of the spirit of the grand bargain promised at accession almost 70 years ago has invited a rebuttal from a senior
BJP Minister at the Centre. Even the Congress party has reacted cautiously to the wide-ranging interview to India Today
But if national politics means to respond to the > cries of agony from the Valley this month, it must adopt Mr.
Chidambarams touchstone that the issue in the Valley is not about land but about people. Former Prime Minister Atal
Bihari Vajpayee had forged a way forward by seeking talks within the framework of humanity, thereby sidestepping the
The gains of that breakthrough have long since been dissipated. Mr. Chidambarams appeal that India accept an
asymmetric devolution of powers for J&K, which it has recommended for the Tamil provinces in Sri Lanka, is one such
idea that could open a route forward. It should not be reflexively dismissed.
JULY 25/2016
surprising. Given the authoritarian streak in his government, many had warned that he would capitalise on the opportunity
to purge his enemies and critics. Unfortunately, that is exactly what is happening now. >Mr. Erdogan blames Fethullah
Gulen, a U.S.-based Turkish cleric, for the coup, though he has yet to furnish any evidence. But the government has
already arrested, fired, suspended or served notice on about 58,000 people, largely Gulen supporters. Media groups are
under pressure not to carry reports critical of the President. >A three-month state of emergency declared last week gives
Mr. Erdogan sweeping powers; one of the first presidential decrees was to close down institutions linked to Mr. Gulen.
Given the depth and breadth of the crackdown, Turks must wonder whether this is the kind of democracy they wanted
restored when they risked their lives on the streets of Ankara and Istanbul on July 15 and 16 in fighting back the coup-
plotters.
The failed coup was a chance for Mr. Erdogan to genuinely explore the reasons that led to the military revolt and take
steps to address systemic failures. It was also an opportunity to strengthen democratic institutions and address the
concerns about his dictatorial policies, and the threats to constitutional secularism, one of the founding principles of
modern Turkey. Instead, Mr. Erdogan appears convinced that the political capital he gained is best used to oust his
enemies, real and imagined, from influential sectors. This marks a dangerous turn. A large-scale crackdown on a society
that has strong democratic currents within it and a history of revolts against rulers will only invite public resentment. In the
case of Turkey, every junta regime in the past was forced to hand over power to civilian leaders. Even the brutal military
takeover of 1980 didnt last long. So if Mr. Erdogan and his supporters think they will emerge stronger with the purge,
they could well be proved wrong. Secondly, the crackdown has already damaged Turkeys standing globally. From a
leader who survived a coup attempt, Mr. Erdogan has transformed his international image into that of a revengeful
strongman. Even his allies in the West have asked him to act within the rule of law. Thirdly, while it is important to hold
those responsible for the coup accountable for their actions, an all-out attack on the military roughly a third of the
command structure has been purged could be counterproductive. Heightened tensions between the civilian
In a rare and highly commendable move that has sent out a strong message to the Indian scientific community, the
Council of Scientific and Industrial Research has dismissed a senior scientist working at its Chandigarh-based Institute
of Microbial Technology (IMTECH) over serious charges of data fabrication in at least seven papers published in peer-
investigation carried out at IMTECH revealed that the data were cooked up. Though Swaranjit Singh Cameotra was not
directly involved in data fabrication, his complicity in the scientific misconduct became clear. The scale of misconduct by
Dr. Cameotra is way lower in comparison to the South Korean stem cell researcher Hwang Woo-suk and the Japanese
stem cell researcher Haruko Obokata, but it is nevertheless significant. A senior member is responsible for data produced
by his team. As the U.S. Office of Research Integrity (ORI) has laid down, being complicit in multiple instances of scientific
misconduct merits firm action. An editor of one of the retracted papers said the reviewers were unable to spot the
fabrication as the data appeared solid, though all the three papers had the same theme of a bacterium isolated from a
natural environment metabolising certain chemicals. It is, however, quite surprising that no one at IMTECH suspected
The only bright spot in the otherwise sorry episode has been IMTECHs readiness and willingness to get to the root of
the problem rather than brushing the allegations under the carpet, as many scientific institutions in India regularly do. One
of the biggest handicaps that journal editors face when confronted with evidence of scientific misconduct by Indian
researchers is non-cooperation by institutions in thoroughly investigating such matters. This is the reason why certain
fraudulent practices by Indian scientists have seldom been exposed. One of the best ways to tackle this ill is to set up a
nodal body on the lines of the ORI in the U.S. Any case of scientific misconduct brought to its notice should be investigated
by the respective institutions and the matter taken to its logical conclusion. A body on the lines of the ORI should also be
actively involved in preventing misconduct and promoting research integrity through expanded education programmes.
This will go a long way in reducing instances of misconduct by scientists. It will also greatly help to reduce the amount of
trash that sullies scientific literature and prevent other serious researchers from wasting their time repeating meaningless
experiments.
JULY 26/2016
Saturdays >twin blasts in Kabul, in which at least 80 people died and over 260 were injured, is a clear escalation of the
Afghan conflict by the Islamic State. Over the past two years, the IS has built some presence in eastern Afghanistan,
operating largely from the chaotic Nangarhar province. But by carrying out one of the worst mass attacks in Kabul in 15
years, it has flaunted its growing footprint. It has sent a message that it is now a force to reckon with in Afghanistan. In
turn, the attack once again exposes the chinks in the countrys security armour. Despite support from U.S. troops and its
superior air cover, the Afghan military hasnt been able to do much to prevent Taliban attacks in recent months. Now, with
of expansion. It is under increasing pressure in Iraq and Syria in the wake of sustained attacks by, variously, the U.S.,
Kurdish groups and the Iraqi and Syrian national armies. Over the past year it has lost territory and thousands of fighters,
forcing the leadership to look for other countries, especially Libya and Afghanistan. Groups such as the IS are most
comfortable amidst chaos. The IS has exploited the post-war chaos in Iraq and the civil war uncertainty in Syria.
Afghanistan falls into the same category. The civil war has substantially weakened post-Taliban state-building in
Afghanistan, leaving several regions, particularly the mountainous areas along the Pakistan border, beyond the control
of the government. Unsurprisingly, it is in one such district that the IS has found a foothold.
The Kabul attack also fits into the ISs sectarian narrative. The targets of the blasts were the Hazaras, the third largest
ethnic group in Afghanistan, which is mainly Shia. In both Iraq and Syria the IS has exploited the Shia-Sunni rivalry to win
the support of Sunnis, particularly disaffected youth from the community. By directly attacking the Hazaras, the IS is
clearly trying to whip up sectarian passions. This is a dangerous game that even the Taliban has largely stayed away
from in Afghanistan. Though the Hazaras were persecuted under the Taliban in the 1990s, the Afghan civil war did not
turn sectarian like the conflicts in Syria and Iraq. The IS is trying to change this equation, because only then can it hope
to spread its Sunni fundamentalist ideology to the Afghans. The question is how the Afghan government and the
international coalition will respond to these twin challenges. If they indeed let the IS gain ground, as happened with the
The quality of a countrys democracy is reflected not only in the robustness of its institutions but also from the texture of
its political discourse. The tasteless and indefensible >remarks by a Bharatiya Janata Party leader about Bahujan Samaj
Party chief Mayawati, which provoked similar vulgarity from herself and her partymen, paint a particularly depressing
picture of Indias democracy today. Dayashankar Singh, vice-president of the BJPs Uttar Pradesh unit, employed a
coarse analogy with prostitution that smacked of a deep-seated sexist bias, ostensibly to highlight Ms. Mayawatis alleged
practice of allotting the party ticket to the highest bidder. The unpardonable slur was bereft of nuance and had no place
in civilised political discourse. The BJP moved quickly to take action against Mr. Dayashankar, but this firmness seemed
borne in large measure of the desire to curb the political fallout in Uttar Pradesh, the countrys most populous State that
goes to the polls next year, and which has a sizeable Dalit vote. The expelled party functionarys remarks were made at
a time when the BJP is already on the back foot in Gujarat where it is battling protests and popular >outrage following the
For her part, Ms. Mayawati would have done well had she stopped with defending her partys fund-raising policies and
drawing attention to Mr. Dayashankars prejudice against women politicians. Regrettably, in trying to pay her detractor in
the same coin, she justified the use of sexist and highly derogatory remarks by BSP men directed at the wife and minor
daughter of Mr. Dayashankar, who went into hiding fearing a physical attack on himself. As a result, the opportunity to
seize the high moral ground was squandered; more importantly, so was the chance to highlight the need for a reasoned
debate on maintaining a certain decorum even in the heat of political combat. Like the BJPs disapproval of Mr.
Dayashankar, it is possible that Ms. Mayawatis aggressive response, a clear overreaction, is tied to narrow electoral
unlikely that any of this ugly theatrics will sway voters. As a strong woman politician, Ms. Mayawati will carry memories
of many slurs she has borne as she emerged to take over the reins of the BSP and attain the political stature she has.
She has the power and the ability to alter the very lexicon of politics in the Hindi heartland. This is something she should
SEP 01/2016
Turkeys incursion into Syria has opened a new front in the already complicated Syrian civil war. Turkey and the other
regional powers in West Asia, such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Iran, have been active players in the Syrian conflict since
2011, but this is the first time one of them has sent its army into Syria to join combat. Ankara says the move is to fight the
Islamic State; within days of rolling its tanks into Syria, Turkey declared that it had cleared the border town of Jarabulus
of IS fighters. But there is little doubt that the real target of the Turkish forces are the Kurdish militias. The IS had been
active in Jarabulus since 2013, and used the town as a key supply route for men and materials. Over the last few years,
Turkey had largely ignored IS activities on the Syrian side of the border. It moved into action only after the U.S.-backed
Kurdish forces recaptured Manbij, another town close to the border, from the IS. After taking positions in Manbij, Kurdish
rebels had moved towards Jarabulus. If Kurds seize Jarabulus as well, it would allow them unprecedented control over
the Syrian-Turkish border region and also cut Turkey off from the last remaining cross-border supply routes.
Turkey has two concerns. First, if it loses cross-border access to Syria, the Ankara-backed rebels would be in a weaker
position in the Syrian civil war, which would in turn jeopardise Turkeys plans for a future Syria. Second, if Kurdish militias
are allowed to further consolidate in the semi-autonomous Syrian Kurdistan, that would pose a direct strategic threat to
Turkey, given the Syrian Kurds deep ties with their Turkish counterparts who are at war with Ankara. So Turkey wants to
rupture the Kurdish momentum. This move, however, marks a dangerous turn of events. Kurds have proved the most
effective ground force against the IS. All the major border towns they control, such as Kobane, Tal Abyad and now Manbij,
were recaptured from the IS after long and bloody ground battles. In fact, the decline of the IS started with their defeat by
Kurds in Kobane. Besides, the Turkish incursion makes the Syrian war more complicated. Given their recent battle history,
Kurds wont give up their position easily. This means that if Turkey persists with its operation, the border towns could
witness another spell of war, while making the task of resolving the Syrian conflict more difficult. Unfortunately, Turkey
seems less bothered about the chaos in Syria than the growing clout of Kurds.
Fifteen years after the timing of the Union Budget was advanced by six hours from 5 p.m. on the last working day of
February, the Centre is contemplating unveiling it a month or more ahead. This may appear to be a superfluous shift to
some, but it could significantly alter governance outcomes if managed well. As of now, though the Budget is tabled before
the commencement of a new financial year in April, its provisions often do not become the law of the land till some time
in May, when Parliament passes the Finance Bill. So whether it is a new social sector scheme, a highway project for
which the Finance Minister has allocated funds, or simply the transfer of funds to States, there is little action till, say, June.
Official expenditure data confirm that spending remains particularly low in the first two months of the financial year. There
is a spike in the last two quarters not just because ministries scramble to exhaust their allocated funds, but also because,
for instance, the onset of the monsoon season in June makes it difficult to execute infrastructure projects in the second
quarter. Effectively, proposed annual capital expenditure is rushed through from October to March rather than through
the year, creating a tardy and bumpy transmission mechanism for any intended stimulus.
This now assumes greater importance especially since in the past two years public investment has been the
governments mantra to revive growth, and is likely to remain the key determinant of the economys direction for a while.
Whether presented in the end of December or in January, a budget endorsed by Parliament by the end of March could
allow ministries, State governments and businesses to get down to implementation as soon as the year begins and plan
their spending based on the requirement for a project rather than weather exigencies. There is, of course, the challenge
that the government may lack enough data about the state of the economy by January, be it tax collections or GDP
numbers. So the Chief Economic Advisers team will have to grapple with tighter deadlines to put together the Economic
Survey with less data at its disposal. Then again, the February 28 Budget also relies on revised estimates. And while
Finance Ministry mandarins may find themselves pressed for time if Finance Minister Arun Jaitley manages to move to
an earlier Budget in 2017, the Goods and Services Tax rollout deadline of April 2017 would mean much less work for
full Budgets remained works in progress (that is, unmet) by the time the next Budget was presented. If switching the
Budget presentation date can turn this around, it would be well worth it.
SEP 02/2016
The fall of Dilma Rousseff from being one of the most popular politicians to an impeached leader is much more than a
story of a corrupt President being stripped of her powers by a righteous legislature. The >exit of Brazils first woman
President brings the 13-year rule of the left-leaning Workers Party (PT) to an end. The charge levelled against her is that
she used illegal bookkeeping manoeuvres to hide a growing deficit. Though this is a crime in Brazil, several of those who
piloted the impeachment process in Congress have themselves been charged with corrupt practices. Almost all the
leading political parties, including new President Michel Temers Brazilian Democratic Movement Party, were implicated
in the Petrobras corruption scandal. Ms. Rousseff is in fact one of the very few high-profile politicians not to be implicated
in the Petrobras scam. Moreover, her presidency was not quite the failure it is made to appear as. She completed her
first term and was re-elected in 2014 with a clear majority. Through all this, she purposefully continued the welfare
programmes initiated by her predecessor, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, particularly in the education, health and housing
sectors.
To understand Ms. Rousseffs fall, one has to look instead at the complex layers of Brazils polity. It is a comparatively
young democracy in which the PT rose to power defying established structures. The power struggle within Brazils political
class has never been a settled affair. When Mr. da Silva was President, he was able to keep in check the class interests
stacked against him with his immense popularity. Ms. Rousseff not only lacked his charisma and mass appeal, but also
failed to right the economy when a steep fall in global commodity prices hit Brazil hard. The consequences were
devastating: for instance, the Brazilian economy grew 7.6 per cent in 2010, the year she won her first term; it is estimated
to contract 3.2 per cent this year. It is amid this economic gloom and nationwide anger against corrupt politicians in the
wake of the Petrobras scandal that her opponents used the charges of fudging books to build a case for impeachment.
But the impeachment doesnt solve the problems Brazil faces. The economy is still in the doldrums, and is unlikely to
bounce back in the near future given the global headwinds. President Temer is as unpopular as Ms. Rousseff had
become, as was evident from the loud boos he received from spectators at the opening ceremony of the Rio Olympics.
Brazils opposition may have gained power after a long wait through a parliamentary coup, but the political and economic
The >Supreme Courts verdict on the Singur land acquisition issue is a re-statement of first principles relating to the
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government in West Bengal, the court has reiterated that the term public purpose cannot be arbitrarily invoked to acquire
land and hand it over to a private party. One of the two judges has categorically held that there was no public purpose
in the land acquisition as it was solely for the benefit of Tata Motors. The other judge has conceded that given the
governments policy of industrialisation and the potential for employment generation, the acquisition was indeed for a
public purpose. But he also ruled that the failure to hold a proper inquiry into objections from the public, and the fact that
the State Cabinet had decided to acquire land for the project even before the acquisition was notified as per law, rendered
the entire process void. The ruling is undoubtedly a political victory for West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee,
who took up the cause of those whose lands were taken away in Singur, making it a key election issue of the pivotal
Assembly election of 2011, when she wrested power from the long-serving Left Front. With the farmers set to get back
their land, and the court allowing them to keep the compensation they had earlier received or claim it now if they are yet
to get it, this allows her to score points afresh over the CPI(M).
The judgment does not lay down any new law. The dispute over whether the Singur land was acquired for a public
purpose or not is largely academic, now that the outdated Land Acquisition Act, 1894, has been repealed and replaced
by legislation that aims at transparency in acquisition and makes fair compensation and resettlement a statutory right of
those who lose their land. The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and
Resettlement Act sets out the categories of projects that would fall under public purpose, and allows acquisition for private
companies subject to provisions related to consent, compensation and rehabilitation. There may be some apprehension
that the judgment will deter fresh investment by the private sector, inasmuch as it may preclude land acquisition for major
projects. However, courts have by and large interpreted public purpose liberally, often allowing the governments view
to prevail. The lesson from Singur is that thoughtless and fast-tracked acquisition, often to the detriment of due process
and the interests of those deprived of land and livelihood, is the real issue and not promotion of industrialisation.
o Verdict - judgement
o Acquisition - the process of getting something
o Re-statement - to say something again
o Eminent - famous, respected, or important
o Domain - a particular area of activity
o Quashing - to use force or violence to stop the political action taken by
a group of people
o Erstwhile - previous
o Reiterated - to say something again
o Arbitrarily - unfairly
o Invoked - to use a law in order to achieve something
o Categorically - in a very clear way (without any doubt)
o Held - to support something
o Solely - involving nothing except the person or thing mentioned
o Conceded - to admit that something is true
o Indeed - really
SEP 03/2016
That Mukesh Ambanis >roll-out of fourth-generation telecommunication services through Reliance Jio would shake up
at the Reliance Industries annual shareholders meeting were audacious. From making voice calls and domestic roaming
completely free to offering 4G data connectivity at a fraction of the average market tariff, the latest entrant has, in one fell
swoop, altered pricing dynamics in the sector for the foreseeable future. In the process, the company has also ended up
putting the spotlight on data being at the core of mobile telephony services. With more than 90 per cent of almost 350
million Indians currently accessing the Internet on mobile devices, the availability, affordability and quality, in terms of
browsing speeds, of the data service becomes critical. This is particularly pertinent as India makes more and more public
goods and services accessible online. For a nation seeking to leverage the explosive growth in mobile telephony that has
resulted in more than one billion subscriptions, the future lies in moving an increasingly larger share of economic activity
across industries on to digital platforms. By setting out to provide its services at a significantly lower cost than most
competitors, Reliance is attempting to alter the benchmark for consumer expectations on data quality. It seeks to make
the proposition more sticky by bundling in mobile applications that will enable users to tap into a range of media.
How significantly the industry landscape is altered will ultimately depend on the reliability of the service that Reliance
ends up providing. To be sure, the largest rival mobile phone operators have been quietly making their own preparations
for Reliances entry and are certain to have factored in various strategic scenarios. As consumers opt to sample Reliances
4G services, it is inevitable that the competition will take a short-term knock on some operating parameters such as
average revenue per user, average margin per user, subscriber churn, and data revenue growth. But the long-term health
of the industry is unlikely to be seriously impaired as the size of the market in India is large enough to absorb one more
player. Given the low operational costs of the business and the groups overall capacity to raise capital at will, Mr. Ambani
has the leeway to wait until Reliance Jio turns profitable. Fortunately, it is the consumer that stands to gain the most by
It may be unfair, or at least much too premature, to suggest that Philippines President Rodrigo Dutertes strongman rule
is a throwback to the brutal dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos. But the fact is that after a period of sustained and often
spectacular economic growth, even if there has been little of the trickle-down effect, the country has suddenly become a
political hot spot under the rule of what global investors describe as a wild card President. Hopes that his landslide win in
May would influence the brusque-mannered maverick to moderate his populist rhetoric have been belied as Mr. Duterte
seems determined to carry out his pledge to kill 100,000 criminals to bring security to the country. Official figures state
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pursuit of Mr. Dutertes so-called war on drugs since he assumed office in July. He has also threatened to restore the
death penalty to root out crime and drugs. In fact, in a brazen display of his alleged complicity in criminal conduct, Mr.
Duterte once quipped that the death squads he backed had in fact eliminated more than twice the number that human
rights groups claimed. His reign has struck such terror among the people that some 600,000 potential suspects have
Mr. Dutertes abrasive style is apparently fettered neither by respect for the religious sensibilities in his majority Catholic
country nor the diplomatic niceties expected of a nations leader. He resorted to an expletive to vent his ire at the traffic
snarl during the visit of Pope Francis. On another occasion, he lashed out against the United Nations for criticising the
human rights situation in the Philippines, saying that his country would quit the organisation. Mr. Duterte is evidently
unmindful of the jarring note his remarks strike; as many as 10 per cent of Filipinos are resident overseas, contributing
substantial remittances to the domestic economy. Mr. Dutertes shrill rhetoric is, perhaps quite predictably, prompting
comparisons among activists and commentators with the equally pugnacious U.S. presidential nominee, Donald Trump.
But there is a larger long-term significance for any society from the electoral success of a rabble-rouser political figure
such as Mr. Duterte. This is the imperative of timely intervention to contain and correct the social and political damage
that inevitably results from economic growth, if it is not inclusive or sustainable. The mandate handed to Mr. Duterte was
not out of the way for large sections of the people that were impatient for more. Change was what they yearned for; what
SEP 05/2016
History shows that principled dissent often leads to reform. >Justice J. Chelameswar has acted on his famous dissent.
After disagreeing with the majority on a Constitution Bench that struck down the law enacted to establish a >National
Judicial Appointments Commission, the judge, who is part of the five-member >Supreme Court collegium, has opted to
keep out of its proceedings. In a letter to the Chief Justice, he is understood to have raised the issue of lack of transparency
in the collegiums functioning. His position is consistent with his dissenting judgment, in which he had spoken elaborately
on the ills of the system. He had articulated his view that the executive cannot be shut out of judicial appointments, and
that according primacy to the judiciary in the matter of appointments is not the only way to preserve its independence. Of
course, Mr. Chelameswars latest missive is fraught with serious consequences. It has brought the focus again on the
manner in which the judiciary functions on its administrative side. It may further delay the finalisation of the collegiums
view on the Memorandum of Procedure (MoP) for appointment and transfer of judges. With over 480 vacancies in the
high courts and three in the Supreme Court, differences within the collegium may delay appointments, leading to
significant alterations in the tenure and promotion prospects of judges and Chief Justices. Mr. Chelameswars boycott is
undoubtedly based on principle; however, it raises the question whether he is not bound to be part of the collegium system
as long as it is in force.
and transparent procedure for appointments was to be worked out by the executive. The Centre has sent its draft MoP,
but it appears the collegium is reluctant to approve some of the clauses. The fact that the exact nature of the differences
between them is not known only strengthens Mr. Chelameswars point about opacity. The revision process should not be
kept under wraps. Public interest, especially the principle of judicial independence, will be better served if the procedure
under preparation is thrown open to a debate. The judiciary showed the way forward by asking the Centre to prepare a
revised memorandum. It should also end the impasse by taking an early call on firming up the procedure. In the light of a
clear admission by the majority of judges in the NJAC case of the need for infusion of transparency, it will be welcome if
It is far from easy to live up to ones promise and potential. The Aam Aadmi Party was founded on a belief in the possibility
of changing the system, working outside of it. But over the last couple of years, the party and its maverick leader Arvind
Kejriwal have shown themselves unable to deliver on their promise or rise to their potential. From the selection of
candidates to the process of decision-making in the party, the AAP is now seen running counter to its own stated
philosophy of transparency and accountability in public life. In Punjab, the party appears to have lost the political plot with
Mr. Kejriwal unwilling to allow an independent regional leadership to emerge. Sucha Singh Chhotepur, who was sacked
as the State convenor over allegations of bribery, has demonstrated that he is no pushover by winning the support of a
huge section of the AAP. Navjot Singh Sidhu, the cricketer-turned-politician who quit the BJP recently, chose to float an
alternative platform, Awaaz-e-Punjab, rather than join with the AAP. Delhi was only a stepping stone for Mr. Kejriwal, who
wants to project himself as an alternative to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. From his choice of Lok Sabha seat in the
2014 election he chose to take on Mr. Modi in Varanasi to his frequent Twitter barbs aimed at the Prime Minister, it
is clear that he fancies himself as a national level leader. Delhi was no more than a launch pad for his political career;
Punjab, the only State where the AAP performed well in the Lok Sabha election, is the next logical step. Whether it is Mr.
Chhotepur or Mr. Sidhu, it is clear no one will be allowed to share the leadership space with Mr. Kejriwal in the AAPs
Punjab unit.
But Punjab is not the only cause of problems in the party. In recent months, some of its ministers and MLAs have been
caught on the wrong side of the law. The party did defend some of them, alleging, and perhaps not entirely falsely, that
the Centre was using the Delhi Police to target the party and its prominent members. Indeed, this became another issue
in the AAPs battle to bring law and order in the national capital region under the State governments purview. In the latest
controversy involving its Women and Child Welfare Minister Sandeep Kumar, the AAP took the high moral ground, and
was removed from the party as well, as it became clear he had known of the presence of the camera. Evidently, there
was more to lose than gain from defending Mr. Kumar, who alleged he was targeted as he was a Dalit. Mr. Kejriwal seems
to have set his sights high, but Punjab will judge him by what he did in Delhi as well. The AAP needs to recover its purpose
o Versus - used to compare two things in order to show that they are
different or that one is better than the other
o Far from - used for saying that the real situation is the opposite of what
you mention
o Live up to - to be as good as what was expected or promised
o Potential - someone's or something's ability to develop, achieve, or
succeed
o System - rules that decide how a society, country, or organization
should operate and that cannot be changed even though they seem unfair
to you
o Maverick - an independent person who has ideas and behaviour that are
very different from other peoples
o Transparency - the quality of being done in an open way without secrets
o Accountability - a situation in which people know who is responsible for
something and can ask them to explain its state or quality
o Plot - a secret plan to do something bad
o Unwilling - if you are unwilling to do something, you do not want to do
it or you refuse to do it
o Regional - relating to a particular area
o Emerge - to become known
o Sacked - removed from his job
o Allegation - a statement that someone has done something wrong or
illegal even though this has not been proved
o Bribery - the crime of giving / taking money illegally
o Pushover - an opponent who is easy to defeat
o Stepping stone - an event that helps you achieve something else
o To take on - to fight or compete against someone
o Frequent - happening often
o Barbs - a remark that is funny but unkind
o On the wrong side of the law - doing illegal things
o Defend - to protect someon against attack or criticism
o Alleging - saying that something is true, even though this has not been
proved
o Perhaps - used for saying that you are not sure about something
o Prominent - very well known and important
o Purview - the limit of someone's responsibility, interest, or activity
o Controversy - a lot of disagreement or argument about something
o High moral ground - morally better than someone else
o Evidently - in a way that is easily seen or understood
o Set sights high - to decide to achieve something
o Catalyst - someone / something that causes great change
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With the Southwest monsoon falling short this season, the story of any other monsoon-deficient year is being repeated:
Tamil Nadu rushing to the Supreme Court citing the crisis faced by its farmers, the court ordering release of some water,
and protests erupting in Karnataka. The reason for this endless cycle of sporadic litigation and ad hoc adjudication is that
the two States continue to avoid any mutual engagement to share the shortfall during distress years. And there is no
permanent, independent mechanism to ensure this. The Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal, which gave its award in 2007,
has asked the parties to share the deficiency on a pro rata basis. However, a major problem in implementing this aspect
is the absence of a Cauvery Management Board and a Regulatory Authority, which the Tribunal had wanted created to
oversee implementation. Instead, after notifying the final award in 2013, the Union government set up a Supervisory
Committee comprising officials from the Union government and the Central Water Commission and representatives of
both States. The court has now asked Tamil Nadu to approach the committee, which will decide on further releases.
The Supreme Courts direction, when implemented, will ensure about 13 thousand million cubic (tmc) feet of water to
Tamil Nadu over 10 days. This will not be adequate to save the entire samba crop, Tamil Nadu leaders argue, while their
Karnataka counterparts contend that this itself is a huge burden, given the States own storage deficit. It is understandable
that the political leadership of any State would not want to be seen as betraying the interests of its farmers. Yet, the desire
to protect ones own interests should not shut out empathy for ones neighbour. Ideally, any distress-sharing formula
should come from a technical body. It would have helped if the Centre, which dilly-dallied for six years before notifying
the final award under a judicial direction, had set up the Cauvery Management Board and Regulatory Authority. In the
longer term, experts will have to devise a sustainable agricultural solution for the Cauvery basin, as the river does not
seem to have the potential to meet the farming requirements of both sides. In a world of depleting water resources, fewer
crop seasons and lower acreages, a resort to less water-intensive crops and better water management hold the key. Non-
political initiatives, such as the Cauvery Family, a body formed a few years ago covering farmers of both States, could
help disperse the clouds of hostility that gather over the border whenever the Cauvery crisis erupts. Politics and passion
A noble mission of far-sighted global cooperation to avoid a looming economic crisis brought together a doughty group
of nations, representing 85 per cent of the worlds GDP and two-thirds of its population, under the banner of the G20.
However, after the dark days of the 2008 crisis inspired then-freshly-elected U.S. President Barack Obama to take over
the reins of financial regulatory reform, the annual gathering of the group has, it would appear, degenerated into a publicity
opportunity for divergent national concerns. As Hangzhou played host to the G20 meeting, there were reports that the
Chinese government had emptied the city of its original inhabitants for the duration of the summit an act that seemed
symbolic of the final communiqu of the G20 itself, pretty on the outside but lacking in substance. Among the major issues
that found mention in the summit was the question of excess steel capacity in China resulting in a flood of cheap imports
into India, the U.K. and other economies. Despite reports of resistance from China to any mention of steel policy
coordination in the 7,000-word communiqu, the document had a call for increased information sharing and cooperation
Climate change was the other major agenda point. Notwithstanding Mr. Obamas disappearing dream of securing full
global support for the Paris Agreement before his second term ends, a symbolic show of solidarity towards this goal in
the form of the U.S. and China ratifying the Agreement last week failed to produce any dramatic commitments in
Hangzhou. Contrarily in India, media reports struck a note of relief that Prime Minister Narendra Modis negotiators had
fobbed off any attempts to insist that the deal be done before a December 2016 deadline. Numerous low-key objectives
shared by multiple G20 members, such as strengthening enforcement against international tax avoidance and advancing
cooperation on Base Erosion and Profit Shifting, certainly got a shot in the arm from this G20 gathering. Yet, there is no
comparison to the patchy and vague nature of progress in these smaller goals to the collaboratively evolved financial
regulation architecture that emerged from the ashes of the 2008 meltdown and put the brakes on excessive risk-taking
by banks. This only begs the question: has the G20 lost its way, outlived its usefulness? Would it be more institutionally
efficient to revert to other regional groupings that have overlapping conversations on these very subjects? It may well be
time to re-examine the G20s purpose and, if necessary, recast its vision and mission entirely.
The egregious practice that many Muslim men employ to divorce their wives instantaneously and without their consent,
merely by uttering the word talaq thrice, was rendered legally invalid by the Shamim Ara vs State of UP judgment of 2002
and subsequent orders from various High Courts. But this has not stopped the practice; many Muslim women are unaware
of the judgments or have had to accept such pronouncements owing to pressure from conservative sections. Many
women have undergone severe trauma after being thrown out of their homes. Shayara Bano, one such victim of this
arbitrary custom not to speak of years of domestic violence has filed a public interest litigation in the Supreme Court
seeking a ban on the practice. The conservative All India Muslim Personal Law Board that seeks to wield influence on
questions of Muslim personal law has, predictably, found it an occasion to air its regressive views on the issue. In a
counter-affidavit, the >Board has defended the practice in terms that are shocking even by its own standards. It claims
that the custom is a way out to avoid long-running court proceedings and that, in the absence of triple talaq, a husband
may resort to murdering or burning alive his wife because of the time-consuming legal proceedings that might otherwise
be involved. It further claims that Indian society is patriarchal, and that personal laws of all communities are aligned
with the patriarchal notion. It defends the right to grant divorce to the husband alone, because men have greater power
of decision making and uses a dubious line of argument on gender ratio to justify the practice of polygamy.
The AIMPLB, a body with no legal status, has long argued that divorce under Islamic law is undesirable and that triple
talaq is a sin; however, it maintains it is a valid and effective form of laying a marriage asunder. In truth, there is no
sanction for the triple talaq in the Koran, which has laid down elaborate injunctions on divorce, in stark contrast to the
immediate and irrevocable nature of the triple talaq. This practice has been either explicitly derecognised in Muslim-
majority countries such as Indonesia, Iran and Tunisia or implicitly in countries such as Pakistan, which provides for a
mandatory arbitration procedure after the pronouncement of talaq. The Supreme Court must not be swayed by the
arguments put forth by the AIMPLB, which has held that personal laws cannot be challenged. Considering the clear and
elaborately laid-down norms on marriage in the Koran that grant equal rights to the husband and wife to pursue divorce
proceedings and the right to equality guaranteed in the Indian Constitution, it is high time that the Supreme Court ruled
Sri Lanka has become malaria-free. On September 5, the World Health Organisation >officially recognised this huge
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three consecutive years; the last reported case was in October 2012. With no local transmission reported, Sri Lankas
priority since October 2012 has been to prevent its return from outside, particularly from malaria-endemic countries such
as India. There were 95, 49 and 36 cases reported in 2013, 2014 and 2015 respectively, all contracted outside Sri Lanka.
In a commendable initiative, Sri Lanka adopted a two-pronged strategy of targeting both vector and parasite, undertaking
active detection of cases and residual parasite carriers by screening populations irrespective of whether malaria
symptoms were present. Early detection and treatment of asymptomatic parasite carriers, who serve as reservoirs of
infection, played a crucial role in interrupting the chain. While this was achieved by means of house visits and by starting
mobile clinics in high-transmission areas, real-time monitoring through effective surveillance systems, community
awareness and mobilisation also played their role. The public sector and the private sector were oriented to the common
goal of eliminating malaria by enhancing case notification and achieving 100 per cent detection and confirmation through
tests. Sri Lanka expanded the coverage of long-lasting insecticide-treated bed nets to protect high-risk populations, and
Sri Lanka was close to eliminating malaria in 1963, when it reported just 17 cases. But a premature lowering of the guard
and growing resistance to DDT led to rising incidence in the 1980s. The precise reasons for the failure of the eradication
programme were not clear. Some of the major challenges the country had to face before it interrupted local transmission
were the Plasmodium falciparum parasite becoming resistant to the chloroquine drug, behavioural changes in the vector,
asymptomatic carriers and vector reintroduction. But the tide turned from 2000 when a steady reduction in the number of
cases was recorded. Sri Lanka joins the ranks of 34 countries that have been certified malaria-free since the 1960s. The
Maldives was >certified so in 2015 ; Argentina and Kyrgyzstan may soon be. Eradication of the disease in India remains
a challenge, but it could learn some lessons from Sri Lanka even if the scale and complexity of the task is significantly
different.
SEP 09/2016
How special can special be? That Andhra Pradesh, post-bifurcation, needed a helping hand from the Centre was never
in question. But the modalities of the >special status the State wanted , needed to be worked out. Could it be declared a
Special Category State, or was the right way to grant it a special financial package that did not require meeting the
mandated requirements for Special Category status? A.P. does not qualify as a Special Category State; it has neither
geographical disadvantages such as hilly terrain nor historical disadvantages such as socio-economic and infrastructural
backwardness and unviable finances. Eventually, when the Centre >announced a special package , the emphasis was
on assisting the State on the basis of the road map laid down in the Andhra Pradesh Reorganisation Act, an oral
commitment made in 2014 by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the report of the 14th Finance Commission and the
recommendations of the Niti Aayog. The package, valid for five years till 2020, might not have everything that Chief
Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu had asked for, but meets most of the reasonable expectations of a State struggling to
recover from bifurcation and dealing with the imminent loss of the capital city, Hyderabad. The Polavaram irrigation project
was declared a national project; a railway zone was to be formed in the State and the Central Board of Direct Taxes was
to issue two notifications on tax concessions. Special Category status could only have been a crutch; the package might
be the stimulus that it needs after bifurcation. Under the circumstances, this is a good deal.
However, the political battle over the Special Category status is not going to get over soon. Opposition parties, led by the
Congress and the YSR Congress, have targeted Mr. Naidu for failing to convince the Centre. That his Telugu Desam
Venkaiah Naidu of the BJP, perhaps anticipating this reaction, indicated that the Centres support would be a continuous
process. The TDP government must look ahead, and use the special package to boost growth and create conditions for
employment generation. While concentrating resources on building the capital at Amaravati, Mr. Naidu must not lose sight
of the immediate development goal: the livelihood concerns of ordinary people. That could be his political legacy: a Chief
Minister who saw the State through a difficult phase and laid the foundation for a robust economy.
The >ratification of the Paris Agreement on climate change by the United States and China, which together account for
38 per cent of global greenhouse gas emissions, provides much-needed momentum for the global compact to be in force
beyond 2020. As UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has emphasised, 26 countries have already acceded to the accord;
to reach the target of 55 per cent emissions, 29 more must come on board. For the U.S., this is a landmark departure
from its long-held position of not accepting a binding treaty like the Kyoto Protocol, where emerging economies heavily
reliant on fossil fuels have no firm commitments. The Paris Agreement addressed this issue by stipulating voluntary but
verifiable emissions reduction goals for all parties, within the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities that
underpin the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Contrary to the belief that a requirement to cut GHGs will
make economies less competitive, a major section of global industry and business has reaffirmed the potential for trillions
of dollars in green investments flowing from the ratification of the Paris Agreement by the U.S. and China. This is a clear
pointer for India, which is estimated to have the third highest individual country emissions as of 2014.
There are distinct >low-carbon pathways that India has outlined in its national plan submitted to the UNFCCC. Among
these, the scaling up of renewable energy and non-fossil fuel sources to 40 per cent of installed power production capacity
by 2030 is predicated on technology transfer and the availability of Green Climate Fund resources. Not much progress
has been made in this area, and Minister of State for Environment Anil Madhav Dave confirmed recently that no
contribution had been received from the Fund. Helping India lock in the right technologies in its growth trajectory is
important for a global reduction in greenhouse gases. It is important for the U.S. to help accelerate this process in the
area of power generation, following up on the assurances given by Secretary of State John Kerry during his recent visit
on clean energy finance, technology, solar catalytic funding and help for power grid upgradation. New Delhi can, in
parallel, do much more on domestic policy to achieve green and low energy intensive growth such as taxing fossil
fuels, managing emissions from waste better and making low-carbon buildings mandatory. India joined other G20
countries at Hangzhou to commit itself to addressing climate change through domestic policy measures. For that to
happen, the Centre must initiate a serious discussion with the States on the national imperatives.
SEP 10/2016
The > dynamic fare pricing announced for the Rajdhani, Shatabdi and Duronto trains on an experimental basis has
been justified by the Ministry of Railways as a means to > shore up lagging passenger revenues. The Ministry says the
cost per passenger kilometre today is around 73 paise, while the Railways recovers only 37 paise. The flexible fare system
means only the first 10 per cent of seats and berths will come at the base fare, with 10 per cent increases for every batch
of 10 per cent sold. The increase will be capped at 1.5 times the base fare. The 77 pairs of the three classes of trains
account for 13 to 14 per cent of the Railways passenger revenues. On the face of it, the need to increase passenger
fares is understandable. Without a robust component of fare-based revenue from passenger trains it will be difficult for
the Railways to spend on infrastructure and amenities and focus on features such as safety all of which are imperatives.
The question is whether the flexible fare system is the ideal way to do so.
First, these fare increases in the premium trains for some classes could result in airfares being lower at certain times and
routes. This could wean away some train travellers. Second, the increase in the prices under the scheme begins much
too early, when a bare 10 per cent of the seats are sold. As a result, it puts far too much pressure on passengers to book
early. It would have made more sense for the Railways to expand the scope of Tatkal booking, which is currently limited
to one day before travel. A Tatkal scheme with flexible and cascading pricing coupled with an increase in the number of
tickets and an extension of the time frame would penalise those who buy their tickets late rather than most passengers
on a train. Third, unlike taxi, bus or air services, train services in this country are a monopoly. The Rajdhanis and the
Shatabdis are premium trains, which are favoured by the relatively better off. The real worry is that the experiment may
be extended to include other long-distance trains in the future. A relatively poorer person who makes a late decision to
travel should not be priced out by such a system by a monopolistic provider that aims to provide a public service. Yes,
the Railways must find a way to increase revenue from passenger traffic if it is to convert itself into a healthy and self-
sufficent organisation. The issue is what the best or the most painless way to do this is.
> North Koreas fifth nuclear test may have had an explosive yield of no more than ten kilotons, somewhat less than the
bomb dropped on Hiroshima, but its reverberations have set alarm bells ringing around the region, even across the Pacific.
This underground test of a nuclear warhead could herald a new era of heightened brinkmanship in the Korean Peninsula.
Concern stems from the claim by the North Korean government that with this detonation the regime has succeeded in
miniaturising nuclear weapons to the point of attaching them to ballistic missiles. These fears are justified given the long
trajectory of the Norths nuclear weapons drive. It first conducted a nuclear test in 2006, followed by three more, in 2009,
2013 and > in January this year. Each time the magnitude of the tremor associated with the test, an indicator of the energy
yield, has increased, from around 4.3 in 2006 to 5.3 in 2016. In parallel, the regime is believed to have developed
increasingly sophisticated delivery systems, ballistic missiles with a growing range. Earlier this week, Pyongyang test-
fired three ballistic missiles, which > landed within a few hundred kilometres off Japans coast. U.S. officials believe it may
have conducted at least 22 launches this year. Condemnation of this test by the UN did little to dampen the defiance of
the Norths Supreme Leader, Kim Jong-un. Sanctions slapped on it in March have failed to have any effect, as they have
With multiple reports emerging over the years of hardships faced by the North Korean population, including famine,
poverty and rampant human rights violations, the latest explosive test may be an opportune moment to pause and re-
examine the value of the sanctions aimed at isolating the Norths regime internationally. No globally coordinated strategies
Barack Obama for Beijings improved adherence to recent sanctions policies, reports from the border region with the
North hint at continued trade with China. Further, this weeks test will exacerbate peninsular tensions over a plan to deploy
THAAD, a U.S. missile defence system, in South Korea. Both Beijing and Moscow have protested against that proposal,
even though the White House appears firm on its intent to protect its treaty ally. Even if Washington and Beijing managed
to somehow set aside strategic mistrust and collaboratively squeeze Pyongyangs weapons development agenda, the
country is already believed to have a standing stock of 15 to 20 nuclear weapons, which are effectively beyond the pale
of sanctions. A more sustainable approach may be to breathe life into the Six-Party Talks, and invest diplomatic currency
in bringing Pyongyang back to the negotiating table. History suggests that failure to do so will only lead to one outcome.
SEP 12/2016
that any decision made by Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal without the Lieutenant Governors approval will be rendered
illegal. Counsel for the Delhi government had to concede the point in court, leading to the appointment of 21 Delhi
legislators as > parliamentary secretaries being set aside. The appointments, made in March 2015, suffered from multiple
legal infirmities. Apart from the lack of the LGs concurrence, it raised the question of whether it was an office of profit
under the government, something legislators are barred from holding. The penalty stipulated in the Constitution for a
legislator holding an office of profit is disqualification. The Election Commission has reserved its verdict on the question
whether these 21 MLAs have incurred such disqualification, and it is possible for the Aam Aadmi Party now to ask the
matter to be closed, citing the courts setting aside of the appointments. At the same time, it cannot be denied that the
EC could still choose to decide whether these MLAs had indeed held an office of profit for nearly a year-and-a-half. They
had been rendered further vulnerable after the President withheld assent to a Delhi Bill to protect them from incurring
disqualification once again because it was introduced without the LGs approval.
Mr. Kejriwal could have avoided this setback had he > not given executive oversight responsibilities to so many of his
partys legislators. In practice, parliamentary secretaries are junior ministers. In this case, their appointment could also
have been challenged on the ground that after their inclusion, the strength of the Council of Ministers had exceeded the
constitutional limit of 10 per cent on the strength of the Delhi Assembly. In the case of other States, the limit is 15 per
cent. In some States, parliamentary secretaries have been able to stave off disqualification by getting the post saved from
disqualification by legislation. However, no one has been able to get around the numerical cap on the size of the Ministry
under Article 164(1A) of the Constitution. All told, Mr. Kejriwal got himself into a legal quagmire by seeking to take on the
LG in the belief he had the same leeway as other CMs did. He will continue to maintain that the post of parliamentary
secretary, inasmuch as it entails no salary or perquisites, is not an office of profit. Yet, it cannot be denied that the issue
has caused him loss of face, of credibility and some of the moral righteousness that propelled him to power.
The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) crossed an important milestone with the > successful launch of weather
satellite INSAT-3DR using a Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle equipped with the indigenous cryogenic upper
stage. The successful launch marks a departure from the long history of failures with the GSLV; except for the first, every
launch of the Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV), the workhorse of ISRO, has been a success. That September 8
launch marks the > third consecutive success; the fact that it is the first operational flight by the GSLV carrying the
indigenous cryogenic upper stage is confirmation that India now belongs to the elite club of countries that have mastered
the cryogenic technology. Maintaining structural and thermal integrity of the engine at very high temperatures during
huge challenge. Likewise, igniting a cryogenic fuel and sustaining the combustion for a prolonged period is a daunting
task. The Thursday launch had fully utilised the maximum payload carrying capacity of the GSLV-Mk II by carrying the
heaviest satellite (2,211 kg) ever from Indian soil. This became possible only because the cryogenic upper stage was
used. Unlike solid and liquid propellants, the specific impulse or thrust provided by a cryogenic rocket stage is much
Unlike in the case of the PSLV where industry participation is around 80 per cent, it is > only about half in the case of the
GSLV. ISRO is a research and development organisation and not a production organisation, but the lack of greater
industry participation has resulted in it being unable to launch more satellites in a year using the GSLV. However, efforts
are under way to change this and ISRO has set a target of two GSLV launches in a year by 2018-2019. Even as the
GSLV-Mk II has completed its first operational flight, ISRO is busy preparing for a ground qualification test of a more
powerful GSLV-Mk III launch vehicle in about two months. The first experimental flight using the GSLV-Mk III is scheduled
to take place by the end of this year and will use a new cryogenic engine. With an ability to provide double the thrust
compared with the current cryogenic technology, the vehicle would be able to carry payloads up to four tonnes. This
would mean that the GSLV-Mk III, when fully operational after three-four launches, will make ISRO truly independent by
not having to rely on facilities abroad for launching heavier payloads. Besides independence, the country would stand to
SEP 13/2016
Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhis kisan yatra continues to roll through Uttar Pradesh. In advance of the
Assembly elections due early in 2017, Mr. Gandhi is on a >Deoria-to-Delhi trek , and in its early days he has managed to
keep the spotlight on his presence in various ways. His khaat sabhas created a flutter as some rural folk, invited to sit
around informally, >took off with the stringed cots . The subsequent wisecracks by political opponents about Congress
workers struggling to stop the flight of the khaats were, wisely, dovetailed into the message of acute rural distress that
the party is seeking to amplify. A poor farmer making off with a freebie as basic as a charpoy >was being called a thief ,
said Mr. Gandhi, taking aim at the BJP government at the Centre, while flamboyant businessmen who dupe banks were
being politely referred to as defaulters. So far, Mr. Gandhi has taken >pot shots at all his opponents : he said the elephant
(the election symbol of the Bahujan Samaj Party) has eaten away everything, the cycle (symbol of the ruling Samajwadi
government) is punctured, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi takes selfies with the powerful, not with ordinary farmers.
If this gives the appearance of indiscriminate attacks on all foes, the strategy may in fact be rather more carefully
calibrated. The Congress must know it has no chance of succeeding in its avowed aim of winning the election alone
but to count as a political force in U.P. and at the national level, the party needs to be seen to be backing itself, and being
That these roadshows are not about U.P. alone is obvious from the absence from the frame of the Congresss chief
ministerial candidate, Sheila Dikshit. Whether the roadshows will meet with the level of success that Sonia Gandhis 2004
campaign through U.P. or Mr. Gandhis own 2009 mobilisation did is still uncertain. Each of those journeys through U.P.
gave the Congress the ability to throw its voice farther on the national stage. Those were, however, Lok Sabha campaigns,
in which the Congress has tended to fare better than in State elections. For instance, it got 21 (out of 80) Lok Sabha seats
in 2009, but three years later managed just 28 (out of 404) Assembly seats. Since then, in the singular summer of 2014
the BJPs campaign left the Congress and the two regional giants witless. So the Congress campaign is being waged as
much against the incumbent government in Lucknow as that in New Delhi. Mr. Gandhis media managers have succeeded
in moderating the surround sound of the yatra with no sectional vote base anymore, the Congress now has the
The findings of the Unicef report, Uprooted: The Growing Crisis for Refugee and Migrant Children, could not be grimmer.
Over 50 per cent of the 50 million children who have migrated or been forcibly displaced across borders are said to have
fled violence. About one in three children who live outside their country of birth >is a refugee . The much smaller ratio of
displacement for adults less than one in 20 according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees reveals the
starkness of the situation. The UNHCR says that in the decade ending 2015, the number of child refugees almost doubled.
Last year, Syria and Afghanistan alone accounted for nearly half the worlds child refugees, highlighting the brutal impact
of the war on a segment of society that had little to do with the conflict directly or otherwise and is the most vulnerable.
The last decade saw two landmark rulings on the conscription of child soldiers. The first was the 2007 judgment of the
UN-backed tribunal for Sierra Leone against three men from a rebel armed group. The other was the conviction of
Against this backdrop, the dramatic rise in school enrolment under a global universal primary education drive, or the
halving of infant mortality rates under the Millennium Development Goals, seem like postcards from another universe.
The shocking reality of trafficking in boys and girls, conscription by armed groups in conflict zones and exploitation in the
sex trade has overshadowed these advances, portending both immediate and long-term danger to whole generations.
Paradoxically, the recommendations of the Unicef report are so comprehensive that short of swift and sweeping changes
in global policy and practice, they are unlikely to yield tangible results. A case in point is the suggestion that governments
should address the root causes of conflict, violence and extreme poverty, and instead divert scarce resources to fulfil
more fundamental necessities of life. The spirit underlying this idea is as compelling as the complexities of realpolitik that
impede its translation into action. This is evident in respect of the challenge of combating international terrorism by a
delineation of its political antecedents. Conversely, the idea to dispense with the detention of children seeking refugee
status and to do away with reporting requirements, potentially benefiting 11 million, is a more pragmatic proposal. Prima
facie, there is merit in this approach, as governments may be expected to take a more sympathetic view on humanitarian
imperatives.
SEP 14/2016
Emotions often trump reason. The Cauvery water dispute is turning out to be less about water and irrigation and more
about linguistic chauvinism and regional identity. Nothing else can explain the > mindless violence in Karnataka and Tamil
Nadu over the Supreme Court order asking the former to release water to the latter, keeping in view the distress situation
in both States in a season of deficit rainfall. Many of the acts of violence have been perpetuated in the two States by
chauvinistic, fringe organisations that have little to do with the farming community or its interests. It is clear that there is
insufficient water in Karnatakas reservoirs to meet the full irrigation needs of both States. The point of the Supreme Court
order was to make the States share their distress and not to magically fulfil the needs of farmers on both sides. But
political parties and some media houses, especially regional language television channels, have sought to portray the
issue as one that pits the people of one State against that of the other. Indeed, the two major national parties, the
Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party, have taken different stands in the two States on this issue. No party or State
government appears to believe it can afford to be seen as taking even so much as a conciliatory step toward defusing
the crisis. On some previous occasions when Karnataka released water in a distress year the State government did so
Cauvery is an inter-State dispute, but this is no reason to turn the issue into a raging controversy that draws the peoples
of the two States into confrontation. That Tamil-speaking people settled in Karnataka for generations are made to feel
insecure, and business establishments run by entrepreneurs tracing their familial ties to Karnataka are targeted in Tamil
Nadu are indications of how the water dispute goes beyond the interests of the people and becomes mixed up with the
emotive issue of linguistic identity. Ideally, as stipulated by the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal, the technicalities of
water-sharing should be left to the Cauvery Management Board, which is to monitor the water flows with the help of the
of chauvinists, the governments of the two States as well as at the Centre need to send out a strong signal to the
marauding mobsters that violence, in whatever name, will be put down strongly by the security forces. As laid down by
the CWDT, the issue of water-sharing should be left in the hands of technical experts, and not politicians who are hostage
The agreement reached between Russia and the United States in Geneva on > a ceasefire in Syria is perhaps the best
opportunity for a solution to the five-and-a-half-year old civil war. Under it, Russia will prevent the regime of President
Bashar al-Assad from bombing rebel-held areas, while the U.S. will join hands with Russia in the fight against jihadist
groups, including the Islamic State. The > broad framework of the deal is the Putin Plan, made public a year ago while
announcing Russias intervention in Syria. Vladimir Putin wanted Syrian statehood to be restored and the major powers
to come together in the fight against the jihadists. When Russia made the proposal at the UN General Assembly, not
many had expected that Moscow and Washington would come together on Syria. The U.S.s initial response to the
Russian intervention was sceptical, with reservations about Russia attacking non-IS rebel groups. There were fears about
the conflict escalating into a full-blown war. Instead, the Putin Plan seems to have worked, albeit with a heavy human
cost. The intervention has bolstered the Syrian regime, changing the balance of the conflict. Mr. Assads regime was on
the verge of collapse a year ago; it is now stable at least in its strongholds. The rebels influence has shrunk, though they
appear to be unbeatable in many of the small towns they control. This stalemate and the fear of more bloodshed may
have prompted both the U.S. and Russia to play down their differences.
This time, the prospects for peace are brighter given the investment the two military powers have made. Both the rebels
and the regime have welcomed the deal. There are positive changes at the regional level as well. Turkey, a staunch
supporter of the rebels, had recently said Mr. Assad could play a transitional role in Syria. Two big challenges remain.
First, can Russia halt Mr. Assads fighter jets? Though Moscow wields strong influence over Damascus, it has in the past
expressed uneasiness over the stubbornness of the regime. The regime is now making gains in the battlefield. Even if
Mr. Assad agrees to suspend the bombing, it is not clear if he will be prepared to make any meaningful compromises in
affiliate of al-Qaeda, to be singled out and attacked. The U.S. has agreed to this suggestion in principle, but its practicality
is uncertain. However, the odds should not overshadow the significance of the agreement. If the ceasefire is clearly
established, that itself would be quite an achievement given the horrors of the war.
SEP 15/2016
Akhilesh Yadavs tussle with his uncles has been a >consistent feature of his tenure as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh.
But the rapid developments of this week could mark the deepest fissure in the ruling Samajwadi Party. In the span of a
few hours on Tuesday, >tensions that have simmered ever since Mr. Yadav came to power in early 2012 rose to a
crescendo. Mr. Yadav shifted out the State Chief Secretary, Deepak Singhal, who had been in the post for only two
months, a man seen to be close to Shivpal Singh Yadav, brother of his father and SP chief, Mulayam Singh Yadav. In no
time, the Chief Minister was replaced by Mr. Shivpal Yadav as the partys U.P. unit president. Thereafter, Mr. Akhilesh
Yadav stripped his uncle of most of the portfolios he held in the Cabinet. There the matter now rests, with party
confabulations with Mr. Mulayam Singh shifting to Delhi, and the young scion issuing statements asserting his writ as
Chief Minister of U.P. How this realigns the SPs lines of authority, and eventually shapes its campaign for the Assembly
The Chief Minister and his uncles have made moves and counter-offensives on a crowded chessboard these past years,
with Mr. Mulayam Singh keeping the ultimate command in his own hands. The Opposition, for its part, never loses the
opportunity to highlight how the Chief Minister is undermined by his uncles, those related by blood and those who
exercise authority by virtue of their long stint in the party the allegation is that in effect the State has four-and-a-half
chief ministers. The result of this tussle is that at every point of discord, it is made evident that the Chief Minister does not
hold enough sway over the party organisation in turn, Mr. Akhilesh Yadav loses no opportunity to emphasise that his
calling card in politics is clean, aspirational governance that is focussed on development and law and order. In the run-
up to the State elections, he is seeking to foreground this image, and pushing back on the discord with his uncles. A day
before the Chief Secretarys sacking, he dismissed two Ministers caught in corruption charges, evidently without securing
his fathers nod. Earlier, he forced the revocation of a Shivpal-engineered merger of the Quami Ekta Dal into the SP, on
account of its criminal antecedents. Mr. Akhilesh Yadav could, in fact, pull this discord to the partys electoral advantage.
He does not carry the burden of incumbency issues, primarily the politics of patronage and rent-seeking. But for this to
happen he may have to force his father to show his hand more unambiguously and recover some control of the SPs
State unit.
The death of several people in Delhi linked to an outbreak of >dengue, chikungunya and malaria has once again exposed
the inadequacy of national public health programmes that aim to eliminate vector-borne diseases. There was a sharp
increase in the incidence of chikungunya in the country in 2015 over the previous year, although official data do not
attribute any deaths to the infection. Dengue cases have also steadily risen, from 75,808 in 2013 to 99,913 last year, with
the death toll rising from 193 to 220 during this period. The footprint for malaria has grown, with over 1.1 million cases
last year, although the number of people dying from the infection has shown a recent decline, going by official statistics.
It must, of course, be borne in mind that there is some evidence of under-reporting of malaria, leading to the criticism that
the full impact of the disease is not captured by government data. Delhis residents are, of course, not alone in suffering
from the failures of long-running vector control programmes, although they are justified in feeling disgusted at
the >politicisation of the problem . The irony is that India, with its focus on rapid economic growth and prosperity, is
nowhere near victory in the battle against productivity-sapping infections spread by mosquitoes and other insects, while
There are several aspects to the >Sri Lankan experience that could help evaluate the efforts of Indias States in their
battle to control disease-spreading vectors. Better results were achieved by the island nation through integration of
different approaches. This includes focussing on mosquito control in irrigation and agriculture, introducing new classes of
insecticides for residual spraying within houses, and scaling up distribution of insecticide-treated bed nets even in areas
caught up in conflict. Mobile centres for access to diagnostics and treatment also helped halt disease transmission. For
India to achieve its goal of eliminating malaria by 2030, and curb other vector-borne diseases, there has to be sustained
effort and political will. The dengue map for 2015 shows that Delhi, Punjab, Haryana, West Bengal and Gujarat were the
worst-affected. On chikungunya, Karnataka needs special help, as it has a disproportionately higher incidence compared
to other States. Evidently, it will take active surveillance and close collaboration with local governments to eliminate the
hotspots. Mobilising the community to participate in sanitation campaigns holds the key, although families that live in
deprived neighbourhoods will need generous municipal assistance, improved civic facilities and access to free health
care.
SEP 16/2016
The hefty > 13 billion in back taxes the European Commission imposed on Apple should have drawn Europe and the
U.S. closer in their common quest to crack down on corporate tax avoidance. But the unprecedented penalty to hit the
American tech giant has triggered angry outbursts at home and could well put paid to hopes for transatlantic cooperation,
especially on the trade and investment partnership agreement, in the immediate future. The latest ruling by the European
Union competition commissioner may not be the last against U.S. multinationals in what is increasingly being viewed as
harmful to tax diplomacy. As with the > Starbucks decision in 2015 and the ongoing probe into McDonalds, both
concerning two different countries, the Commission alleges that Irelands ultra-low, single-digit tax arrangements with
Apple were in violation of EU state aid rules. Notably, the Commission has not taken issue with Dublins 12.5 per cent
rate of corporate taxation. Curiously, the possibility of clawing back billions of euros, estimated to be worth the countrys
health-care budget for a year, is not an attractive prospect for Dublin, home to hundreds of multinationals thriving on its
decades-old foreign direct investment policies that include low corporate taxation. Instead, Ireland, which risks losing
jobs, has resolved to appeal the decision along with Apple, whose Irish subsidiaries account for 90 per cent of the
On the other hand, there is no confusion on the other side of the Atlantic on what the move by Brussels implies. U.S.
politicians are piqued that a big chunk of the money that firms such as Apple may eventually have to pay European
governments could instead have filled domestic coffers, but for a domestic stumbling block. This is the regulatory
loophole that companies exploit to defer, indefinitely, levies on profits from their overseas subsidiaries until they are
repatriated. As matters stand, the 35 per cent tax rate in the U.S., compared to Irelands 12.5 per cent, is an incentive for
American firms to retain the advantage of the deferral clause. Meanwhile, a 2014 regulation to curb so-called corporate
inversion, a manoeuvre whereby American firms relocate their headquarters to benign countries to trim domestic tax bills,
is said to have had limited effect in the absence of legislation. Global efforts backed by more than 80 countries to combat
cross-border tax avoidance, known as Base Erosion and Profit Shifting, are still at an early stage. EU action targeting
individual corporations could well be seen, at this juncture, as an irritant in that larger endeavour.
If there is one person who embodies the contradictions in the alliance between the Janata Dal (United) and the Rashtriya
Janata Dal, it is the criminal-turned-politician Mohammad Shahabuddin. A former Member of Parliament of the RJD who
is now out on bail after spending 11 years in jail, he symbolised >everything that was wrong with the Lalu Prasad raj in
Bihar. Indeed, when Nitish Kumar first took over as Chief Minister in 2005, he seemed intent on making an example of
the gangster who defied law-enforcing authorities and ensured his writ ran in his constituency Siwan. With Shahabuddin
roaming free in Bihar on being granted bail by the Patna High Court, Mr. Kumar >will necessarily have to ignore his veiled
threats and snide remarks. When Mr. Kumar got the government to pursue the cases against the gangster, he was fighting
the RJD; now, however, he is in alliance with that party. Although the government is likely to oppose the bail order in the
Supreme Court, there is little doubt that the political situation in Bihar has changed since the time Shahabuddin went to
jail. Improving the law and order situation freeing Bihar from jungle raj was one of Mr. Kumars campaign planks in
2005, when in the company of the Bharatiya Janata Party, he ousted the RJD from power. Now, as the head of a JD(U)-
RJD government, he must speak a different language. So far, in Bihar, with his clean, no-nonsense image he has bested
Mr. Prasad in two elections and a Narendra Modi-led BJP in a third. To not take on Shahabuddin for fear of offending his
If the Nitish Kumar government were to continue to put pressure on Shahabuddin by pursuing the cases against him to
their logical end, it would be to shake the JD(U)-RJD alliance from its comfort zone. Shahabuddin seems acutely
conscious that he needs to drive a wedge between the RJD and the JD(U) for the sake of his own political survival. His
next election is a reflection of this. Shahabuddin found endorsement for this view from another prominent RJD leader,
Raghuvansh Prasad, and it was left to Lalu Prasad to strike a semblance of a balance. Clearly, the short-term interests
of the RJD are tied up with the interests of Mr. Kumar, but equally, the long-term interests of the party depend on Mr.
Prasad striking an independent line. No one could have driven home this truth the way Shahabuddin did.
SEP 17/2016
Sometimes the symptom, and not its underlying cause, seems like the real problem. If Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister
Mehbooba Mufti has anything to worry about, it is not the resignation of her party MP, > Tariq Hameed Karra, but the
issues he raised while announcing his decision to quit the Peoples Democratic Party and the Lok Sabha. Despite his call
to like-minded people to join him, Mr. Karra is unlikely to get critical support within the party to threaten Ms. Muftis
standing in the PDP. However, while drawing attention to the unrest in the Kashmir Valley, and the civilian killings, he
has also pointed to the irreconcilable differences between the PDP and its alliance partner, the Bharatiya Janata Party.
Mr. Karra might have been politically opportunistic in the timing of his resignation, but there is no way the PDP can get
away from having to define, to its political constituency, the nature of its relationship with the BJP. Ideologically, the PDP
has more in common with the National Conference than with the BJP. But, after a fractured mandate in the 2014 Assembly
election, it chose to ally with the BJP rather than explore the possibility of an alliance with the NC and the Congress. The
NC was a rival, with the support bases of the two parties overlapping in many areas of the Valley. The BJP, however, had
its base in Jammu and did not compete with the PDP. Short-term political calculations inevitably led to a PDP-BJP alliance.
To be sure, Ms. Mufti had grappled with the contradictions in the relationship with the BJP before she was sworn in as
Chief Minister following the death of Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, her father. But the BJP, just as conscious as the PDP of
the need to protect its own vote bank, did not give an inch while renegotiating the terms of engagement. Not surprisingly,
she failed to wrest any major concessions from the BJP. Whatever the nature of Mr. Karras political ambitions, he has
framed the dilemma for Ms. Mufti. Clearly, she cannot go into an election in alliance with the BJP. Both the PDP and the
NC, at different points, have allied with the Congress. But the BJP, with its Hindutva plank, is a non-starter as an electoral
ally for any party seeking to represent the Muslims of Kashmir. The coalition government of the PDP and the BJP is likely
to fall before the Assembly election, but it is in the interest of both parties to remain together in power for the longest
period possible. The break-up seems like an event foretold; what is uncertain is the nature of the trigger and the timing.
The Supreme Courts order directing the Centre to ask States to end the >oppressive practice of sterilising women in
large camps is a timely reminder that the country must urgently adopt a rights-based health policy. Many course correction
measures have been ordered by the court in the Devika Biswas public interest case, and if they are implemented
vigorously, they can greatly improve womens welfare. Civil society can effectively monitor sterilisation activity, if, as the
court has directed, the list of approved doctors at the State and regional levels and members of quality assurance
committees, and details of compensation claims are publicised on the Internet. At the same time, compensation for losses,
including deaths, should be raised substantially. The larger question is that of the fairness of promoting permanent
contraception, often for young women, who are unable to exercise their reproductive rights due to social and economic
factors. Last year, the Population Division of the UN took note of the extraordinary levels of sterilisations resorted to in
India 65 per cent of all contraceptive methods and pointed to a potential mismatch between what is being offered
and what women would like, which is to delay or space out births. Unthinking resort to tubectomies for population control
also ignores the evidence from some developed States in India that womens empowerment through education and
Ensuring the safety of women who undergo a tubectomy is of immediate concern, and the Centre should give rule-based
authority to the Supreme Courts directions. A significant number of women have died due to the procedure during the
past three years. Every death due to family planning surgery is one too many, and the State concerned must be called to
account. In the case of > Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Kerala, which did not take the question of
mismanagement in sterilisation camps raised in the petition seriously, the court has acted decisively and called for
monitoring and issue of appropriate orders by the respective High Courts. Such action is wholly welcome, because it
reinforces the idea of the right to health being inseparable from the right to life. This is the message that the Centre must
take from the judgment, as it works on a national policy for health. Empowerment of women through full opportunity in
education and employment, and access to all contraception options, should be central to national policies. Offering
SEP 19/2016
Those looking for loopholes are always one step ahead of those seeking to plug them. For decades, since the aaya ram,
gaya ram days of Indian politics, Parliament and courts have been coming down on mass defection and frequent change
of party loyalties. But no piece of legislation is a deterrent when politicians, for what are usually self-serving reasons,
decide to switch parties. After the Supreme Court restored the > Congress government in Arunachal Pradesh in July,
most of the partys MLAs returned under the leadership of a new Chief Minister, Pema Khandu. But, in a couple of months,
they have again deserted the Congress to join the Peoples Party of Arunachal, a constituent of the North-East Democratic
Alliance, > a front led by the Bharatiya Janata Party. The reason adduced for the switchover is laughable: to have better
relations with the BJP-led government at the Centre. In effect what the MLAs have done is get over the legal hurdles to
defection. Once the Supreme Court restored the Congress government of Nabam Tuki, those who had deserted the party
returned on condition that Mr. Khandu, and not Mr. Tuki, be the Chief Minister. This must have seemed the easiest way
replay of the mass defection, the Congress rebels have taken care to play by the book. There is no unseating of the
government, no withdrawal of support by the ruling partys MLAs. Instead, the change is neat and clean, from a Congress
government to a pro-BJP PPA government. The Governor had no role; and a legal challenge to the realignment is made
Several legislative efforts have been made to curb defections. The 52nd Constitution Amendment provided for
disqualification of defectors other than in the case of a split in the party, involving a group of not less than one-third of its
members. A later amendment disallowed splits, and provided only for merger in cases where at least two-thirds of the
members of one party merged with another party. This too did not prove to be a deterrent, as has been evident in
Arunachal Pradesh. True, defections engineered through unscrupulous means undermine democratic institutions and
subvert the peoples mandate. But, so far, the cure for this malady in the form of legislation does not seem to have had
any effect. When defection is made more difficult, the means adopted become even more inventive. Ideally, the matter of
dealing with defection should be left in the hands of the voters. Legal remedies to what is essentially a political issue will
never work.
Over the past week, >India played host to Afghanistans President Ashraf Ghani and > Nepals Prime Minister Pushpa
Kamal Dahal Prachanda, visits that marked a repair of relationships with both countries. Mr. Prachandas meeting with
Prime Minister Narendra Modi was cordial, and though no large announcements were made, the message thats gone
out is that both countries wish to put the bitterness of the past year and the economic blockade behind them. New Delhi
is acutely conscious of Mr. Prachandas challenges: a potentially shaky tenure in office given his coalitions narrow
majority, the difficulty in building a two-thirds consensus for the constitutional amendments he has committed to, as well
as the massive task of reconstruction after the > April 2015 earthquake. As a result, it didnt force him to commit on a
timeline for amendments demanded by Madhesi and other groups that feel marginalised by the new Constitution. The
joint statement referred to Mr. Modi welcoming the ongoing efforts of the Government of Nepal to take all sections of the
society on board for effective implementation of the Constitution, but it didnt mention the word amendment. India instead
focussed on delivering on its own promises to Nepal, including hydropower and highways infrastructure projects. This
shows a maturing of New Delhis position, since the phase of stern statements against the Koirala and > Oli governments
ability to bring the Taliban to book or to the table for talks. Moreover, the U.S., Afghanistans biggest security provider,
made a shift in its old policy of cutting India out of the security equation, and actively encouraged New Delhi to help
provide military assistance to Kabul. Even so, during Mr. Ghanis visit, India opted for a less overt approach to
Afghanistans wish list of helicopters, tanks and ammunition assistance, with the joint statement and agreements signed
merely mentioning their resolve to counter terrorism and strengthen security and defence cooperation as envisaged in
the India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership Agreement. Mention of Pakistans support to terrorist groups was muted as
well. However, Mr. Ghani did give a scathing account of Pakistans actions at a speech at a Delhi think tank later. The
Afghan and Nepali visits had another common thread, of landlocked countries in need of road and railway trade routes.
It is hoped that, going forward, India will take a leadership role in maximising their options, as it has done with Afghanistan
SEP 20/2016
Gathering evidence regarding the four terrorists who stormed the >army base in Uri, killing 18 soldiers, suggests they
are from Pakistan and had been sent across the border explicitly for this attack. In fact, the entire operation has the
fingerprints of >Pakistans military establishment , showing yet again the countrys persistent use of terrorism as state
policy. The four terrorists reportedly got to the camp early in the morning, in all probability across the Line of Control just
6 km away. The terrorists carried automatic rifles, under-barrel grenade launchers and other equipment, most of it with
Pakistani markings, according to Director General of Military Operations Lt. Gen. Ranbir Singh. Over the last three
decades or so, India has been at the receiving end of Pakistani statecraft of terrorists unleashed to attain state objectives;
Uri is the latest provocation. India has limited manoeuvrability as far as a military response goes. Narendra Modis
restrained, but firm, response is an indication that India may not play the reckless game many would like it to. Condemning
the cowardly attack, he said those behind it would not go unpunished the heavy-lifting will in all probability be done
diplomatically.
In responses in New Delhi, and on the ground in Kashmir, one thing has emerged: that India still does not have a
comprehensive national policy to deal with domestic militancy as well as >cross-border terroris >m. Given Indias
inconsistent and incomplete responses, the adversaries, both states and terror organisations, are able to exploit, and
often poke fun at, the lack of a robust national doctrine. The latest attack also captures the complex reality of India-
Pakistan ties and the >Kashmir issue . It calls for an alert security grid and sophisticated policy responses; neither can
be achieved by rhetoric and simplistic blame games. The Indian security forces have been dealing with militancy and
cross-border infiltration since Kashmir went up in flames in the late 1980s. The gradual decline in violence in the Valley
over the years was reversed starting 2014, and since then strife in the Valley and infiltration from the Pakistan side have
towards finding peace, while drawing up a national security doctrine that is free of biases and myopia. India needs to let
its adversaries know it is a power capable of more than mere rhetoric while assuring its own people that its options are
rooted in constitutional values. For both, a well-documented national security doctrine could be a first step.
Unity and cohesion were conspicuously absent at the Bratislava castle where the EU 28 minus 1 met to discuss the
post- >Brexit world . Nobody is harbouring any illusions. German Chancellor Angela Merkel and European Commission
President Jean-Claude Juncker admitted that the EU is in an existential crisis. Brexit is only the latest symptom of the
fear and discontent that have spread across the continent, fuelled by the migrant crisis, Islamophobia, Eurozone woes
and terrorist attacks. Fridays meeting was organised by >Donald Tusk , President of the European Council, that provides
strategic direction to the EU, in order to diagnose the situation and to forge a united path forward. This is not going to be
an easy task given that the bloc is split into factions, mainly around issues of economics and migration.
The Bratislava Declaration offers a road map for the next six months, on migration, border security, counter-terrorism,
defence and economic and social development, providing political backing to measures announced by Mr. Juncker in his
State of the Union address in Brussels. Europe is much like a stack of Jenga blocks at present. Each move needs
precision and care in order to preserve the integrity of an increasingly tenuous union. The declaration identifies various
areas for action. Some of these are likely to find wide acceptance, such as funding for strategic investments across the
region, establishing a common capital market across the EU and acquiring advanced traveller information to secure
borders. Other areas, such as migration, are more contentious. Hungarians will participate in a national referendum in
October to decide whether they will accept the recommended share. The EU must find a creative, humane and effective
solution to receive and resettle refugees. Another contentious proposal is the European army. Mr. Juncker had proposed
that member-states move towards pooling and centralising their defence and diplomatic resources. While there may be
more Europe response to a problem that has left EU member-states and citizens disenchanted and fearful of what they
see as Brusselss overreach. Brussels will do well to heed the lessons of Brexit. This can be done in at least two ways.
First, by focussing on the big picture and on areas where it has a comparative advantage while letting national
governments take the lead in others. Second, by encouraging members to engage more rigorously with their citizens on
EU issues explaining policies and their outcomes, collecting feedback, and inviting ideas. These steps will go a long
way towards, to use Mr. Tusks phrase, not letting this crisis go to waste.
SEP 21/2016
The Delhi High Court > verdict that photocopying portions of academic publications to make course packs for students
does not amount to copyright infringement has been interpreted by many as a victory for the wider public interest of
ensuring affordable access to quality educational material. The only question of law that arose in the suit filed by Oxford
University Press, Cambridge University Press and Taylor & Francis was whether the making of course packs by the Delhi
University by authorising a photocopying store to make numerous copies of course material drawn from different books
amounts to copyright infringement. The court says copyright is not a natural or common law right in India, but is subject
to statute. It proceeds to hold that photocopying for academic purposes is not an infringement as Section 52(1)(i) of the
Copyright Act permits the making of copies of literary works by a teacher or pupil in the course of instruction, a phrase
interpreted to cover whole academic sessions, from the preparation of syllabus onwards.
infringement, there is no doubt that the legislature wanted to balance copyright protection with the public interest in
ensuring access. Interestingly, the judge sees the no infringement clauses as being consistent with articles in the Berne
Convention and the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, which provide for domestic
legislation to permit reproductions for specific purposes, as long as they do not conflict with normal exploitation of the
works or unreasonably prejudice the rights-holder. The publishers have argued, in vain, that universities should not allow
unrestricted photocopying, but instead apply for licences through the Indian Reprographic Rights Organisation, a
registered copyright society. The publishers may pursue this aspect in their appeal, if there is one. The verdict may justly
raise the concern whether conferring unrestricted reprographic rights on academic institutions will drive reputed publishers
out of the field of education. It is true that academic publications, especially international ones, are expensive, putting
them beyond the reach of many students. But the question is whether the balance between the competing interests has
been fully preserved in the law. If reputed publishers feel that there is insufficient copyright protection and back out of
educational publishing in the country, it will be equally injurious to the public interest.
Milestones are curious things in cricket. Round numbers such as fifty, the century, ten-wicket hauls and career runs
in multiples of 1000 allow a measure of achievement in a sport. They also offer a moments pause to reflect. As >India
prepares for its 500th Test a milestone 84 years in the making it seems apposite to assess its legacy in the games
classical form. It is also germane to consider the future, given the fear in some quarters that the shorter versions will
cannibalise Test cricket. There was certainly nothing in the early years to suggest India would become the economic
superpower it is today. Although the great Wally Hammond said new-ball bowler Amar Singh came off the pitch like the
crack of doom in Indias first-ever Test, against England at Lords in 1932, success proved elusive. While there were
moments of individual brilliance Vijay Hazares twin hundreds against Ray Lindwall and Keith Miller at Adelaide in
1948, perhaps the most memorable of them it wasnt until 1952 that India won a Test.
M.A.K. Pataudi first pursued the idea of a vibrant, united team in the 1960s, and bequeathed it to Ajit Wadekar. The
coming together of E.A.S. Prasanna, B.S. Chandrasekhar, Bishan Bedi, and S. Venkataraghavan spinners the cricket
world remains in awe of and the arrival of the indomitable Sunil Gavaskar not long after, formed the nucleus of the side
that beat West Indies and England away in 1971. With the emergence of Kapil Dev a world-class, all-round match-
winner there was more for other countries to be wary of. But it wasnt until after the turn of the millennium that India
became consistently successful, home and away. The rivalry against Australia, birthed in > 2001 at Eden Gardens, was
transformative. In Sachin Tendulkar, Rahul Dravid, Anil Kumble, V.V.S. Laxman, Virender Sehwag, Sourav Ganguly and
Zaheer Khan, India had a Golden Generation. M.S. Dhoni was the first of a new era of players to break through from
but matters have seldom appeared as encouraging as they do now. At the helm are two men with an empathy for bowlers:
Virat Kohlis declaration last year that bowlers were the bosses in Test cricket was momentous for a culture obsessed
with batsmen; and few know more about bowling teams to victory than Kumble. As West Indies and Australia, the only
two nations to have put out truly dominant teams, have shown, a lot falls into place when the bowlers are looked after. If
the Board of Control for Cricket in India continues being supportive and it must be commended for laying out a 13-Test
home season the foundation for the next 500 will be suitably robust.
SEP 22/2016
Judicial intervention often resolves questions that the executive finds too sensitive to handle. By directing the Centre to
constitute a Cauvery Management Board within four weeks, the >Supreme Court has created space for the water-sharing
dispute to be handled in a scientific and responsible manner by a legally constituted technical body. The board, assisted
by a regulation committee, is the mechanism prescribed by the Tribunal in its final order for implementing its award. It will
be a technical body consisting of irrigation engineers and agronomists, and will have independent members as well as
representatives of the basin States. It can formulate the manner in which water should be shared in a season of distress.
The courts intervention also exposes the helplessness of governments at the Centre in handling inter-State issues. It is
part of a long historical pattern. It was at the instance of the Supreme Court that the >Cauvery Water Disputes
Tribunal was formed more than a quarter century ago; and again, it required court orders to pave the way for an interim
award to be passed in 1991, and for it to be notified in the Gazette of India later. It took another order for the Tribunals
final award of 2007 to be notified in 2013, six years later. The court has done a significant service in nudging the Centre
to provide a legal and technical framework for the equitable distribution of water.
This is not the first attempt to create an institutional mechanism. In 2013, the Centre notified the formation of a
Supervisory Committee consisting of the Secretary, Union Water Resources Ministry, as chairman, and the Chief
Secretaries of the basin States as members. That the latest decision of the Supervisory Committee, which directed
the >release of 3,000 cusecs of water for 10 days to Tamil Nadu, did not find favour with either State shows the difficulties
involved in managing inter-State disputes even through an institutional mechanism. The Supreme Court, too, has
panels and seasonal adjudication, a spirit of accommodation is required among the basin States. Also needed is a clearer
appreciation of the fact that the entire water yield in the Cauvery basin is not enough to provide for the requirements of
both States. It is time for Karnataka and Tamil Nadu to take a hard look at their agricultural economies: the area under
cultivation, the number of crops per year and the water-intensive nature of the crops. Unless these are adjusted to suit
The outcome of Russias parliamentary election was never in question. The United Russia party of President Vladimir
Putin has dominated the political landscape ever since it was founded in 2001. Even so, the margin of the victory was
unexpected. The >September 18 elections were held against the backdrop of a protracted economic crisis, tensions
between Russia and the West, and a war of attrition in the countrys neighbourhood. Lower oil prices and western
sanctions have hit ordinary Russians hard. Russias economy contracted by 3.7 per cent last year and is expected to
shrink further by 0.7 per cent this year. Conventional wisdom suggests that economic hardships trigger anti-incumbency
sentiment. But in Mr. Putins Russia just the opposite has happened. When the results were declared, his party won more
than three-quarters of the 450-member Duma. The Communist Party and the Liberal Democratic Party have retained
some presence in the national Parliament, while the Yabloko and the Parnas, the two liberal parties critical of the Kremlin,
failed to even enter the Duma. This could partly be because of the lack of a united opposition in Russia. The Communists
and Liberal Democrats are hardly opposition parties, and agree with the Kremlin on most policy decisions. The anti-
Kremlin parties have failed in, or been hindered from, building a broad base among the electorate. Alexey Navalny, the
leader of the popular anti-government protests of 2011, has been barred from contesting elections. Boris Nemtsov,
another popular opposition leader, was shot dead last year in Moscow. At present, there is no opposition leader in a
In any case, memories of the anarchic pre-Putin era may still be prompting Russians to stick by him. Mr. Putin is largely
credited with fixing the economy and providing a stable political leadership to the country. Under his watch, Russia has
come out of its self-imposed strategic retreat and started playing an active global role. Russias annexation of Crimea
from Ukraine and a combative foreign policy in Syria and elsewhere have proved popular among his domestic
constituents. But the Russian economy continues to be heavily dependent on energy exports. If crude oil prices remain
low for long, economic pain will persist. Though the muscular foreign policy is popular at home, Moscow has had to pay
a heavy price for it. Whatever Mr. Putin had done in his first and second terms to rebuild ties with Europe, particularly with
Germany, lies in a shambles in the wake of the Ukraine crisis. If Mr. Putin wants to rebuild Russia as a credible global
power, a persistent economic crisis and a stormy neighbourhood are not going to help.
SEP 23/2016
That it took 69 years after Independence for India to >merge the Railway Budget with the Union Budget is an indication
of how difficult it can be to junk colonial-era traditions that may have outlived their utility. In 1924, when the first Railway
Budget was presented, the Railways entailed more funds than Indias expenditure on all other aspects of administration
combined. So it made sense to present a separate Budget. That equation changed long ago, and now the Railways
outlay is just 6 per cent of the total expenditure proposed in the Union Budget for this year. In fact, revenues from the
domestic aviation business are more than the Railways traffic earnings. Nearly Rs.2.5 lakh crore has been planned this
year as defence expenditure, but it found little mention in the Finance Ministers Budget speech. Yet, >the ritual of the
Rail Budget has continued even as the economy opened up over the past 25 years. A key reason that it lingered so long
is Indias fractured polity and the tendency of coalition partners to demand Railways as a juicy portfolio with its possibilities
for populist posturing and patronage. With the luxury of a majority in the Lok Sabha and a Railway Minister like Suresh
Prabhu who has refused to use the Rail Budget as a launchpad for new trains and railway lines, the NDA has thrown its
weight behind a plan that takes away the annual temptation to make the Railways a vote-magnet.
Indias annual economic jamboree will now be over in two days the tabling of the Economic Survey followed by the
Union Budget instead of three. Railway Ministers will no longer need to conjure up fancy and often regurgitated
promises about new, improved services for passengers without charging them the operational costs of reaching their
destination. The pressure to hold commuter fares has skewed the Railways freight rates, year after year. Indeed, the
change is already being felt; tweaking of tariffs outside the Budget has begun. Consider the changes in coal freight and
the introduction of flexible pricing on premium passenger trains. However, the Centre needs to now seriously consider
setting up an independent tariff regulator to depoliticise fares. New lines and trains should be determined by economic
viability rather than the constituencies covered. Initiatives such as demand-driven clone trains must be deployed to boost
earnings, and the Rs.37,000-crore tab on social obligations, including concessional ticketing, must be borne by the
exchequer. The Railways accounts need to be cleaned up and made bankable. Scrapping the Rail Budget is a good
starting point to fix the fading utility. Bringing it back safely on track will take a lot more doing, and undoing.
live wire pulled out from a switchboard inside the prison is unusual. His lawyer alleges he was murdered. Even without
questioning the suicide theory, it is clear that the prison administration has much to answer for. Ramkumar had >suicidal
tendencies , going by the police claim that he tried to slash his own throat when he was about to be arrested. Prison
authorities say he was indeed under continuous watch by warders, and that he had been given psychological counselling.
More ought to have been done to prevent the incident, as the case had become unusually sensitive, with the public debate
assuming strong caste and communal overtones. It is surprising that the closely watched suspect had easy access, at a
moment when he was conveniently alone, to a switchboard near the prison dispensary. It also so happened that the
CCTV cameras installed in the modern prison did not cover that particular area where he chose to end his life. If he did
commit suicide, there has been undoubted lapse in monitoring his movements.
Prison suicides set off questions about the conditions of incarceration in our jails, often seen as overcrowded and
understaffed. Suicide by electrocution is rare, as it is not difficult to deny prisoners any form of access to live electrical
cables. There is truth in the theory that it is difficult to prevent a person determined to commit suicide, even if some
correctional psychologists disagree. There ought to be an initial evaluation of incoming prisoners to identify those with a
high risk of suicide. Thereafter, periodic assessments of their state of mind should be made. While continuous watch is
attempts to die by hanging are other necessary measures. When Ramkumar was arrested there was a sense of
reassurance among the public, even though a few demanded a CBI investigation based on a few purported lacunae in
the police version. The police were expected to put an end to all speculation about whether he was the real culprit by
bringing him to trial. It is a pity this did not happen. The Tamil Nadu government should order a judicial probe in order to
credibly allay any impression, false though it may well be, that the case was sought to be closed extra-judicially.
SEP 24/2016
In what is possibly the sharpest castigation of Pakistan on the world stage, India has asserted its right of reply to Prime
Minister >Nawaz Sharifs speech at the UN General Assembly with some rather rough words. Calling >Pakistan a
terrorist state that is now training militant proxies with a toxic curriculum at its Ivy League of terrorism, the First
Secretary at Indias UN mission accused Mr. Sharif of having delivered a hypocritical sermon to the Assembly. India
pointed out that Pakistans nuclear proliferation record, which is marked by deception and deceit, hardly gave it the right
to speak of Indias eligibility to enter the Nuclear Suppliers Group, as Mr. Sharif had done. Finally, India said his
championing of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani as a symbol of the latest Kashmiri intifada was further
proof of Pakistan being a state sponsor of terrorism. Mr. Sharifs speech at the UN was indeed full of gross inaccuracies
on the subject of >Jammu and Kashmir , including his reference to the promise of a plebiscite, which in UN annals can
only be considered after Pakistans troops vacate the territory it currently occupies. Mr. Sharifs contention that Pakistan
is the principal victim of terrorism supported, sponsored and financed from abroad was clearly a stretch. While his
sympathetic reference to Wani was an affirmation of Pakistans support to the Hizbul, it was compounded by his refusal
to speak of the 18 Indian >soldiers killed in the Army camp in Uri in an attack allegedly carried out by terrorists from
Pakistan. That the Prime Minister of Pakistan should devote more than half his speech at the UN to the Kashmir issue,
which Pakistan has long accepted must be resolved bilaterally, was disappointing. However, in a signal of how little such
rhetoric matters, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon made no reference to it in his speech.
There is, unfortunately, little evidence that Indias response, which elicited loud cheers back home, was regarded any
more by the UNGA than Mr. Sharifs was. Despite the powerful language of Indias retort which will no doubt be echoed
in the address External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj delivers next the world has little time for a low-intensity conflict
that has stretched on for almost 70 years. Indias diplomats have fought and struggled for decades to keep Kashmir off
the UNs agenda, and the Centre does no good to its case by bringing the subject back into focus by joining issue with
Pakistan in such a high-pitched manner. For the moment, it would be advisable to keep its powder dry and rhetoric sober
as India investigates the intelligence and procedural lapses in failing to avert the Uri attack, and weigh its strategic
options.
The return to India of three ancient sculptures from the >National Gallery of Australia is another milestone in the long
and difficult campaign waged by several countries to repossess their cultural treasures, which have often been bought by
museums from idol smugglers. As the provenance of the artefacts the 900-year old statues of Goddess Pratyangira
and Seated Buddha, and the third century Worshippers of Buddha became clear, the only ethical course open to the
Australian gallery was to restore the sculptures, which it must be commended for pursuing. Evidently, the two icons other
than the sandstone Seated Buddha were acquired from a >New York-based art dealer, Subhash Kapoor , for about
$840,000 on the strength of fake documentation: he is now facing prosecution in Tamil Nadu. These are by no means
isolated instances. In June, the United States formally returned to India about 200 stolen cultural objects, which include
2,000-year-old artefacts, part of a $100 million trove unearthed by an investigation of Kapoors art business. What
emerges from these long battles to reclaim articles that constitute cultural heritage is the insight that a dedicated national
agency with State government support would be better equipped to fight the scourge of theft and illicit transfer. With
trained personnel, it could devote itself to the task of documenting antiquities and ensuring that the countrys ports are
The National Gallery of Australias inquiry into the status of its Asian art objects conducted by a retired judge, Susan
Crennan, has had the positive outcome of identifying 22 articles that have questionable or doubtful credentials, 14 of
which were purchased from Kapoor. Many of the findings in the Australian review underscore the importance of creating
a strong repository of information of all Indian antiquities, backed up by unimpeachable forensic records, so that they may
be claimed without difficulty at a future date. A lot of the illicit trade has been carried out by smugglers who have laundered
the provenance of idols using fake documentation designed to overcome the prohibition imposed by the Antiquities and
Art Treasures Act, 1972 on non-governmental exports. Providentially, it is the records of a research institution such as
the French Institute of Pondicherry that helped establish the claim to the 11th-12th century Nataraja idol stolen from Tamil
Current educational attainments remain far from adequate for the enhancement of personal well-being and social
progress, according to a report of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Immigrant populations
are especially disadvantaged, an area that deserves particular attention given the recent scramble for shelter and succour
among millions of refugees. The findings in the OECDs Education at a Glance 2016 report make for sober reading all
round, viewed against data on the many rewards individuals and societies are able to reap when endowed with higher
qualifications. For instance, people with a masters degree stand a close to 90 per cent wage advantage in the 35 countries
of the OECD. Correspondingly, their governments receive over a lifetime about 100,000 in taxes and social contributions
more than they invest on a graduate. There has been a 4 percentage point increase in the rate of enrolment in tertiary
education in the decade ended 2014. These are encouraging facts; the logical case therefore should be for greater public
investment in this sector. But across the spectrum the trend is clearly in the opposite direction. While the report shows an
8 per cent rise in real-term spending per child in the five years up to 2013, it also notes a 14 per cent increase in private
expenditure in the region in the same period. Private spending by students and households is estimated at some 30 per
cent in the tertiary education sector alone. This has to be viewed against the backdrop of the relentless regime of
economic austerity in the years following the financial crisis, with serious implications for equity and the knowledge
A broader issue mentioned in the report, which covers besides OECD members, partner-countries including India, is the
likelihood that states may not be able to realise the 2030 Sustainable Development Goal pertaining to the provision of
quality education. This concern is echoed in the Unesco 2016 report. The need to achieve the targets relating to SDG 4,
to ensure inclusive and equitable quality education, cannot be overstated, given that it is the pivot on which the realisation
of several other fundamentally important developmental objectives remains. Indeed, almost the entire success of the
2030 agenda rests squarely on the education target. The objectives of reduction of poverty, alleviation of hunger,
expansion of employment, empowerment of women and gender equality are all influenced by the qualifications and skills
that men and women possess. And of course at another level, without an educated and empowered populace, the dream
of an enlightened, more tolerant and peaceful world would forever remain elusive.
The signing of the Inter-Governmental Agreement between India and France for 36 Rafale multirole fighter jets brings to
an end 17 months of hard bargaining, following Prime Minister Narendra Modis decision to dump the Medium Multi-Role
Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) tender and the announcement during his visit to Paris last year of direct purchases. The first
such major acquisition in almost two decades, it comes as a breather for the Indian Air Force, which has been facing
will augment the IAFs capability. The weapons package, which includes the Meteor radar-guided Beyond Visual Range
air-to-air missile, considered best-in-class with a range of over 150 km, and the Scalp long-range air-to-ground missiles
with a range of 300 km, will help maintain the IAFs air superiority as they have no equivalents in the region. Given the
technological sophistication and the long range, the Rafales are expected to play a lead role as nuclear delivery platforms
The acquisition will cost the exchequer 7.87 billion, or about Rs.59,000 crore, which is a high price compared to $10.5
billion approved for 126 fighter jets under the original MMRCA deal in 2007. The basic aircraft costs about 91 million,
which is high in comparison to other contemporary four-plus generation aircraft. The Centre has claimed savings of
several million in the hard bargain, but the Defence Ministry would do well to share more information in Parliament. It is
unclear why the government decided to buy just 36 fighters, which creates logistical and operational complications and
pushes up the overall cost for reasons of economies of scale. In fact, Indias is now one of the most diverse air forces,
with Western and Russian- origin aircraft with Indian and other systems incorporated in them. The IAF has been
attempting to narrow the diversity to optimise utilisation and bring down the cost of operations. The current trajectory of
procurement indicates that those plans may be on hold. The government is scouting for another fighter to be inducted in
large numbers and produced in India under the Make in India initiative. In the years to come, the indigenously built Light
Combat Aircraft Tejas and the Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft from Russia will join the force, adding to the diversity.
While the Rafale deal is a welcome step, it is high time India made procurements based on a long-term integrated plan.
SEP 27/2016
Within a fortnight of President Pranab Mukherjee signing off on the > 122nd Constitution Amendment Bill to introduce
the Goods and Services Tax (GST) regime, work on the next steps has begun. The GST Council, led by the Union Finance
Minister and with representatives from all States, had its first meeting on September 22-23, flagging off the process of
determining the nitty-gritty of the new indirect tax system and resolving differences on crucial first-principle issues. Time
is of the essence, as just six months remain for the April 1, 2017 deadline that the Centre has set for ringing in the GST.
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has admitted that the deadline is challenging, but going by the outcomes of the first meeting
of the Council, it is clearly doable. Apart from agreeing on the rules and timetable for its meetings, the Council reached a
consensus on the threshold turnover for a business to be covered by the GST, Rs.20 lakh, which ensures that the new
tax will not be a compliance burden for small retailers and traders. It has also agreed on the draft compensation formula
for States revenue losses and accepted industrys rationale to subsume myriad cess levies in the GST.
An important signal at this juncture is the Centres decision to let go of the Central Board of Excise and Customss proposal
to create dual control over the assessment of businesses with an annual turnover of up to Rs.1.5 crore and give States
that power. Experts reckon that a large number of assessees fall below this threshold. By conceding ground on this
contentious issue, the Finance Minister has sent a welcome message of give-and-take. This is important given the need
to resolve more tangled Centre-State tax issues on the Councils agenda quickly, if the model laws for Central, State and
integrated GST are to be ready for Parliaments winter session. It is evident that all States participated with an open mind,
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respective Assemblies. All decisions were arrived at by consensus. The Centre and the States appear to be informed by
the roll-out experience of the Value-Added Tax regime, and the States want to be on the same page through discussions
and support one another rather than get divided along regional or party lines. This bodes well for the GST, where every
decision has to be taken by the Council based on a majority view: the States have two-thirds voting power and the Centre
has one-third. It is to be hoped that this accommodative spirit of cooperative federalism prevails.
The Centres decision to ratify the Paris Agreement on climate change on October 2 is a welcome affirmation of Indias
large number of people living without access to electricity, Indias predicament of having to generate more energy for
poverty eradication while simultaneously curbing GHGs is universally acknowledged. But there is no denying that the
country has adopted an approach that is predicated on a much-too-high use of fossil fuel-based technologies. This needs
to be addressed as all nations look towards the next phase, when the climate agreement comes into force. There is near
certainty that the decision made in Paris will become operational before the deadline for signatures set for April 2017: 61
country-parties responsible for 47.79 per cent of emissions have ratified it so far. What remains is for individual countries
in Europe, and the European Union, to review their commitments after Brexit, and sign up to reach the target of 55 per
cent of total GHG emissions. Indias decision to join, overcoming a reticence that was apparently linked to the failure to
enter the Nuclear Suppliers Group, is commendable. It would, in any case, have come under pressure to do so since the
With climate commitments becoming almost inevitable, a national consultative process on low carbon strategies cannot
be delayed. In order to comply with the Paris process, every aspect of energy use would need precise measurement in
the years ahead, which several sectors of the economy are ill-equipped to do at present. Upgrading the electricity grid to
take in higher volumes of renewable power is an urgent necessity if India is to realise the national goal submitted to the
UN Framework Convention on Climate Change to install 100 gigawatts of solar power capacity by 2022. A bold new policy
on urban design to curb emissions from buildings and transport has to be written into all relevant legislation. Such far-
reaching steps can be taken only with the active participation of State governments, many of which remain on the
periphery of the discussion. That needs to change, and a blueprint for action has to be drawn up, if a convincing case is
to be made for assistance from the $100 billion a year that the rich countries are to put together by 2020. Fundamentally,
national policy should mandate even higher levels of taxes on fossil fuels and transfer the benefits to eco-friendly options,
be it solar panels, efficient light bulbs, bicycles, green buses/trains, and greening initiatives.
SEP 28/2016
The first of three U.S. presidential debates lived up to the hype as the world was treated to the sight of an experienced
politician, and first-ever woman nominee for the White House, take on a brash and surprisingly popular property tycoon.
While most media analysts seemed to hand victory in the debate to Democrat and former Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton, numerous online polls, most of them based on anonymous voting and non-scientific response targeting, appeared
to suggest that it was her Republican rival Donald Trump who won. To an extent, the terms of the debate, set by moderator
and NBC News anchor Lester Holt, ended up favouring Ms. Clinton. Mr. Holt tipped the scales towards Ms. Clinton when
he brought up Mr. Trumps refusal to reveal his tax returns, the birther controversy over Barack Obamas place of birth,
Mr. Trumps alleged support for the Iraq War, and his comment on Ms. Clintons look. Yet, what featured significantly
less was Ms. Clintons use of a private email server, her responses to the controversy over the 2012 Benghazi attack,
and broader criticism of the Clinton charitable foundation and her proximity to Wall Street, issues that would have put her
on the back foot. As it turned out, she emerged from the brawl with poise and a lawyer-like command over the tempo of
the debate as she held out several baits for Mr. Trump, which he took.
over income support for the middle class, his past business and personal dealings that hinted at racist values, and the
destabilisation potential of his foreign policy proposals on NATO, Iran, North Korea, China and Mexico. The deeper
question that the Clinton-Trump clash continues to pose, however, is: How has a candidate such as Mr. Trump come this
far? Why has his habit of offending politically significant minorities, including Mexicans, African-Americans, Muslims, the
LGBT community, the differently abled and women, not dented his popularity? In part, it comes down to sheer
showmanship, and Ms. Clinton, for all her measured responses and detailed elucidation of policy prescriptions, falls far
behind Mr. Trump on that count. However, the more worrisome force behind the rise and rise of Mr. Trump is that his
candidature hints at continuing nationwide disenchantment over political dysfunction in Washington. That Americans may
be willing to risk it all and throw a metaphorical grenade at the federal government to shake things up after years of
partisan bickering and policy logjams suggests that their leaders must work to heal a bitterly polarised electorate and
By holding a meeting on the Indus Waters Treaty and scheduling another later this week on MFN (Most Favoured Nation)
status to Pakistan, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has signalled his intent to examine all the non-military options before
the government for a strong response to the Uri attack. Blood and Water cannot flow together, he is reported to have
said. However, after the meeting, officials made it clear that the IWT will hold, at least for the moment. Instead, the Centre
drew up a list of measures to optimise use of the Indus waters, that India has so far failed to do. The fact is that abrogating
the IWT is a non-starter as an option, and the holding of the meeting at this juncture ill-considered. For one, it confused
the message in Mr. Modis Kozhikode speech, appealing to Pakistani citizens better instincts to wage a war on poverty.
More important, the 1960 treaty for the Indus and five tributaries flowing from India to Pakistan was brokered by the World
Bank (then, the IBRD), and has held through wars and conflicts along the Line of Control. Revoking it would threaten
question beyond the short-term plan to irrigate Jammu and Kashmirs fields better. Dams required to hold the course of
the tributaries of the Indus to alter water levels to Pakistan dramatically would take more than a decade to build. Given
the environmental and geopolitical consequences of such actions, they are unlikely to elicit any international funding.
It is clear that the Centre didnt think through its next steps when it declared with a grand flourish, amplified by frenzied
television headlines, that the Prime Minister would review the Treaty. But it did limit the potential damage by bringing
down the heated rhetoric with a rational analysis on the Treaty. It would be wise if India proceeds with a sense of pragmatic
caution in making further statements on Pakistan for instance, revoking the MFN status will hardly punish Pakistans
economy given the low levels of bilateral trade. Terrorist attacks such as the one at Uri require a combination of measured
but firm responses, rather than weighing every option in full public view. India cannot also ignore the fact that the Uri
attack has exposed the need to shore up its defences. As India has realised time and again, its response to provocation
must carry the message that the country is dependable and not given to irrational, irresponsible actions that its neighbour
SEP 29/2016
Over the past five and a half years, every international effort to bring violence in Syria to an end has collapsed. The UN
has largely been a spectator since what began as civil strife spiralled into a deadly war between the regime and a group
of rebel groups supported by outside powers. In this time, half a million people have been killed. The Geneva I and II
peace plans did not even take off. Russia and the U.S. had earlier agreed to cease hostilities, but the agreement did not
hold. When Moscow and Washington, which support the regime and the rebels, respectively, decided to go ahead with
talks despite the initial setback and finally came up with a proper ceasefire agreement earlier this month, hopes were high
about bringing at least some temporary relief to Syrians. But within a week of reaching the agreement, the Syrian regime
and the rebels are back fighting each other, erasing the advances made through months of negotiations. It is immaterial
to ask who has violated the terms of the agreement, given the hostility and the contradictory accounts of who did what.
The Syrians blame the U.S. for violating the terms first with airstrikes, killing more than 60 Syrian soldiers in Jebel Tharda
on September 17, a few days into the deal. The U.S. says the strike was a mistake. It, in turn, blames Russian jets for
attacking a UN aid convoy in Aleppo a few days later, which Moscow denies. Amid the allegations and counter-allegations,
the war drags on, creating more havoc, especially in Aleppo that has witnessed heavy regime bombardment and where
There are two key impediments to achieving truce. First, President Bashar al-Assad is now making advances in the
battlefield. Recapturing Aleppo, once Syrias largest city, has always been high on his agenda, and he may be less keen
to compromise at a time when he is winning. But the problem is that while trying to recapture the city his forces might
commit another massacre, which the world should not let happen. Being Mr. Assads greatest supporter, Russia has a
moral responsibility to end the siege of Aleppo. But Russia has its own concerns. It wants the rebels to isolate the jihadists
among themselves, particularly Jabhat Fateh al-Sham, and has been asking the West to target such groups. Though the
U.S. and Russia need to stay engaged in talks. The word truce may appear to be a clich in todays Syria, but an
international ceasefire deal between the U.S. and Russia still seems to be the best option to turn around the Syrian
situation.
Indias decision to pull out of the SAARC summit in Islamabad this November, with Afghanistan, Bhutan and Bangladesh
deciding to follow suit, effectively draws the curtain on what was increasingly becoming a farce. Since the previous Nepal
summit, Pakistan has blocked all protocols to better link the region, while India has pursued a SAARC minus Pakistan
plan to push through with agreements it is keen on. Meetings in the run-up to Islamabad have been overshadowed by
ongoing India-Pakistan tensions for months now. Basic courtesies were set aside by both countries after the Pathankot
attack. Islamabad dropped any plans to send a representative to India to formally extend an invitation to the summit, as
is the custom. Home Minister Rajnath Singh was given a mixed welcome by his Pakistani hosts during the Home Ministers
meeting in Islamabad in August, prompting Finance Minister Arun Jaitley to cancel his visit for the subsequent SAARC
Finance Ministers meeting. Afghanistan and Bangladesh too had downgraded their participation in these meetings
because of their anger with Pakistan on its continued support to terror groups in the respective countries. Uri proved to
be the final straw, especially in view of Pakistans refusal to even issue a statement condemning the attack, galvanising
India to reach out to other SAARC member-countries in an effort to diplomatically isolate Pakistan. But Sri Lanka and
the Maldives, and Nepal, the acting SAARC Chair, have kept out of the boycott.
The Modi government cannot claim much more than a pyrrhic victory for the SAARC process getting derailed in this
manner. With one-fifth of the worlds population, South Asia is home to two-fifths of the worlds poor. It has abysmally low
intra-regional trade. It was precisely to work around bilateral tensions in the subcontinent, especially between its two
biggest members, and to make space for discussion on common issues such as trade, infrastructure, sustainable
development and poverty alleviation, that SAARC was set up. The founding principle was that together South Asia had a
better chance of fighting its shared ills, an idea that held the group together for decades in the face of intermittent regional
tensions. Of course, this is not the first time that a SAARC summit has been postponed. But given the prevailing
environment of deep mistrust and tension, it is unlikely that the summit will be rescheduled to take place in the near future.
This is something that will cause serious damage to the multilateral process and raise even more questions about the
SEP 30/2016
The Lodha Committees status report, highlighting how the Board of Control for Cricket in India has failed to adopt the
recommended administrative reforms, has left the games officials in a quandary. In a 79-page report filed in the Supreme
Court, Justice R.M. Lodha has said the BCCIs current office-bearers would have to relinquish their posts for the proposed
changes to be effected. Lending greater force to the punch, Chief Justice of India T.S. Thakur said the BCCI elite would
have to fall in line, or else we will make them fall in line. The provocation for these firm strictures was the BCCIs Annual
General Meeting in Mumbai on September 21, where a slew of decisions were taken, ranging from the nomination of
Sharad Pawar as alternate director for International Cricket Council meetings to the appointment of new selection
committees. The actions were seen as a failure to heed the Supreme Court. When the Lodha Committee green-lighted
the BCCIs AGM, it was with the caveat of sticking to appraising the year 2015-16, but the board discarded the
retrospective gaze and instead looked ahead. The appointment of selection committees, to cite one example, went against
five.
Wednesdays developments in court now put the BCCI in a piquant situation. The BCCIs elbow room has shrunk, and it
is expected that the chastised board will toe the line, though it has time till October 6 to file a reply in the Supreme Court.
This sorry state of affairs couldnt have come at a more inopportune moment. India has a home season bounty 13
Tests, including the match that concluded in Kanpur this week, and an imminent Ranji Trophy schedule. Now there is the
risk of disarray. The sport is perhaps Indias best-governed, but the administrators refuse accountability. The cricket
schedule (domestic and international) is well- drawn, former cricketers get a generous pension, young players find
financial security in the Indian Premier League, and there is much to cheer in Indian cricket. But a refusal to embrace
transparency and the lack of respect for the ordinary fan have been emblematic of a feudal mindset that guides crickets
officialdom. BCCI secretary Ajay Shirke has been quoted as saying the board did what it felt was best for the game; BCCI
president Anurag Thakur has often declared he is out to clear wrong perceptions. Their intentions are, however, yet to
be matched by their actions. They need to take care they do not precipitate what could be the most serious crisis yet for
Indian cricket.
After running through a variety of non-military responses to the September 18 terrorist strike at an Army camp in Uri, the
Centre on Thursday announced that Indian forces had carried out surgical strikes across the Line of Control. With this,
Indias next steps, post-Uri, are in uncharted terrain, with New Delhi abandoning the self-proclaimed policy of strategic
restraint adopted in the face of earlier provocations by terrorists believed to be backed by Pakistan. The operation, that
began and concluded in the early hours of Thursday, was claimed to be a military success, with no injuries to the Indian
para-commandos who went across the LoC into Pakistan-occupied Kashmir to attack several locations. The decision to
strike in this manner was evidently taken after specific intelligence that terrorist groups were planning attacks in India.
This may not be the first time India has undertaken quick cross-LoC operations, but it has never before chosen to share
information so publicly.
The terms surgical strike and pre-emptive strike used by the Centre were intended to convey that this was not an
attack on Pakistans defence forces, but a targeted action against terrorists poised to wreak damage in India. Pakistan of
course has played down the Indian operation, characterising it as an act of habitual cross-border shelling. It is welcome
that New Delhi declared the strikes complete shortly after the operation, with the DGMO calling his Pakistani counterpart
of various countries, indicates that the Centre wants to end hostilities with Pakistan for the moment. This strengthens the
view that the operation was the result of pressure on the Modi government to manufacture a strong response to Uri. Over
the past few days there has been a cascade of moves to underline that such provocations cannot be followed with
business as usual. The government reviewed the working of the Indus Waters Treaty, declared it is flirting with the idea
of reviewing Pakistans Most Favoured Nation status, and pulled out of the SAARC heads meet to be held in Islamabad.
Having made it known that India does not want further escalation, even as people living along the International Border
and the LoC are shifted to safer locations, the Centre will need to articulate what it regards as the new normal and
indeed, how it hopes, or plans, to dissuade Pakistan from escalating the situation in turn.
The likelihood of at least 600,000 deaths being caused annually in India by fine particulate matter pollution in the air is
cause for worry, even if the data released by the World Health Organisation are only a modelled estimate. The conclusion
that so many deaths could be attributed to particulate matter 2.5 micrometres or less in size is, of course, caveated, since
comprehensive measurement of PM2.5 is not yet being done and the linkages between pollution, disease and deaths
need further study. What is not in doubt is that residents in many urban areas are forced to breathe unhealthy levels of
particulates, and the smallest of these PM10 and less can penetrate and get lodged deep in the lungs. The WHO
Global Burden of Disease study has been working to estimate pollution-linked health impacts, such as stroke and
ischaemic heart disease, acute lower respiratory infection and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. Data on fine
particulates in India show that in several locations the pollutants come from burning of biomass, such as coal, fuel wood,
farm litter and cow dung cakes. In highly built-up areas, construction debris, road dust and vehicular exhaust add to the
problem. The Prime Minister launched an Air Quality Index last year aimed at improving pollution control. The new data,
which the WHO says provide the best evidence available on the terrible toll taken by particulates, should lead to intensified
action.
A neglected aspect of urban air pollution control is the virtual discarding of the Construction and Demolition Waste
Management Rules, notified to sustainably manage debris that is dumped in the cities, creating severe particulate
pollution. The Environment Ministry has highlighted the role that debris can play as a resource. Municipal and government
contracts are, under the rules, required to utilise up to 20 per cent materials made from construction and demolition waste,
and local authorities must place containers to hold debris. This must be implemented without delay. Providing cleaner
fuels and scientifically designed cookstoves to those who have no option but to burn biomass, would have a big impact
on reducing particulate matter in the northern and eastern States, which are the worst-hit during winter, when biomass is
also used for heating. Greening the cities could be made a mission, involving civil society, with a focus on landscaping
open spaces and paving all public areas to reduce dust. These measures can result in lower PM10 and PM2.5 levels.
Comprehensive measurement of these particulates is currently absent in many cities, a lacuna that needs to be
addressed.
The peace agreement reached between the Afghan government of President Ashraf Ghani and warlord Gulbuddin
Hekmatyar speaks volumes about the current situation in the country. Hekmatyar is not the type of leader a legitimate
government may like to make peace with. The butcher of Kabul faces charges of killing thousands of Afghans during
during the civil war involving different mujahideen groups, and turned against the U.S.-led coalition troops after their 2001
invasion of Afghanistan. But even after being declared a global terrorist by the U.S. in 2003, and his militia, the Hezb-i-
Islami, being placed on the UN list of foreign terrorist organisations, Hekmatyar, now believed to be living in Pakistan,
continued to fight the Afghan government and the coalition troops. Over the years his influence has dwindled, but he still
commands a sizeable group of rebel soldiers who can continue to irritate Kabul. But why should the Afghan government
negotiate a peace deal with a weakened warlord who faces charges of war crimes? Under the agreement, Hekmatyar will
be made part of all government decisions and actions. Besides, the Hezb-i-Islami fighters will be integrated into the Afghan
armed forces and Mr. Ghani will request the UN to remove the terrorist tag.
One plausible explanation is that the Afghan government is desperate to find a breakthrough in the 15-year-old civil war.
Mr. Ghanis previous attempts to reach out to the Taliban have come to nothing. Despite the recent setbacks to their
leadership, the Taliban now control more territories than ever since they were ousted from power in 2001. They have
demonstrated the capability to strike any location they choose to. By reaching a peace deal with Hekmatyar, Mr. Ghani
is sending the message to the Taliban that peace between warlords and the government is not impossible, provided the
former are ready to shun violence and work within the Afghan Constitution. The President may also be hoping that if
Hekmatyar rallies the various political and militant factions of the Hezb-i-Islami behind the government, it would strengthen
the regimes position in the long term. But it is a gambit. The accord is unlikely to have any immediate impact on security
as the Taliban are still at war. The deal could be counterproductive politically as well because of Hekmatyars record
having him associated with the government could dent its legitimacy. But for Mr. Ghani, presiding over a regime grappling
with infighting, incompetence, lack of resources and massive security challenges, there are not too many easy choices
OCT 03/2016
The immediate provocation for the series of rallies in the name of Maharashtras numerically dominant Marathas might
appear to be the rape and killing of a 14-year-old girl in Ahmednagar district. All the three accused so far in the case are
Dalits. While the protesters have demanded justice for the victim, their rallies have been used as a pretext for Marathas
to reiterate a long-standing demand for reservations under the Other Backward Classes category and for scrapping the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of 1989. The Marathas demand for reservations
mirrors similar ones made recently by Patidars and Jats in Gujarat and Haryana, respectively. As with Patidars and Jats,
the demand for inclusion in the OBC quota is fuelled by anxiety about relative economic backwardness among a large
cross-section of Marathas. Their inability to move up the economic ladder and the lack of adequate opportunities in a
sluggish agrarian economy have been key factors in the agitations for reservations. Yet, the demand for reservations for
Marathas, traditionally seen as upper castes, goes against the spirit of affirmative action that has guided eligibility for
quotas in Central and State lists. Marathas are a dominant caste and play a central role in electoral politics as well as the
political economy of the State. In any case, it has been judicially established that economic criteria alone cannot be taken
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government for 16 per cent reservations for Marathas in educational institutions and jobs over and above the almost 50
The other key demand in the Maratha agitations, for the scrapping of the POA Act, seems to be clearly directed at
perceived Dalit assertion. Such demands have been voiced in the past too by political groups representing landed
backward classes in States such as Tamil Nadu. The implementation of the POA Act has been sketchy across India, and
Maharashtra is no exception. Conviction rates remain low, even if reporting of crimes against SCs and STs and their
registration have increased, as a result of increasing awareness among Dalits and Adivasis of their legal options. Indeed,
there is a case for better implementation of the Act, certainly not for its scrapping. It is therefore disturbing that political
parties are trying to appropriate the seemingly spontaneous protests for any electoral dividends. The Devendra Fadnavis-
led government would be well-advised to address the States agrarian distress and need for more job creation, instead of
opting for short cuts such as expanding reservations, which in any case may not ultimately pass judicial scrutiny.
The agreement reached at the extraordinary meeting of the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, in Algiers,
to trim the cartels collective output by about 700,000 barrels a day, in an effort to balance supply and demand in the
global oil market, caught markets by surprise. It was well-acknowledged that the group needed to take decisive action to
staunch the two-year-long slide in global crude prices, that saw Brent prices more than halve from about $103 a barrel in
end-August 2014 to $45.45 a barrel on September 1 this year. Still, it was unclear if there could be a meaningful
consensus on production cuts among disparate member-countries which included the small-yet-prosperous West
African country of Gabon, crisis-hit Venezuela, and fractious West Asian nations such as Iran and Saudi Arabia. That the
56-year-old grouping arrived at an agreement, albeit after leaving a decision on country-specific production targets to
November, reflects just how desperate the situation had become for most oil-producing economies. The output cut,
announced for the first time in eight years, is a tacit admission by the groups largest producer Saudi Arabia that its pump-
at-will approach has hurt its economy as much, if not more, than the pain it may have caused North American oil
producers, including U.S. shale interests, that the policy largely sought to target.
While the big U.S. shale producers have resiliently hung on and even begun investing in new acreage this year, Saudi
Arabia found itself with a huge hole in its budget. A fiscal deficit of 16 per cent of GDP in 2015 that is projected to slightly
narrow to about 13 per cent this year forced spending cuts, including on wages and fuel subsidies. This year the kingdom
was driven to make its first overseas borrowing in more than a decade, a five-year $10 billion loan. With the economys
growth set to slow to about 1 per cent in 2016, it had few options but to return to the main fuel of its economic engine,
crude oil. Given the countrys involvement in conflicts across the region, both openly as in Yemen and tacitly as in Syria,
its rulers have possibly realised the need to squeeze more revenue out of every barrel of oil. OPEC reportedly made a
demand growth for petroleum slowing far more rapidly than previously predicted, the success of the production curbs in
reviving oil prices will significantly hinge on cartel discipline something that has often been lacking in the past.
OCT 4/2016
The Centres move to mop up black money from the economy by giving taxpayers amnesty to declare undisclosed past
income by paying tax on it at an effective, slightly high rate of 45 per cent has yielded a surprisingly positive dividend.
The four-month window granted for evaders to come clean opened sluggishly, but eventually over 64,200 assessees
disclosed undeclared assets worth at least Rs.65,250 crore. Stern warnings from the Prime Minister himself about tough
action and possible jail terms for those who failed to declare their cartloads of black money may have added punch to
the Finance Ministrys pitch. The haul is considerably higher than the Rs.4,164 crore in assets and black money held
abroad disclosed under a similar arrangement with a higher tax rate in 2015. This time, the tax department rightly focussed
on demystifying and propagating the scheme, so potential beneficiaries were reassured that they would not be
persecuted. The almost Rs.30,000 crore in taxes being raked in provides a cushion for the Centre on the fiscal deficit
management front since it hadnt set any explicit revenue expectations from the scheme.
The final stocktaking is still on, so the record collections under this scheme, vis--vis similar endeavours in the past, could
rise further. The Centre, however, must not consider this the end of its campaign on black money. To put things in context,
the average undisclosed income per taxpayer under the scheme stands at Rs.1.01 crore; and though the disclosures are
nearly double those in the last income amnesty scheme (around Rs.33,700 crore), nearly two decades have passed since
then, making comparisons misleading. The tax department is aware that Rs.65,250 crore is just the tip of the iceberg
it had sent seven lakh letters to suspected evaders based on information on about 90 lakh high-value transactions that
took place without PAN card details. The tax department must crack down on such evaders and spruce up its data-mining
methods to expand the countrys shallow tax base. While the departments efforts have revealed undisclosed income of
over Rs.58,000 crore in the last two and half years, and more is being pursued from tax havens where Indian holdings
have come to light, all of this is akin to treating the symptoms without addressing the root cause. If the Centre is serious
about attacking Indias thriving black economy, it needs to be bold and, for starters, make electoral funding transparent,
curb the misuse by the wealthy of tax-free income sops for farmers, and encourage cashless transactions.
Colombia has missed, narrowly, an opportunity to end its five-decade-long civil war. Had a majority of the electorate
voted yes in Sundays referendum on a peace agreement reached between the government of President Juan Manuel
Santos and the guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), it would have immediately set in motion
the process of disarming the rebels. But the accord was rejected by a razor-thin majority, throwing the future of peace
and war as well, which both the government and the rebels had declared over into uncertainty. It is not difficult to
understand popular anger against FARC. The rebel group is accused of massacres, trading in illegal drugs and running
extortion rackets. Over 52 years, the conflict has claimed 220,000 lives and displaced about six million people. A dominant
section of Colombias political class, led by former President lvaro Uribe, was actively campaigning for a no vote. Mr.
Uribe had charged President Santos with handing Colombia over to FARC. The main criticism is that justice is being
sacrificed for achieving peace. Under the terms of the current agreement, most of FARCs rank and file would be allowed
to lead civilian lives. The leadership will be judged in special tribunals with reduced sentences.
With all its imperfections, this was the best opportunity in decades to end a war in which both sides have committed
terrible crimes. While the atrocities committed by FARC are well-documented, government troops and the army-backed
right-wing paramilitaries stand accused of excessive use of force, turning the Colombian countryside into a war zone.
Where President Santos differed from his predecessors was in the realisation that there was no military solution to this
conflict, leading to negotiations with the rebels four years ago with Cubas mediation. The no vote doesnt necessarily
mean that the country will be pushed back into war. Both President Santos and FARC chief Timochenko have said they
would continue efforts to make peace. But it is not clear what options they have but to renegotiate a fresh deal and put it
to another referendum. That means the government and the rebels may have to go through another round of tortuous
talks. While reaching a new agreement has its own challenges, it is plausible for both sides, having established goodwill
and trust over the past four years of negotiations, to look for creative diplomatic solutions to end the war for good. The
Colombian government should also try to win over the opposition, which would strengthen its appeal to the public for a
deal. The alternative to peace is to send FARC back to the jungles and risk a potential resumption of the war.
OCT 5/2016
The Monetary Policy Committees decision, at its maiden meeting, to >cut the benchmark repurchase (repo) rate by 25
basis points held no surprise for markets. What had been on watch was the language of the policy statement, the extent
of consensus in the committee and the manner in which the new Reserve Bank of India Governor and chairman of the
MPC, Urjit Patel, presented the central banks positions. Articulating the main concern that informed the newly constituted
rate-setting panels rationale for reducing interest rates, Mr. Patel said the global demand environment was clearly looking
far bleaker than previously anticipated, with the forecast for world economic growth set to be downgraded further. The
focus, he signalled, therefore needs to remain on supporting the domestic economy through an accommodative monetary
stance. That the MPC has opted to lay primacy on supporting growth while keeping its sights firmly trained on the RBIs
central remit to target a medium-term retail inflation objective of 4 per cent, within a band of plus/minus 2 per cent, bodes
well. Decision-making by committee is never easy, and given the short time the MPC had since its constitution last month,
the lucidity of the policy statement shows its six members have hit the ground running. While the minutes of the meeting
that will reveal each members arguments will become available on October 18, all six voted for the rate cut. The
decision reflects the broad consensus that the risks to growth from global uncertainty and financial markets volatility
remain high, especially ahead of the U.S. presidential election, and that a rate stimulus was warranted given the recent
Even as it expects an improvement in the outlook for food inflation on the back of increased sowing and supply
management measures undertaken by the government, the MPC has been cautious in flagging the risks to the trajectory
for price gains. In the panels opinion, the main factors that could play a contributory role in furthering a fresh cost spiral
would be the higher house rent allowances mandated by the Seventh Pay Commission, the increase in minimum wages
and the possible spillovers through minimum support prices. Multiple factors augur well for the outlook for both the
industrial and services sectors. But the worsening trade demand could offset the gross value added (GVA) momentum,
the MPC noted, while retaining the RBIs GVA growth forecast of 7.6 per cent. That the panel has made a decisive start
to rate-setting through deliberation is clear; how it weathers harsher domestic and external challenges, should they
India has completed agreements for civil nuclear cooperation with 11 countries so far, including the U.S., Russia,
Australia, Canada and South Korea, but the > upcoming agreement with Japan could be the most significant. Japan is
the only country to have been the victim of a nuclear attack, and its decision to sign an agreement with India, a country
that has not signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), would be a first. Reservations in
Japan against nuclear energy have hardened after the Fukushima accident. Tokyos support to the deal so far is therefore
an indication of the importance it accords to relations with India. For India, the civil nuclear agreement with Japan is
especially important for the message of trust it would convey to Nuclear Suppliers Group members in a year the country
hopes to have its admission accepted. Japans support at the NSG has been particularly marked. In fact, India and Japan
share many multilateral platforms, including membership of the G-4 group that is knocking at the UN Security Councils
door for reform. Beyond symbolic reasons, Japanese nuclear energy technology and safety parameters are widely
considered to be cutting-edge, and many critical parts needed for Indian reactors are made by Japanese manufacturers.
These will not be available to India until the agreement is done. Although India has even considered trying to manufacture
them locally, there wont be alternatives to Japan for several years. Even the U.S. civil nuclear deal, that is yet to be
actualised, is contingent on the deal with Japan, given that the current discussions for six reactors in Andhra Pradesh are
It may appear baffling why the deal has taken so long to negotiate. The main sticking point has been Indias refusal to
sign the NPT, as it considers the treaty unfair to the developing world. This is why New Delhi is keen on ensuring that in
the haste to seal the deal by the time Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Japan this winter, it doesnt give in to pressure
to adhere to anything more than its own self-declared moratorium on testing. The Japanese insistence on a nullification
clause that the agreement would cease as soon as India tests, will be judged with this balance in mind. Particularly post-
Fukushima, Japanese manufacturers will also be expected to be more generous with India on the liability issue, given
their own experience with the enormous cost of cleaning up. As always, and even more so than with the India-U.S.
OCT 06/2016
When the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal (CWDT) proposed the setting up of a Cauvery Management Board, it did so
for very good reasons. During monsoon deficit years, the pattern of flows in the different sub-basins will not match the
schedule of water deliveries worked out on the basis of normal year readings. The CMB was conceived as a body that
would monitor the storage position in the Cauvery basin and the trend of rainfall, and assess the likely inflows for
distribution among the States. The tribunal was emphatic in its final award: the CMB is integral to the resolution of
disputes, between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka and also Tamil Nadu and Puducherry and Tamil Nadu and Kerala, over
the schedule of releases for irrigation downstream. For the >Central government to now oppose the setting up of the
CMB, taking cover under Article 262 of the Constitution and the provisions of the Inter-State River Water Disputes Act,
1956 that forbid the Supreme Court from intervening in inter-State water disputes is little more than a streak of twisted
logic. Indeed, the Section of the 1956 Act that gives the orders of tribunals set up by the government under it the same
force as an order of the Supreme Court is being invoked not to strengthen the orders of the Cauvery tribunal but to subvert
one of its crucial recommendations. The Supreme Courts direction to the Centre to constitute the CMB was in keeping
with the tribunal order, and not in contravention of it, as the government was trying to make it appear.
that political factors may have been at play. The Assembly election in Karnataka, where the BJP has high stakes, is less
than two years away. In contrast, Tamil Nadu, where the BJP has no real base, has recently concluded its election. If
there is a good legal argument against the setting up of the CMB, it is that a larger, three-judge Bench of the Supreme
Court is already seized of the matter. Tamil Nadus plea to constitute the CMB had been clubbed along with the main
appeal filed challenging the 2007 final award of the CWDT. In the short term, the Supreme Courts acceptance of the
suggestion that a technical team visit the Cauvery basin and report back on the ground realities seems to be the only
certain way of depoliticising the dispute. But any long-term solution will necessarily have to be on the basis of the well-
thought-out recommendations of the CWDT, and the mechanism provided for the sharing of waters in a year of distress.
o Disquiet - worry
o Cauvery - Kaveri (river in south India which rises in north Kerala)
o Dispute - an argument or disagreement (especially an official one
between)
o Deficit - the amount by which something is too small
o Sub-basin - a large area of land whose surface water all flows into a
particular river or lake
o Conceived - to invent a plan or an idea
o Monitor - to regularly check something or watch someone in order to
find out what is happening
o Emphatic - done or said in a strong way and without any doubt
o Integral - necessary and important as a part of a whole
o Irrigation - the method in which water is supplied to plants at regular
intervals for agriculture
o Downstream - in the direction a river or stream is flowing
o Forbid - to state that something is not allowed, according to a rule, law,
or custom
o Intervening - take part in something to change the result
o Inter-State - existing or taking place between states
o Streak - part of
o Twisted logic - to use false logic
o Tribunal - a special court or group of people who are officially chosen,
especially by the government, to examine (legal) problems of a particular
type
o Invoked - to use a law or rule in order to achieve something
o Subvert - to attack or harm a government or established system of law,
politics etc
o Crucial - extremely important or necessary
o Contravention - the action of doing something that is not allowed by a
rule, law, or agreement
o Hasty - done in a hurry because you do not have much time
o U-turn - a complete change from one opinion or plan of action to an
opposite one
o At play - to do something for enjoyment or interest, without much care
and effort
Indias >ascent to the number one position in Test rankings offers some cause for cheer given the tumult off the field,
with the R.M. Lodha Committee and the Board of Control for Cricket in India still >sparring over administrative
reform. Indias 178-run victory over New Zealand in the second Test at Kolkata, paving the way for a series triumph,
secured the lead billing. This is the fourth instance of India securing the top slot in the International Cricket Councils
rankings since it was introduced in 2003. It is significant that out of the four stints, irrespective of the time frame, three
have been over the past year. For a squad evolving from the pangs of transition and with big shoes to fill, from those of
Sachin Tendulkar to those of Anil Kumble, it has done remarkably well. The combined numbers of the playing XI at Kolkata
were 28.54 years in age and 27.54 in the average number of Tests played for such a young team to register dominance,
under Virat Kohlis captaincy, is no mean achievement. When India first secured the number one ranking in 2009, it was
a team packed with contemporary greats, including Tendulkar, Rahul Dravid, V.V.S. Laxman, Virender Sehwag, M.S.
In contrast, the current line-up is a work in progress, with cricketers still working out their natural slot in Tests. Kohli and
R. Ashwin remain the pivots, while Murali Vijay, Ajinkya Rahane and Wriddhiman Saha have established their staying
power as Test cricketers. The emergence of opener K.L. Rahul is a good sign, especially given Indias traditional dilemma
in finding batsmen capable of seeing off the new ball. These men form the core that can take India forward. However,
much remains to be done. The opening combine is yet to firm up, and Cheteshwar Pujara and Rohit Sharma need to re-
establish their solidity. The bowling remains over-reliant on Ashwin. These shortcomings should be sorted out over a long
home season in the course of which India will host England, Australia and Bangladesh. The first two will offer keen
competition, unlike what India encountered against the West Indies and New Zealand. For now, there is the third Test at
Indore, and a 3-0 sweep against New Zealand would give India confidence for the rest of the season. As for the team
displaced from the top position in the ICC ranking, Pakistan, its short-lived reign poses a question about the difficulty in
grading Test teams. Pakistan plays most of its matches away from home, and therefore does not enjoy a similar
advantage. Nonetheless, the dominance of the two subcontinental teams in the ICC ranking affirms the strength of South
Asian cricket.
OCT 07/2016
Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar will clearly leave no stone unturned in giving his >prohibition policy a legislative punch.
Within days of the Patna High Court >striking a blow to the total prohibition regime in the State , the government notified
the Bihar Prohibition and Excise Act, 2016, and >approached the Supreme Court to challenge the High Court order. The
haste throws some light on Mr. Kumars political strategy, which is aimed at distinguishing himself in a crowded landscape.
Prohibition was >his main campaign outreach to women voters in the 2015 Assembly elections. Having won the votes of
women in earlier elections on schemes such as bicycles for schoolgirls, prohibition gave his Janata Dal (United) an added
moral aura he was fighting a no-holds-barred election against his former ally, the BJP, and he was fighting in alliance
with Lalu Prasads Rashtriya Janata Dal. In the event, he was returned to the Chief Ministers post, but with the RJD
getting a greater number of MLAs than the JD(U). Mr. Kumars natural claim to the big post draws from his personal
credibility, seen to be more potent than his partys. This connect with a wide cross-section of the public, as a politician
empathetic to aspirations for a dignified, socially and educationally empowered life, had him in the fray for a larger national
role during his BJP-allied days, and so too in his current anti-BJP politics.
The prohibition plank, with its Gandhian overtones and empathetic message to women, gives Mr. Kumar a chance to
arrogate to himself the mantle of a moral campaigner nationally. In the immediate term, it allows him to set himself apart
from the RJDs rougher politics, and change the subject soon after his government found itself emitting the wrong
message on law and order, particularly when Mohammad Shahabuddin was briefly out on bail. By attempting to overcome
the High Court order, Mr. Kumar may have underlined his assertiveness, but he has, in the process, missed the
opportunity the court gave him to reconsider the harsh punishments outlined in the previous law, with all the questions
they pose for civil liberties, as well as the very architecture of the legislation. The prohibition regime forces the deployment
of the police to seal the States border, and away from more mindful policing within, which was the change Mr. Kumars
long chief ministership promised. The punishment worked into the current law gives the police greater opportunity for
rent-seeking. This may alienate the very constituencies that keep him in the running for a role larger than his partys
electoral footprint.
The revival of the HIV and AIDS (Prevention and Control) Bill, 2014, and the Union Cabinets >approval for provisions that
make discrimination against people living with the virus punishable, are positive steps. Such laws, however, can only
deliver benefits within the overall constraints imposed by an underfunded public health system. Where the legislation can
make some difference, with active monitoring by HIV/AIDS support groups, is in ensuring that acquiring the infection does
not mean an end to education, employment, access to housing and healthcare due to discrimination. The success of the
anti-discrimination aspects hinges on the readiness of governments to accept the inquiry findings of ombudsmen, to be
appointed under the law, and provide relief. Since the new law is intended to both stop the spread of the disease and
help those who have become infected get antiretroviral therapy as well as equal opportunity, it will take a high degree of
commitment to provide effective drugs to all those in need. In August, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare put the
number of people getting free treatment nationally at 9,65,000, of which 53,400 are children. This must be viewed against
the most recent estimate last year, that 2.1 million people live with HIV in India, of whom 7,90,000 are women. Regional
The legislation and the structure of complaints redress that it proposes should provide some relief to thousands of families
that face discrimination in admitting children to school, an infected individual getting a job, or treatment in hospital. Unlike
many other diseases, however, HIV/AIDS has received global attention and funding, thus building up pressure on
governments to come up with supportive policies. Communities will now have the opportunity to ensure that the strongest
element of the prospective law, assuring confidentiality of HIV status, is enforced. A breach could invite imprisonment
and a fine. Yet, the proposals approved by the Cabinet fail on one important count: the insurance industry is allowed to
use actuarial calculations to limit access to products to people with HIV. The Centres initiative is palpably weak, since a
universal system would not discriminate against people with any form of illness, and would fully embrace the goal of
health and welfare for all. National AIDS Control Organisation data for 2015 indicate that while there is an >overall
decline in HIV prevalence among visitors to antenatal clinics, there was a rise in nine States. The government must get
In a long year of war and strife, it is a silver lining that the Nobel Committee in Oslo was spoilt for choice in deciding
upon the recipient of the 2016 Peace Prize. A > landmark nuclear deal brought a peaceful closure to Irans purported
nuclear weapon ambitions and paved the way for better relations between Tehran and the West, making the key
negotiators leading contenders for the Prize. The yeoman efforts of the > White Helmets of Syria, a group of local
volunteers in Aleppo and other parts of war-ravaged Syria who help rescue people injured or stranded in bomb attacks in
war zones, merited recognition. But the > ending of one of the longest-running civil wars was the achievement that got
the highest recognition by the Committee. The Nobel Peace Prize for 2016 has been > awarded to Colombian President
Juan Manuel Santos after his government painstakingly concluded negotiations by > signing an accord with the
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), winding down hostilities in a > 52-year-old civil war. The accord, signed
on September 26, 2016, provided for the disbanding of FARC militants and for the rebels to join the political process as
a routine political party, besides conceding demands by FARC to address inequities in Colombias rural areas through
development programmes and land distribution. FARC also agreed to dismantle drug production facilities in areas in its
control which had helped finance the war against the Colombian government. This was a landmark accord that provided
an opportunity not just for peace but also for better prospects in the war against drug production and trade in Colombia.
Merely a week after the accord, the government received a setback as its attempt to get the accord ratified through a
referendum > failed. About 50.23 per cent of the voters who turned out (the turnout was less than 40 per cent) > voted
against the peace agreement. Both the government and FARC have ruled out a return to war despite this setback, and
even the advocates of the no vote, including former President lvaro Uribe, have sought fresh negotiations for what
they deem to be a better accord. The Nobel committee recognises that despite the setback there is the need for a broad-
based dialogue to further the peace process. In doing so, it has provided Mr. Santos the persuasive pulpit he had lost
following the referendum. The award should enable his government to seek a renewed accord that does not militate
against the previous one and seals a durable peace. The Peace Prize is a testimonial to the patience required to bring
If wonderful discoveries happening in biology had acted as a trigger for Nobel Laureate Venkatraman Ramakrishnan
to switch from physics to chemistry, the nearly matured and well-established field of chemistry failed to enthuse >Yoshinori
Ohsumi, and he shifted to biology. Autophagy a fundamental process for degrading and recycling cellular components
was known long before he ventured into the field, but it was his paradigm-shifting research that revealed the importance
of this fundamental process that comes into play every other minute. His seminal work helped reveal that vacuoles in
yeast and lysosomes in human cells are not just garbage bins but recyclers and fuel producers. Right from the stage of
embryo development to countering the negative effects of ageing, autophagy plays an important role. As in the case of
many Laureates, Dr. Ohsumis initial years were more than frustrating, but he prevailed. His approach to science is an
antithesis to what is generally seen in todays young researchers, and that precisely is what helped him break new ground
and bag the Nobel Prize this year only the third Laureate since 2010 to not share the Prize for Physiology or Medicine
with others.
But lysosomes and other cellular bodies would be severely impacted if molecular machines in our body failed to work
synchronously to carry materials around in a cell and for several other functions. Though not as elegant as the molecular
machines at work inside us, the work done by Jean-Pierre Sauvage, J. Fraser Stoddart and Bernard L. Feringa, the
winners of the > Nobel Prize in Chemistry, has set the ball rolling in the endeavour to realise Nobel Laureate Richard
Feynmans dream more than 50 years ago of building very small machines. Though very primitive at this point in time,
science will see one of the biggest revolutions when the cogs and cranks of their work are finally put together to build
machines on a nanoscale; nanomachines will find applications in diverse fields, from medicine to electronics. Much like
the nanomachines of tomorrow, David J. Thouless, F. Duncan M. Haldane and J. Michael Kosterlitzs theoretical
explanations for exotic states of materials by using topological concepts will give birth to a completely different class of
products. > This years Nobel-winning physicists, they predicted the exotic behaviour that other scientists later found at
the surface of materials and inside very thin layers, such as superconductivity and magnetism in extremely thin materials.
Physicists are now looking beyond the ordinary to find new and exotic phases of matter that change in a stepwise fashion.
OCT 10/2016
India needs a different approach to grow its economy and must remove bottlenecks so that foreign investors can operate
in the country just as its own corporates expand their global footprint, >Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said
during his India visit last week. His remarks may appear out of sync with the official discourse on Indias recent economic
performance, especially the liberalisation of foreign direct investment and record inflows clocked since the Modi
government was sworn in. Mr. Lees concerns, however, dont stem from FDI policy per se, but two intertwined reform
showpieces of the NDA one abandoned after hot pursuit in its first year and another that remains a work in progress.
These are amendments to the land acquisition law and improvements in the ease of doing business, respectively. Indian
on their own, acquire the land to set up shop on. As Mr. Lee pointed out, that makes investing in India virtually impossible
industrial parks that Singapore had proposed in the past remain non-starters. The Centre may not be used to such
public plain-speaking, even from Western leaders with longer reform wish lists, but it must take the Prime Ministers cue
Modernising Indias land laws was high on the governments agenda in 2014-15; an ordinance was promulgated thrice to
effect necessary changes till Parliament could pass a law. Global investors were assured that land acquired under the
ordinance would be safe from any subsequent changes to the law. But the Centre wilted in the face of Opposition
resistance. A model land-leasing law formulated by the Niti Aayog was mooted for States to adopt instead, but a billion-
dollar plant is unlikely to come up on leased foundations. Since then, a proposed nuclear plant has moved out from
Gujarat owing to land acquisition problems, Indias largest FDI proposal from South Koreas Posco is all but off, and job
creation has hit a five-year low. India moved up 12 places in the World Banks Ease of Doing Business index last year
and may rise further. But the index is only based on speed of paperwork in Mumbai and Delhi, where there is little space
for big new industries; such rankings dont directly translate into more FDI. The Prime Minister has set a target for India
to reach the top 50 ranks in the index, but getting a construction permit online is no good if large tracts of land cannot be
provided job-creating investment. If the idea to bury the land reform was to secure farmers votes and, in the process,
alternative jobs are not created for the young and those who want to move out of agriculture, castles in the air are all that
will be built.
The United Nations Security Councils broad consensus in >nominating Antnio Guterres for the post of Secretary-
General is an auspicious start to what could be a more assertive UN in wrestling with the many crises of the world. Last
week, 13 of the 15 members of the Council, including the five veto-wielding permanent members, sent the name of the
former Portugal Prime Minister to the General Assembly for final approval. If the Assembly passes his nomination, then
as the UNs ninth Secretary-General Mr. Guterres will have to expediently attend to a number of pressing issues, including
the worsening international refugee crisis and the scourge of terrorism, both in part linked to the debilitating Syrian war.
His experience as the UN High Commissioner for Refugees will come in handy as he goes about negotiating to find
shelter for and rehabilitate refugees from Syria, who at last count numbered well above four million worldwide. At the
UNHCR, Mr. Guterres is said to have focussed on organisational reform and innovation by taking funding out of the
headquarters and pushing more money out to the field. It is clear that he is passionate about the cause of refugees; he
has frequently appealed to the international community over the migrant crisis and has vowed to continue being their
spokesman.
powers on the one hand and Russia and China on the other. Ironically, owing to his very commitment to address the
refugee crises, he may be considered an activist. This could be a recipe for stasis, if not disaster, in any campaign to
broker a peace deal in Syria. Mr. Guterres can ill afford such obstructionism. As an institution, the UN is frequently accused
of being bloated and bureaucratic, and has come under fire over allegations of sexual abuse by its peacekeepers in the
Central African Republic. Although he has a reputation for being an instinctive strategist, Mr. Guterres will have to hand-
pick a capable team of advisers. But has he already struck bargains with China or Russia over who will get some key
political posts? Will he stay true to his promise, made earlier, to ensure that the higher echelons of the UN have 50 per
cent women employees? That goal, set 20 years ago by the UN, is far from being met. In fact, Mr. Guterres own candidacy
came as a disappointment for some, given that there were no fewer than seven women in the race and not one of them
OCT 12/2016
2350 megahertz of telecom spectrum was disappointing. Only seven out of 11 telecom players in India participated, and
there were takers for just around 40 per cent of the prized radio frequency band on offer. In fact, four operators will fork
out 90 per cent of the Centres receipts from this auction, around Rs.66,000 crore, half of which will accrue to the
exchequer this fiscal. That translates into a 43 per cent shortfall from the Budget estimates from spectrum sales for this
year, though Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has pointed out that the inflows from the black money amnesty scheme would
help the Centre balance its books. The official argument is that the poor response is a function of the high indebtedness
(nearly Rs.400,000 crore at last count) of Indias telcos; the latter could, in turn, cite the high base price set by the
government, pegging the potential value of the spectrum at Rs.560,000 crore. Any operator looking to build a national
network using the most efficient spectrum on offer in the 700 MHz band would need over Rs.57,000 crore. Not
has been integral to the countrys growth story in recent years, demonstrating to the world its ability to tap and grow the
domestic market quickly as well as establish a global footprint. But a billion consumers, endless minutes of talk-time a
day and low tariffs are not enough if the quality of service on offer is deteriorating, both in data and voice. In many areas,
networks that should operate at 65 per cent capacity are working at 95 per cent due to high congestion, leading to poor
voice services, as the telecom regulator, R.S. Sharma, noted recently. Despite the new spectrum with telcos, the sheer
volume of voice traffic means that improvements in quality may be marginal. Similar issues plague data traffic. The focus
of the existing telcos strategy for this auction has been to acquire enough spectrum to bolster 4G data services in urban
markets, where they expect tough competition from the new player, Reliance Jio. This could have a bearing on the quality
of connectivity and the reach of several of the governments ambitious programmes, from Digital India to direct benefit
transfer. The government needs to learn from this episode and free the bureaucracy from the fear of the auditor and the
Nobel Prize goes back to the 1970s and 1980s when the foundations of contract theory were being firmed up. Their work
has provided economists the tools to understand interactions between entities in a range of fields, such as the design of
performance incentives in firms and schools, corporate governance, privatisation, constitutional law, and entrepreneur-
investor relationships. The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences highlighted that their contributions to understanding
real-life contracts and institutions, as well as the pitfalls when designing new contracts were crucial. Mr. Holmstrm, in
1979, published a theoretical model and result that significantly enhanced the understanding of risk and incentives in
employer-employee relationships. This was called the informativeness principle, which said performance should be linked
just the outcomes she can effect. Remunerating a manager based on just the share price of her firm will reward and
punish her for factors beyond her control, and a better contract would therefore link managerial compensation to the firms
share price relative to the share prices of other comparable firms. Mr. Harts key contribution to contract theory has been
the notion of incomplete contracts. Not all information is available ex ante; how does a contract allow principals (such as
employers) and agents (such as employees) to negotiate unforeseen situations? The work by Mr. Hart and his colleagues
in this area was cited by the Academy for its breakthrough nature.
The Economics Nobel raises larger questions given the high-profile nature of the subject and the fact that it is the only
social science for which a prize is awarded. Analysis from The Economist and the Nobel organisation shows that of the
77 laureates who shared the 48 economics prizes awarded between 1969 and 2016, all of 38 were U.S. residents and
10 were British. Economic historians Avner Offer and Gabriel Sderberg recently pointed out that while the prize may not
have a significant liberal or conservative bias, only one person has been awarded a prize for social democracy how
governments provide for their people as opposed to hard economics despite social democratic principles governing
how 30 per cent of GDP is allocated in developed countries. Why this has happened is perhaps less important than
pointing out that it has happened, so there is an awareness of what the economics prize is, and what it is not.
OCT 13/2016
What threatened to become a constitutional impasse in Tamil Nadu has been averted with Governor Ch. Vidyasagar
Rao > allocating the portfolios held by the ailing Chief Minister, Jayalalithaa, to her seniormost colleague in the Cabinet,
O. Panneerselvam. He also made it clear that Mr. Panneerselvam will preside over Cabinet meetings. The arrangement,
to continue until Ms. Jayalalithaa resumes her duties, is undoubtedly a pragmatic move, as it addresses the concern
about who is responsible for governance in the interregnum caused by the > Chief Ministers hospitalisation. Mr. Rao
appears to have broached the need for an interim arrangement with representatives of the AIADMK government as soon
as it became clear that Ms. Jayalalithaa would require a prolonged stay in hospital. > Opposition parties were getting
uneasy over the possibility that unelected members of her inner circle could be calling the shots. Perhaps the arrangement
could have been made a few days earlier, if only the ruling party had shown less reluctance to acknowledge the reality
that the Chief Ministers health does not permit her to discharge her duties. It is a matter of satisfaction that the impasse
has ended. Given the constitutional bar on any such inquiry, it will be unwise to question the claim that the present
arrangement has been made as per the advice of the Chief Minister.
Developments in 1984, when Governor S.L. Khurana > reassigned M.G. Ramachandrans portfolios to V.R.
Nedunchezhiyan and asked the latter to preside over Cabinet meetings, constitute a guiding precedent favoured by
several jurists. D.D. Basu says in his Shorter Constitution of India: If the Governor allocates the functions of the Chief
Minister, under Art.166(3), to some other Minister during the temporary absence (say, illness) of the Chief Minister, the
functions of the Chief Minister under the Constitution can be discharged by that other Minister, e.g., to preside over
meetings of the Council of Ministers; to communicate to the Governor the decisions of the Council of Ministers under
Art.167(a); to advise dissolution of the Legislative Assembly under Art.174(2)(b). It is often said that the Constitution is
wisely silent on some aspects, so that constitutional functionaries are not unduly constrained by mere words and may act
effectively to deal with a variety of emergent situations. However, given what has transpired recently in Tamil Nadu, it
may be advisable to adopt the convention that the minister next in seniority to the Chief Minister is automatically
recognised as officiating chief executive when she or he is temporarily unavailable, due to ill-health or otherwise.
> Saudi Arabias 18-month-long military operation in Yemen has been replete with attacks on civilian centres and mass
casualties. But even by recent standards, the horrific strike on a mourning hall in Sanaa on October 8 that left at least
the brutal military campaign in one of the poorest Arab countries has evoked international criticism against the Saudis for
the use of excessive force, even allegations of war crimes. But Saudi Arabia has appeared to pay no heed. Riyadh claims
it is defending the internationally recognised regime of President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi, which operates out of the
southern city of Aden, against Shia Houthi rebels. But while defending a government that doesnt seem to enjoy any
legitimacy at home, Riyadh and its allies have turned Yemen into a humanitarian catastrophe. The UN estimates that
over 10,000 people, mostly civilians, have so far been killed and millions displaced since the Saudi intervention. Besides,
the countrys already poor healthcare system has crumbled and its economy is in a shambles. More than half of Yemens
28 million people do not get enough food, while close to 400,000 children endure severe malnutrition. Even from a
strategic point of view, the Saudi intervention is a disaster. After 18 months of incessant bombing, the Houthis are still
defending their bases, including the capital city, while the Hadi administration operates out of some pockets. Neither the
human suffering nor the futility of the campaign has compelled Saudi Arabia to look for other solutions.
This is because Riyadh sees this war as part of its rivalry with Iran. It considers the Houthis to be agents of Iran, and does
not want Tehran to have a proxy presence in its backyard. But Saudi Arabia cannot be allowed to destroy Yemen further
to defend its narrow geopolitical ambitions. Washington supports the campaign through intelligence-sharing and by vetting
targets. Moreover, the Obama administration announced a $60-billion arms deal for Riyadh months after the Yemen
operation began. It expressed deep concern after the Sanaa bombing, but stopped short of taking any action. The U.S.,
which recently pulled out of the Syria peace talks citing Russias bombing of Aleppo, should ask similar questions of the
Saudis, and use its ties with Riyadh to find a diplomatic solution to the Yemen crisis. What Yemen needs is an immediate
ceasefire between the Houthis and the Saudis, followed by talks involving all parties, not more bombings.
OCT 14/2016
Over the last century, the >Nobel Prize in Literature has sprung its fair share of surprises. In 1950, for instance, the prize
went to the philosopher Bertrand Russell, who quickly followed this up with two books of awkward and astoundingly
pedestrian short stories, written and published almost as if they were intended to justify the award. The trend has since
Transtromer in 2011, the oft-banned Chinese >Mo Yan in 2012, Canadian short story writer >Alice Munro in 2013, French
novelist >Patrick Modiano in 2014 and Belarusian journalist >Svetlana Alexievich , who has mined oral histories
extensively for her non-fiction work on life in the Soviet Union, last year. Singer-songwriter Bob Dylan, a long shot in the
Nobel sweepstakes for years, is this years delightfully idiosyncratic choice, for having created new poetic expressions
While the purists might be aghast, what possibly clinched it for the 75-year-old is that he isnt just another musician with
a five-decades-plus career. His lyrics almost bordering on the philosophical when he asks some weighty questions
about peace and war in his 1962 hit, Blowin in the Wind chronicled Sixties Americas angst, marking him out as a
counterculture icon although Dylan himself would later deny having lent his voice to a generation. Like his contemporary
Leonard Cohen, Dylan also wrote in a manner that made listeners, almost contradictorily, both engage and distance
themselves from the music. In his hands the music and the lyrics merged and separated, urging us to respond to his
songwriting as melody and rhythm, at one level, and as sheer poetry at another. His role as an influential modern English
poet has been underrated, despite his profoundly personal odes about war, peace, love and closure. So has been his
contribution to the evolution of modern music forms few, for instance, would trace rap musics seeds in Dylans 51-
year-old classic advisory for young adults, Subterranean Homesick Blues. With every passing decade, he has reinvented
himself with a unique ability to stir hope in listeners even while plumbing the depths of darkness in his themes. If Dylans
body of work were to be compared to any one piece of art, Pablo Picassos Guernicaperhaps comes closest. Like the
beam of sunlight on a solitary flower in a slain soldiers hands in the depressing scene of the Spanish town destroyed by
war, Dylan still brings hope in a world going increasingly awry. And thats worth a Nobel.
Do smaller units make for better administration? It is no surprise that Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao
thinks so. After all, that was an important reason for the movement demanding the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh and
statehood for Telangana. But it is a telling commentary on the development so far, that people geographically removed
from the district headquarters feel a sense of alienation from centres of power. Actually, Chief Minister Chandrasekhar
Rao originally intended to create just 14 new districts; this was one of the election promises for the 2014 polls. Later, on
the basis of the report of a Cabinet subcommittee, a draft notification was issued for 17 new districts. But after fresh
demands from sections of the people, the > Chief Minister finally settled on 21 new districts for a total of 31. Also, 25
additional revenue divisions, 125 new mandals, four new police commissionerates, 23 new police subdivisions, 28 new
circles and 91 more police stations have been carved out. The new units could facilitate better monitoring of government
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Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) is just this: an even spread of resources, and local inputs into
framing of development work. A bottom-up approach to development that allows local stakeholders greater say in
decision-making on issues directly affecting their lives is certainly welcome, if undertaken after studying the cost to benefit
ratio.
But the governments reasons for creating new districts morphed from administrative to political. The decision to increase
the number of districts was taken following the spiralling of an agitation in Jangaon, Sircilla and Gadwal. Undivided Andhra
Pradesh had fewer districts. Alongside the benefits in terms of ease of governance of smaller districts, there are costs to
be borne: creation of additional administrative infrastructure, transfer of personnel, and replication of paperwork. The Rs.
1 crore sanctioned for each district for initial arrangements will hardly suffice. At present, the existing staff are being
redeployed, and existing buildings are being utilised for administrative purposes. But in the longer term the State will have
to incur huge expenditure to create administrative infrastructure in each new district headquarters town. Increasing
bureaucratic work at the village level will not automatically lead to better governance outcomes. The Chief Minister must
use this opportunity to involve local communities in all decision-making on the development road map in their areas.
OCT 15/2016
A big foreign policy challenge awaiting the next U.S. President is the > frosty relationship with an angry, resurgent
Russia. Talk about a post-Cold War partnership between the worlds two greatest military powers is now a thing of the
past. It looks like a throwback to the Cold War days with Russia and the U.S. fighting a proxy war in Ukraine, > leading
two competing military operations in Syria and raising allegations and counter-allegations on a host of issues, ranging
from human rights violations and breaking international norms to interfering in each others domestic politics. Tensions
came to a head this month when the U.S. pulled out of talks with Russia over the Syria conflict. This was immediately
after President Vladimir Putin abandoned a key nuclear disarmament treaty with Washington, demanding the removal of
sanctions on Moscow. If the belligerence and intransigence both countries display are any indication, international politics
is set to get a lot more murky. There could be several triggers for this escalation, but the real problem is that the Cold
War-era mistrust between Washington and Moscow was never really buried. Friction has been increasingly evident on
the watch of President Putin, as he pursues an aggressive foreign policy framed around what he regards as Russian
interests. This happened in Georgia in 2008, Ukraine in 2014 and Syria the year after. In turn, the Obama administrations
coercive diplomacy in dealing with Russias aggression has widened the rift. The > suspension of Russia from the G8
moved Moscow farther away from the West, while sanctions negated the goodwill built, since the 1990s, between Moscow
To be sure, Russia is a shadow of what the Soviet Union was at its peak. Its economy is struggling in the wake of the
slump in oil prices. Its currency is in a free fall. Its geopolitical influence is largely limited to the Central Asia and Caucasus.
And its foreign policy doesnt have any high moral groundthe interference in Ukraine was a direct threat to the modern
international system, while in Syria its defending a brutal regime thats accused of killing its own citizens. But in an
international system largely dominated by the U.S., Russia, still an extremely consequential military power, remains the
key player whose cooperation is necessary to resolve several of todays crises. Treating it as a rogue nation or trying to
isolate and weaken it through sanctions and other means could only be counterproductive. The >Iran nuclear deal shows
that even the most complex international issues could be resolved if Russia and the U.S. work together with creative
diplomacy. Ideally, that should set the model for U.S.-Russia partnership.
The overcrowding of prisons in the country is a long-standing problem that is seldom addressed effectively. Even though
the Supreme Court has, from time to time, raised the issue of prison reforms in general, and that of overcrowding in
particular, measures to decongest jails have been sporadic and half-hearted. The issue is once again in the news, with
the Supreme Court bemoaning that prisons in Delhi and nine States have an >occupancy rate of 150 per cent of their
capacity . The average occupancy in all jails in the country was 117.4 per cent, as of December 31, 2014. What makes
the picture bleaker is that there is little change even though the court has passed a series of interim orders to the States
on measures to decongest prisons. In particular, the court had on February 5 and May 6 this year spelt out steps that the
authorities should take to reduce prison occupancy. Cramped conditions in prison militate against the prisoners right to
good health and dignity. Further, as pointed out by the amicus curiae in this case, an excessive prison population creates
problems of hygiene, sanitation, management and discipline. Of equal concern are the available staff strength and the
It is unedifying to note that not one State or Union Territory has bothered to prepare a plan of action, as directed by the
court five months ago, to reduce crowding and to augment infrastructure so that more space is available to each prisoner.
The court received some information about proposals for constructing additional jails, but has found that these are only ad
hoc proposals, with no indication of either a time frame or the resources provided for building these facilities. The courts
sense of disquiet is understandable, as many States seem to ignore the obvious mismatch between the extent to which
they keep the law and order machinery active and the space and resources provided for those jailed under such action.
Last year, it was found that a little over two-thirds of Indias prisoners were undertrials. Poverty remains the main reason
for this, as most prisoners are unable to execute bail bonds or provide sureties. Since 2014, there is some effort to invoke
Section 436A of the Code of Criminal Procedure, under which >undertrials who have completed half of the maximum jail
term specified for their offences may be released on personal bonds. But much more needs to be done. Failing to address
the problem of crowded jails may prove costly for the administration of criminal justice.
OCT 17/2016
Although it took seven years to come to fruition, the Kigali agreement to amend the Montreal Protocol and substantially
limit the emission of hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs) that contribute to global warming represents major progress. The
important role played by this group of chemicals, used in refrigeration and air conditioning, is evident from the scientific
estimate that without a mitigation plan, HFCs could warm the world by an additional half a degree Celsius by the end of
the century. As with other such global compacts on environmental matters, India pressed for a more lenient deadline at
the Rwanda negotiations. Ultimately, it agreed to start freezing HFC use in 2028, four years later than its peer club
welcome contrast, however, India has ordered the manufacturers of HFC 23 a by-product of another chemical used in
refrigerant gas manufacture and with a staggeringly high contribution to global warming to now capture and dispose
of it at their own cost. The decision is of particular significance, considering the expansion of refrigeration and air
conditioning in India with a rise in incomes, leading to higher levels of HFC release into the atmosphere.
One of the questions before India in its implementation of Montreal Protocol commitments is the need to align its goals
for Make in India with green technologies in order to remain competitive in global markets. Inducting alternatives to
HFCs, such as hydrocarbons, ammonia and carbon dioxide, in the relevant industries should happen sooner than
anticipated and possibly become even attractive as the cost of technologies falls. The changeover is actually an
opportunity to achieve a leapfrog effect. The imperative, in any case, should be environmental. It is worth recalling that
the Vienna Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer adopted in 1985 (operationalised later by the Montreal
Protocol) followed a phase when major producers of chlorofluorocarbons, the earlier generation of refrigerants, tried to
discredit the link between the chemicals and the developing problem of the ozone hole. Persistent and credible science,
however, swayed public and political opinion in favour of a phase-out of CFCs. As with the Paris Agreement on climate
change, which is strengthened by the Kigali amendments, developing countries will legitimately expect rich countries to
aid them as they seek to acquire green technologies for industrial use. Given the impact of global warming, countries and
people who have historically never been part of the problem should not have to argue their case for liberal assistance.
o Fruition - the result that you wanted to achieve from a plan or idea
o Amend - to make changes to a document, law, agreement etc, especially
in order to improve it
o Protocol - a set of rules
o Substantially - to a large degree
o Emission - a substance, especially a gas, that goes into the air
o Global warming - the slow increase in the temperature of the Earth
caused by gases such as carbon dioxide that are collecting in the air
around the earth and stopping heat escaping into space
o Evident - easy to see, notice, or understand
o Mitigation - a reduction in the harmful effects of something
o Pressed - to be in a difficult situation because you do not have enough
time, money, space, etc
o Lenient - not as serious or strong in punishment or judgment as would
be expected
o Deadline - a specific time or date by which you have to do something
o Negotiations - formal discussions in which people or groups try to reach
an agreement, especially in a business or political situation
o Ultimately - after a process or activity has ended
o Contrast - a noticeable difference between people or things
o Refrigerant - a substance used for refrigeration (cooling)
o Staggering - very shocking and surprising
o Dispose - to get rid of something that you no longer need or want
o Significance - importance
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If there is one thing that the ruling Left Democratic Front in Kerala cannot afford, it is tolerance of corruption and nepotism.
The resignation of E.P. Jayarajan as Industries Minister, following charges of nepotism, brought to a quick end what could
have turned out to be a major political embarrassment for Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan. After having come to power
attacking the Congress-led United Democratic Front over a string of scandals, Mr. Vijayan could not allow himself to be
seen as endorsing acts of indiscretion by his Minister especially since Mr. Jayarajan is from Kannur, the same district
as Mr. Vijayan, and is considered a loyalist. Once it became clear that Mr. Jayarajan had favoured his relatives in
appointments to State public sector undertakings, he stood politically isolated within the party. Indeed, it was not only the
national leadership of the CPI(M), but Mr. Vijayan as well who was keen on containing the controversy in its nascence.
Even before the meeting of the State Secretariat of the party discussed the issue, the Chief Minister said, in a post on his
Facebook page, that the Chief Secretary had been asked to probe allegations of nepotism. Also, the Vigilance and Anti-
Corruption Bureau decided to initiate a quick verification of the charges. Mr. Jayarajans defence was more in the nature
of an explanation: that he was being targeted for acting against corruption in the industries department. Letting the issue
to fester would have resulted in criticism from within the CPI(M) as well as the opposition. The partys decision to ask Mr.
The CPI(M) would like to contrast the quick, quiet exit of Mr. Jayarajan with the reluctance of UDF ministers to step down
in the face of inquiries instituted against them. That it had to deal with one of its own ministers, and not a member of an
allied party, helped in the speedy resolution of the issue. In the bar bribery case, in which Kerala Congress (M) leader
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serious loss to the administration. If anything, he had been an embarrassment on at least two previous occasions. First,
in a faux pas, when asked to give his comments on the death of Muhammad Ali, he described the boxing icon as a Kerala
sportsman. On another occasion, he took on long jumper Anju Bobby George, who was then heading the Kerala Sports
Council, questioning the concessions extended to her by the previous government. Ms. George accused him of insulting
her, and resigned. In asking Mr. Jayarajan to go, the CPI (M) had nothing to lose, and a lot to hold on to.
OCT 18/2016
Over a period of 48 hours, India hosted leaders of the five-nation BRICS as well as the seven-nation BIMSTEC (Bay of
Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation), which together represent two-thirds of humanity
and more than a quarter of the worlds growth. While BIMSTEC has geographical moorings, BRICS is a unique
organisation of countries that came together in 2006 not because of geography, history or wealth, but because of their
promise as key emerging economies. While the promise has faded, their ability to grab the worlds attention and
challenge the old order is still unmatched, as Russia, India, China, Brazil and South Africa remain leaders in their
respective regions. What they say on financial systems, development initiatives, sharing of resources like water, oil,
precious minerals and land, as well as battling climate change and poverty has a wide-ranging impact. It is, therefore,
unfortunate that the outcome of the BRICS summit and the outreach to BIMSTEC countries has been popularly
condensed into what they had to say on a single issue: terrorism, with only a few paragraphs out of the 109-para Goa
Declaration dominating the discourse. The domestic context is partially responsible. Even before the Uri attack, New Delhi
had embarked on a diplomatic mission to isolate Pakistan by raising the issue of terrorism emanating from its soil at
international fora the campaign escalated after the deaths at the Uri Army camp. As a result, Indias interventions at
the G-20 summit in China, the ASEAN summits in Laos, the UN General Assembly, the Non-Aligned Movement meet in
Venezuela, and elsewhere resounded with outrage with Pakistans continued cross-border adventurism.
Given this success, New Delhi would have done better to bring the spotlight in Goa back to its own declared goals of
building economies and bringing prosperity in the region. A united message to the rich world on a more equitable
distribution of global resources, deployment of the New Development Bank and climate change was in order. However,
in his speech on the outcomes of the BRICS deliberations, Prime Minister Narendra Modi chose to anchor his remarks
on concerns about cross-border terrorism that werent entirely reflected in the final Goa Declaration. Officials may well
explain it away as a lack of consensus in the grouping, suggesting that China influenced the moderation of the eventual
text. However, the single-issue focus also reflects a failure on the part of the Centre in forging a larger, more broad-based
The recent arrests of several people in Tamil Nadu on charges of spreading rumours about the health of Chief Minister
Jayalalithaa are a cause for serious concern. While the State police might have its reasons to worry about threats to
public order in the wake of wild rumours circulating on social media, arresting so many people reflects a heavy-
handedness and a failure to distinguish between unfounded speculation and motivated trouble-mongering. Nearly a
month after the Chief Ministers unfortunate hospitalisation on September 22, the people of Tamil Nadu know very little
about her health, other than the details released through sparsely-worded hospital bulletins. Given that there has been
no official word from the State government, it is not entirely unnatural that her extended stay in hospital has led to people
speculating about her ill-health some of them owe allegiance to rival political parties. To arrest people on charges of
posting WhatsApp or Facebook messages is a gross abuse of authority. Not surprisingly, it has led people to believe that
such action betrays the State governments desperation to prevent any conversation that is at odds with the overly cheerful
statements put out by AIADMK functionaries and sanitised press releases. If the government is keen on curtailing
rumours, it would do better by keeping people updated regularly on the broad state of the Chief Ministers health, a matter
The arrest of two employees of a bank in Coimbatore is particularly unsettling, as the police went solely by the word of
an AIADMK functionary. Neither the CCTV footage nor the testimony of other bank employees suggests any attempt on
the part of those arrested to disrupt public order or, even, spread rumours. Even if the two employees did speak of the
Chief Ministers health condition, the conversation constituted a private exchange it cannot be compared to posts on
social media, even if many of these posts were just as innocuous. If causing public unrest is the real concern, what are
the police doing about the thousands of AIADMK workers who are making a public ritual of their prayers and offerings for
the Chief Minister to return to good health? Criminal intimidation, public mischief are sections of the law that have been
used by police, at the behest of overenthusiastic political bosses, on the basis of a mistaken sense of personal loyalty to
Ms. Jayalalithaa. At a time when there is a groundswell of sympathy for Ms. Jayalalithaas condition, and hope that she
recovers from her illness, such acts dont reflect well on those currently in charge of the State administration.
OCT 19/2016
The Centres categorical stand that personal laws should be in conformity with the Constitution will be of immense
assistance to the Supreme Court in determining the validity of practices such as triple talaq and polygamy. By arguing
that such practices impact adversely on the right of women to a life of dignity, the Centre has raised the question whether
constitutional protection given to religious practices should extend even to those that are not in compliance with
fundamental rights. The distinction between practices essential or integral to a particular religion, which are protected
under Article 25, a provision that seeks to preserve the freedom to practise and propagate any religion, and those that go
against the concepts of equality and dignity, which are fundamental rights, is something that the court will have to carefully
evaluate while adjudicating the validity of the Muslim practices under challenge. From the point of view of the fundamental
rights of those affected, mostly women, there is a strong case for these practices to be invalidated. The idea that personal
laws of religions should be beyond the scope of judicial review, and that they are not subject to the Constitution, is
inherently abhorrent. The affidavit in which the All India Muslim Personal Law Board sought to defend triple talaq and
polygamy is but an execrable summary of the patriarchal notions entrenched in conservative sections of society.
This is not the first time that aspects of Muslim personal law have come up for judicial adjudication. On triple talaq, courts
have adopted the view that Islam does not sanction divorce without reason or any attempt at reconciliation, and that talaq
would not be valid unless some conditions are fulfilled. There are judgments that say the presence of witnesses during
the pronouncement of talaq, sound reasons for the husband to seek a divorce and some proof that an attempt was made
for conciliation are conditions precedent for upholding a divorce. The present petition before the Supreme Court seeks a
categorical ruling that talaq-e-bidat an irrevocable form of triple talaq that is permitted but considered undesirable in
Islam is unconstitutional. There are many who contend that instant divorce is not allowed, and that the triple talaq has
to be spread over a specified time period, during which there are two opportunities to revoke it. Only the articulation of
the third makes it irrevocable. It should be possible for the court to test these practices for compliance with the
Constitution.
on Monday throws up the question: what lessons were learnt from the > AMRI Hospital fire in Kolkata that claimed over
90 victims five years ago? Was the hospital fire fighting system activated immediately and were emergency measures
taken to evacuate patients? These and other aspects of the incident must be addressed by an impartial investigation. If
each deadly fire in a medical facility provided lessons in hindsight, Indias hospitals should be witnessing fewer events
annually, with a sharp decline in casualties. That would follow the global trend, as causes of hospital fires are understood
better, and regulations tightened for safety of patients, their families, visitors and staff. There is also insight within the
country on why fires in hospitals could be particularly fierce. One study by IIT Kharagpur engineers points to enrichment
of the local environment by oxygen leaks, which sets off fires in thin plastics. The National Building Code is specific,
requiring hospitals to have horizontal evacuation exits for bedridden patients and sprinkler systems for structures of
Prevention of fires and emergency response are not high priorities in India, viewed by the Centre as a municipal function
under State governments. With a steady decline in the enforcement of urban regulations and building plans, fire risks
have multiplied in public buildings. It will take enormous political will and active judicial oversight to enforce best practices
and rein in violators. Meanwhile, patients and visitors could get a modicum of risk protection and suitable compensation
if all institutions offering any form of medical care are compulsorily required to be insured against disasters. Such a
regulation would make a hospital insurable only if it installs good quality fire warning and control systems. There are
reports that not enough could be done in the SUM Hospital fire to move patients away quickly, as the blaze spread and
affected vulnerable people receiving intensive care. It is also believed there were not enough ambulances available to
shift the patients out. Such evacuation is not the responsibility of the hospital alone, it is also the local administrations.
Looking ahead, the Centre and State governments should address fire risk in medical institutions as a top order priority.
This can be achieved by understanding the hazard, adopting the right infrastructure, enforcing the building code, and
OCT 20/2016
A video released by film-maker Karan Johar pledging not to work with talent from the neighbouring country is obviously
a last-ditch attempt to salvage his forthcoming production, Ae Dil Hai Mushkil. With the effect of a Rorschach test, Johars
pitch can be read in divergent ways. At one level, as an outright capitulation to the mob, angrily led in Mumbai by the
Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, as well as to a wider audience currently consumed by a low-grade intolerance of anything
Pakistani. At another, as a cleverly coded defence of a film starring Pakistani actor Fawad Khan by drawing attention to
the labour of 300 Indians on the project who face unfair rejection. Either way, the larger issue is the ease with which a
boycott of people from a particular country is enforced, so that everyone is intimidated into falling in line to a Tebbit-like
test. Mumbai has, of course, long kept Pakistani sportspersons at bay. Three years ago, the Pakistani womens cricket
team at the World Cup had be shifted out to Cuttack, diminishing not just Mumbai, but India itself for the failure to uphold
the spirit of sport essential to a liberal democracy. Last year, even Pakistani umpires and television commentators were
team fielded Sri Lankan cricketers in Indian Premier League matches in Chennai.
But the current, post-Uri rash of objections to Pakistani artists is widespread concerts have been cancelled from
Gurgaon to Bengaluru, and the airwaves crackle regularly with some film or sport personality averring to keep apart from
his Pakistani counterparts. However, it would be under-reading the challenge to Indias syncretic legacy if the political
silence around such boycotts was not highlighted. It is not enough for officials at the Centre to say that there is no change
in the visa policy for Pakistani citizens. When the political leadership in government and in Opposition does not take
the lead in persuading the silent majority that barriers to cultural and academic exchange are undemocratic and represent
a closure of the Indian mind, it renders vulnerable the scattered individuals who are willing to stand up to bullying. On
Pakistan, the ambivalent attitude to snapping cultural ties highlights important foreign policy questions. Do we use Indias
incredible soft power to win over Pakistanis and others to the ideals of democracy, liberalism, secularism, syncretism for
the greater good of the neighbourhood? Or do we reduce all people-to-people contact to unrelenting enmity?
After losing Tikrit in April 2015 and Fallujah in June 2016, the Islamic State has been left with little territory under its
control in Iraq. Mosul, the countrys second largest city, is its last significant bastion. It was where its leader Abu Bakr al-
Baghdadi declared a caliphate in June 2014. And it was the ability of the IS to establish territorial control and run an
administration that qualitatively separated it from other radical jihadi groups such as al-Qaeda. The capture of Mosul
symbolised its effectiveness in combat against a weakly organised Iraqi army and a sectarian Iraqi state, then under
Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. When a coalition of Iraqi armed forces, the Kurdish Peshmerga, Shia militia groups
supported by U.S.-led air strikes and other special forces marched on Mosul on Monday, the long-planned offensive to
defeat the IS decisively was finally put into action. The plan is for the Peshmerga and the militias to barricade the city
from the east and south, respectively, while counter-terrorism forces and police enter the city, engage in street battles
and secure it, leading to final capture. It will not be easy, even if the IS is a much weakened force compared to what it
was in 2014.
The offensive to dislodge the estimated 5,000 IS fighters is expected to last many weeks. Visuals and reports filtering out
from the battle zone already point to the large-scale use of suicide bombers in armoured trucks and cars taking on the
coalition's tanks and advance forces. The million or so residents of Mosul the Sunni Arabs among them in particular
who bore the excesses of the sectarian attacks led by Mr. al-Malikis government are ready to rebel against the IS, but
are wary of the Shia militias. This suggests that a military victory over the IS will not suffice, and the Mosul operation
would be a test of the Iraqi governments capacity to mend the sectarian conflict that enabled the rise of the IS in the first
welcomed by Baghdad, as Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi has called this a transgression of Iraqi sovereignty. The
international efforts in this operation are focused towards providing air support to the Iraqi forces beyond the planning but
this must not be limited to the military battle alone. The United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) expects a million
people to be displaced during the conflict and requires international funding to help organise shelter for them. It is
necessary for the UN to look ahead to ease the humanitarian crisis that could follow after the Mosul battle and help Iraq
in its reconstruction.
OCT 21/2016
The outcomes of the latest meeting of the Council tasked with steering the Goods and Services Tax regime are worrying.
For one, it leaves the Centre hard-pressed to meet its intended deadline for the new indirect tax regime, April 1, 2017.
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley had set a November 22 target to resolve all operational issues with State representatives
in the Council so that the rates and implementation modalities could be codified into law and passed by Parliament in the
winter session. When it met for the first time in late September, things appeared to be on track, with the Council agreeing
almost unanimously on technicalities such as the turnover thresholds for firms to be covered under the GST and the
division of administrative control over tax assessees between the Centre and the States. A time-bound road map to
finalise remaining details, such as the tax rates, compensation for States in case of revenue loss under the new system,
as well as the legislative actions required in Parliament and the State Assemblies, was also agreed upon.
As the winter session approaches, that spirit of cooperation has evaporated: the Council has agreed on precious little,
including the tax rates proposed by the Centre. Worse, the pact reached earlier on administrative control of manufacturing
sector assessees has unravelled with States raising fresh concerns. The proposal to subsume in the GST all cess levies,
several of them introduced by the present NDA government, has been discarded. This was a critical part of the official
GST pitch and was backed by the Council in September. But now the Finance Ministry is keen on an additional cess on
ultra-luxury and sin goods to fund compensation for States losing revenue. It has suggested a cess may be better than
the 40 per cent slab for demerit goods, mooted by a committee led by Chief Economic Advisor Arvind Subramanian along
with two other slabs of 12 per cent and 17-18 per cent. With a four-tier GST rate structure, a 4 per cent tax on gold (in
line with the CEAs advice), in addition to some exemptions that would be granted as tax refunds, topped with the new
cess to compensate States, the new regime could well just be old wine in a new bottle, from the taxpayers perspective.
Mr. Jaitley has explained that the rate proposals are meant to prevent a spurt in retail inflation. But to bring about
convergence with States at the Councils next meetings in November and bring its showcase reform item back on track,
degenerated into disrespectful interruptions, unashamed baiting, and abrasive name-calling as the third and final debate
between Democrat Hillary Clinton and Republican Donald Trump came to a frosty end. With less than three weeks to go
before the election, the campaigns saw explosive revelations about both candidates. This included disturbing evidence
of Mr. Trump boasting about groping women without their consent, allegations of such behaviour and sexual assault by
at least nine women, and an avalanche of confidential emails of Ms. Clintons campaign released by WikiLeaks that
underscored her proximity to deep-pocketed Wall Street donors. Yet, even as these damning facts have tumbled into the
public domain and the degree of hostility has soared, they have probably done little to swing the election dramatically in
either direction. Ms. Clinton was leading by a little over two percentage points across an average of major head-to-head
polls around the time of the first debate. Her margin grew to over 6.5 per cent after the Access Hollywood tapes of Mr.
Trumps offensive remarks. Most poll simulation models predict she is well-positioned to capture the minimum of 270
electoral college votes that are necessary to secure the presidency, principally owing to her likely success in the swing
States.
However, the electorate is plagued by intractable, bitter polarisation that is beginning to rot the core ideals of a tolerant,
pluralistic democracy. Even a resounding Clinton victory in terms of electoral college votes would beg the question
whether she will be able to bring on board her stoutly Democratic agenda, given the vast number of middle class and
poor Americans, many of them white, who may not have voted for her. To achieve her goals will she not be compelled to
mend fences with the discredited mainstream Republican Party leadership that will be busy trying to rehabilitate itself
after Hurricane Donald passes? Ms. Clinton, if she finds herself in the White House, will have to strike a multitude of
bargains across the policy positions that Americans disagree most stridently on: the economy, job-creation and the role
of the government, national debt and tax cuts, Medicare and Social Security, immigration and border control, womens
reproductive rights, race relations, and a range of foreign policy issues. In the vitiated atmosphere of the third debate, the
candidates touched upon all of these issues, yet neither enunciated a new approach or even hinted at a desire to build
OCT 22/2016
Given how little the Congress stands to lose in the elections to the Uttar Pradesh Assembly, the defection of its former
State unit chief, Rita Bahuguna Joshi, to the Bharatiya Janata Party should not have caused a flutter. She had already
been ignored by the partys new team in leading the election campaign in the State. Even in her glory days, she had
drawn her power from little more than her proximity to the Gandhi family. What she brings to the BJP, besides
embarrassing the Congress, is therefore uncertain. In fact, the Congress will be watched less for the organisational loss
her switch may cause and more for the manner in which it responds to her betrayal. In diverse ways, all four political
parties in the fray are being compelled to clarify the organising principles that set them apart. For the Congress, as it picks
up the gauntlet with little expectation of electoral success but an overriding ambition to use the stage to demonstrate its
capacity to influence the electoral debate, Ms. Joshis flight poses the questions: What weight do Gandhi family loyalists
carry in party affairs? What is the Congress willing to do to show that it can democratise itself and loosen the hold of the
high command?
Family loyalty has taken on a particularly contentious turn in the ruling Samajwadi Party, with readings of the shift in the
fortunes of Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav and his many uncles changing by the week. The extent to which the SP
patriarch, Mulayam Singh Yadav, can cohesively accommodate the jostling ambitions of his sons, brothers and others is
uncertain, in the midst of rumours that Akhilesh Yadav may branch out and launch his own party. The BJP, for its part,
appears to be unequal to the opportunity of deepening the development narrative that helped it sweep U.P. in the 2014
Lok Sabha election; it seems to be falling back on Hindutva polarisation to rally its cadres. In what is perceived as a
political signal, Union Tourism Minister Mahesh Sharma has announced a Ramayana museum near the disputed site in
Ayodhya, while western U.P. continues to simmer with communal tension. The Bahujan Samaj Party may be abandoning
and Dalits, a return to its founding agenda. The rethink is perhaps forced by its performance in 2014, when the party failed
to win a single Lok Sabha seat despite polling nearly 20 per cent of the total vote in U.P. Clearly for all four parties, 2017
The latest GDP data from China show the worlds second-largest economy seemingly in good health. Third-quarter
growth was 6.7 per cent, reflecting the governments continued pump priming by way of increased spending, and a robust
property market. That the headline number came in exactly at the same reading as the previous two quarters also signals
a level of almost unnatural stability in the economys performance as expansion has hovered around 7 per cent or very
close to it for the last nine quarters, ensuring that there has been no hard landing as the key global growth engine slows.
Earlier this decade the Chinese government began a rebalancing of the economy by shifting the focus away from a
production and export-led model to an increasingly domestic consumption and services reliant one; it has had some
success in this with consumption contributing 71 per cent of GDP growth in the first three quarters of 2016. Still, the high
level of government spending and the mounting debt core debt as a percentage of GDP exceeded 250 per cent in the
first quarter according to data compiled by the Bank for International Settlements are causes for concern. With the
state leading investment in infrastructure as a means to stabilise growth, public spending climbed 12.5 per cent in the
nine-month period, widening the nations fiscal deficit. But it is the pace and size of the overall credit expansion that have
In a working paper titled Resolving Chinas Corporate Debt Problem, the IMF has cited international experiences with
similar-sized credit booms to caution that China increasingly risks facing slower growth or a disruptive adjustment unless
it acts quickly. With both scenarios fraught with danger, Chinese planners will be cognisant of the social costs a sudden,
sharper slowdown can extract. Japans economic doldrums since its lost decade at the end of the last century is a primer
of what could ensue from such an economic slowing. That leaves Beijing with the unenviable choice of determining the
contours of the adjustment that would need to be implemented post-haste to address the precipitous debt overhang. The
is addressed promptly, but the window is closing quickly. Their prescription includes the political will to identify companies
in financial distress, unmindful of whether they are state-owned or private, and standards to get lenders to acknowledge
the true levels of bad loans. Steering a large ship through a course-changing turn with precision is never easy, and
ensuring that the $10-trillion economy stays on its feet while rebalancing could prove a challenge.
OCT 24/2016
The challenges of a rapidly urbanising world and of providing people with equal opportunities in cities were the central
themes at the just-concluded UN Conference on Housing and Sustainable Urban Development, Habitat III, in Quito,
Ecuador. As a once-in-a-generation event, the Habitat conference sets a guiding compass for member-countries for the
next 20 years, and attracts wide governmental and civil society participation. Yet, the process has to be strengthened to
evaluate how countries have fared since the two previous conferences on issues such as reducing urban inequality,
improving access to housing and sanitation, mobility, and securing the rights of women, children, older adults and people
with disability. Moreover, as services come to occupy a dominant place in the urban economy, the divide between highly
paid professionals and low-wage workers, the majority, has become pronounced. All these trends are relevant to India,
where 31 per cent of the population and 26 per cent of the workforce was urban according to Census 2011, with more
people moving to cities and towns each year. Urban governance policies, although mainly in the domain of the States,
must be aligned with national commitments on reduction of carbon emissions under the Paris Agreement, and to achieve
Indias ambition to harness science and data for orderly urbanisation is articulated in a set of policy initiatives, chiefly the
Smart Cities Mission and the Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation. There is little evidence so far that
industrial technologies. Today, these conflicts are reflected in the lack of adequate parks and public spaces, suitable land
for informal workers who offer services in a city, egalitarian and non-polluting mobility options and new approaches to
low-cost housing. In the national report prepared for the Quito conference, the Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty
Alleviation identified subsidised redevelopment of slums (which represented 17 per cent of urban households in 2011)
involving private agencies, and low-cost, disaster-resistant, prefabricated constructions as key to the Housing for All
policy. This important programme should be pursued with a vigorous annual review that ranks States on the basis of
performance. The Centre should also take its own National Urban Transport Policy on developing cities around mobility
networks seriously, and liberate cities from the tyranny of traffic. UN Habitat plans to review country-level progress on its
New Urban Agenda in Kuala Lumpur in 2018. Indias performance on improving the quality of life in its cities will be
watched.
Last weeks sale of $ 17.5 billion worth of sovereign bonds by Saudi Arabia, a record for an emerging market, was no ordinary
affair. The sale is part of a series of measures the country is taking to extricate itself from a sticky situation a deeply entrenched
structural dependence on oil in a world of persistently low oil prices, which went from over $110 a barrel in 2012 to below $30 at the
start of 2016. This has, not surprisingly, had consequences for the kingdom, most of whose revenues come from oil. It posted a record
$98-billion budget deficit, or 16 per cent of GDP, in 2015, and is expected to grow at rates less than half of last years, according to
the International Monetary Fund. Riyadh is only too aware of its precarious position. It has moved away from a pump at will policy
at OPEC, one designed to keep U.S. shale oil in check but that ended up hurting its own economy by pushing down oil prices.
Consequently, at next months OPEC meeting Saudi Arabia is likely to accept output cuts, even though these cuts may not apply to
its arch-rival Iran. It has also decreased government spending, cut public wages and bonuses, and plans an IPO of Saudi Aramco, the
state oil producer, as part of Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salmans Vision 2030 reform plan. For now, the bond sale will
help close its budget gap and take pressure off its approximately $550 billion foreign exchange reserves.
The success of the debt issue, oversubscribed with orders totalling $67 billion, is due to three main factors. First, despite the high
price of the bonds and the long-term economic and geopolitical risks associated with Saudi Arabia, the yields looked attractive in the
context of low interest rates in developed economies. Second, oil prices have increased since the beginning of the year and are in the
region of $50 a barrel. Third, the kingdoms salesmen are reported to have made a solid pitch on the bond roadshow, addressing
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term risks remain for the kingdom, notwithstanding the markets response to its bonds. A movement towards cleaner fuels and the
countrys involvement in wars in Syria and Yemen pose serious risks to its stability. As the era of oil starts drawing to a close, Saudi
Arabia, which has so far ignored the moral case for a gentler, more gender-equitable and open society, may now be forced to be drawn
OCT 25/2016
The data breach at 19 Indian banks that has led to more than 32 lakh debit cards being blocked or recalled is a wake-up
call for the banking industry. While the actual number of complaints received so far, 641, and the sum of money that
appears to have been fraudulently withdrawn, Rs.1.3 crore, are both small relative to the scale of the potential data theft,
it is disconcerting that it has taken almost six months for the system to officially acknowledge the incidents and initiate
steps to address them. It is all the more galling since the Reserve Bank of India and its top officials have been urging
bankers for quite some time to accord urgent priority to cyber security. A private bank appears to have been a point of
entry for the data criminals who, according to reports, may have infiltrated using malware at ATMs operated by a third-
party payment services vendor. The National Payments Corporation of India has been coordinating investigations into
the incident, and a forensic audit is expected to reveal preliminary findings soon. For the government and the banking
regulator, much is at stake as the two have sought to move in concert to harness the digital revolution to advance socio-
economic policy objectives. These include increasing financial inclusion, better targeting of subsidies through the direct
benefit payments model, improving economic efficiency by lowering transaction costs, and moving toward a cashless
economy so as to reduce the circulation of black money and curb tax evasion.
In this context, former RBI Governor Raghuram Rajans comment at a recent banking technology conference is
instructive: Payment systems are the plumbing of the financial system; so long as there is no leakage or clogging, we
are unaware of their functioning. But when they do back up, the situation becomes catastrophic quickly. With banks in
India having embraced technological change, the onus is on them to integrate inter-generational legacy systems across
branches, ATMs and online banking networks into one seamless and secure whole. The Carbanak cyber gangs
coordinated and widespread attack, which is estimated to have cost about 100 financial institutions worldwide $1 billion,
revealed that todays criminals are using more and more sophisticated tools to access computer systems at banks. As
these may gestate for several months before manifesting themselves, banks can ill-afford to be complacent and approach
incidents such as the latest debit card data breach with band-aid solutions. Top managements at lenders should
reappraise their cyber culture, heed warnings and alerts promptly, and address shortcomings.
Several subtypes and strains of avian influenza viruses are now found around the world, some of them capable of causing
death among humans and others inflicting serious losses on poultry farmers. The latest bird flu scare in New Delhi and
elsewhere has been triggered by the death of some free living birds in the citys A.N. Jha Deer Park, and 15 painted
storks in the Gwalior zoo. Worrying as it is, early detection and identification of the virus subtypes helps in launching
containment measures. As a major agricultural nation with a large poultry industry, India has implemented an action plan
formulated by the Centres Department of Animal Husbandry, Dairying and Fisheries to deal with avian influenza. It
incorporates a clear protocol for preventive checks and testing, for reporting an outbreak, removing farmed birds from an
affected area and compensating farmers. The outbreaks in Kerala and Karnataka over the past two years have tested
the efficacy of the intervention strategy. It came as a relief when on September 5 India declared itself free of the H5N1
virus, identified by the World Health Organisation as the animal influenza virus of greatest concern for human health.
Considering that the virus is endemic in parts of Asia and mutates quickly, the need for vigilant monitoring against its
The Delhi governments finding that the virus associated with the bird deaths in the capital is the H5N8 type hints at the
possible role of migratory water fowl, which are known to carry this virus to wintering grounds. Zoos across the country
are at risk, since they often have waterbodies within or nearby, attracting winter visitors. A more recent cause for concern
has been the virus strain H7N9 that caused serious illness in people mostly in China, but not in birds. On the positive
side, the national plan to combat avian influenza relies on a broad-based periodic testing system for farmed birds and
Bhopal. The efficacy of the measures naturally depends on the alacrity with which the animal husbandry apparatus at the
State level collects samples and sounds the alarm when a disease outbreak is imminent. There is a case to tighten the
functioning of this machinery, given the impact on people and agriculture, and for a national-level report to be published
each year. Border regions that trade in live poultry have a particularly important responsibility to look out for sick birds.
Public health messaging, with advice on poultry consumption during a suspected outbreak, is essential to quell any
rumours.
o Flu - an infectious disease that makes you hot and cold, tired and weak
o Bird flu - a type of flu that affects chickens and some other birds and
animals and can also infect humans
o Strain - pressure caused by a difficult situation
o Avian - relating to birds
o Influenza - flu
o Capable - able to do something
o Inflicting - to cause something unpleasant to happen
o Poultry - birds such as chickens that are used for meat or eggs
o Scare - to feel frightened
o Elsewhere - other places
o Triggered - started (something bad)
o Painted stork - a type of bird
o Containment - the process of controlling a situation that could become
harmful or dangerous
o Formulate - to develop a plan, system, or proposal carefully, thinking
about all of its details
o Husbandry - the activity of farming and caring for animals
o Dairying - he business of producing, storing, and distributing milk and
its products.
o Fisheries - a place where fish are reared for commercial purposes
o Protocol - a set of rules for the correct way to behave on formal
occasions
o Preventive - done so that something does not become worse or turn
into a problem
o Outbreak - the sudden start of war, disease, violence etc
o Compensating - to pay someone money because they have suffered an
injury or loss
o Efficacy - effectiveness in producing the result that you intended
o Intervention - a situation in which someone becomes involved in a
particular issue, problem etc in order to influence what happens
o Endemic - (a disease or a condition) regularly found and very common
among a particular group or in a particular area
o Mutate - to change from one thing or type of thing into another
o Vigilant - watching a person or situation very carefully so that you will
notice any problems or signs of danger immediately
o Monitoring - to regularly check something in order to find out what is
happening
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OCT 26/2016
warring son and brother at a party meet in Lucknow on Monday. But the gathering soon lapsed into a tawdry spectacle
of blame-calling and weepy confessional, with all three airing their grievances petulantly in full view of the assembled
party faithful. Since September 13, when Mr. Yadav replaced son Akhilesh Yadav, the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh,
with his brother Shivpal Yadav as the SPs State unit chief, the party has been hurtling inexorably towards a split, in a
blaze of sackings and accusations. The occasional restoration of one or the other of the dramatis personae to a lost post
has failed to check the feud. Mondays developments have all but foreclosed the possibility of any resolution that could
put the SP back together again in time for the Assembly elections in a dangerously polarised landscape. Ever since he
became Chief Minister in 2012, Akhilesh Yadav has functioned in the shadow of his father and uncles relatives and
party stalwarts. This has cut both ways for the young Chief Minister. He has had to field questions about his authority with
charges that U.P. in effect had four and a half CMs but it also allowed him to separate himself from the SPs worst
instincts. Their overbearing presence allowed his government an alibi for failing to maintain law and order. Their
continuance served as a reminder of the generational shift he effected, from their traditional resistance to English
education and computers, and their boys will be boys excuse-making for the politics of patronage and rent-seeking.
Till the meltdown over the last couple of months, it seemed that all that the SP was headed towards was a final transition
from the old guard towards a more aspirational politics. A convincing transition is now all but impossible, and the timing
of Akhilesh Yadavs next steps could determine his future in public life. It is ironic that Mulayam Singh Yadav, a most
pragmatic politician who left no bridge unbuilt across the ideological spectrum, is presiding over nothing more than a
power grab among his family and friends. Mr. Yadavs legacy includes the deepening of the Mandal politics of social
justice, being a guarantor of the safety of minorities and getting a grip on the agrarian economy in the State. It is
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transform a feud into a constructive contest of ideas. At a time when he has decided to openly take stock of his inner
Andhra Pradesh border is a big blow to the outlawed group. The joint operation was led by anti-Naxalite units of the
Andhra Pradesh and Odisha police at Panasput village in Malkangiri district in Odisha. In September 2013, 13 Maoists
were killed by the Odisha police in the same district, and the latest operation indicates the strength of the special forces
deployed to counter insurgency in these States. The security forces had suffered significant losses when the Maoists
killed 38 anti-Naxal Greyhound commandos in a boat attack in the Balimela reservoir in Malkangiri in June 2008. The
military setbacks apart, the Maoists are today diminished politically as well. The desertion of one of their top tribal leaders,
Sabyasachi Panda, in 2012 and the surrender of tribal cadres in Narayanpatna in Koraput district have set the Maoists
on the back foot in southern Odisha. It is believed that the attacked cadres at Malkangiri district this week were at a
plenary organised to examine ways of getting out of the current organisational and political morass. The Maoists have
been unable to expand as a political force in the plains areas; and as a guerrilla force they have been limited to the remote
and hilly tribal belt of central India. It is, however, not clear whether these setbacks will compel the Maoists to disavow
Not too long ago, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had identified the Maoist movement as the biggest internal security
threat. Buoyed by the unification of various Naxalite outfits into one party in 2004, they had consolidated themselves in
some districts, taking advantage of the weak presence of the welfare and administrative agencies. But by subordinating
political activism to militarism they have done little for tribal empowerment; instead, they settled for a war of attrition
against the state. The state on its part has faltered, over a decade, in its dual strategy of containing the military threat of
the Maoists and expanding its developmental footprint in these districts. After driving the Maoists away from undivided
Andhra Pradesh into parts of Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra and Odisha, this strategy has been implemented unevenly and
with mixed results. A state of civil war along with tribal repression, persists in Chhattisgarhs Bastar region. In other parts,
the implementation of development and welfare programmes has been slow. Greater political will is needed to address
these shortcomings.
o Outlawed group - a group of people who has broken the law and who
lives separately from the other parts of society because they want to
escape legal punishment
o Deploy - if a government or army deploys soldiers or weapons, it uses
them
o Counter - an action that you take in order to oppose or stop something
or reduce its negative effect
o Insurgency - an attempt by a group of people to take control of their
country by force
o Significant - very large or noticeable
o Greyhound - a special commando force of Andhra Pradesh
o Setback - something that happens that delays or prevents a process
from developing
o Diminished - reduced in amount, size, or importance
o Desertion - the act of leaving the armed forces without permission
o On the back foot - in a worse situation than other people or groups
o Cadre - a small group of people within a larger organization such as a
political party or an army
o Plenary - a meeting at which all the members of a group or organization
are present, especially at a conference
o Examine - to look at something carefully in order to discover something
about it
o Morass - a complicated and confusing situation that is difficult to deal
with
o Remote - far away from other cities, towns, or people
o Compel - to force someone to do something
o Disavow - to say strongly that you have no connection with someone or
something or no responsibility for them
o Insurgent - someone who belongs to a group of people fighting to take
control of their country by force
OCT 27/2016
As proof of its commitment to economic renewal, the Narendra Modi government had set itself the target of breaking into
the top 50 in the >World Banks annual ranking of countries on ease of starting and operating a for-profit enterprise. That
the Bank in its Doing Business 2017 report now ranks India 130 among 190 countries, just one notch higher than last
year, is therefore likely to be taken as a signal of the snails pace of economic reform. This too when competition is hotting
up. Seventy-five per cent of the 283 reforms reported this year were carried out by the developing economies, and the
worlds ten best improvers include Pakistan, Kazakhstan, Serbia, Kenya and Indonesia. The report notes that the BJP-
led government was elected in 2014 on a platform of increasing job creation, mostly through encouraging investment in
the manufacturing sector. While it has left out labour regulations from this years index, the Bank acknowledges Indias
gains in simplifying tax payments, trade procedures and contract enforcement (though it still ranks a low 172 on this front).
Most heartening is that India is now the 26th easiest place to get an electricity connection, up 25 places from last year.
The average time taken to get a connection has come down from 138 days in 2013-14 to 45 days in 2015-16. Besides,
implemented by June next year, could propel India higher in the Banks next report.
For its part, the government has argued that the Bank only focusses on two big cities while reforms are happening across
States. But that, in fact, frames a larger problem because with an eye on the index officials had focussed on simpler
procedures in Mumbai and Delhi. By May this year, an e-biz platform allowed investors to apply for 20 Central government
services online, along with two services in Delhi and 14 each in Odisha and Andhra Pradesh. In Maharashtra, a $5-billion
investment announced by Foxconn remains on paper. Other BJP-run States had, in fact, not signed up. Certainly,
investment (and job creation) are not driven by rankings alone. In his first year in office, the Prime Minister had assured
investors that the government had no business being in business, retrospective taxes would be relegated to history and
land acquisition norms simplified. There is little movement on the first, and the third has become history. Old retrospective
tax demands linger, while new instances (pertaining to bonus payments and mining royalties) are being battled in the
courts. Losing its credibility with global capital should be a far bigger worry for the government than a World Bank
endorsement.
The >attack on a police academy in Quetta, the capital of Pakistans restive Balochistan province, is the second major
terrorist strike in the city in recent months. In August, >73 people were killed in a suicide attack at a hospital. This time,
the attack was carried out in a more sophisticated manner. At least three militants entered the academy and started firing
indiscriminately before two of them blew themselves up. These recurring attacks, particularly in the west and north-west,
threaten to pull Pakistan back to another cycle of violence after a brief lull. After the 2014 Peshawar school massacre in
which 148 people, mostly children, were killed by Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) militants, the army had launched a
large-scale operation against the militant groups operating in the north-west. After the months-long military and financial
crackdown, there was a sharp fall in the number of attacks last year. But as the attacks in Quetta and Lahore this year
would suggest, the post-Peshawar operation never defeated the militant groups. They may have retreated in the wake of
This resurgence of terror has new security dimensions. First, the site of the violence this time is Quetta. In recent years,
Balochistan has been the focus of Pakistans counter-terror operations as the province is expected to play a major role in
the $46- billion economic corridor China is building, connecting Gwadar to Xinjiang. Second, if the only major terror group
the Pakistan army had been fighting till a few years ago was the TTP, an increasing number of groups and offshoots have
made the fight more complex. This weeks Quetta attack, for instance, has been claimed by three groups a faction of
the TTP; Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, a sectarian militant group, and the Islamic State. The Lashkar claims it cooperated with the
IS to carry out the assault. If true, this opens the possibility for the IS to operate in Pakistan, where it does not have a
strong organisational presence, through coordination with other terror groups. Responsibility for the August attack in
Quetta was claimed by the Jamaat-ur-Ahrar, a breakaway Taliban faction, and the IS. This means that the Pakistan
establishment has to fight a many-headed monster if it wants to return order and security to its cities. Unfortunately, the
country has a record of hobnobbing with terrorists for geopolitical leverage, providing cover to some terrorists to bleed
OCT 28/2016
The political rehabilitation of former Karnataka Chief Minister B.S. Yeddyurappa of the Bharatiya Janata Party happened
long before his legal exoneration by a special court of the Central Bureau of Investigation this week in the mining
operations corruption case. After having forced him to resign as Chief Minister in 2011, on his indictment by the Lokayukta,
the BJP made him its State unit president and has even been projecting him as the chief ministerial candidate following
his return to the party after a failed experiment of going it alone in the 2013 Assembly polls. Mr. Yeddyurappa and the
BJP seemed supremely confident that he would get past the legal hurdles and be ready to lead the party to fight the
Assembly election of 2018. But despite the acquittal, there remain several unanswered questions brought up in the
Lokayukta report on illegal mining in Bellary: these include the nexus between those in the government and the mining
barons sustained through a web of intricate transactions involving charitable trusts run by family members of politicians
and the use of corporate social responsibility initiatives by business houses as a cover for illegal gratification of politicians
and their kin. While the payments made by affiliates of JSW Steel to the trusts managed by his sons are not in dispute,
the court held that Mr. Yeddyurappas order to ban export of iron ore was a collective decision of the government and that
Unless the order is challenged in the higher courts, the path is clear for Mr. Yeddyurappa to lead the BJPs campaign in
Karnataka, shutting out rivals within the party. For the BJP too, which publicly swears by clean governance, the verdict
removes all doubts about making him its political mascot for 2018. Karnataka is the only State in the south where it has
a reasonable chance to form a government, and the party would not like to make a mess of its political options ahead of
the Assembly election. With the possible exception of Ananth Kumar, the party has no leader capable of matching Mr.
Yeddyurappa in stature in Karnataka. He can deliver a chunk of the Lingayat vote bank to the BJP. If the other principal
party, the Janata Dal (Secular), can keep a substantial part of the Vokkaliga vote bank, the ruling Congress will certainly
find the going tough in 2018. The court verdict allows Mr. Yeddyurappa and the BJP to look ahead, rather than be
defensive about their past record. They must also be hoping that public memory does not go back beyond the last five
years.
Venezuela has once again been rocked by opposition-led protests after the process to requisition a recall referendum to
oust President Nicolas Maduro was obstructed last week. Local courts in four states issued injunctions to halt the
oppositions collection of signatures from 20 per cent of the registered voters, the second phase of the constitutionally
mandated recall process, after allegations that there were irregularities in signatures collected in the first phase. The
Supreme Court upheld these injunctions, which means the referendum process in the four states will have to be restarted.
The timing of the referendum is important. If the outcome were to go against Mr. Maduro before January 10, 2017, mid-
term presidential elections will have to be held. If the referendum is held later, a setback would only mean his replacement
by the vice- president till the scheduled elections in 2018. The besieged government has sought talks with the opposition
to be mediated by the Vatican, but Mr. Maduro has poor approval ratings and his government has been unable to arrest
a slide towards further economic chaos. The opposition has more popular support than it did during Hugo Chavezs reign
this. The continued fall in global petroleum prices under Mr. Maduros watch has put the countrys social welfare model
under severe strain. In Chavezs heyday, the government leveraged the countrys immense petroleum reserves to fuel a
welfare economy and spend heavily on subsidies. This model resulted in several structural flaws in the economy
corruption in state enterprises, heavy dependence on imported consumer goods due to meagre incentives for production
in a highly subsidised economy, and artificial price and exchange controls that resulted in a black market for foreign
currency and persisting inflation. When oil prices were high and export revenues booming, these flaws did not hurt the
economy much. In fact, there was a reduction in poverty levels, increase in literacy and better health indices over the last
decade. But falling oil prices exacerbated Venezuelas economic problems, forcing the government to print money to
cover expenses in the face of rising debt, which created a hyperinflationary cycle. Reforms that would stabilise the
currency, reduce subsidies and remove artificial price controls will be in order. But it will be difficult for his regime to carry
OCT 29/2016
Even by the standards of Pakistans unpredictable polity, the week ahead for Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif could be
tempestuous, as all his troubles threaten to come to a head together. Opposition leader Imran Khan has announced that
on Monday he will go to court seeking clearance to stage a shutdown protest in Islamabad and Rawalpindi. He has also
said that regardless of the outcome of the hearing, his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf will go ahead with the protests starting
Wednesday to force Mr. Sharifs resignation over corruption allegations. Mr. Khan will be joined by several political groups
and flanked by religious extremists of the Difa-e-Pakistan Council that include Hafiz Saeed, and the cleric Tahir-ul-Qadri,
with their combined followers estimated in the hundreds of thousands. The allegations of corruption pertain to the Panama
Papers that contained details of offshore companies and undeclared assets allegedly owned by Mr. Sharifs family. On
Tuesday, petitioners calling for Mr. Sharif to be disqualified from office are scheduled to be heard by a special bench of
Pakistans Supreme Court. The Chief Justice, who heads that panel, has already passed several strictures against the
government, and rejected its request for a commission to investigate the Panama disclosures instead. Meanwhile,
Pakistan is in mourning for more than 60 people, most of them young police cadets, who were killed in a terrorist strike in
These troubles come at a time when Mr. Sharif is expected to announce who Pakistans new army chief will be. While
the possibility of General Raheel Sharif receiving an extension is not being ruled out, Mr. Sharif is reported to be
considering other options too. His decision on what is effectively the most powerful office in the land will have a bearing
on Pakistans strained civil-military relations. The rift between the government and the military is not new, but it seems to
have been widening since the Uri attack and Indias announcement of surgical strikes in retaliation. Since then, crossfire
at the LoC and the international border and an escalating diplomatic stand-off between the two countries have added to
Mr. Sharifs sense of siege. It hasnt helped that he has done little to mend ties with the opposition. To the military, he has
offered no resistance as it has steadily encroached on his power. Part of the reason is that the Panama Papers have
rendered him vulnerable. But given the storm gathering around him, isolating himself may not be a viable option.
The Centres coercive method has worked. Tamil Nadu and Kerala, the two States that were holding out against pressure
from New Delhi to implement the National Food Security Act (NFSA), have also fallen in line. By threatening to raise the
price at which it was allocating foodgrains if they did not implement the law, the Centre has managed to get these two
States to agree to the implementation of the Act from November 1. If they had not done so, they would have had to pay
Rs.22.54 a kg for rice for their monthly allocations under the above poverty line (APL) category, as against the Rs.8.30
a kg they are paying now. For Tamil Nadu, it would have meant an additional expenditure of Rs.2,730 crore, over and
above the Rs.2,393 crore it is spending on its universal public distribution system (PDS). The State says it will implement
the Act and also continue its universal PDS coverage. In the bargain, it will have to maintain a uniform supply of 5 kg of
rice per person as stipulated in the NFSA, and protect the existing entitlements of PDS beneficiaries. The resultant
increase in offtake would result in additional expenditure of Rs.1,193 crore for Tamil Nadu. Kerala maintains an APL-BPL
distinction in its PDS. However, its concerns over the implementation of the Act related to the possibility that many
beneficiaries may be left out under the Centres categorisation of PDS consumers into priority households and others.
so. They wanted to complete end-to-end computerisation of their PDS and the process of seeding Aadhaar numbers with
family cards. One clear advantage of joining the national food security system now is that the computerisation and
Aadhaar seeding process may result in the elimination of bogus cards and beneficiaries. Tamil Nadus case for such a
clean-up is glaring as the number of people covered by its family cards is about 7.81 crore while the States population is
7.21 crore. There are lessons for both the Centre and the States in this conflict involving a zealous Central government
seeking to force its idea of food security on States that believe they are already addressing the issue with the same, if not
greater, level of seriousness. A national food security law may hold good for States with weak food security systems
but for the rest, it would perhaps be better if States implemented their own schemes. On the other hand, the States need
to temper their zeal for more than universal coverage with a realistic assessment and identification of beneficiaries.
OCT 31/2016
Pushed to a corner owing to lack of political will on the part of countries with a high burden of tuberculosis, the >World
Health Organisation has called for the first United Nations General Assembly session on the disease. The fight against
TB cannot be won as long as the high-burden countries, particularly India which has the highest TB burden in the world,
do not galvanise their government machinery effectively. While the number of deaths caused by TB and the incidence
rate had been consistently dropping from the historical highs globally, there has been a recent uptick that is much larger
than previously estimated. The primary reason is the sharp increase in the >incidence estimate from India from 2.2
million cases in 2014 to 2.8 million in 2015. Ironically, the revised disease burden estimate for India is an interim one;
the actual burden, which could be much higher, will be known only when the national TB prevalence survey that is
scheduled to begin next year is completed. The number of estimated deaths caused by TB more than doubled from
220,000 in 2014 to 483,000 in 2015. As in the case of incidence, the revised estimate for deaths could also be an
underestimation.
The increase in incidence owes to a 34 per cent rise in case notifications by health-care providers in the private sector
between 2013 and 2015. Yet, in 2015 notifications by doctors in the private sector comprised only 16 per cent of the total.
Though notification was made mandatory in 2012, only 1.7 million incident TB cases in the public and private sectors
were notified in 2015. Thus the fate of 1.1 million patients is simply not known: they have fallen off the radar. For an
effective fight against TB, the control programme needs to be aware of every single patient diagnosed, and offer treatment
to all. If there are only about 50 per cent of the patients approaching the private sector who successfully complete
treatment, a recent study has shown that in 2013 only about 65 per cent of the 1.9 million who approached the public
sector completed the treatment regime. The crisis has been aggravated with the disease becoming more expensive and
difficult to treat and the number of people with drug-resistant forms increasing. The national TB control programme is
behind schedule with respect to critical programmes including the expansion of the GeneXpert pilot programme, scaling
up of drug sensitivity testing, and the introduction of a child-friendly paediatric TB drug. Only sustained action on several
fronts can help bring TB under check. The global war will not be successful till India wins the battle within its own
boundaries first.
o Owing to - because of
o Lack of something - the fact that something is not available or that
there is not enough of it
o Tuberculosis - a serious infectious disease affecting your lungs
o Galvanise - to cause someone to suddenly take action, especially by
shocking or exciting them in some way
o Incidence - an event, or the rate at which something happens
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With the new >title of core leader, President Xi Jinping has further cemented his authority within the Communist Party
of China and the government. Already the party chief, the head of state, the commander-in-chief of the military and the
one in charge of the group overseeing the change in the economy, he is now on a par with >Mao Zedong and Deng
Xiaoping. This concentration of power in Mr. Xis hands stands in sharp contrast with the collective responsibility dictum
the party propagated during the Hu Jintao regime. Mr. Hu was not called a core leader. From the beginning, Mr. Xi had
signalled he would be a leader different from his immediate predecessor. He gradually emerged as the most influential
leader at least since Deng, and demonstrated his authority by launching a massive clean-up in the name of fighting
corruption, that felled top leaders of the party and the military. Corruption is a major problem in todays China. The high
economic growth that followed the reforms initiated by Deng spawned massive, institutionalised corruption, stoking public
anger against the establishment. Mr. Xi built his war on corrupt officials against the backdrop of such a mood of anger,
and his efforts have been generally well-received despite criticism that he is using the campaign to amass powers to
himself. The party plenum, by appointing Mr. Xi as the core leader, has sent a clear message to the public that it stands
The timing of the appointment is significant. The plenum kicks off year-long preparations for the party congress next year,
which could shake up the leadership. Five of the seven current members of the Politburo Standing Committee, the inner
Mr. Xi will be in a stronger position to influence the outcome of the congress. As in the case of his predecessors, Mr. Xi
would certainly prefer to have the Standing Committee filled with his allies. But this doesnt mean that Mr. Xi is guaranteed
a second term free of challenges and of unchecked power. If the Hu Jintao era, despite some allegations of corruption,
is regarded as one of prosperous and peaceful rise for China, Mr. Xis term has been marked by slowing economic growth
and geopolitical tensions. Even if Mr. Xi gathers unprecedented powers in the party and the state, his tenure will be judged
by how he addresses fundamental problems that China faces, including systemic inequities and foreign policy challenges,
NOV 1/2016
Exchange of fire between Indian and Pakistani forces on the Line of Control and the International Boundary has rendered
the 2003 ceasefire ever more fragile. On October 29, the Army said it had destroyed > four Pakistani posts in Keran
sector along the LoC and inflicted heavy casualties. This came a day after >Sepoy Mandeep Singh was killed in the
Machhal sector and his body mutilated by a terrorist who fled across the LoC thereafter. In a social media post, the Armys
Northern Command had warned that the atrocity would invite an appropriate response, and the reprisal followed. This
represents a major escalation in the ongoing exchange of fire. > Ceasefire violations have become a daily occurrence
since the terrorist attack on the Army camp in Uri in September and the subsequent surgical strikes by the Army. The
use of 82 and 120 mm mortars in addition to small arms and light machine guns has become routine, a significant scale-
up during peacetime. The firing has also spread to the IB, especially a 192-km stretch in Jammu that Pakistan refers to
as the working boundary. In 2014, about 430 incidents of ceasefire violation were reported along the IB; in 2015 this
dropped to 253. In contrast, till mid-October only four incidents had been reported along the IB but that calm has been
broken since the Uri attack. After the surgical strikes, there have been 60 ceasefire violations.
The brunt of these exchanges is borne by the civilian population in the border villages. Hundreds have been shifted to
shelters and bunkers for safety. The density of civilian settlement is much higher on the Indian side in comparison to
Pakistans. As a result, the increased firing across the border creates more pressure on India. In fact, after the two
countries agreed to a ceasefire in 2003, the resultant calm had won the confidence of local residents. Villagers began
threatens this peace dividend. After the surgical strikes, the security forces retain a free hand in responding to infiltrations
and instances of firing. No senior government functionary has publicly addressed the issue. Pakistan too is playing the
incidents in large part on domestic considerations. However, the latest incident underscores the need for an urgent
political initiative to prevent the cycle of brutality and reprisal from acquiring its own momentum, as happened in the early
2010s. It is time the government gathered the reins to address the issue politically and have peace restored on the border.
Rajoy is the only creature that advances without moving, noted a former socialist premier caustically, just ahead of the
return on Saturday of the conservative leader as Prime Minister after an unprecedented 10-month political impasse in
Spain. > Mariano Rajoy not only endured the uncertainties and frustrations of his inability to put together a coalition after
his conservative Peoples Party polled the largest number of seats in the two inconclusive elections since December
2015, but patiently watched his opponents prospects fade away. But despite his instinct for political survival, he heads a
government that nobody really wants. As Prime Minister, Mr. Rajoy enjoyed an absolute majority during his first term
(2011-15). The clear mandate enabled him to push through a round of painful economic reforms after the countrys
housing and credit bubble went bust by the end of the last decade. He now leads a minority government in alliance with
the centrist Ciudadanos, facing a difficult but definite prospect of continued gridlock over every legislative initiative. His
biggest test will be to win parliamentary backing to meet the fiscal deficit targets that Madrid has agreed with Brussels. A
threat to call fresh elections is the only real trump card in his pocket. Mr. Rajoys rivals are too weak to be able to fully
capitalise on his woes. Recently the principal opposition party, the > Socialist Workers Party (PSOE), was forced to eat
humble pie when it decided, not without internal differences, to abstain in a parliamentary vote on Mr. Rajoys candidacy,
only to breathe life into the minority government of its ideological opponent.
Had the PSOE adopted such a course after the elections in June, it might have salvaged its image somewhat by being
seen as acting in the national interest. The option the party pursued instead, that of a coalition with the extreme left
Podemos party, only prolonged the gridlock. Podemos once rode the wave of popular anger against economic austerity.
For now, it must rest content with the accomplishment of breaking Spains two-party dominance. The partys hopes lie in
a consolidation of its base as the platform of the genuine left, as distinct from the centrist PSOE. The scenario is
reminiscent of another imbroglio, that of Belgium going without a government for more than 18 months a few years ago
on the question of regional autonomy between Flanders and Wallonia. Political fragmentation is an inescapable fact in
the evolution of democratic governance. Peaceful reconciliation of competing interests is the art and imperative of political
NOV 02/2016
The > killing of eight prisoners belonging to an outlawed group hours after their escape from the high-security Central
Prison in Bhopal has set off a controversy that is unlikely to die down soon. The eight undertrials, belonging to the
Students Islamic Movement of India, had been charged with serious offences and were alleged to have been involved in
the murder of policemen and in armed robberies. While escaping, they killed a police guard who had tried to stop them.
The murder of their colleague may have goaded the police to pursue the suspects and zero in on them within hours on
the citys outskirts with the help of the public. However, the dramatic events that took place subsequently are clouded in
doubt as the > official narrative does not quite hang together. The State government and the police have failed to provide
a cogent explanation for the events of the day. The circulation of footage purportedly recording some moments before
and after the encounter has invited charges that the encounter was fake. Doubts have been raised whether the eight
men were carrying any weapons or posed an imminent danger to the police party that closed in on them. Were they about
to surrender, having run out of options, when they were killed? One police officers claim that they had firearms and had
attacked the police contradicts another officers version that >they had no weapons.
The Madhya Pradesh government is understandably keen on an inquiry into the jailbreak to find out crucial details
such as who masterminded the escape, and whether there was any support from others in the prison or outside. Further,
it should be investigated how CCTV cameras, watchtowers and searchlights all mysteriously failed while the undertrials
were scaling two high walls one after another. There can be no justification, however, for the >governments stand that
the encounter itself does not require an investigation any deeper than a routine magisterial inquiry. The Supreme Court
has laid down that every police encounter has to be probed by the Criminal Investigation Department or any other
independent police team. In this context, the condemnation by members of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party of all those
who doubt the official version is troubling. Such doubt cannot be interpreted as support for either the ideology or the
violence perpetrated by those who escaped from prison. Instead of expecting unquestioning acceptance from all quarters
It is almost four months since the > unrest in Kashmir began following the killing of Hizbul Mujahideen commander
Burhan Wani. Protests, intermittent violence and > long stretches of curfew have continued to put normal life on hold.
Delegations of civil society representatives as well as politicians have attempted to reach out to separatists and find a
way to bring calm to the streets, but to little avail. In fact, the opposite is happening with increasing mindless arson attacks
on schools over the past two months. By one count, 27 > schools, most of them government-run, have been set afire so
far in the Valley over this period. No one has yet claimed responsibility for these attacks. The government has blamed
the separatists for encouraging the arson. In turn, the separatists charge the administration of failing to protect the schools.
Amidst all this blame-shifting, it is disturbing that separatist leaders such as Syed Ali Shah Geelani have not condemned
the acts of violence outright. Their equivocation must be called out, even as the Jammu and Kashmir High Court has
directed the government to reopen all the schools despite the separatists shutdown call.
It is against this backdrop, of life thrown out of gear and specific targeting of school buildings, that students have been
rattled by the governments plan to conduct State Board examinations in the second half of November. The government
needs to assure them of adequate security to address their anxieties. The situation is reminiscent of the early 1990s.
playbook. It sends out the signal that the administration is not in full control. And it heightens anxiety among the local
population that their childrens life chances are doubtful, thereby reinforcing popular disaffection and alienation. However,
the occasional occupation of school buildings by the security forces also makes them a symbol of the state, and a soft
target for militants. The government must abandon the practice of using schools to solve logistical problems. Moreover,
while the State government focusses on getting students back to school, to be successful this effort must be embedded
in a purposeful, urgent plan to return normalcy to the State, especially south Kashmir that has been the epicentre of the
protests and violence. The disruption in the academic calendar in the Valley is an outcome of the prevailing unrest.
Resumption of the rhythms of normal life is essential to end this disruption. Something has to give. The people of Kashmir
need a break from this long and tragic season of protests, shutdowns and curfew.
NOV 03/2016
A few weeks ago, many Americans would have guffawed at any suggestion that there could be a nail-biting finish to the
November 8 presidential election. Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton had a comfortable lead in the polls, around 12
percentage points in some surveys. The campaign of Republican nominee Donald Trump had been dealt multiple blows
stemming from the Access Hollywood tapes, where he was caught boasting about groping women without their consent.
His popularity plummeted further after at least nine women alleged he had sexually assaulted them years ago. However,
with less than a week to voting day, the race has tightened. For the first time since May, Mr. T >rump is leading in one
major poll. The game changer is FBI Director James Comeys announcement that his agency was reopening inquiries
into Ms. Clintons email record after discovering correspondence relating to her in the computer of Anthony Weiner,
estranged husband of her aide Huma Abedin. There are multiple undercurrents to this vicious election battle that need to
be parsed.
In the blue corner, Ms. >Clinton still enjoys an overwhelming statistical probability of winning the 270 electoral college
votes required to secure the presidency. She maintained a statesmanlike poise throughout the presidential debates, and
in Email-gate the FBI has failed to unearth any evidence of criminality against her so far. Yet her problem lies in the
perception of untrustworthiness created by her use of a private server while she was Secretary of State, her proximity to
deep-pocketed donors on Wall Street and her hard line on a fiscally expansive welfare agenda for the middle class. In
the red corner, Mr. Trump has refused to tone down his abrasive rhetoric against women, Latinos, Muslims, African-
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mainstream Republican Party leaders. He has similarly hurled defiance in the teeth of those demanding that he release
his tax returns. His brazen invitation to Russian hackers to go hunting for Ms. >Clintons emails, and allegations about his
shadowy financial connections to associates of Vladimir Putin raise troubling questions. That 21 months of feverish
campaigning have ended not with a bang but a collective groan of disappointment in two such untrusted and uninspiring
candidates says a lot about how bitterly polarised the electorate is. No matter who wins this ugly election, Americas
leaders will have to initiate an honest national conversation about reconciling its social mores. Else, the worlds only
The >massive pollution cloud enveloping northern India every year is a good example of the disconnect between official
policy and ground realities. It has been known for long that burning of agricultural waste in the northern States significantly
contributes to the poor air quality in large parts of the Indo-Gangetic Basin, with local and cascading impacts felt from
Punjab all the way to West Bengal. Harmful fine particulate matter measuring 2.5 mm in diameter (PM2.5) is among the
pollutants released. Punjab responded to the issue with a prohibition on the burning of paddy straw, and the launch of
initiatives aimed at better utilisation of biomass, including as a fuel to produce power. Yet, there is no mission mode
approach to the annual crisis. The efforts do not match the scale of agricultural residues produced, for one, and fail to
address farmers anxiety to remove the surplus from the fields quickly to make way for the next crop. The national
production of crop waste is of the order of 500 million tonnes a year, with Uttar Pradesh, Punjab and West Bengal topping
the list. Again, 80 per cent of straw from paddy is burnt in some States, impacting air quality and depriving croplands of
nutrients.
It is an irony that the >national capital and several other cities suffer crippling pollution in the post-monsoon and winter
months partly due to biomass burning, when demand for fodder is rising and the surplus material could be used
productively. Pilot projects to produce power using biomass demonstrated in Rajasthan, and mechanised composting
and biogas production units of the Indian Agricultural Research Institute could be scaled up, and farmers given liberal
support to deploy such solutions. Given the twin benefits of pollution abatement and better productivity, conservation
agriculture needs to be popularised. This would encourage farmers to use newer low-till seeding technologies that allow
much of the crop residues to remain on site, and curb the release of a variety of pollutants. Burning residues add
greenhouse gases that cause global warming, besides pollutants such as carbon monoxide, ammonia, nitrous oxide and
sulphur dioxide that severely affect human health. Sustained work is called for, given that higher agricultural productivity
to meet food needs is inevitable, with a cascading increase in biomass volumes. The challenge is to identify measures to
utilise it. By one estimate, if India can reach its own air quality standards for fine particulate matter from all sources, annual
premature deaths can be cut by almost 10 per cent. A programme to cut pollution from waste-burning would be a good
start.
The >suicide of Subedar Ram Kishen Grewal, allegedly over delay in receiving arrears under the One Rank, One Pension
scheme, has set off a political storm. In a related move, the ex-servicemen groups >demanding unconditional OROP have
resumed their protest at Delhis Jantar Mantar; it had been called off six months ago after assurances from Defence
Minister Manohar Parrikar. Amidst all this, the real issues in the implementation of OROP have been lost sight of. The
veterans are demanding OROP in its rightful form, which going by the accepted definition implies uniform pension to
armed forces personnel retiring with the same rank and length of service regardless of the date of retirement. Among the
major concerns highlighted by the veterans are: annual equalisation as against the approved five years; exclusion of
those who opt for premature retirement (PMR) from the ambit of OROP; implementation from April 2014; and adoption of
the highest pay scale of 2013 for revising pension. The governments predicament is obvious. Except for PMR, all these
are financial issues and have budgetary implications. >Annual pension revision for over 20 lakh people would also be an
administrative challenge.
The big issue is PMR, as it has consequences for the armed forces that go beyond extra pension money. The Centres
OROP notification said personnel who opt to get discharged henceforth on their own request will not be entitled to its
benefits. This made a distinction between those who opted for PMR in the past and those who may do so in future. There
is still no clarity on the criteria of PMR, which has created confusion in the rank and file, particularly among those who are
looking to leave the service after completing the pensionable service or have been superseded and have no further
chances of promotion. It is debatable whether officers opting to leave the service on their own for better prospects and
drawing regular pension should be given the additional benefit of OROP. However, there needs to be clarity to the PMR
criteria, else it could push back efforts to build a younger Army and improve promotion opportunities. As for the
implementation status, about Rs.5,500 crore had been disbursed; of the roughly 20.6 lakh pensioners, only one lakh are
still to get the money. That the protests in Delhi have dwindled reflects the larger mood among the veterans. It is a
welcome step that OROP has been granted after 40 years of demands, but the Centre must quickly iron out the remaining
wrinkles.
therefore entitled to a minimum wage and paid leave, could have implications not only for Britains 40,000 Uber drivers
but for others associated with the gig economy in Britain and beyond. >Ubers business model is predicated on calling
itself a platform that connects those who want transportation services to those who provide them. The ruling held that
Uber sells rides, not software, despite its legal and corporate structure and licensing agreements attempting to suggest
otherwise. The gig economy is driven by algorithms and technology. It extends beyond ride-sharing applications to food
delivery, car rental and hosting services. Earning money as an independent contractor that is, through a gig is not
new. But the changing nature and growth of such business models and their inextricable linkages to technology, often via
a smartphone app, is making it hard for regulators to keep up. From the consumers perspective, app-based transportation
services have been beneficial: increased clarity on pricing, speedy redress of complaints, decreased waiting times via
efficient driver-passenger match algorithms, and so on. The business model has brought more drivers into the workforce
by offering flexible hours and gigs to anyone who meets certain criteria. From the service providers perspective, the
ability to work flexible hours can be a way to earn supplementary income. The British ruling, where the complainants were
Uber drivers, focusses on the producer. It has ruled that clever use of legal and technological instruments cannot
circumvent basic work-related rights. Thus it has begun the overdue process of determining the producers obligations.
In India, with its vast unorganised labour force and patchy social protection, piecemeal work, such as that offered through
apps in the for-hire transport market, holds the possibility of earning a livelihood that is above the minimum wage. The
issues in India, for now, are likely to be different from those in the U.K., such as ensuring that algorithms do not incentivise
drivers to work beyond the permitted maximum number of hours. There are, however, broader themes shared across
borders and the range of offerings in the gig economy including the need for companies to be transparent about their
policies and practices so that regulation can be crafted in the first place. Such regulation should be streamlined,
responsive to changing ground realities, and easily understandable by users. Any successful way forward will nurture
o Gig - a vehicle with two wheels pulled by a horse, used in olden days
o Tribunal - a special law court organized to judge a particular case
o Ruling - a decision
o Entitled - to give someone the right to do or have something
o Implication - a possible effect or result
o Gig economy - a way of working that is based on people having
temporary jobs or doing separate pieces of work, each paid separately,
rather than working for an employer
o Predicated - to base an action or decision on the existence or truth of
something else
o Transportation - the activity of moving people or things from one place
to another
o Despite - used for saying that something happens even though
something else might have prevented it
o Inextricable - impossible to separate
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NOV 05/2016
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has managed to break the stalemate with > States at the Goods and Services Tax Councils
fourth round of deliberations over the contentious issue of tax rates for the new tax regime. He did this by retaining the
standard rates of 12 per cent and 18 per cent proposed at the Councils last meeting, but tweaking the highest and lowest
tax slabs from 26 per cent to 28 per cent and 6 per cent to 5 per cent, respectively. Concerns of States that levy Value
Added Tax at 5 per cent on items of mass consumption were met by lowering the threshold GST rate. Foodgrains and
other items considered essential, that together constitute roughly half the consumer price inflation index, have been
exempted from GST. Since inflation is a tax on the poor and indirect taxes are regressive, this would help check worries
about inflationary repercussions. But raising the highest tax slab to 28 per cent to balance the fiscal books is a surprise,
especially since it would be levied on items such as consumer durables and cars that are now taxed at 30-31 per cent.
Even if producers do pass on this rate differential to customers, this is hardly likely to spur the kind of consumption that
could drive more manufacturing investment, create jobs and bolster economic growth.
to end-use products at the point of sale, it would further distort the efficiency gains from GST as input credit for cess paid
on intermediary goods is unlikely. The government has argued that the cess will help compensate States for five years
and that the Council can take a call on doing away with it thereafter. Similar visibility should be provided on dovetailing
the multiple tax rates into two or three in the coming years, if not the international norm of a single GST rate. Multiple
rates will not just pose an administrative challenge but also spur ugly corporate lobbying of the kind that the Finance
Minister wanted to nix by phasing out exemptions in direct taxes. Days before he became Niti Aayog Vice-Chairman,
Arvind Panagariya had flagged the cost of focussing too much on one reform, which spills over into other reforms being
delayed. That the recently constituted GST Council has covered much ground with unanimous consensus augurs well for
the GST deadline, including refining the model GST law and ensuring industry and the tax department are ready to make
the GST switch by April 1, 2017. But the proposed rate structure is still too complicated to meet the objective of radically
The order of the Information and Broadcasting Ministry, directing that >Hindi television channel NDTV India be taken off
air for 24 hours on November 9, is a serious violation of media freedom. Coming as it does from a regime that seems to
disapprove of any difference in opinion on issues concerning national security, the suspension smacks of a disturbing
inclination to impose restrictions on journalistic content. The decision arises from the telecast of developments relating to
the >terrorist attack on the Pathankot Air Force base in January. The news channel is accused of airing sensitive
information that compromised the safety of military personnel and civilians even as operations were on to neutralise the
attack. According to the inter-ministerial committee that inquired into the charge, the disclosure of details relating to the
location of the ammunitions depot, the range of weapons and military assets available there and the presence of civilian
residences in the vicinity could have been used by terrorists to their advantage. The broadcasters defence was that
Ever since media coverage of the terror attacks in Mumbai in November 2008 created a controversy, it has been accepted
that there is a need for restrained and responsible coverage of anti-terrorism operations and potential hostage situations.
The News Broadcasting Standards Authority, set up by the News Broadcasters Association, came up with a set of rules.
The Ministry could have either approached the authority, which is headed by a former Supreme Court judge, or formed
an independent panel to adjudicate the question. Instead, it has invoked a rule introduced in June 2015 that imposes a
blanket ban on all live coverage of any anti-terrorist operation until it ends. It has cited statutory provisions that empower
the government to regulate or prohibit the transmission of TV programmes. There is no mention of any provision for
appeal. None can reasonably argue that irresponsible live coverage of an ongoing operation should attract no penalty. A
problem arises when the penalty is decided by a government panel. Taking a channel off air for however brief a period is
a serious decision that could be read as a signal to other newsrooms to self-censor. A committee of officials is not the
ideal body to make an independent assessment of what constitutes information that poses an imminent danger to military
NOV 07/2016
The agreement between India and Sri Lanka on establishing a >Joint Working Group on fisheries is a small step forward
in resolving the dispute between fishermen of both countries. In fact, such a mechanism had been in place until a few
years ago to address problems that arose whenever fishermen from Tamil Nadu were arrested by Sri Lanka. The points
agreed on are important: a hotline between the Coast Guards of both countries, a meeting of the JWG once in three
months, and a meeting of the fisheries ministers every six months. Welcome too is the commitment that there would be
no violence or loss of life of fishermen. These measures are useful in getting Indian fishermen or their boats released
from custody, but they are unlikely to have any immediate impact on the livelihood crisis facing the fishermen of northern
Sri Lanka. Such a crisis may grip Tamil Nadu fishermen too one day, after the fishery resources in the Palk Bay are
exhausted. The real issue is how long trawlers from Tamil Nadu will continue to fish in Sri Lankan territorial waters, and
how soon bottom trawling is ended. The official statement after the talks between the foreign ministers refers to expediting
the transition towards ending the practice of bottom trawling at the earliest. An agreement on this is crucial, but in the
absence of a time frame there remains a question mark over a solution emerging.
Sri Lankan Tamil fishermen are firm on an immediate end to all incursions and are against seized Indian boats being
released without legal process, even though they agree that the arrested fishermen should be released. In talks between
representatives of fishermen held a few days earlier, Tamil Nadu fishermen had asked for a three-year phase-out period
for their trawlers, and a deal under which they would fish for 85 days a year until then. This was rejected outright by the
Sri Lankan side, which holds that the Indian vessels cause serious economic and ecological damage. One way of
preventing boundary transgression is to find a livelihood alternative for Tamil Nadu fishermen. Equipping them for deep
sea fishing is an option. For now, Tamil Nadu should show greater understanding of the plight of the Sri Lankan Tamil
fishermen, who are economically weaker and yet to fully recover from a devastating war, and agree to a more reasonable
phase-out period. Sri Lanka, then, can look at a licensing system under which fishermen from both sides can fish on
specified days using sustainable methods and permissible equipment. It is important that all sides recognise that there is
The election of >Michel Aoun, the 81-year-old former general, as Lebanons President ends a two-and-a-half-year
political stalemate. It signals hope that the countrys fractious political class will come together to form a government
invested in addressing the many challenges it faces, from basic civil issues to threats coming from neighbouring, civil
war-stricken Syria. The length of time it took to elect a President in itself shows the complex nature of the political system.
Under a long-standing arrangement, the President has to be a Maronite Christian, the Prime Minister a Sunni, and the
Speaker of Parliament a Shia. The major political parties represent these sects, and reaching a consensus on key issues
backing, while the Sunni political faction led by Saad Hariri is supported by Saudi Arabia and the West. President Aoun,
a Maronite politician, is a Hezbollah ally. His election is the result of an agreement among the Shia, Sunni, and Christian
factions. Mr. Hariri backed Mr. Aouns election in Parliament, while the President, in return, named Mr. Hariri as Prime
Minister. The Hezbollah chief, Hassan Nasrallah, has declared that he wont oppose Mr. Hariris appointment.
However, Mr. Hariri may find it difficult to form a truly representative government that can survive in Lebanons
confessional system. His acceptance of Mr. Aoun as President could be a tactical move given the Sunnis diminishing
political clout in the country. He may also face pressure and resistance on foreign policy from Hezbollah, which runs a
militia that is stronger than the national army. Hezbollah fighters are arrayed alongside the regime of President Bashar
al-Assad in Syria, while Mr. Hariris regional patron, Saudi Arabia, backs the anti-Assad rebels. The animosity between
Mr. Hariri and Mr. Nasrallah has a personal side as well. Mr. Hariri accuses the Hezbollah of assassinating his father, the
former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. But despite these fault-lines, there are many areas of cooperation. The country saw
deadly bombings, claimed by the Islamic State, over the past two years, reviving memories of the 1980s civil war atrocities.
Fighting between Sunni armed groups and Hezbollah is common in certain pockets. Lebanon also faces a huge refugee
crisis a million Syrians have crossed the border since 2011. Unless these issues are addressed quickly, Lebanon could
also plunge into civil strife. The leading political groups need to set aside differences and expand the scope of the
NOV 08/2016
Ever since the Mahagathbandhan, or grand alliance, successfully stared down a resurgent Bharatiya Janata Party in the
Bihar elections last November, speculation about a possible replication in Uttar Pradesh has been rife. The buzz has
grown over the past week, after Congress election strategist >Prashant Kishors meeting with Samajwadi Party chief
Mulayam Singh Yadav. Even more recently, at the >SPs silver jubilee festivities in Lucknow, the air rang with calls for
unity of socialist parties from assembled fellow-travellers from the Janata Dal days including Rashtriya Janata Dal
chief Lalu Prasad; former Prime Minister H.D. Deve Gowda, now of the Janata Dal (Secular); Sharad Yadav of the Janata
Dal (United); and Ajit Singh of the Rashtriya Lok Dal, which has a significant support base in western U.P. Through all
in the State, the BJP and the Bahujan Samaj Party, have been uninhibited in talking down the threat such a Congress-
SP-Lohiaite alliance would pose. This is not surprising as there are big challenges such a grand alliance would face in
A pattern had taken shape in U.P. over the past many Assembly elections, that of the four main parties in the fray fighting
from their corners, with smaller, more fungible parties including the RLD going with the best pre-poll deal they could get.
In the four-cornered contest, each political party essentially aimed to maximise its outreach to its traditional vote base,
and hoped to strike the best deal in government-formation in the event of a hung Assembly. The previous two elections,
in 2007 and 2012, broke this pattern with voters giving one party a clear majority, first the BSP and then the SP. In fact,
the Congress and the BJP remained hopeless also-rans in this scenario in 2012 they won just 28 and 47 seats
respectively in the 403-member legislature. In the 2014 general election, the BJP did better than even its most optimistic
projections by getting over 42 per cent of the vote compared to 15 per cent in 2012. In Bihar, after the BJP effected a
similar sweep in 2014, its two main opponents, the RJD and the JD(U), buried their differences and put up a united secular
front, pulling the Congress too in their embrace. In U.P., the BSP and the SP show no signs of striking any working
understanding and in its absence it is unclear how formidable an SP-led alliance can be, especially while the Yadav
If >Delhis crippling pollution crisis is to end, at least in the coming years, the Centre and the States concerned need to
adopt a two-pronged approach: make policy changes to help > farmers stop burning crop waste and tackle problems
created by urbanisation. Every measure to curb the release of pollutants is important since the weather pattern in the
post-monsoon months causes smog to persist. The capital experiences the inversion effect of air pressure retarding the
dispersal of the foul cloud. There has to be strong political will to implement a time-bound programme that will stop the
burning of crop residues by one estimate about 90 million tonnes is burnt on-farm and put them to commercial use.
As the eminent agriculture scientist M.S. Swaminathan has pointed out, farmers are not at fault for trying to remove the
waste from the land, and they need help. In the northwestern States, they resort to burning straw to prepare for a wheat
crop weeks after harvesting rice. The Indian Agricultural Research Institute published a guidance report four years ago
on ways to use the residue, with an emphasis on converting paddy straw into livestock feed, compost, raw material for
power generation, biofuel production and as substrate for mushroom farming. State support is vital for straw to be used
as fodder, and farmers should be assisted with supplemental stocks of urea and molasses, green fodder and legume
waste.
The air quality in Delhi and other northern cities is under severe stress also owing to factors linked to urbanisation. Smoke-
generating brick kilns around the national capital need to be cleaned up through a state-guided modernisation programme,
since they become active during the period when the weather is unhelpful. It is also important to pave all roads well to
curb dust, and show zero tolerance to civic agencies leaving exposed mud after executing projects. A more diffused
problem is the burning of waste and other materials by the poor who do not have access to cleaner forms of heating in
the winter months. If that is unavoidable in the short term, it is certainly possible to clean up the transport sector. Delhis
bus fleet should be augmented, preferably doubled, with modern high-capacity zero emission electric vehicles of the kind
being introduced in Europe. Higher parking fees for private vehicles can pay for this. The capital indeed, all Indian
cities can achieve better efficiencies if transport data are opened up to build smartphone apps giving users real-time
service information. The Delhi government has responded to the crisis by shutting schools and banning waste burning. It
now needs a sustained pollution control strategy to keep life normal throughout the year.
NOV 09/2016
With Rahul Gandhi and the Congress, it is difficult to say who needs the other more. Indeed, it is not clear whether the
party is shielding him from the risk of electoral failure or whether it is looking to him for political leadership and guidance.
In any case the seemingly never-ending wait for his ascension as the president of the party was not doing either him or
the Congress any good. If the decision of the Congress Working Committee to ask Mr. Gandhi to take up the top post
was a surprise, it was only in its timing. Ever since the Lok Sabha election of 2014, Mr. Gandhi was being prepared for
this very job; also, his mother and Congress president, Sonia Gandhi, had not been keeping good health. But two factors
stood in the way. Members of the partys old guard were unsure of his leadership skills, or were apprehensive of being
left out if the order changed. More important, Mr. Gandhi himself wanted time. He wanted to make sure he did not appear
to be hankering after power and position, and he did not get blamed for electoral defeats that were, by any reckoning,
inevitable. But just as the seniors in the party reconciled themselves to the changing times, Mr. Gandhi too seems to have
become more responsive to the requirements of an organisation such as the Congress: that he would have to deal with
the party as it is, and that he would not be able to readily mould it to the form he would like it to take.
Quite possibly, Mr. Gandhi would not have had a shot at becoming the party president were it not for his lineage. But the
nature of the faction-ridden Congress is such that it needs a leader whose right to lead is not questioned at every step.
Mr. Gandhi meets this requirement. While the fractious nature of the party grants him greater legitimacy as a leader, it
also makes his task more difficult. At the CWC meeting, he expressed his willingness to take on the assigned role of party
president to fight for the preservation of the idea of India. This is a phrase that the Congress believes captures its
engagement with the Bharatiya Janata Party. The Congress does have its place in Indias political landscape, but it cannot
afford to define itself solely as the antithesis of the BJP. Mr. Gandhi will have to take the plunge wholeheartedly, with a
readiness to carry on the struggle for political change and economic development over the long term. He will have to be
ready to get his hands dirty in the every- day politics of bringing about positive change, incremental or otherwise, whenever
and wherever possible. There are no shortcuts. Taking blame and sharing credit are synonymous with assuming
responsibility.
The operation to > recapture Raqqa in Syria launched by a U.S.-backed coalition of Kurdish and Arab fighters is bound
to increase the military pressure on the Islamic State, which is already under attack in Mosul, its power centre in Iraq. The
Raqqa offensive has long been on the cards. The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) finally moved their troops to the citys
defence lines after getting weapons and the clearance from the U.S. As in the case of the battle for Mosul where the U.S.
provides air cover to the Iraqi forces and Shia militias, in Raqqa it will provide assistance to the SDF. The U.S. strategy
is to choke the IS from both sides, and its partners on the ground seem ready to take the high risk of attacking the groups
strongest bases. Over the past year the Kurdish fighters have been consistently effective in ground battles against the
IS. Most of the major territorial losses of the IS in Syria be it Kobane, Tal Abyad or Manbij were at the hands of the
Kurds. The jihadist group, which once had direct access to the Turkish border, has now retreated to its core in Syria,
it challenging to defend two of its most important cities at the same time. But that doesnt mean that the SDF will have an
The SDF is certain to face strong resistance. Raqqa is one of the first cities the IS captured; it has in place a ferocious,
ideologically charged and battle-ready team to build a strong defence. As the ongoing Mosul battle shows, breaching the
IS defence lines will take time and also lives. Raqqa has a population of about 2.2 lakh. Major air-borne campaigns to
help the SDF advance on the ground will be risky and could result in large civilian casualties. The IS also uses human
shields to stop ground advances of enemies. But the most pressing challenge the SDF faces is the response from Turkey.
Raqqa is a Sunni-populated town. Turkey is opposed to the SDF taking over Raqqa as a major constituent of the coalition
is the Kurdish militia, the Peoples Protection Units (YPG). Turkey sees the YPG as the Syrian unit of the Kurdistan
Workers Party, which it calls a terrorist force. The dilemma that the U.S. faces is one of bringing both the YPG and Turkey
on the same side of the battle for Raqqa. Turkey had in the past played dubious games with the IS. If it decides to do that
NOV 10/2016
>Donald Trump will be the 45th President of the United States. These words will echo in the hearts of 324 million
Americans today, some shell-shocked and downcast, others delirious with joy. The sheer divergence of emotions over
the surprise result is a poignant signal of how deeply divided the nation is, after a polarising two-year election campaign.
Bigotry, patriarchy and racist rancour, which reared their ugly heads throughout this season of incivility, may find no
welcome catharsis with the apotheosis of Mr. Trump. According to the exit polls, 58 per cent of whites and 21 per cent of
non-whites voted for Mr. Trump, whereas 37 per cent of whites and 74 per cent of non-whites voted for his Democratic
opponent Hillary Clinton. He also scored higher with men than women, and with those voters who did not have a college
degree. In other words, blue-collared white men and women thronged to Mr. Trump in droves, angry about their perceived
impoverishment and disenfranchisement inflicted by the countrys political and financial elites. It had left them with only
At the heart of the shock result is the shock itself, which stemmed from what most analysts have been calling the vote of
the silent majority. Why did the U.S. media and pollsters fail to see which way the wind was blowing? They apparently
did not suspect, when poll results suggested that Ms. Clinton was the more acceptable candidate, that some of the
respondents to these polls may have been unwilling to admit to being supporters of Mr. Trump. It is likely for instance that
women, 42 per cent of whom voted for Mr. Trump, were reluctant to reveal their preference after Mr. Trump was exposed
for boasting about sexual assault and faced allegations of the same. What was not taken proper note of was that in almost
every swing State, there were between 11 and 18 per cent undecided voters in late October a significant number of
people that tilted the election in favour of Mr. Trump. Insofar as this election reflected expressions of frustration that went
against the grain of political correctness, the Trump victory resembles Brexit. However, in his victory speech Mr. Trump
has appeared to quickly move past campaign recrimination, the conciliatory tone of which may go a little way in calming
nerves at home as well as of anxious world leaders watching the election from afar. If indeed he presents a softer, more
Prime Minister Narendra Modis move to curb unaccounted cash, or black money, circulating in the Indian economy
by >withdrawing the highest-value currency notes of Rs.500 and Rs.1,000 as legal tender within three-odd hours of the
announcement, is a bold one. He invoked provocative imagery to explain the measure of corrupt officials stashing kilos
of ill-gained cash under their mattresses, and such illicit black money fuelling inflation as well as terrorism. He pointed out
how difficult it is for honest taxpayers to buy a house as the real estate sector seldom operates without a cash component,
some of which finds its way to political funding. The increase in the circulation of these notes in the past five years has
been disproportionate to the economys growth. The introduction of new Rs.500 and Rs.2,000 notes, the government
argues, would not only check counterfeit currency, a problem that has assumed serious dimensions, but also purge Indias
economy of the black wealth amassed in the form of high-value notes. Any decision like this needs to be sudden, and it
is not surprising that it has caused hardship as people scramble to get notes of smaller denomination for daily expenditure.
The only defence for this is that the larger public purpose outweighs the immediate difficulties.
Having promised during the 2014 election campaign to bring back black money worth lakhs of crores supposedly stashed
abroad, the NDA government has been under pressure to do something dramatic. The two amnesty schemes it launched
over the past year, including one for foreign assets, didnt yield anything near the 23.2 per cent of GDP that the World
Bank had estimated Indias shadow economy to be in 2007. Today that would be nearly $479 billion in unaccounted
wealth, according to rating agency Crisil. While there will be pain and confusion in the short term for common people and
the Centre must ensure that no poor person is saddled with old, useless notes due to the lack of official identity documents
or a bank account, and avoid putting to disadvantage older citizens unable to visit a bank repeatedly to exchange high-
value notes. It should find ways to check black money parked in benami properties (possibly through a digital land and
realty inventory) and gold. There must also be administrative and electoral reforms to advance digital payments and
eliminate the prospect of the new currency regime spawning the ghost economy afresh.
NOV 11/2016
India and the U.K. have many reasons to have close relations. They are two pillars of the Commonwealth, sharing
democratic values and a world view on many political issues including terrorism. The Indian community that has settled
in Britain has helped deepen ties. Today India is the third largest investor in the U.K., and the U.K. is the largest G20
investor in India. It stands to reason that for her first foreign visit outside Europe after taking over as Prime
Minister, >Theresa May chose India. As long as British courts dont stand in her way, she will work to engineer the U.K.s
exit from the European Union in early 2017, and her visit to India was seen as a way of exploring a trade path outside of
the EU, with preliminary talk expected on reviving negotiations for a free trade agreement that were first started in 2007.
For the past few months, British ministers, including key advisers to Ms. May, have emphasised that the Brexit movement
would benefit India-U.K. ties. Given this backdrop, it remains a mystery why, in the event, Ms. Mays visit turned out to be
devoid of any substantial measures that would put India-U.K ties on a new trajectory.
The >two MoUs signed in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Ms. May, on improving the ease of doing
business and on intellectual property rights, did little to add any shine to the lacklustre visit. Worse, Ms. May seemed
more comfortable with her previous role as U.K. Home Secretary when she had announced strictures on immigration and
student visas that have led to a 50 per cent drop in Indian students enrolling in British universities. Just three days before
her visit to India, London announced new restrictions on overseas students, including two-tier visa rules based on the
quality of courses, and a crackdown on work visas to control migration. Quite oblivious of the impact of these measures
on her hosts, Ms. May chose to announce during her first day in Delhi that not only could she not consider Indias demands
for relaxation, but that the U.K. could not do so unless India did more to assist in the return of Indians with no right to
remain in the U.K. The irony is that London has refused to budge on facilitating the return of the likes of Vijay Mallya
and Lalit Modi. It was odd that the Modi government chose to rejoice that Ms. May offered visas on a short notice scheme
only for the extremely wealthy Indian as part of a Grand Club, which even British newspapers have criticised as a racist,
drawing up the first steps on enhanced finance and technology transfer, which is vital to advance the Paris Agreement
that entered into force on November 4. Indias negotiating positions at the ongoing >Conference of the Parties 22 (CoP
22) must ensure that on both these aspects, the basic principle of equity and common but differentiated responsibilities
laid down by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change are upheld. Mitigating greenhouse gas emissions is
central to the effort to contain the rise of the global average temperature in the current century to well below 2 Celsius
since pre-industrial levels. But that goal is considered impossible even if sincere action is taken on all pledges made so
far, necessitating a higher ambition. Moreover, the Paris Agreement does not have a carbon budget system that gives
weightage to the emerging economies taking their historical handicap into account. The imperative therefore is to demand
suitably high financial flows to both mitigate emissions and prepare communities to adapt to climate change. Such a
mandate should be seen as an opportunity, since CoP 22 will discuss ways and means for countries to integrate their
national commitments submitted for the Paris deal into actual policies and investment plans. In Indias case, new
developments in sectors such as construction, transport, energy production, waste and water management, as well as
Adopting green technologies in power generation, which has a lock-in effect lasting decades, and other areas like
transport with immediate impacts such as reduced air pollution has a twin advantage. The local environment is cleaned
up, improving the quality of life, and carbon emissions are cut. It is imperative therefore that the national position raises
pressure on rich countries for technological and funding assistance under the Paris Agreement. In parallel, India would
have to update its preparedness to meet the new regime of transparency that is to be launched under the climate pact.
The preparatory decisions to write the rules and modalities for such a framework, and assist developing countries with
capability building will be taken at Marrakech. There is some apprehension that the U.S. could exit the climate consensus
since the President-elect, Donald Trump, has vowed to cancel the Paris Agreement. Yet, business and industry today
see a strong case to take a new path, as energy costs favour renewable sources over fossil fuels. States and cities are
also charting their own course to curb emissions. These are encouraging trends.
NOV 12/2016
There was never any doubt that Punjabs legislative adventurism in enacting a law in 2004 to terminate all previous
agreements on sharing the waters of the Ravi and the Beas with its neighbours would not survive judicial scrutiny.
Answering a Presidential reference on the validity of Punjabs action, the Supreme Court has >declared the States law
illegal . It has ruled that Punjab reneged on its solemn promises by terminating its 1981 agreement with Haryana and
Rajasthan to discharge itself of the obligation to construct the Sutlej-Yamuna Link (SYL) Canal. Its objective was to
overcome the 2004 decree passed by the Supreme Court directing it to complete the canal work expeditiously. The courts
reasoning draws from previous verdicts relating to the Cauvery and Mullaperiyar disputes, reiterating the principle that a
State cannot, through legislation, do an act in conflict with the judgment of the highest court which has attained finality.
It is another matter if legislation takes the form of a validating Act to cure specific illegalities or one that removes the basis
for a particular verdict. The verdict by a five-member Bench is a timely reminder that it would be destructive of the rule of
law and federalism if a State were to be allowed to usurp judicial powers by nullifying a verdict that has rendered findings
them is the best protector of the States interests. This attitude leads to a disturbing tendency among States to be judges
in their own cause, especially when it comes to water disputes. Political parties in power increasingly resort to legislation
or Assembly resolutions rather than negotiation. The Opposition parties collaborate in this with equal zeal, lest they be
seen to be wanting in passion for the cause. Punjab may well have had legitimate grievances, historically, in the sharing
of waters. This was, in fact, the reason the Rajiv-Longowal accord of 1985 contained clauses relating to river-water
sharing too. Earlier, differences were first settled by a notification by the Centre in 1976. When the matter led to litigation,
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi brokered an agreement in 1981. In effect, the present arrangements, which Punjab seeks
to wriggle out of, are backed by three agreements. The Supreme Court ruled against Punjab in 2002 as well as in 2004.
The States obligation to allow the completion of the SYL Link Canal, so that Haryana can utilise the share of water
allocated to it, cannot be frustrated any more. If Punjab feels aggrieved, there may be scope for negotiation and
I was born like this, I had no choice. I was born with the gift of a golden voice, wrote Leonard Cohen in Tower of Song,
suggesting he was sentenced to a life of imprisonment in music. It was a life in which he fused pain and passion, blended
the sacred with the profane. Among the greatest of the singer-songwriters to emerge from the sixties, Cohen spoke of
extreme passions in liturgical phrases and with biblical references. The Canadian troubadour, who found inspiration in
Greece and fame in the U.S., was a successful novelist and a poet before turning to lyrics to slash your wrists by,
rendered almost conversationally in a brooding and arrestingly sensual bass. Unlike other musicians, he didnt fade away
as he grew older, or when he ached in the places where he used to play. His last two albums were suffused with witty,
self-deprecatory humour and intimations of his own mortality. Cohen also remained a spiritual seeker in his verses all his
life, his songs often deviating from the narrative to ask questions about the divine, as he wandered from Zen Buddhism
Along with Bob Dylan, who called him No.1 to his Zero, Cohen blurred the line between poetry and lyric in the sixties
and seventies. They spoke the language of the time using words of rebellion and spirituality. The words of Suzanne and
Closing Time dive into religion and morality, cutting just as deep without the music. Bird on the Wire was where he hit
peak, the simplicity of the rhyme serving to ram home the complexity of the emotion. He retained his edge even in his
last album, speaking with the same voice and shifting only in theme to death and leave-taking. Cohen used chords
sparsely, not allowing the music to drown the words. However, his music was no lesser a feat. The rises and falls of
Hallelujah draw listeners to emotions of accomplishment and dejection in the gap of a few notes; the soft sensuality of
Dance Me to the End of Love is rendered with a tinge of sadness that befitted the link in his mind between the song and
into a higher emotional realm. Cohens death is a loss to all who look for reason in the rhyme and rhythm. Always a
perfectionist, he often described his masterpieces as incomplete. >Cohen may be no more but he will, for many years
from now, be speaking to us softly from his window in the tower of song.
NOV 14/2016
When India conducted its nuclear tests in 1998, Japan was the country that took it the hardest: it put all political
exchanges with India on hold, froze aid and announced economic sanctions within hours. A thaw in ties didnt come until
2001, when sanctions were lifted. And then, in 2009, the two countries began an annual strategic dialogue. This has now
come to fruition with the signing of the nuclear cooperation agreement in Tokyo > during Prime Minister Narendra Modis
visit. The deal is critical to Indias renewable energy plans. Japanese companies that produce cutting-edge reactor
technology were previously not allowed to supply parts to India. In addition, Japanese companies have significant holdings
in their U.S. and French partners negotiating for nuclear reactors now, and that would have held up the deals. This is
Japans first nuclear deal with a non-signatory to the Non Proliferation Treaty, and it recognises Indias exemplary record
in nuclear prudence. It is indeed a much-needed moral boost as New Delhi strives for membership in the Nuclear
Suppliers Group (NSG). The move will boost the meagre, and dipping, bilateral trade of $15 billion, and lift the strategic
There are several riders to this rosy prognosis, however. First, the nuclear deal has to be approved by Japans Parliament.
This will not be aided by unhelpful references such as those made recently by Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar, about
revisiting Indias no-first-use nuclear weapons policy. In Japan, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe may face criticism that he
extracted too few assurances from India on a nuclear test ban. In India, Mr. Modi may be criticised for giving in too much,
as a note slipped into the agreement now accepts an emergency suspension of the deal if India tests a weapon. The
clock is ticking, and Mr. Abe must bring the deal to Parliament in early 2017 to ensure that the commercial agreement for
Westinghouses six reactors in Andhra Pradesh that is due in June 2017 comes through. This will also coincide with the
next plenary of the NSG. Both New Delhi and Tokyo must also be wary of the impact on Beijing of this new stage in their
ties. China has been hedging against deeper Japan-India ties in Asia by investing in its relationship with Russia and
Pakistan. As the two Asian rivals to China, India and Japan might need the partnership even more in the days to come,
as the U.S. President-elect has indicated a lower level of interest in playing policeman in the region.
With the Supreme Court responding to the presidential reference and >terming illegal the Punjab Termination of
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Minister when the legislation was passed more than a decade ago in order to deny the neighbouring States their
determined share of river waters, lost no time in announcing his resignation as a member of the Lok Sabha and that of
all Congress MLAs from the Punjab Assembly. As an act of protest it has an absurd edge, but with Assembly elections
due in early 2017, the party obviously wants to raise the stakes by identifying itself with the emotive water issue. In fact,
it allows Mr. Singh the ideal launch pad to take on not just the Shiromani Akali Dal-BJP government, but also the Congress
campaign strategist, Prashant Kishor, with whom he has been at odds. Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal had upped
the ante earlier this year by shepherding a law in the Assembly to return to the original owners land acquired decades
ago for the Sutlej-Yamuna Link canal meant to enable sharing of river waters. Even as the State Governor refrained from
giving consent to the legislation, bulldozers were employed to fill part of the canal with uprooted trees and soil to mark
the Punjab governments defiance. In response to the Supreme Courts advisory on the 2004 law, Mr. Badal has called a
If there is a case for recalculating what may be a fair sharing of river waters given the changes in water availability, then
Punjabs government and politicians are unwilling to even consider this. It is an all-or-nothing game in an election season
in which the established political coordinates have been scrambled. Over the past couple of decades, Punjab politics had
settled into a two-party/alliance dynamic, the Congress versus SAD-BJP. The 2014 Lok Sabha election changed that,
with the Aam Aadmi Party taking four of the 13 seats. The implication of the AAP record for the Assembly elections is not
clear, whether it was a one-off that put the older parties on notice, or whether it signalled a search for a party that would
break the States fossilised, often vengeful, politics that has eschewed attention to grassroots issues of agrarian distress,
drug addiction, corruption, and discrimination. It is unclear whether the SADs or the Congresss high defiance on water
agreements will help them electorally in this landscape. But it would amount to further undermining the larger national
profile that both Mr. Badal and Mr. Singh have built over the decades if they rallied passions so irresponsibly.
NOV 15/2016
The long, anxious, and frustrating wait by people outside banks and ATMs across the country over the last five days is
an inevitable consequence of the >decision to demonetise notes of Rs.500 and Rs.1,000. When 86 per cent of the value
of notes in circulation turns suddenly invalid, as it did with Prime Minister Modis surgical strike last week, a certain
degree of disruption and pain is unavoidable. But the question is whether this chaos could have >been anticipated and
managed better than it has been. Replacement of the demonetised notes is a time-consuming exercise that requires
planning of the highest order. The experience of the last few days shows that preparation was lacking and the transition
could have been handled much better. ATMs are running out of cash quickly while banks are dispensing more of the
to make an exchange? Of course, it was never an easy task for the Reserve Bank of India and the Centre to strike the
right balance between secrecy and storing adequate quantity of notes for quick distribution. All the same, there are at
The new Rs.500 notes that hit the market on Monday could have been released immediately after the announcement last
week. Putting out new Rs.500 notes along the Rs.2,000 notes would have placed much less strain on those of the Rs.100
denomination, which are anyway in short supply. Second, it appears that officials woke up a little late to the issue of
recalibrating ATMs. At least a day, if not more, was lost as banks realised the ATMs would not be able to dispense the
new notes. The communication with the public, who were in a state of panic, could have been better, too. Thankfully, the
Centre has woken up to ease the pressure on the system by increasing withdrawal limits, allowing for petroleum outlets
and hospitals to accept the old series of notes until November 24 and pushing more cash through post offices. The worst-
affected are people in rural areas and villages where cash is king and the banking systems penetration is poor. The
decision to relax cash-holding limits for banking correspondents, the crucial link between banks and villages, to Rs.50,000
and allowing them to replenish multiple times a day should help in faster distribution. This ought to have been done much
earlier. The cash crunch of the last few days is certain to have an adverse impact on consumption spending, especially
in the rural areas, with the resultant effect on the economy in the third quarter.
The >fresh peace deal announced by Bogota and the rebels of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) may
look no less fragile than the previous accord that Colombians rejected in a referendum in October. But signs that the
gathering economic momentum depends on lasting reconciliation could trump other outstanding concerns. The current
endeavour to secure peace has been four years and more in the making. It involved political heavyweights in Latin
America and beyond, whose influence should make a reversal of recent gains especially difficult. >The Nobel Peace
Prize, awarded days after the referendum reversal, has enhanced the stature of President Juan Manuel Santos as a
relentless crusader for peace in the midst of formidable if not insurmountable hurdles. But it is not inconceivable that
having had the earlier accord rejected in a vote, the risks of a repeat referendum, or alternatively the moral and political
deficit likely to arise from dispensing with one in this instance, will cast a shadow over the current effort. Foremost is the
question whether the leaders of the FARC should be allowed to participate in the political process. President Santos has
defended the retention of the provision in the revised deal, arguing that the promise of a legitimate route to politics for
rebel groups has been the hallmark of any peace process the world over. Those opposed to the deal contend that
according political eligibility to criminals who have not been brought to justice amounts to a violation of the rule of law.
In fact, the popular perception that the government was seeking to reward top FARC leaders with public office had
decisively tilted voter sentiment against the deal in the October vote. The mere provision to obtain an inventory of the
assets of rebels, with a view to compensate victims, or to elicit disclosures on the drug mafia, may not be enough to
placate the people. Former President Alvaro Uribe, who spearheaded the No campaign, has yet to pronounce on the new
agreement. But Mr. Santos and Mr. Uribe, erstwhile allies, must be acutely sensitive to the economic implications of
continued political instability, in their search for a reasonable compromise. The commodities downturn has hit Colombias
economy hard, and the government has already scaled down expectations of a boost to the tourism and agriculture
sectors from the peace accord. Yet, the Presidents proactive engagement with the international community to attract
NOV 16/2016
There has been, in recent times, an unusually public conflict between the judiciary and the executive over the shortage
of judges in various high courts. Amidst the perception that the situation has reached crisis proportions and is threatening
to cripple judicial functioning, it is somewhat disconcerting that as many as 43 names out of a list of 77 recommended for
appointment have not found favour with the Centre. It has informed the Supreme Court that these names require
reconsideration by the collegium. The Centre contends that it has cleared 34 appointments, and that there is no file
pending with it. It appears to have taken the cue from the remarks of the Chief Justice of India, T.S. Thakur, that it is
better to send back the names it is not happy with rather than keep the entire list pending. The collegium is now obliged
to return to its recommendations and examine the governments specific objections about the suitability of each candidate.
This may further delay the filling up of vacancies, which have been well above the 400-mark at the high court level for
some time now. The executive, of course, is bound to make the appointments if the collegium reiterates the
recommendations, but it is quite unusual that such a large number of names should be returned. It raises the question
whether larger differences between the judiciary and the executive are playing out in this form.
Chief Justice Thakur has been quite vocal and unsparing in his criticism of the delay on the part of the executive in filling
up vacancies. In open court as well as in public forums, he has highlighted the grim situation as the judicial branch is
grappling with an enormous work burden, on the one hand, and an exploding docket on the other. The executive feels it
is being blamed for delays that are not entirely of its making, and contends that high courts have contributed to this
situation by letting vacancies lie unattended. Another possible undercurrent is that the Centre is unhappy over the
Supreme Court collegium delaying its nod to the revised Memorandum of Procedure for judicial appointments sent on
August 3. Despite the obvious difficulties in the task, the judiciary and the government should attempt to forge a quick
consensus on the revised procedure and avert the crisis reaching a flashpoint. The Centre should not be seen as delaying
appointments or seeking to dilute judicial primacy, while the judiciary should not be seen as stalling improvements in the
arguably most important project of transitioning to a new government: >picking the White House team that will carry out
his policy agenda. The exercise acquires added significance given the earthquake-like impact of his election victory on a
variety of constituencies, including different segments of the American people, and the U.S. Congress. In an ideal world,
liberal America with the irresistible demand from his conservative backers and independent supporters that he deliver on
the promises made during the campaign. His task is more straightforward with regard to Capitol Hill as both the Senate
and the House of Representatives are now controlled by the Republican Party. However, Mr. Trumps messy rise through
the primaries divided the partys leadership over their acceptance of him as their nominee, and thus this relationship is
Mr. Trumps initial stab at West Wing appointments is off to a start that could be characterised as astute yet polarising. In
picking Reince Priebus as his Chief of Staff, Mr. Trump has signalled to House Speaker Paul Ryan his desire to put the
nastiness of the campaign behind them. Mr. Priebus and Mr. Ryan are Wisconsin politicians who go back two decades.
As the longstanding head of the Republican National Committee, Mr. Priebus walked a tightrope over the fraying ties
between Mr. Trump and party heavyweights during the darkest days of the campaign. Having thus proved his
organisational acumen and loyalty to Mr. Trump, it is fitting that Mr. Priebus will soon be tasked with negotiating with
Congress, executive branch agencies, and external political groups to implement Mr. Trumps agenda. The other high-
profile choice will be harder to swallow for many: Steve Bannon, the CEO of the Trump campaign and the former CEO of
the alt-right media house Breitbart News, as his Chief Strategist and Senior Counsellor. Under Mr. Bannon, Breitbart
was accused of being racist, anti-Semitic, misogynist and prone to conspiracy theorising. Yet Mr. Trump has indicated
Mr. Bannon and Mr. Priebus will be equal partners to transform the federal government, a possible hint of a plan to
create a multipolar power structure within the White House. Mr. Bannons appointment, a likely nod to the far-right
constituencies that were so strongly with him, has been balanced by a more practical-minded and mainstream-focussed
Mr. Priebus. Other key appointments will provide a clue to which way this balance may tilt.
A day after > Class 12 students turned up in large numbers for their school-leaving examinations in the Kashmir Valley,
attendance for the Class 10 tests too crossed the 95 per cent mark. Successful conduct of these tests is crucial not just
as a signal that >normalcy could be returning to Jammu and Kashmir after the months-long unrest, but equally importantly,
to secure the school year for students. In the event, given that classes had been disrupted since the July 8 killing of Hizbul
Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani, the syllabus had been reduced by half for students opting to appear for the
examinations now. But their successful start, amid demands that they be summarily postponed, should also allay fears
caused by a series of arson attacks on school buildings across the Valley. More than 30 schools have been attacked in
recent months in fact, on Monday teachers managed to prevent serious damage when a school in Baramulla district
was set ablaze. The attacks are a clear signal of the determined plan by miscreants, their identity yet to be established,
to hold classes hostage. It is critical that, going forward, the State government rally teachers and parents sufficiently to
build a constituency to firewall the school calendar from disruptions imposed on the Valley.
After a long summer when too many children were caught in the crossfire, with some killed or blinded due to the security
forces unconscionable persistence with pellet guns, a curtailed syllabus for examinations must serve as a reminder of
the risks to the aspirations of yet another generation. To bring back calm, more needs to be done to use the tenuous calm
on the street to normalise the daily transactions among local communities. If anger spilled over on to the streets in
unexpected and disturbing ways after Wanis death, as the weeks and months passed it led to maximalist rhetoric on the
part of the separatists, expectedly, and the government, unnecessarily. It is bewildering, for instance, why Defence
Minister Manohar Parrikar would choose to commend the demonetisation measure by linking it to a decline in protests in
Kashmir. A larger-hearted acknowledgement by New Delhi of the distress in the Valley is essential. Getting past the
protests and shutdowns of 2016 will require far more than was done in 2010. In this fractious Parliament session, the
government needs to foster an all-party initiative to reach out to the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Taking careful note
A year and a half after China and Pakistan >announced plans for an Economic Corridor, the CPEC, to connect Kashgar
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and on to the Gulf and Africa. Many of the infrastructure and energy projects that are part of CPEC, worth an estimated
$46 billion, are already under way. Of this, $35-38 billion is committed in the energy sector, in gas, coal and solar energy
across Pakistan, with the combined expected capacity crossing 10,000 MW. This is roughly double the current shortfall
the country experiences. In addition, the 3,000-km rail and roadway project is expected to generate 700,000 jobs by 2030.
While Pakistan sees CPEC as a game changer, there are many challenges. There are some misgivings domestically,
with critics questioning the projects viability, and some accusing China of launching a second East India Company.
There are the security challenges too, especially in the western areas near the key Gwadar port, where militants ranging
from Baloch nationalists to the Taliban and the Islamic State have carried out attacks. Systemic challenges include project
delays in the CPECs first year, which the World Bank warns could prove to be an impediment to Pakistans overall growth.
Pakistan-India tensions, unless contained, too could endanger sectors of the project where Pakistani troops are engaged
in providing security. Finally, the economic slowdown in China and the political instability in Pakistan could impact the
However, >these internal considerations for Pakistan shouldnt blur the bigger picture for India: CPEC is now a reality. In
the past Indias reaction to the project, announced a few weeks before Prime Minister Narendra Modis visit to China in
2015, had turned from dismissal and disdain to disapproval and then to outright opposition. India even raised concerns
over projects in disputed Gilgit-Baltistan at the UN General Assembly. Not only has the project gone ahead despite the
objections, but China now sees CPEC as a physical link between its One Belt, One Road (OBOR) project and the Maritime
Silk Route (MSR). India has refused to be a part of either. That Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Afghanistan are all on board
the OBOR and the MSR should give India pause. It is important for Delhi to also take a closer look at the security
implications of the China-Pakistan clinch that is fast drawing in Russia in the north, all the way to the Arabian Sea, while
NOV 18/2016
When 86 per cent of currency notes in a country of 1.3 billion people are rendered illegal tender in a matter of hours, it
is bound to create a short-term disruption in daily lives. Particularly so, since much of Indias economic activity still takes
place in the informal sector with no cheque payments, resulting not just in widespread direct and indirect tax evasion but
also an inability to assess the true state of the economy. For instance, while farmers income is not taxed, most of them
now have a Kisan Credit Card, first launched in 1998, and no-frills bank accounts whose creation has been scaled up by
the present government. But the agricultural economy is still controlled by middlemen and traders who only make cash
payments to farmers while reaping a profit from the difference in prices from farm-gate to fork. The introduction of the
Goods and Services Tax will make it tougher for such intermediaries to remain below the tax radar, though foodgrains
will be zero-rated under the tax regime. Just as paying taxes on their profits is uncharted territory for such traders, the
government too is navigating uncharted waters with the demonetisation drive, necessitating adjustments on the go.
Rural Indians, like their urban peers, may be in a tizzy for now over the currency swoop and face challenges in
transactions, but there doesnt seem to be a threat to the rabi crop as the Opposition has sought to suggest. By last
Friday, the total area sown was significantly higher than at the same time last year, except for coarse cereals. The latest
relaxation, allowing farmers to withdraw Rs.25,000 a week, should assuage any concerns on this front. However, the
offices, that has become evident a week after the demonetisation. So, even soiled Rs.100 notes have been brought back
into circulation to tide over the scarcity. Given our abysmal public health infrastructure, a thought should also have been
spared for peoples healthcare costs. Meanwhile, the Union Cabinet had cleared measures to push non-cash payments
in February, but little has been implemented using credit cards still involves high transaction charges, for example.
Tweaking the exchange limit for old notes from Rs.4,000 to Rs.4,500 and then down to Rs.2,000 has created confusion,
often leading to ugly scenes at banks. Afterthoughts may be inevitable in emergency situations, but the government also
needs to address popular anxieties by constantly, and publicly, updating its road map.
o Storm - an occasion when a lot of rain falls very quickly, often with very
strong winds or thunder and lightning
o Rendered - to cause someone or something to be in a particular state
o Disruption - a situation in which something cannot continue because of
a problem
o Informal - not formal (friendly)
o Widespread - existing or happening in many places and/or among many
people
o Evasion - the act of avoiding something or someone
o Inability - not being able to do something
o For instance - for example
o No-frills - basic (no extra or unnecessary details)
o Scaled up - incresed
o Middlemen - a person who buys goods from the company that has
produced them and makes a profit by selling them to a shop or a user
o Traders - people who buy and sell things
o Reaping - to get something as a result of something that you do
o Farm-gate to fork - the stages involved in the growing, processing, and
consumption of food
o Intermediary - a person who acts as a link between people in order to
try and bring about an agreement; a mediator
o Below the radar - ignored or not noticed
o Foodgrain - any of a variety of grains that are grown for human
consumption, such as wheat, oats, etc
o Regime - a system of rules that control something
o Uncharted - completely new and therefore has never been described
before
o Navigating - directing
o Demonetisation - to officially stop using particular notes or coins, or a
particular currency
o Necessitating - to make something necessary
o Peer - someone who belongs to the same social or professional group as
another person
o Tizzy - feeling very nervous or confused
o Swoop - to make a sudden move
o Sown - to put seeds in or on the ground so that plants will grow
o Significantly - by a large amount
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The 2003 ceasefire on the Line of Control has clearly now ceased to hold, with daily exchange of fire between Indian
and Pakistani soldiers. The DGMO channel has failed to quell exchanges that include artillery and mortar fire. There are
no bilateral talks today at any level, and the only contact between the governments in Islamabad and New Delhi is when
one countrys foreign ministry summons the others High Commissioner to issue a demarche about the growing casualties
along the International Boundary and the LoC in Jammu and Kashmir. The two countries have even dispensed with
routine niceties: Pakistan is yet to condemn the Uri attack in which 19 soldiers were killed, and India has not put out a
statement on the spate of terror attacks in Balochistan. Meanwhile, fears about the LoC firing spiralling out of control have
grown. In Pakistan, that worry has increased because of the impending decision on who will be the next army chief, and
owing to tensions between Army Headquarters and the Nawaz Sharif government. India, having announced its surgical
strikes as a new red-line of response post-Uri, is concerned about a terrorist build-up across the LoC, with 18 infiltration
Affairs Advisor to the Pakistan Prime Minister, has indicated that he will visit India for the Heart of Asia donor conference
on Afghanistan in early December. A year ago, when External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj attended the Heart of Asia
meet in Islamabad, she had announced the resumption of bilateral talks, called a comprehensive dialogue. This year no
such announcement appears to be even remotely on the cards during Mr. Azizs trip to Amritsar. It is, however, a window
of opportunity to take the current tensions firmly in hand, and assure regional leaders gathered at the conference who
will include Afghanistan President Ashraf Ghani, Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif and ministers from China and Russia
that India and Pakistan can in fact sort out the concerns bilaterally. The Heart of Asia conference will no doubt reinforce
Indias message to Pakistan on terrorism on the need to dismantle all groups including those that target its neighbours
such as India, Afghanistan and Iran. However, in discussing the protracted violence in Afghanistan, leaders at the
conference may also drive home the point that the current levels of tension and violence between India and Pakistan will
NOV 19/2016
It is no surprise that the >Supreme Court has declined to review its 2014 judgment banning jallikattu, the popular bull-
taming sport held alongside annual harvest festivities in rural Tamil Nadu. The original judgment had drawn on sound
legal principles to conclude that the need to prevent cruelty to animals overrides the consideration that conducting the
sport was necessary to preserve culture and tradition. More particularly, the court had found that a 2009 State law that
sought to regulate jallikattu was repugnant to the 1960 central legislation to prevent cruelty towards animals. The former
Act did contain stringent provisions, but animal rights activists contended that the element of cruelty could not be
eliminated altogether. Despite evidence that the game caused distress and pain to the animals, and even led to injuries
and occasional fatalities, political leaders in the State and sections of the public often make the claim that jallikattu has
cultural and religious significance for the Tamil community. Jallikattu is construed as a macho sport in which intrepid
young men demonstrate their valour by pouncing on fleeing bulls. It is also associated in the popular imagination with
cultural pride. Over the years, the tradition was kept alive in many villages under the belief that not conducting jallikattu
would invite divine wrath. As a result, the bull-baiting sport was invested with religious significance too.
It was unlikely that the court would have entertained a review merely on a claim that popular sentiment favoured the
conduct of jallikattu and that its purported religious and cultural significance would provide constitutional protection to it.
The Bench has rejected attempts to invoke the right of religious freedom guaranteed in Article 25 of the Constitution. It
was unfathomable that there could be a connection between jallikattu and religious freedom, the court said. And it was
held mainly for human entertainment at the expense of the animal. Apart from the State governments review plea, the
stayed immediately and a verdict on its validity is expected to come separately. However, given that the court is sticking
to the stand that it would not allow any cruelty in the name of holding a rural sport, it is unlikely to survive judicial scrutiny.
The Tamil Nadu government and like-minded sections at the Centre would do well to accept this ruling as final and stop
espousing the cause. If there is one takeaway here, it is the futility of pursuing measures to preserve feudal traditions in
Russias move to quit the International Criminal Court (ICC) is the outcome of the political undercurrents that have of
l >ate strained its relations with the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). More ominous could be the ramifications
of the exit, the fourth within the last two months, from the established world arbiter. The collective vision of that global
pact was to bring the impunities of political leaders to justice before a transnational body when all domestic remedies
were exhausted. Russias announcement was predictable as a reaction to the courts report on Tuesday, stating that the
2014 annexation of Crimea from Ukraine amounted to an occupation. Moscow has denied any role by its military,
maintaining that Crimeas accession was authorised in a popular referendum. NATOs continued eastward expansion
explains at least some of President Vladimir Putins belligerent rhetoric. >Not only has the western military alliance
extended into the countries of the former Eastern bloc, it has also brought some member states of the erstwhile Soviet
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against the U.S. and its allies for the war crimes committed during the Iraq war would have further eroded Russias
South Africas decision to walk out of the Hague court in October symbolises its abdication of a regional leadership role.
Africa still remains hostage to the machinations of traditional tribal warlords, who systematically subvert democratic
institutions and squander the rich natural wealth in league with big corporations. South Africas regressive step came at
a time when politicians in neighbouring countries, faced with legal proceedings for perpetrating heinous crimes, have
successfully projected the impression that the ICC was biased against the whole continent. The current stance of Pretoria
is a far cry from that over a decade ago when the country incorporated crimes of genocide from the ICC statute into its
domestic laws. When Washington refused at the turn of the century to be bound by the jurisdiction of the Hague court,
there were concerns that the nascent body would be left sorely wanting in legitimacy and authority. Those anxieties have,
if anything, been amplified by the unprecedented war crimes being perpetrated in the Syrian conflict and the humanitarian
catastrophe being witnessed there. To enforce justice beyond the barriers imposed by domestic borders is a noble aim.
NOV 21/2016.
The UN conference on climate change held in Marrakech, with an emphasis on raising the commitment of all countries
to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, is particularly significant as it provided an opportunity to communicate
concerns about the future climate policy of the U.S. It would be untenable for the U.S., with a quarter of all cumulative
fossil fuel emissions, to renege on its promise to assist vulnerable and developing nations with climate funding, technology
transfer and capacity-building under Donald Trumps presidency. As the Marrakech Action Proclamation issued at the
close of the conference emphasises, the world needs all countries to work together to close the gap between their
intended reduction of carbon emissions and what needs to be done to keep the rise of the global average temperature
well below 2C in this century. The Paris Agreement on climate change was forged on the consensus that man-made
climate change does have a scientific basis, that the developed countries are responsible for accumulated emissions,
and that future action should focus on shifting all nations to a clean energy path. Not much progress was made at
Marrakech on raising the $100 billion a year that is intended to help the poorer nations. Political commitment and resource
mobilisation will be crucial to meet targets for mitigation of emissions and adaptation.
India is in a particularly difficult situation as it has the twin challenges of growing its economy to meet the development
aspirations of a large population, and cutting emissions. National GHG levels are small per capita, but when added up
they put India in the third place, going by data from the Carbon Dioxide Information Analysis Center in the U.S. As a
signatory to the Paris Agreement, which has provisions to monitor emissions and raise targets based on a review,
pressure on India to effect big cuts is bound to increase. The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change will hear
from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 2018 on what impact an additional warming of 1.5C could have
on the planet and what can be done to ensure it is pegged at this level. The pledges made so far are well short of this
target, and even if they are all implemented, a minimum rise of 2.9C is forecast by the UN Environment Programme.
India has no historical responsibility for accumulated GHGs, but smaller, more vulnerable countries such as island states
and Bangladesh are demanding action to cut emissions. A strategy that involves all State governments will strengthen
o Getting real - to understand the true facts of a situation and not hope
for what is impossible
o Emphasis - the particular importance or attention that is given to
something
o Greenhouse gas - a gas that causes the greenhouse effect, especially
carbon dioxide
Donald Trumps surprise win in the U.S. presidential elections has lent the dollar new wings. It has soared against most
currencies, including the rupee, on the expectation that his economic policies will spur growth and inflation in the worlds
extend a record appreciating streak against the euro last week and pushed the rupee past 68 to a dollar. In Congressional
testimony last week, Fed Chair Janet Yellen signalled that the central bank was close to a decision to raise rates again.
Some economists predict U.S. GDP growth could see appreciable acceleration in 2017 with one projection positing
even a doubling of the pace by the fourth quarter if the new administration delivers on some of its promises, including
tax cuts, deregulation and infrastructure spending. In fact, with a Republican majority in both the House of Representatives
and the Senate, Mr. Trump could benefit from smoother Congressional backing for policy initiatives to boost economic
activity. U.S. stocks and bonds have also reflected the optimism over the outlook for U.S. growth and prospects that
increased fiscal spending will help reflate the economy, with the S&P 500 Index adding gains for the second straight week
For the rupee, which has slumped 2.3 per cent from its 66.62 a dollar close on November 8, the flight of capital from
emerging market assets has inflicted significant pressure that has been exacerbated by the Centres decision to withdraw
higher denomination currencies. Foreign institutional investors have sold more than $2.5 billion of Indian equity and debt
holdings so far this month, compared with the about $1.5 billion they offloaded through October. With the demonetisation
move infusing a surge of liquidity into the banking system, domestic interest rates are expected to decline, making the
rupee less attractive to investors seeking to benefit from an interest rate arbitrage. And with consumption and broader
economic activity predicted to take a hit on account of the shortage of cash in the wake of the currency move, GDP growth
may slow sharply. That in turn could weaken overseas investor appetite for rupee assets. The task before policymakers,
and the monetary policy committee that is set to meet on December 7, a week before the Federal Open Market
Committees rate decision, will be to reassure markets and investors that Indias economy remains robust.
NOV 22/2016
A railway network that caters to about seven billion passenger trips a year poses extraordinary management challenges,
the most important of which is to ensure that all journeys end safely. The derailment of the Indore-Patna Express in
Kanpur Dehat, with the death toll at least 146, is a stark reminder that Indias strained railway system can be unpredictably
risky. The distress of the families of passengers who died and those left injured can never be fully compensated by the
announcement of ex-gratia compensation by the Railway Ministry, the Prime Ministers Office and State governments; at
the same time, confidence in the system has suffered a severe blow. The Ministry, which has recorded an average of 50
confidence. There are several elements to safety, of which the integrity of the tracks, signalling, engines and coaches
need to be rigorously audited. Internal investigations by the Commissioners of Railway Safety have found human error to
be responsible for 70 per cent of serious rail accidents, which underscores the importance of training and adherence to
strict operational discipline. In the Patna Express accident, the focus is on whether there were flaws in the track, the
speed at which the late-running train was being driven, and the role played by coach design in leading to high fatalities.
Millions of people board a train in India every day. They need an assurance from the Ministry that it is learning from its
mistakes. Specialist committees headed by Anil Kakodkar on safety and Bibek Debroy on restructuring have
recommended major reforms, such as the creation of a statutory safety authority, speedy replacement of ageing coaches
with modern LHB design, and revamped management that keeps its focus on core train operations. In his budget this
year, Railway Minister Suresh Prabhu promised that all zonal railways would have ultrasound flaw detection machines by
March 2017 to test track quality. It is important to know whether such a test was done on the Indore-Kanpur-Patna route.
After an accident it is the quality of medical facilities that determines a victims chances of survival. Many terrible mishaps
occur in rural areas that have no hospital facilities worth the name, no trauma specialists or intensive care. Upgrading
district hospitals should be a priority. More immediately, the Railway Ministry should ensure that bureaucratic procedures
do not come in the way of victims getting the best treatment and aid.
o Disaster - something very bad that happens and causes a lot of damage
or kills a lot of people
o Caters - to provide
o Poses - to cause something, especially a problem or difficulty
o Challenge - something that needs a lot of skill, energy, and
determination to deal with or achieve
o Ensure - to make something sure to happen
o Derailment - to cause a train come off its railway tracks
o Stark - complete / extreme
o Strained - spoiled with problems
o Unpredictably - changing often, in a way that is impossible to prepare
for
o Distress - a feeling of extreme worry, sadness, or pain
o Injured - hurt or physically harmed
o Compensate - to pay someone money in exchange for something that
has been lost or damaged or for some problem
o Ex-gratia - an ex gratia payment is not necessary, especially legally, but
is made to show good intentions
o Severe - serious
o Blow - damage
o Sustained - continuing for a long time
o Win back something - to get something that you had before but lost
temporarily
o Integrity - the quality of behaving according to the rules and standards
of your job or profession
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India has a fascinating history with the Decision Review System. It was involved in its conception, was one of the first
two countries to put it to trial, and then became the only nation to refuse to use it in bilateral engagements. The DRS was
a result of the Sydney Test of 2008, in which consistently poor umpiring created a fractious atmosphere, leading to some
of the ugliest scenes cricket has seen. The administrators realised that the umpire, the person with the greatest
responsibility on the field, was the least empowered. Television had begun to provide access to information the umpire
would have benefited from, but did not; yet he was judged on it. India and Sri Lanka were the first to audition it in a three-
Test series in 2008. But it was this very experience that shaped much of Indias opposition: the argument was that the
technology wasnt faultless and it allowed room for unskilled human intervention. While the rest of world cricket embraced
the DRS, with a vast majority of players and virtually every umpire taking the view that it improved the game beyond
measure, India held out for perfection. This it was able to do because of the influence it wielded in the sports
administration. But a change in the power equation at the top and the generational turnover of cricketers saw the position
soften.
intransigence. But to make so sweeping an assessment is to be dismissive of Indias reservations. Two significant
developments altered matters. The technology grew more sophisticated: the frame rates of the cameras improved
manifold, from 75 frames a second in 2011 to 340 now, providing more data for the path of the ball to be predicted; a
sound-based edge detection system, allied to slow-motion cameras, helped establish the first point of impact on the pad,
greatly reducing human intervention. These were direct answers to Indias questions. The clincher was an independent
audit of the system by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. It helped to a great extent that Anil Kumble was involved
in a lot of this. He was Indias captain in Australia and Sri Lanka in 2008, the head of the ICCs cricket committee when
the process of evaluating the DRS began, and later the national coach. An intelligent, open-minded man with a degree in
engineering, Kumbles voice carried great weight. It remains to be seen if India continues to use the system after the
England series. But the signals are that it has accepted it. There is no doubt that the DRS needs even more refinement
and greater standardisation. But with India now on board, the chances are better of the evolution of an even more robust
NOV 23/2016
It is disconcerting that the administrative affairs of Indian cricket should continue to be embroiled in controversy in the
midst of a packed and interesting home season. Not many can complain about the manner in which cricketing matters
are being managed, but the intransigence shown by the office-bearers of the Board of Control for Cricket in India in not
constructively accepting the reforms recommended by the Supreme Court-appointed R.M. Lodha Committee is getting to
be tiresome. These recommendations, including those barring ministers, bureaucrats and anyone above the age of 70
from holding office in crickets administrative body, are now binding on the BCCI after the Supreme Court accepted the
report. The Justice Lodha Committee has been grappling with a set of reluctant office-bearers who claim they cannot
force the State units affiliated to the BCCI to accept all the norms. Some associations are said to be unwilling to accept
the age ceiling and the one-State, one-vote norm. In its latest report, the Committee has asked for the removal of all those
who fall foul of its bar on various grounds. In addition, it has asked for an observer to be appointed to guide the Chief
Executive Officer in running the BCCI, particularly with regard to contracts, transparency norms and the audit of domestic,
The question arises whether the Lodha Committee should have named G.K. Pillai, a former Union Home Secretary, as
the observer. As it is up to the Supreme Court to decide whether an observer is needed, the recommendation of a specific
name was both unnecessary and puzzling. While the time may have come to enforce the norms accepted by the Supreme
Court, any suggestion that the Committee favours drastic action rather than appealing to reason should be avoided. It is
apparent that some unsavoury developments have upset the panel. These include the BCCI taking decisions out of sync
with the panels recommendations at its Annual General Meeting in September, interpreting a directive to stop the
disbursal of funds to State associations as the demand for a total freeze on its bank accounts, and allegedly trying to
goad the International Cricket Council into raising the question whether there was governmental interference in the BCCIs
functioning, a situation that may come with the threat of derecognition. Yet, the situation is not beyond rescue. The Boards
president and secretary have until December 3 to report compliance with the Committees norms. While the BCCI
leadership will have to shed its seeming reluctance, the Supreme Court has to find a way to bring in transparency and
reform without resorting to heavy-handed action against a body that must function with a measure of autonomy.
o Pitching - sudden
o Reform - a change that is expected to correct a situation that is wrong
or unfair / make a system work more effectively
o Disconcerting - making you feel worried, confused, or surprised
o Administrative - relating to the management of a company,
organization, or institution
o Embroiled - involved in a difficult situation
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The World Health Organisation has declared that the Zika virus no longer constitutes a public health emergency of
international concern. This brings to an end the heightened global focus on the virus that has caused about 2,300
confirmed cases of microcephaly (a birth defect manifesting in a smaller head size) since May 2015. The WHO had
declared the Zika virus a public health emergency on February 1, considering the high number of neurological disorders
reported in Brazil and a similar cluster in French Polynesia in 2014. Among the reasons cited were the unknown causal
link between the virus and microcephaly and neurological complications, the possibility of its global spread, lack of
vaccines and diagnostic tools, and the lack of immunity to the virus in newly affected countries. The link between Zika
and microcephaly was established in May, the hunt for a potent vaccine and reliable diagnostic tool has begun, and
scientists have been able to find the routes of transmission. However, the global risk assessment has not changed. The
spread of Zika to 67 countries and territories is a grim reminder of the lack of immunity against the virus and the abundance
Despite the link between the Zika virus infection and microcephaly being well established, the entire spectrum of
challenges posed by the disease is not known. The WHO Emergency Committee has called for sustained research and
dedicated resources to address the long-term challenges posed by babies born with microcephaly, but signalling the end
of the global emergency may lead to lowering of the global alert. There should be no setback to funding, the global search
for effective vaccines and diagnostic tests, and creating awareness about the risk of sexual transmission. For instance, it
is not clear why more babies were born with microcephaly in northeast Brazil compared to the rest of the country or why
the country had a higher caseload than others. This information is crucial to understanding the link between Zika infection
and microcephaly, and thereby to containing incidence where the mosquito vector is predominant. Medical journals should
continue to provide free and immediate access to papers on the Zika virus, which played a crucial role in information-
sharing. The WHO has said it is not downgrading the importance of Zika and that its response is here to stay. It now
needs to ensure that vigilance remains high despite the decline in incidence.
As the most powerful and cohesive power in the region, India needs to chart a road map to restore the ceasefire on the
Line of Control. The brutal killing of three Indian soldiers, one of them beheaded, in the Machhil sector in Jammu and
Kashmir must alert both India and Pakistan to the danger of the retaliatory cycle spinning out of control. After decades of
hostilities, the formal ceasefire of November 2003 had come as a big boost to peace at a time when India was grappling
with militancy, state-sponsored terrorism and political disaffection. Starting that winter, the guns fell silent along the
International Boundary and the LoC, thousands of residents of border villages on both sides returned to their farms, and
India was able to complete its fence along the LoC. Militancy in J&K declined significantly, and normalcy gradually
returned to the Valley. It is a matter of debate if the ceasefire was a contributing factor in the reduction in militancy in
Kashmir, but cover fire provided by Pakistani military posts along the border had been regularly used by militants to sneak
into India. This is reportedly how the terrorists who killed Indian soldiers on Tuesday managed to get across the LoC.
It is clear now that the ongoing, almost daily, exchange of fire has rendered the ceasefire meaningless. Ever since the
terrorist attack on an Army camp in Uri in September, tensions have bubbled over. Ceasefire violations have become
routine, and thousands of villagers have shifted to safer locations. Small arms, light machine guns, various kinds of
mortars and artillery are being used by both sides. In the fog of hostilities, it is not easy to distinguish who is the guilty,
and who started the firing. What is clear is that this race to the bottom could get out of hand. Contributing to the uncertainty
is the power struggle in Pakistan, with the civilian government of Nawaz Sharif trying to hold its own vis--vis the army.
The expected exit of Army chief Raheel Sharif may add to the confusion, as the new chief settles in. However, in New
Delhi, the picture is far clearer. Given Indias regional status and Prime Minister Narendra Modis unchallenged hold over
political power, it is incumbent on him to initiate steps to restore the ceasefire that worked well for over a decade. It is not
only that peace is an absolute requisite for his governments grand economic plans, including demonetisation, to work;
India and Pakistan must guard against adventurism in an increasingly unpredictable world.
In the demise of Mangalampalli Balamuralikrishna on Tuesday, the world of Carnatic classical music has lost a
multifaceted artist whose work defied neat definitions, as his popular appeal transcended barriers of geography and
language. Through her captivating and meditative performances across the country and overseas, it was M.S.
Subbulakshmi who had represented the southern tradition for the better part of the last century. But it was
Balamuralikrishna, the child prodigy from Andhra Pradesh, who emerged as the national face of this genre over the past
half century. A combination of a richly gifted voice, sheer individual brilliance and an incessant penchant for eclectic
experimentation saw the maestro cut through the conventional limits of compositional form and style of presentation at a
decades. When such innovations sometimes did not find particular favour with the cognoscenti, the composer-vocalist
began to revel in the controversy they occasioned and the popular appeal that resulted from his performances. But despite
all the maverick-like qualities, Balamuralikrishna remains, to date, among the few musicians to have been conferred the
highest honour of The Music Academy, Madras, the Sangeetha Kalanidhi, at a relatively young age. By the time he was
awarded the nations second highest civilian honour, the Padma Vibhushan, in 1991, Balamuralikrishnas acclaim as a
Arguably, the great masters imprint on the pan-Indian stage was put irreversibly through the national integration track
Mile sur mera tumhara on Doordarshan in the mid-1980s. The explicit purpose behind this joint production with, among
others, the doyen of the Kirana gharana, the redoubtable Bhimsen Joshi, was to foster a sense of unity and harmony in
those troubled times. But the venture, perhaps unwittingly, also heralded a new era in classical duet singing, hitherto
largely a characteristic of instrumental ensembles. The vocal jugalbandis between Joshi and Balamuralikrishna brought
home to the lay public the fundamental commonalities inherent to the southern and northern ragas, as much as they
emphasised the distinctive styles in rendition across the country. This exposure was no mean feat considering that
classical music remained, and maybe still is, a pursuit of the privileged in society. The void that Balamuralikrishna leaves
at the all-India level may be felt more, therefore, in sustaining interest in this larger musical canvas. But the tremendous
mobility of recent years among artists, and a degree of cross-cultural appreciation, promise the continuity of this legacy.
NOV 25/2016
Ruling parties enjoy an inherent advantage in by-elections, especially in States where Assembly elections were held only
months earlier. Voters see little point in antagonising their rulers when there is no immediate prospect of a change in
government. West Bengal, Assam, Tamil Nadu, and Puducherry had all gone to the polls in April-May this year, and the
by-elections of last week were not expected to deviate from the general election trend. Even so, the huge victories of the
Trinamool Congress in West Bengal, the BJP in Assam, the AIADMK in Tamil Nadu, and the Congress in Puducherry
speak to renewed levels of enthusiasm for the ruling establishment. That ruling party legislators are better equipped to
deal with constituency-level issues would not have been lost on the voters in the Assembly by-elections. In the by-
elections to the Lok Sabha, the BJP won one each in Madhya Pradesh and Assam, but lost to the Trinamool in West
Bengal. But even here, the BJP increased its vote share considerably, finishing ahead of the Left Front in Cooch Behar.
While there is no doubt that the people have reposed their faith in Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, there was no logical
basis to her explanation of the electoral outcome as a peoples revolt against the demonetisation move of the BJP-led
government at the Centre. Regional factors related to the performance of State governments seem to have influenced
the results, rather than any overarching theme. The results are no endorsement of the demonetisation decision either, as
Besides the byelection in Thiruparankundram, Tamil Nadu had polls in Aravakurichi and Thanjavur, where elections had
been deferred by the Election Commission following widespread distribution of cash for votes. Whether due to the
demonetisation or the lower stakes in the deferred elections, there was reportedly a reduced flow of currency notes, and
a less intense campaign. In Puducherry, the election was more important for the Congress than for any other party, as
Chief Minister V. Narayanasamy was in the fray. A loss would have forced him to resign, and caused acute
embarrassment to the party. In Tripura, which is under the rule of the Left Front, the CPI(M) had no difficulty in picking up
Barjala and Khowai, wresting the former from the Congress. Amid the gloom induced by the results in neighbouring West
Bengal, this provided some solace to the Left. But if there is one lesson to be drawn from this round of polling, it is that
by-elections are not pointers to how an Assembly or Lok Sabha election will turn out, but the latter are usually good
new humanitarian crisis is unfolding in Myanmar after the military crackdown on Islamist jihadists in the Rakhine State,
home to more than one million Rohingya Muslims. The military claims it began the counter-terror operation after three
border security posts came under attack on October 9. But since then more than 130 people have been killed in the State
and 30,000 displaced, triggering a new wave of migration of Rohingyas to neighbouring countries. The army denies
targeting civilians, but satellite images taken after the start of the crackdown indicate that hundreds of buildings were
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in Myanmars neighbourhood either. The violence itself is not surprising given the record of persecution of the Rohingyas
in Myanmar. Many in the Buddhist-majority country call them illegal immigrants from Bangladesh though they have been
living in Rakhine for generations. Myanmars military started a systematic persecution of the Rohingyas in the 1970s when
thousands were deported to Bangladesh. The rest were stripped of citizenship by the junta, which often used the Rohingya
What is surprising this time is the silence of the government led by Aung San Suu Kyis National League for Democracy.
Ms. Suu Kyi, the countrys de facto ruler, has not said much about the military operation in Rakhine, or spoken for the
Rohingya cause. When her party took power in April, ending decades of military rule, many had hoped that it would signal
the dawn of a new era of peace and democracy in Myanmar. But the government has been largely ineffective in tackling
internal security and humanitarian issues. The operation in Rakhine shows the change of guard in government hasnt
brought any meaningful difference to Myanmars most disadvantaged sections. True, the army still remains a powerful
institution. It controls the security, defence and border ministries besides wielding considerable economic power. It is also
possible that the generals are escalating the conflict on their own. Even so, the government cannot remain in denial about
the atrocities. Ms. Suu Kyi bears responsibility for what is happening in Rakhine now because her party rules, not the
junta. For decades, Myanmar persecuted the Rohingya people while the world ignored their plight. By all accounts, that
NOV 26/2016
By admonishing the Union government for delaying the appointment of a Lokpal, the Supreme Court has sent across a
timely message that efforts to cleanse the economy must be matched by equally strong measures to cleanse public life
too. There can really be no excuse for the failure to establish an institution even three years after passing the relevant
law. The only reason for the delay in the appointment of the Lokpal is that a minor amendment to the Lokpal and
Lokayuktas Act, 2013, to enable the leader of the largest party in the opposition in the Lok Sabha to join the five-member
selection committee, is yet to be passed. A parliamentary committee has endorsed the amendment, which is on the same
lines as the mechanism for the selection panels for the Central Vigilance Commissioner and the Chief Information
Commissioner. The court has indicated that it will not allow the institution to remain inoperative indefinitely, evoking
apprehension on the Centres part that a judicial direction may be given to get the amendment passed or an ordinance
promulgated. The Centre needs to re-examine its own options on implementing the Lokpal Act. The law now provides for
a five-member panel to select the anti-corruption ombudsman, comprising the Prime Minister, the Lok Sabha Speaker,
the Leader of the Opposition, the Chief Justice of India and an eminent jurist. The hitch is that there is no recognised LoP
in the lower House. The question now is whether the Centre is right in claiming the Congress floor leader cannot hold that
post because its bench strength is well short of the required 55.
The rule that the Speaker can recognise as LoP only the leader of the principal opposition party that has 10 per cent of
the total number of Lok Sabha seats is based on precedent. It was a ruling by Speaker G.V. Mavalankar, cited in the
legal provision defining the Leader of the Opposition is a 1977 law concerning the office-holders salary. The definition
says the LoP shall be the leader of the party in opposition with the greatest numerical strength and recognised as such
by the Speaker. Therefore, there is nothing in law that prevents the Speaker from recognising the present Congress
Parliamentary Party leader as the LoP. Instead of waiting for the amendment, the Speaker can adopt the solution of
recognising the CPP leader and expedite the Lokpals formation. It just needs political will and some magnanimity.
aide Choi Soon-sil was arrested over allegations that Ms. Choi covertly exercised illegal authority over critical government
decisions. She has also allegedly extorted $69 million from the giant industrial conglomerates, or chaebols, in the form of
donations to two charitable foundations. Ms. Park has stood her ground and clung on to the presidency, even as she
sacked at least eight of her aides in an unsuccessful attempt to regain public trust. Yet, pressure is mounting as the
opposition parties are circling the wagons over impeaching her for breach of the Constitution. An impeachment motion
would require two-thirds support in the 300-seat National Assembly. Opposition parties enjoy a combined majority there,
and say they have secured the backing of more than 29 lawmakers of the ruling Saenuri party, the minimum number
required to push this through. If they succeed, this would be the first time in 12 years that South Koreas National Assembly
History also matters in the broader context of the unravelling relationship between the South Korean government and the
chaebols. What began as a storied macroeconomic strategy of picking winners from amongst competing industrial
groups, a paradigm that produced the Samsungs and Hyundais of today, is under a cloud. On November 8, prosecutors
raided the Samsung offices over allegations it had transferred $3.1 million to a company owned by Ms. Choi in Germany.
The hard-fought democracy that South Koreans won in 1987, driven by people power protests similar to the ones seen
in Seoul this month, is in need of revitalisation. The pressure to establish a more sustainable model of governance is
immense, not least because South Korea finds itself at a strategic crossroads on the global stage. Whoever succeeds
Ms. Park as President and it might well be soon-to-retire UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon would have to address
sky-high tensions with nuclear-armed North Korea, and manage an economy that is at risk of slowing. Ties are cooling
with China, South Koreas largest trading partner, and Beijing is hostile to the prospect of deploying the U.S.-made
antiballistic missile system THAAD in the peninsula. Further, the rhetoric of U.S. President-elect Donald Trump on
economic protectionism and reviewing relationships with treaty allies does not help the South Korean cause. One way or
another, the ball is in Ms. Parks court, and she has the opportunity to bring the turmoil to a quick end.
NOV 28/2016
emonetisation seems to have made friends of foes, and foes of friends in the political firmament. If Bihar Chief Minister
Nitish Kumar differed from his allies while heaping praise on Prime Minister Narendra Modi for embarking on
demonetisation, Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray was critical of his partys senior partner in government for bringing
showed a readiness to join hands with arch-rival Left Front to fight the demonetisation drive. While the withdrawal of high-
denomination notes can hardly be expected to trigger a political realignment anywhere, political parties seem to be rising
above mundane political calculations while reacting to the demonetisation. A cynical view might be that Mr. Kumar is
keeping his political options open by building bridges with the BJP, and keeping his politically junior but numerically
stronger ally, the Rashtriya Janata Dal, in check. Arguably, he could be trying to recover his assiduously cultivated anti-
corruption image, which took a beating following his electoral pact with Lalu Prasad of the RJD. But a simpler explanation
cannot be ruled out: that Mr. Kumar saw some merit in the demonetisation drive, even as he recognised the difficulties in
implementation. Similarly, the Sena cannot afford to break with the BJP at this juncture. Quite likely, Mr. Thackeray was
prompted not by the possibilities of political realignment (of which there is practically none), but by the realities on the
ground, in distancing himself and his party from the demonetisation decision. In West Bengal, an alliance between the
Trinamool and the Left Front is inconceivable, but that did not stop Ms. Banerjee from reaching out to the CPI(M) in her
fight.
If political parties have thus reacted unpredictably, it could just be on account of the mixed results seen on the ground.
None can afford to be seen as directly opposing measures to clean up black money and weed out counterfeits. However,
stories of cashless banks and shuttered ATMs seem to have given some life to opposition parties looking for an issue to
pin the government down on. Reports of the BJP having made huge cash deposits in banks in West Bengal, and land
deals in Bihar days before the demonetisation, have provided some ammunition to opposition parties that were initially
reluctant to criticise the move for fear of being labelled supporters of black money hoarders and counterfeiters.
Demonetisation might not have changed political equations, but it has shaken up the political scene. What they cannot
The life of Fidel Castro, Latin Americas last revolutionary leader and towering and charismatic anti-imperialist torch-
bearer, came to signify the high point of Cold War ideological hostilities of the 20th century. At home, his policies to
promote affordable and accessible health care, housing and education, as well as his standing up to global hegemony,
endeared him to the majority, even as his record on human rights came in for serious scrutiny. But these domestic issues
played out in the larger shadow of his defiance of American power, which has outlasted that of the Soviet Union. When
Castro captured power in 1959, there were few signs that the Marxist radical would emerge a global champion of Third
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to overthrow his regime began a pragmatic partnership between Castro and the Soviet Union, bringing the Cold War into
the western hemisphere. This was the context to Russian preparations to house nuclear missiles in Cuba to threaten the
U.S., which took the world to near-catastrophe in 1962. The U.S. misperception of the threat posed by Castro led to CIA
plots to assassinate him. As it turned out, he lived long enough to see the rollback of Washingtons decades-long sanctions
The clearest example of Castros global standing was the clout he commanded in the Non-Aligned Movement. In more
recent times, his slogan of socialism or death inspired the nationalisation of natural wealth by governments across Latin
America as a counter to the appropriation of oil and mineral resources by corporations. Changes in the global economic
climate may have exposed the deficiencies of an economic model reliant on riding the commodity cycle. But the process
of resumption of diplomatic ties between Havana and Washington under the stewardship of his designated successor
and brother, Ral, is still fragile. U.S. President Barack Obama, who undertook a historic visit to the Caribbean nation
earlier this year, sought to build the new rapprochement between Washington and Havana based on the relative distance
of current generations in both countries from the painful memories of the past. Clearly, this is the path for President-elect
Donald Trump to pursue, assuming that his pre-poll rhetoric would make way for a more reasoned approach once in
office. Meanwhile, with incumbent Ral Castro having announced his intention to step down by 2018, it will be a long
transition in Havana.
NOV 29/2016
The blast in Hilla that killed over 100 people, mostly Iranian pilgrims, reinforces the fear that the Islamic State remains a potent
force in Iraq despite recent military setbacks. By attacking a town located between Najaf and Karbala, two of Shia Islams holiest
places, at a time when Shia Muslims around the world travel to Karbala to commemorate the martyrdom of Imam Hussein, the IS has
left no doubt about who it is targeting. Besides, the attack came nearly six weeks after Iraqi government troops, aided by Iran and the
U.S., started a massive operation to retake Mosul, which has been under IS control since June 2014. It is not difficult to understand
the ISs strategy. In the past, when its bases came under attack, the group had used terror to strike faraway civilian centres. Needless
to say, this is a major security failure for the Iraqi government. When the pilgrimage season began, many had warned that the IS
would make an attempt to attack around Karbala. What is more worrisome for the government troops is the battlefield flexibility the
IS is demonstrating. It is fighting a conventional war against the government troops in Mosul while unleashing guerrilla attacks
elsewhere.
More than a month after the battle for Mosul began, government troops are yet to make any substantial territorial gains. On the other
side, civilian casualties are relatively high. According to the UN, around 20 per cent of the injured in Mosul are civilians, compared
to the average 5 per cent in other recent anti-IS operations. Once Iraqi troops, largely Shia, enter the city that is home to a million
people who are mostly Sunni, casualties could be higher. The IS, given its history of exploiting Shia-Sunni sectarian tensions to its
advantage, may be waiting just for that. Against this background, the Iraqi government faces huge challenges. First, it has to make
real battleground advances in Mosul with minimum civilian casualties to raise the pressure on the IS while boosting its capability to
fight potential terror strikes. In the last two major terror strikes alone, the IS has killed over 400 people in Iraq. If it continues to
terrorise civilians, the already feeble Iraqi government would suffer a further loss of credibility among the public. Second, the
government has to guard against falling into the sectarian trap that the IS has set. In previous anti-IS battles, Iraqi troops were accused
of targeting Sunni civilians. If Baghdad doesnt win over the Sunnis living in its war-ravaged north and north-west, it will not get a
he daring escape of six prisoners, including the self-styled commander of a Khalistani militant group, from the Nabha Jail
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space of weeks involving high-profile prisoners jailed on terrorism charges. Both were well planned and executed. While
the jailbreak by members of the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) from the Bhopal Central Prison last month
was planned inside and executed largely by the prisoners on their own, the incident in Nabha was aided by a group of
armed men from outside wearing police uniforms. Shortly after the Bhopal jailbreak, all those who had escaped were
gunned down in an alleged encounter. And a day after the Punjab incident, Khalistan Liberation Front chief Harminder
Mintoo was nabbed in Delhi, while the alleged mastermind, Parminder Singh, was arrested in Shamli district in western
Uttar Pradesh. Apart from Mintoo, the five others who escaped are still at large. They are identified as Kashmira Singh,
an alleged terrorist, and Vicky Gaundar, Amandeep Dhotian, Gurpreet Sekhon and Nita Deol, all described as dreaded
gangsters. It is not clear if the plan was to release the militants or the gangsters, or all of them. Whatever the aim, it is
evident that the so-called high security prisons are hardly fool-proof. Those incarcerated have enough scope to hatch a
conspiracy, keep in touch with accomplices outside and finalise escape plans in meticulous detail.
What is also troubling is that even before the jailbreak has been thoroughly investigated and as the hunt for the escaped
men is still on, the incident has taken on political overtones. With Punjab due for an Assembly election early next year,
the suspicion that these men were breaking out of jail to disturb the peace in the run-up to the polls will naturally arise.
However, while voicing this suspicion, Punjab Deputy Chief Minister Sukhbir Singh Badal has alleged a Pakistani hand.
State Director-General of Police Suresh Arora has voiced suspicion of official connivance, noting that retaliatory firing by
the police at the armed men was completely ineffective. Former Chief Minister and Congress leader Amarinder Singh has
called the incident a sign of breakdown of law and order and alleged official complicity at the highest level. While a high-
level probe is necessary to unravel the entire plot and establish any laxity or connivance on the part of the authorities, the
real issue is that there are too many shortcomings in the security arrangements in our jails. Introducing a new security
NOV 30/2016
The amendments to the Income Tax law passed by the Lok Sabha now offer those with unaccounted cash a last shot at
amnesty. They can pay half their cash as tax and deposit a quarter into a new Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Yojana.
Those who fail to do this voluntarily for bank deposits made since November 8 would end up retaining about 15 per cent
of the total amount if they cannot establish a legitimate source for the funds. There is a Robinhood-esque edge to the
PMGKY approach, directly linking the war on black money to welfare of the poor. Essentially an extension of the recent
Income Disclosure Scheme that cleaned up about Rs.65,000 crore of undeclared income by levying 45 per cent tax, the
December 30 deadline for bank deposits in demonetised notes gives a more purposeful push to the effort to clean out all
the cash in the grey economy. The scheme for disclosing foreign assets last year had yielded just about Rs.2,400 crore
in taxes, so a tougher approach was perhaps necessary to instil real fear among habitual tax evaders. Since the
back into the system. If the proportion of notes deposited or exchanged is in line with their circulation prior to November
8, about Rs.2.56 lakh crore in Rs.1,000 notes and Rs.3.17 lakh crore worth of Rs.500 notes (that can be spent on
Many clever ploys have been attempted to subvert this drive and convert black money into white: hiring people to
exchange currency; tapping cash-in-hand entries of firms to launder illicit cash; pumping funds into bank accounts for the
poor; purchasing goods in bulk where old notes are still allowed; even tipping off the taxman to conduct search-and-
seizure operations on ones own premises to avail of a provision that allows individuals to pay a mere 10 per cent penalty
on such income if they admit to it. The government is trying to close the door on such ingenuity, and the latest tax law
changes should be seen in this context. By early January, it will be clear how much money has been mopped up by the
demonetisation operation. There is, however, no doubt that this tax manoeuvre is a neater way of gaining fiscal headroom
than extinguishing the Reserve Bank of Indias liabilities to the extent of unreturned old Rs.500 and Rs.1,000 notes, and
With the CPN(Maoist-Centre)-led government in Nepal approving amendments to the Constitution that will be tabled in
Parliament, a first step towards positive change has been made in addressing federal concerns. The amendments include
federal redrawing of boundaries that will allow for at least two Madhesi-dominated Terai provinces, substantial recognition
of rights of naturalised citizens, especially women, and some degree of proportional representation in the Upper House.
All these were major demands raised by Madhesi and other groups in agitations that lasted months and disrupted life.
But with the opposition Communist Party of Nepal (Unified-Marxist Leninist) refusing to countenance any change, the
Nepali Congress not providing adequate support to the government and the Madhesi parties refusing to budge from
maximalist positions in the run-up to the move, it remains to be seen whether these amendments will pass. A failure would
mean the political battle to honour the commitments made in the interim Constitution in 2007, which followed a series of
agitations seeking a federal democratic character to Naya Nepal, is lost to the status quoists.
Last week marked the tenth anniversary of the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) between mainstream political parties
and the Nepali Maoists. It formally ended the decade-long civil war and paved the way for a constitutional republic. The
initial achievements, painstakingly won, secured the peace process and mainstreamed the Maoists to bring a measure
of stability to a country emerging not only from civil war but also a disastrous spell of rule by the palace. However, these
last ten years have not quite seen the substantive change people had hoped for, with political parties abandoning the
position of the 1990s, with short-termist power grabs and spells of political instability. This abdication resulted in a failure
to forge consensus on the contentious issues of state restructuring and amendments to the Constitution to address the
concerns of the Madhesis and other ethnic groups. The naysayers have cynically used the nationalist line to resist the
amendments, suggesting that these are directed by a foreign hand (read India). This ploy has been frequently used to
resist democratic change. Unlike what the nationalists claim, a truly federal Nepal is not a recipe for instability. Provinces
sharing the power that is currently concentrated in Kathmandu would stabilise Nepali politics and empower marginalised
communities. Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda took office promising momentum to the political process.
DEC 01/2016
The death of seven soldiers in the terrorist attack on an Army base in Nagrota provides graphic evidence of the high cost
being borne by the armed forces amidst escalating violence in Jammu and Kashmir. The attack comes just two months
after militants stormed an Army camp in Uri, resulting in the death of 19 soldiers. Early on Tuesday morning, three
terrorists entered the camp in Nagrota, near Jammu city and not very far from the headquarters of 16 Corps, one of the
largest and most important corps of the Indian Army. It is important to investigate how heavily armed terrorists reached
the 166 Medium Regiment premises in a securitised area, despite several road blocks on the road to Nagrota. Wearing
police uniforms, the terrorists reportedly scaled a wall and stormed the base, where many military families were staying.
Seven soldiers, including two Majors, were killed as they fought to prevent a hostage situation. At least four unarmed
officers, the wives of two officers and two children were among those who were at risk of being taken hostage. According
to Army officers, the two women also showed exemplary presence of mind, and blocked their doors with household items.
highest figure in almost a decade, or since the gains of the 2003 ceasefire on the India-Pakistan border began to be
consolidated. Since the surgical strikes of September 29 in response to the Uri attack, India has lost 27 security personnel.
In fact, the attrition rate among the security forces has been going up steadily vis--vis the terrorists. Decades of
experience in fighting insurgencies and the diverse tactics adopted to reduce security force casualties have in recent
months been challenged by the terrorists focus on security installations, aimed at causing maximum casualties among
the forces. The violence level within Jammu and Kashmir is a result of several factors: the unrest in the Valley, the state
of Indias relations with Pakistan, and the situation along the border, both the International Boundary and the Line of
Control. On all three fronts, much needs to be done. India-Pakistan bilateral relations have nosedived in recent months.
And while New Delhi does not have the luxury of choosing unilaterally between relative peace and a lingering state of
low-intensity conflict, there needs to be an appraisal of the costs that have come with the breakdown of the 2003 ceasefire
for instance, crossfire is routinely a cover for Pakistan in assisting terrorists to cross over to Indian territory. Creating
peace is a complex process. Drawing up a plan to minimise loss of life will be a good place to begin.
It is a cruel irony of a fast-growing India that there are fewer and fewer girls as a ratio of total births, as a result of complex
factors that include parental preference. New data from the Civil Registration System of the Registrar General of India
point to the hardening of the pattern, with a fall in sex ratio at birth from 898 girls to 1,000 boys in 2013, to 887 a year
later. This depressing trend is consistent with evidence from the Census figures of 2001 and 2011. What is shocking is
that the overall data mask the horror of particular districts and panchayats falling well below the national ratio, especially
in the zero-to-six years assessment category. The scourge has, in some cases, prompted the Supreme Court to take
note of the situation, and the National Human Rights Commission to ask for an explanation from State governments. In
the understanding of the Centre, which it has conveyed to Parliament, girls stand a poor chance at survival because there
is a socio-cultural mindset that prefers sons, girls are seen as a burden, and family size has begun to shrink. The BJP-
led government responded to the silent crisis with the Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao campaign, which focusses on the
prevention of sex-selective abortions, creation of opportunities for education and protection of girl children. Now that the
A wider assessment needs to be made on why States such as Tamil Nadu with a strong social development foundation
have slipped on sex ratio at birth (834), going by the CRS data for 2014. The cradle baby scheme was started in 1992 in
Tamil Nadu to raise the survival chances of girl children by encouraging mothers to give them anonymously for adoption.
Yet, the latest numbers, together with the persistence of the programme after 24 years, and 260 babies being abandoned
in just one centre over a six-year period, make it clear that national policy has achieved little in real terms. Clearly, there
is a need to go beyond slogans and institute tangible schemes. Enforcement of the law that prohibits determination of the
sex of the foetus must go hand in hand with massive social investments to protect both immediate and long-term prospects
of girls in the form of cash incentives through registration of births, a continuum of health care, early educational
opportunities and social protection. Half-measures cannot produce a dramatic reversal of the shameful national record.
DEC 02/2016
Patriotism is a value that most people cherish without being required to demonstrate it in visible ways. Unfortunately, a
notion has emerged in the country that it ought to be articulated frequently, demonstrated publicly and enforced in such
a manner that it will be an object lesson to the odd dissenter. Given this, it is hard to understand the rationale for
the Supreme Courts order that every cinema hall should play the national anthem before the exhibition of a film. India
has given itself an anthem easily recognised as a lofty and moving rendering of the countrys oneness amidst diversity. It
hardly requires judicial promotion. The singing of the national anthem on special occasions, especially in schools and
colleges, is sufficient to help citizens identify the anthem with something larger than their daily concerns. There are clear
rules on when the anthem should be played. Any misuse of the anthem or any wilful insult to it is legally prohibited, and
there really is no need to make the playing or the singing of the anthem mandatory through a judicial order.
It is not clear why cinema halls were singled out for special treatment by the Supreme Court. The only possible explanation
is that they were required to play the national anthem some decades ago, a practice that has been largely given up. But
if the logic for playing the national anthem at places where a sizeable number of people congregate is taken to its logical
conclusion, they should be extended, for example, to dance and music recitals as well. To take this line of reasoning even
further, why not to every sitting of the legislature, or the court itself? Playing the national anthem in theatres at the end of
the film was given up some three decades ago in most parts of the country, largely as a result of the tendency of a section
of the audience to walk out. To reintroduce it now gives the impression that cinemas should forever be the main sites for
the demonstration of patriotism. Matters such as commercial exploitation and dramatisation of the anthem cannot be the
subject of blanket interim orders in a public interest petition. The appeal to a sense of constitutional patriotism is also
intriguing, as the only reasonable interpretation of the term is that of having allegiance to the values underlying the
Constitution. This is not something that can be enforced by judicial diktat, or by making cinema halls the playground for
With the World Health Organisation releasing guidelines on HIV self-testing, a major obstacle in improving access to
diagnosis has been cleared. Though much progress has been achieved in India in making HIV testing accessible and
free of cost, many infected persons remain unaware of their status. Across the world, nearly 40 per cent of people with
HIV are unaware of their infection and run the risk of unknowingly transmitting it. Besides going a long way in preventing
new infections, early diagnosis will help in a prompt start to treatment and enable the infected to live longer and healthier.
Though there has been a 66 per cent drop in incidence in 2015 in India compared with 2000, the number of new HIV
infections last year was 86,000; children below 15 years of age alone account for 12 per cent of this number. In 2015, the
total number of people with HIV in India was estimated to be 2.1 million. Of this, 1.5 million were detected and tested at
integrated counselling and testing centres (ICTC) and about a million people are on treatment. This leaves about half a
million who are unaware of their HIV status. The government has approved in principle the proposal to take HIV testing
closer to those in need by starting community-based testing. This will soon become operational and will be in addition to
The WHO-approved OraQuick HIV self-testing is based on HIV antibodies present in oral and blood samples. The test
can detect antibodies developed within three months of getting infected. It is a screening test, and a positive result should
be reconfirmed though a blood-based test. Despite greater awareness, people with HIV still face stigma and
discrimination. As a result, getting everyone at risk of HIV infection tested has been a challenge. The OraQuick self-
testing makes diagnosis easier and faster, besides ensuring privacy and confidentiality, thus encouraging more people
to get tested. But there are challenges in terms of counselling and sensitivity, with the accuracy of the tests pegged at
around 93 per cent. Counselling has to be done through innovative ways, such as over the telephone, as in the case of
the U.S. Unlike the conventional method of getting tested at ICTCs, people self-testing should be more aware about the
possibility of false negatives. But the risk of not getting tested far outweighs the limitations posed by self-testing. Twenty-
DEC 3/2016
Prime Minister Narendra Modis decision to abruptly withdraw legal tender status for Rs.1,000 and Rs.500 notes to save
the country from the grip of corruption and black money has had one predictable side effect: a dampening of economic
activity. With cash availability significantly impaired as a result of the sudden withdrawal of the high-value banknotes that
constituted more than 86 per cent of the currency in circulation as of March 31, a palpable impact has been felt across
released on December 1 revealed that demonetisation had slowed buying activity and production across the board, and
led to the weakest expansion in orders in four months. The survey indicated that producers of consumer goods are among
the worst hit, a signal that a key engine of Indias world-leading pace of economic growth private consumption demand
appears to be sputtering on account of the cash shortage. That the impact is likely to extend beyond the current quarter
appears certain, according to the downward revisions of growth projections announced by brokerages and credit rating
agencies. The median reduction in GDP growth estimate for the year by the 13 forecasters indicates that the pace of
growth will be slower by at least 50 basis points, with two of them dialling back the number by one percentage point or
more.
Data released by the government on November 30 put GDP growth in the July-September period at 7.3 per cent, as the
agriculture sectors performance was buoyed by an almost normal south-west monsoon. That this came after two
successive years of drought helped boost the area sown. Still, a moot question relates to gauging the impact the cash
shortage is likely to have had in rural areas both from a consumption perspective and in terms of the potential disruption
caused to farming operations. Given the less-than-adequate penetration of formal banking channels, economic activity in
small towns and villages is largely cash-based, and it remains to be seen how the agrarian economy will recover in the
short to medium term from this disruption. While the biggest contributor to gross value added, the services sector, is
expected to sustain a hit, small and micro enterprises that conduct a sizeable part of their business through cash
transactions are also bound to be impacted. And with the external environment yet to revive, the RBI and the government
have their task cut out to ensure that the economy doesnt slide into a protracted slowdown.
French President Franois Hollandes decision to not make a bid for a second term in office is unsurprising. In the last
leg of a term marred by economic uncertainty, high unemployment rates, workers strikes, infighting within the ruling party
and personal scandal, Mr. Hollandes approval ratings are abysmally low as low as 4 per cent in some polls. Moreover,
several former cabinet colleagues have said they would run against him in the Socialist Party primaries. It would have
been humiliating for a sitting President to go through the primaries to win party nomination. Now, with Mr. Hollande
deciding to keep out, the Socialists have the opportunity to put up a united fight under another candidate, most likely
Prime Minister Manuel Valls, in the April presidential elections. Still, the left is likely to find it difficult to win back popularity
in a campaign in which the agenda is largely being set by the conservatives and the far right. Mr. Hollandes administration
must share some blame for this. In 2012 he campaigned as an aggressive socialist, aligning himself with the unions and
promising a left alternative to conservative Nicolas Sarkozys unpopular regime. But in office, he drifted to economic
liberalism, offering tax breaks to corporations and setting out to overhaul labour laws, which pitted him against his allies
on the left. His policies failed to revive the economy; he is also seen to have failed on the security front, with massive
in the country to the right. But the question is, who will cash in on this? Polls suggest Francois Fillon of the Republican
Party and Marine Le Pen of the National Front will emerge the leading candidates out of the first round of the election, to
face each other in the May 7 run-off. Mr. Fillon is a social conservative with a liberal economic agenda, and wants to
overhaul the public sector, rein in unions and sack civil servants. He has the backing of a large organisational machinery,
whereas Ms. Le Pen is an insurgent candidate. But so was Donald Trump. Over the past few years, Ms. Le Pen has
transformed the NF from a fringe far-right group to an almost mainstream party with some grass-roots support. It now
controls at least a dozen town halls and is consolidating support among the white working class, especially in the rust belt
of the north and east. Like Mr. Trump, she presents herself as an anti-establishment outsider with a protectionist economic
agenda. With the left in disarray and established conservatives divided, Ms. Le Pens chances cannot be ruled out.
DEC 5/2016
Good intentions alone are not enough to secure the public interest. For governments, the manner in which it is protected
is equally vital. The Delhi High Court verdict quashing all notifications banning the manufacture and sale of 344 Fixed
Dose Combination (FDC) drugs is a lesson in how not to administer a regulatory law. The ban on combination drugs that
have little therapeutic value was undoubtedly done for bona fide reasons. However, the government could not convince
the court that the ban was valid despite statutory bodies such as the Drug Testing Advisory Board (DTAB) and the Drugs
Consultative Committee (DCC) not being involved in the process. There is little doubt that a number of combination drugs
should be taken off the shelf. The government believes, as do many health activists, that some combinations are unsafe
and/or promote antibiotic resistance, while others lack particular therapeutic value, justification or advantage. Justice Rajiv
Sahai Endlaw has correctly refrained from going into the merits of the ban, and has chosen to subject to scrutiny the
process by which the decision was arrived at. While concluding that the ban was invalid because the power under the
Drugs and Cosmetics Act was exercised without consulting the DTAB and DCC, he has found that the government went
Initially it was noted that in the case of FDC drugs for which manufacturing licences were granted by State licensing
authorities between September 1988 and October 2012, the process was done without any approval from the Drugs
Controller. When they applied afresh to the Centre, on being asked to do so, their applications were not considered by
the Drugs Controller; instead, the Centre formed 10 committees. When these panels failed to consider all the applications,
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a risk to consumers or lacked therapeutic value and justification. Based on its report, the Centre issued notifications
banning these FDCs. In effect, the Centre seemed to have delegated its power to ban drugs to a non-statutory committee,
when the Act itself provided for expert bodies through which technical aspects of administering the law were to be
considered. The government ought to have been more mindful of the processes. It is possible that an appeal will be filed
on the legal aspects of the judgment, but the real lesson from the episode concerns governance, and not the law alone.
Some 200,000 white-clad Indonesians took to the streets of Jakarta to call for the arrest of the citys governor, Basuki
certain hardline sections in September when he said a Koranic verse had been used to trick voters into believing that
Muslims ought not be led by a non-Muslim. Since then, Indonesia has been convulsed by protests, including one near
the presidential palace in early November that turned violent. The embattled Mr. Purnama has been slapped with
blasphemy charges, and an investigation is ongoing. His political proximity to President Joko Widodo does not appear to
have slowed the momentum of the protests. Prior to winning the presidency in 2014, Mr. Widodo was the governor of
Jakarta, and Mr. Purnama, a frontrunner in the February 2017 governorship election, is on track to forge a pathway to
even higher political office. Mr. Widodo has been silent on the motives driving the latest protest, even as he appeared at
the scene to praise its relatively peaceful tenor. However, the recent arrest for treason of at least eight people, including
Rachmawati Soekarnoputri, daughter of Indonesias founding father Sukarno, suggests that other political factors may be
at play, including an attempt to whip up public sentiment against Mr. Purnama securing a second term as governor.
Given the Jakarta-centric locus of the protests, it is likely that anger over Mr. Purnama launching large-scale slum evictions
in the city has brought many from among the poorer sections to their feet. Yet the fact that the demonstration was
orchestrated by the right-wing Islamic Defenders Front Party, which also set up charity operations in the affected North
Jakarta neighbourhoods, indicates that support for Islamist ideology from local residents has been a critical factor. This
development, if it gains wider momentum across the countryside, could be a retrograde step for Indonesia, which has
until now, like neighbouring Malaysia, stood out as a regional bulwark against extremism, maintaining secular tolerance
of Christian, Hindu, and Buddhist minorities. Adventurism of this sort could endanger the accommodating fabric of
Indonesian society years after the post-Bali bombing purge of fundamentalists. This is especially a matter of concern in
the context of suspicion that hundreds of Indonesian youth recently travelled to Syria to join the Islamic State. While Mr.
Widodos encouraging remarks to the protesters are understandable, the onus is on him to take a stand against allowing
the latest turn of events from turning into a launching pad for a more intolerant national ethos.
DEC 06/2016
At first look, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjees theatrics on the night of December 1 smacked of the politics
of paranoia. Spying Army deployment at a toll plaza near the State Secretariat in Kolkata late that night, she drove herself
into a sleepless social media frenzy to guard our democracy. Where the Armys Eastern Command clarified that it was
conducting a routine exercise to test preparedness, Ms. Banerjee insinuated otherwise by resolving to maintain her vigil
at the Secretariat till the Army personnel were withdrawn from their task. Not given to being detained by facts, even after
the Army cleared the air by clarifying it had duly informed State authorities about the exercise, Ms. Banerjees Trinamool
Congress galvanised the Opposition in Parliament the next day. It kept up the high pitch from a previous uproar over
delay in landing a civil aircraft that had her on board. Ms. Banerjee is too sharp, and well-versed with the procedures of
administration, to not see through her own conspiracy theories. This is not paranoia speaking, it is a play-as-things-go
plan to amplify her voice in national politics. The Modi governments demonetisation drive has given her an opportunity
to nominate herself as a rallying force. Projecting random occurrences a queue for landing clearance at an
overburdened airport one day, an Army drill the next as instances of vendetta against her by the biggest powers that
be helps her distinguish herself from the rest of the opposition as the leader in direct combat with the Central government.
This has, of course, been the way with Ms. Banerjees politics. In the years of Left Front rule, this is how she separated
herself from older, established Congress colleagues. She, for instance, kept alive the memory of wounds sustained in a
police crackdown. Once she struck out and formed her own party, she switched allegiance freely in national coalitions in
the search for her big chance against the Left. It came in 2011, when Left rule ended in West Bengal; her pre-eminence
in State politics was sealed in Assembly elections this year when she stared down the combined challenge of the
Congress and the Left parties. Now, with the Congress still struggling to get a grip on the political narrative, and no other
party able to provide the glue for opposition unity, she has seized the opportunity. Her tactics of exaggeration, of
personalising the argument, are clearly aimed at securing herself as the face of the anti-BJP opposition, even as she
goes about seeking old friends and foes alike to rally behind her. Today it is demonetisation. Tomorrow it may be
here are good reasons why the Heart of Asia conference, part of a 14-nation process begun in 2011 to facilitate the
development and security of Afghanistan, is so named. The obvious one is geographical, as Afghanistan lies at the
junction of Central, South and East Asia, and also of the ancient trading routes from China and India to Europe. Today it
is also a focal point for the regions biggest challenge of terrorism; some of the far-reaching battles against al-Qaeda,
Islamic State, etc. will be decided on the battlegrounds of Afghanistan. For India, putting terror centre stage at the Heart
of Asia declaration in Amritsar was thus timely and necessary. In tandem, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and Prime
Minister Narendra Modi focussed their concerns on cross-border terrorism emanating from Pakistan, something even
Pakistans traditional allies at the conference, including China, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Turkey, found difficult to
counter. The case Mr. Ghani made was clear: progress and development in Afghanistan are meaningless and
unsustainable without peace, and peace is contingent on Pakistan ending support to terror groups such the Haqqani
network and Lashkar-e-Taiba. He dared Pakistan to use its proposed development grant to Afghanistan to fight terror on
However, if every window for engagement with Pakistan is closed for India and Afghanistan, the two countries must
closely consider what their next step will be. A lack of engagement may, in the short term, yield some pressure on
Pakistans leadership to act, as it did briefly after the Pathankot attack. But in the long run it may deplete the two countries
of their limited leverage as Pakistans neighbours. It may, for all the affirmations of mutual ties, also succeed in driving
more obstacles to trade between India and Afghanistan. In the past year, the cornering of Pakistan by its South Asian
neighbours has only yielded deeper ties for Islamabad with Beijing and Moscow, pushed Kabul closer to Central Asia,
and moved New Delhi towards multilateral groupings to the east and south. As a result, the measures India and
Afghanistan have envisaged in order to avoid Pakistan, such as land trade from the Chabahar port and a dedicated air
corridor between Delhi and Kabul, may prove to be insufficient by the time they are put in place, even as Afghanistan is
connected more closely via a rail line from Chinas Yiwu and Tehran. The Heart of Asia process thus remains critical to
DEC 07/2016
Adversity brought out the best in Jayalalithaa. As a Chief Minister fighting for the rights of her State, as a politician trying to
spring back from electoral defeats, as a woman standing up to sexist taunts in what is still very much a mans world, she was
courageous to the point of being adventurist. In her passing, India has lost a leader who played a vital role in the shaping of
Tamil Nadu during a crucial phase of the countrys economic development and social progress. It may be true that Jayalalithaa
owed her success in politics in no small measure to her film-world association with M.G. Ramachandran, the founder of the
AIADMK. Soon after she joined the party, her mentor, in 1983, made her its propaganda secretary. But all that MGR did was to
set her on a political career. He did not anoint her his successor, and after his death Jayalalithaa needed to win the battle for
his political legacy. This she did by reuniting the two factions of the party, retrieving its election symbol, reviving the alliance with
the Congress and, finally, becoming Chief Minister in 1991. She continued with MGRs policies, targeting the weaker sections,
the rural peasants and the unorganised workers through food subsidies and social welfare schemes, expanding the AIADMKs
reach. Unlike MGR, who lived under the constant shadow of the Centres power to dismiss a State government under Article
356, she had the luxury of doing business with a Congress government at the Centre led by P.V. Narasimha Rao, one dependent
on outside support from her party for survival. This allowed her to take a strong stand on issues such as Cauvery, forcing the
Centre to toe her line, or at least heed her views. However, towards the end of her first term as Chief Minister, her government
became enmeshed in a series of corruption scandals. Her association with V.N. Sasikala, who was perceived by some as
functioning as an extra-constitutional authority, alienated sections of her support base. Also, she drove away allies she had
struggled to win back following MGRs passing. ALSO READ Jayalalithaa - 1948-2016 Written off after receiving a drubbing
in the 1996 Assembly election, losing even her own seat, no one had forecast Jayalalithaa would reinvent her political career
so swiftly and effectively. The DMK government, which slapped a slew of corruption cases against her, had possibly thought it
was writing her political epitaph, but Jayalalithaa turned the tables by struggling to survive and remain relevant. The haughty
aloofness of the years in power was replaced by a refreshingly accommodative nature, enabling her to stitch together a brand
new alliance with smaller parties such as the Pattali Makkal Katchi, the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the
Bharatiya Janata Party for the 1998 Lok Sabha election. The sheer arithmetic of the alliance gave it a majority of the seats,
pitchforking Jayalalithaa back into a game that she seemed well out of. At the Central level, her comeback bore a resemblance
to the Narasimha Rao years: this time it was the BJP-led government that was wholly dependent on her support for survival.
However, Jayalalithaa squandered this opportunity by insisting that the Centre dismiss the DMK government in the State.
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DEC 08/2016
The Reserve Bank of India has surprised markets by opting to keep benchmark interest rates unchanged and cutting the
outlook for full-year growth in the wake of last months decision to withdraw legal tender status to high denomination
currency notes. In the fifth bimonthly monetary policy statement, the RBI cited a backdrop of heightened uncertainty. It
listed global factors including the imminent tightening of U.S. monetary policy and the rise in oil prices, and disconcerting
domestic inflation trends that could potentially endanger its price stability goals. Expectations that the U.S. Federal
Reserve will resume its normalisation of policy by raising interest rates on December 14 have combined with a homeward-
dollar at the expense of other currencies. The rupee has not been spared, forcing the RBI to intermittently intervene to
reduce volatility. Given that the exchange rate has the potential to exert upward inflationary pressure as a bulk of the
countrys commodity imports, including crude oil, are largely paid for in dollars, the RBI had little choice but to ensure that
at least interest rates dont end up being another alibi for capital outflows. On the domestic front, food prices other than
those of vegetables are showing sustained firmness. More worryingly, inflation excluding food and fuel has stubbornly
displayed a downward inflexibility that could, coupled with volatile energy costs and further financial market turbulence,
That the central bank has adopted a wait and watch approach in the wake of the liquidity shock to the banking system
sparked by the withdrawal from circulation of about 86 per cent of the bank notes, is instructive. Trimming its Gross Value
Added (GVA) growth projection for 2016-17 by 50 basis points to 7.1 per cent, the RBI cited an unexpected loss of
momentum in the second quarter, particularly in industrial activity, and the impact from the withdrawal of currency. The
RBI observed that the currency replacement exercise was likely to have the biggest impact on cash-intensive sectors.
The resultant disruptions could drag down growth in this fiscal and more data are needed before conclusions can be
drawn on the full impact and persistence of such an impact. It is understandable therefore that the RBI has opted for
caution. Observing that economic growth could rebound strongly if the impact is transient as widely expected, the central
bank has for now chosen to hedge its bets by reiterating an accommodative policy stance.
It was the eighteenth century satirist Joseph Addison who said his task was to enliven morality with wit, and to temper
wit with morality. For veteran journalist, satirist and playwright Cho Ramaswamy, the task may well have been to
enliven politics with wit, and to temper wit with political analysis. Cho was a lawyer, writer, dramatist, comedian, journalist
and commentator, but will chiefly be remembered as a playwright for his 1968 satire Muhammad bin Tughlaq, and as the
editor of Thuglak magazine for his refusal to be cowed down by the Emergency. Many looked up to him for political
analysis and even voting guidance. Often moving beyond the journalistic role, he utilised his numerous political friendships
founded Thuglak in 1970, Cho managed to reflect the unspoken angst of the middle class, which held a dim view of
politics and politicians, especially because of the ease with which political loyalties would swing from one end to another.
His early years in journalism coincided with the authoritarian phase of the ruling Congress. Therefore it was no surprise
that his brand of journalism, somewhat unique at the time in south India, had an anti-establishment resonance for many
years.
It is easy to sum up Chos political views: he was a committed nationalist, a right-of-centre analyst, and a firm believer in
a strong Central government. He tended to be disdainful of regional parties and their aspirations. He was a fierce critic of
the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, and the misuse of Article 356 of the Constitution for political ends. With a readership
that strongly echoed his own worldview, Thuglak shaped the thinking of the middle class for many years. However, with
the rise of other political forces to take on the dominant and unpopular ones, Chos appeal was later limited to the right-
wing middle and upper classes. Being a strong critic of the Emergency and a spirited lampooner of authority, he could
have been a liberal. However, there was a streak of conservatism in his political outlook, which influenced the manner in
which he addressed the issues before the country, both as an analyst and as a playwright. But ultimately, what will remain
in memory is his inimitable humour, withering sarcasm and vigorous espousal of democracy against authoritarian
intervention. His journalism was rooted in ethics, rarely allowing scope for gossip or baseless charges. His Tamil readers
will definitely miss his sharp analysis and their weekly fix of middle-class wisdom.
DEC 09/2016
As 2016 draws to a close after Brexit in the U.K. and the election of Donald Trump in the U.S., it is tempting to label it the Year
of Resurgent Nationalism. Yet in its dying gasp the global season of elections has produced two surprise results, in Austria and
Italy, which give pause. Last weekend Austria rejected far-right candidate Norbert Hofer in its presidential election, instead
placing confidence in Alexander Van der Bellen, a former leader of the Green Party who has said he would be an open-minded,
liberal-minded and above all a pro-European president. In Italy a more mixed result was delivered, with voters resoundingly
defeating a referendum driven by Prime Minister Matteo Renzi to change Italys constitution by reducing the numbers and power
of the Senate. While some in Italys political right have seized upon the result as a big victory for anti-establishment forces, the
vote defies the simplistic narrative of a populist revolt against globalisation and elites that has been applied elsewhere. It is
evident that the focus of the vote was Mr. Renzis own record in office and the relative merits of the constitutional reforms he
was proposing, which also explains why he resigned. The debates leading up to the vote, similarly, hardly touched upon burning
issues such as immigration writ large in Britain or America. Instead they thrashed out questions on the potential of the reforms
to be anti-democratic and capable of altering in-built constitutional checks and balances. Despite the election outcomes in
Europe being at odds with the broader global surge in pro-majoritarian national politics, there is one common thread that binds
the two: a hatefully bitter polarisation of the electorate of each country. In Italy, while the opposition to Mr. Renzis plans came
from mainstream political figures, including members of his Democratic Party, former prime ministers and academics and judges,
the far right Northern League and the Five Star Movement left an indelible mark on the No campaign. These groups and their
anti-immigrant rhetoric have thus received a boost. In Austria the flip side of Mr. Van der Bellens win was that Mr. Hofers
Freedom Party managed to pull in some 2.2 million votes despite standing stoutly against the Social Democrats, the Popular
Party and the Green Party, besides several among the establishment media. The fact that French far-right leader Marine Le
Pen assured Mr. Hofer that he would win the next legislative election is a signal of confidence in the power of the rising anti-
establishment mood. As the divide between elites and the forgotten man and woman widens, the need to rethink liberal
politics has become imperative.
DEC 10/2016
When Park Geun-hye assumed office as South Koreas first woman President in early 2013 on a wave of popularity, not many
could have foreseen her impeachment on corruption charges less than four years later. Such has been the impact of the scandal
that several lawmakers from her own Saenuri Party voted in favour of the impeachment resolution brought in by the opposition
in Parliament. The crisis was sparked by revelations two months ago that Ms. Park had abused her powers to help a confidante,
Choi Soon-sil, extort money from companies for her foundations. Since then, the Korean media have carried stories of Ms.
Chois access to the Presidents office and her influence in decision-making. The crisis was handled ineptly by Ms. Park and
her aides. She never bothered to explain her position directly to the public, and did not take her party into confidence. She
stayed away from the press and the opposition, perhaps hoping the crisis would blow over. But with a 4 per cent approval rating,
she soon became the most unpopular leader South Korea has had since its transition to a democracy in the late-1980s. And an
impeachment appeared certain in the wake of opposition protests that attracted over a million people to Seoul. ALSO READ
South Korean President says shell resign if parliament finds a plan for safe transfer of power South Korean Presidents are no
strangers to corruption scandals. But in Ms. Parks case, the allegation that the President was being controlled by a puppeteer
seemed to have aggravated the public anger. Moreover, Ms. Parks record in office was far from exemplary. The economy
continued to sputter under her rule with growth rate falling to 2.6 per cent in 2015, the slowest since 2012. Her decision to reach
an agreement with the United States to deploy an advanced missile system to counter threats from North Korea was not popular
domestically, and also increased tensions in the Korean Peninsula. Relations with China too steadily deteriorated under Ms.
Park. South Korea needs a clear-headed leadership both to reboot the economy and to take strategic decisions with a long-
term perspective. And given the bitterness and administrative paralysis of the past couple of months, it needs someone at the
helm who is free of scandal and has popular support. Unfortunately, the impeachment has pushed South Korea into a protracted
interregnum the Constitutional Court can take up to six months to decide if Ms. Park has to go or whether her powers can be
restored. Ms. Park could have avoided pushing the country into this period of uncertainty had she resigned before the
parliamentary vote. But she chose to cling on, leaving lawmakers with no option but to trigger the impeachment process.
DEC 12/2016
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The battle for Aleppo is almost over. Syrian government troops have captured almost 85 per cent of the eastern part of the city
which fell into rebel hands in 2012 in one of the early setbacks to the regime of President Bashar al-Assad in the civil war. Given
the pace of the battlefield advances, its only a matter of weeks, if not days, before the Syrian army recaptures all of Aleppo, the
countrys largest city and commercial capital before the conflict broke out. The regime will now have direct control over all the
major cities and population centres in Syria, while for the army, which was on the brink of collapse a year ago before the Russian
intervention, the victory is certainly a morale booster. But Mr. Assad has had to pay a heavy price for Aleppo. This military
triumph is the result of a brutal strategy the regime and the Russians put in place earlier this year. Damascus knew that if Aleppo
were to be recaptured, it would shift the balance of the civil war decisively. Eastern Aleppo was the priciest catch of the rebels
where they built a parallel government. Their plan was to expand the revolution to other regime-held territories and they had
the backing of regional powers such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar. The Syrian government, however, launched a relentless
bombing campaign in July, imposing a siege on the rebel-held parts of the city. After months of bombing by Russian and Syrian
jets broke the rebel supply lines, the army, backed by Hezbollah and Iran-trained militias, moved in to make quick gains. The
battle for Aleppo has been a humanitarian disaster. The rebels accuse the regime of indiscriminate bombing and killing civilians,
while the government says it had no option but to move in as the city was controlled by terrorists. Both are partially true. From
the beginning of the Aleppo operation, both the regime and Russia adopted scorched earth tactics. But government troops
frequently opened humanitarian corridors for the civilians to escape the war and the Russians had even negotiated a retreat
deal with the rebels under Turkish mediation recently. But the rebels, including Fateh al-Sham that was al-Nusra Front till August,
the al-Qaeda branch in Syria, refused to retreat; they also prevented residents from fleeing the city. Now that government troops
have captured most of the city, the question is, what will President Assad do next? Will he move troops to Idlib, another rebel-
held city, or kick off a long-awaited political process where he could negotiate from a position of strength? The latter option
would avert more bloodshed, while the militarys resources could be rechannelled to fight the Islamic State.
DEC 13/2016
In its recent order banning liquor sale and consumption in three districts in the State, the
Uttarakhand High Court has drifted outside the confines of law and entered the domain of morals
and desired behaviour. The court has crossed its legal remit by extending a government policy of
prohibiting liquor outlets in the vicinity of places of worship, to cover Rudraprayag, Chamoli and
Uttarkashi from April 2017. It has also banned tobacco products within a five-km radius of three
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Turkey is facing a multi-dimensional security crisis. Its forces are deployed on two battlefronts in the southeast, where most
of the countrys 15 million Kurds live, to fight the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK); and in Syria to face off threats from the Islamic
State (IS) as well as Kurdish rebels. But these operations have hardly helped the country secure its cities from terror attacks,
as seen in Saturdays blasts in Istanbul that killed 44 people, mostly police officers. The attack has been claimed by the Kurdistan
Freedom Falcons (TAK), a splinter group of the PKK, which said they were taking revenge for the ongoing military operation in
the southeast and the continuing imprisonment of Abdullah Ocalan, the PKK leader. The unrelenting terror attacks over the past
few years show that something is wrong with law enforcement and security arrangements in Turkey, a country otherwise known
for functional institutions and a tough security regime, or a deep state. Even at the height of the civil war with the PKK, violence
was largely confined to the southeast. So what went wrong for Ankara? Part of the problem was the reckless handling of foreign
policy and internal security by the government of Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The IS grew in strength under the watch of the Erdogan
government which, driven by its hostility towards the Syrian regime, looked away as its border was being used by the jihadists.
By the time Turkey started focussing on the IS, it was too late. It could still have launched a coordinated, focussed campaign
against the IS. Instead, the government abandoned a peace process initiated with the PKK and opened another front. Over the
past year, the Turkish security forces have turned several cities in the southeast such as Diyarbakir into battle zones. This
exposes Ankaras security dilemma: whatever it does to defeat the Kurdish militancy is deepening the crisis further. Even the
ties between the TAK and the PKK are in dispute. Though the TAK calls Mr. Ocalan its leader, it has severed organisational ties
with the PKK saying the latters passive struggle methods are not acceptable. But Ankara is going after every Kurdish
organisation whenever the TAK carries out an attack, mostly on security personnel. In recent months, many Kurdish politicians,
including Selahattin Demirtas, leader of the largest Kurdish political party, the Peoples Democratic Party, were arrested. There
is a dangerous pattern in Turkeys approach towards these security challenges. On the one side it is complacent in the fight
against the IS, perhaps because of its geopolitical calculations; on the other, it is using collective punishment tactics to deal with
the Kurdish militancy. The current security situation will vouch for this policys failure.
DEC 14/2016
A year after the devastating deluge, Chennais resilience has been challenged by the severe cyclonic storm, Vardah. Equipped
with survival lessons from the December 2015 floods and helped by an efficient flow of disaster warning messages, the city and
neighbouring districts held together through several hours of fierce winds. Chennais trees bore the brunt, many uprooted or
torn down irredeemably. The storm hobbled the citys infrastructure by nightfall, downing power and communication cables,
blocking roads, disrupting rail and air transport, and spreading a carpet of darkness. It is to the Tamil Nadu governments credit
that basic mobility was restored overnight, and fallen trees were removed to allow some traffic to ply. Vardah also demonstrated
that in the time of social media and the Internet, speedy official and community messages can influence the outcome of a
catastrophe. While economic damage was inevitable, cautionary advice put out on social platforms urging people to stay safe
helped reduce the number of casualties. Remarkably, the community also responded with alacrity, creating online groups and
sharing messages offering help and advice. It is of course possible to learn even more by going back to citizens and harnessing
data on their experience using online tools. Tropical storms are an annual affair, with the more vulnerable eastern coast taking
a pummelling from 92 severe cyclones out of a total of 262 between 1891 and 1990, and several more in the years since. Such
weather events are a part of the climate system, and their impact in the form of economic losses could well be greater going
forward, as development creates more assets in coastal cities. It is vital, therefore, that the learnings from each event are shared
nationally, and the capacity of officials and communities to manage disasters built continuously. Such an approach helps coastal
regions in the United States prepare for and deal with storms better. Among the securities available to individuals in many
countries is insurance against property losses. Viable policies should be made available in India too, as this would bring scrutiny
on administrative measures and potentially improve outcomes. A citywide blackout also underscores the importance of rooftop
solar and battery storage systems as supplementary power sources for households and corporates. Planting trees with strong
root systems and pruning the canopy ahead of cyclone season could reduce uprooting. In the aftermath of Vardah, the Tamil
Nadu government should restore infrastructure and provide priority relief to the families of those who lost their lives, and the
worst-hit communities.
DEC 15/2016
o Winning streak - a period of time when you win a lot of games, races,
or competitions
o Emphatic - done in a strong way
o Jinx - bad luck
o Rivals - a person, group, etc. competing with others for the same thing
or in the same area
o Hype - a situation in which something is advertised and discussed in
newspapers, on television, etc. a lot in order to attract everyone's interest
o Permeates - if an attitude or feeling permeates something, you can feel
or see its influence clearly in every part of that thing
o Joust - to argue or compete
o Bugbear - a particular thing that annoys or upsets you
o Ignominy - public embarrassment
o Redemption - an occasion when someone is saved from suffering
o Unassailable - in such a strong position that you cannot be defeated
o Shed cobwebs - to make you feel more lively and think more clearly
o Triumph - a very great success, achievement, or victory
o Vanquish - to defeat an enemy or opponent
o Pang - a very strong, sudden, and unpleasant pain or emotion
o Squad - a sports team
o Aura - a feeling or character that a person or place seems to have
o Fiercely - extremely
o Trait - a particular quality in someones character
o Pulsating - very interesting and exciting
o In tandem - at the same time
o Concurrent - happening or existing at the same time
o Poised - ready to do a particular thing at any moment
o Wilted - to have less energy, confidence, or enthusiasm
o Spat - a short argument
o Enthuse - to express excitement about something or great interest in it
o Understudy - a person who learns another's role in order to be able to
act at short notice in their absence
o Inherent - existing as a natural or basic part of something
o Stupendous - very impressive
o Home run - score
By passing the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Bill, the Rajya Sabha has adopted a radically transformative piece of
legislation that addresses the concerns of arguably the most marginalised section of Indian society. The Lok Sabha should lose
no time to approve this Bill in the winter session, bringing to fruition a process that started with Indias ratification of the relevant
UN Convention in 2007. A measure of the expansive reach of the Bill that the Upper House passed unanimously is that it is
covers as many as 19 conditions nearly three times the number of disabilities accorded legal protection under the 1995 law.
Included are a large number of individuals with multiple impairments, who are the most disadvantaged sections among the
disabled. Another welcome provision is the power to notify additional disabilities, a clear recognition of the need to factor in
conditions that may arise as a result of an ageing population, an inevitable part of the demographic transition. Relaxation of the
upper age limit to access primary and higher education is clear evidence of foresight, given the disproportionately low and
delayed enrolment of disabled children in formal schooling. In addition, the incorporation of penal stipulations, a major omission
in the predecessor Act, should go some way towards ensuring more effective law enforcement. The increase in the proportion
of reserved positions in public employment and incentives for the private sector to hire disabled candidates are other important
departures. The discretionary powers for authorities to determine appropriate avenues of occupation for the disabled would
have to be exercised with sensitivity and openness. Experience shows that new technology enables people with disability to
undertake tasks that may once have been outside their reach. In this regard, the decision to drop the proposal for the
establishment of statutory disabilities commissions at the national and State levels is a lost opportunity. To vest in an advisory
body the responsibility to monitor enforcement and violations of the law, as well as financial supervision, is not the most effective
approach to promote equal opportunities and combat discrimination. The number of the disabled in India is anywhere between
5 and 10 per cent of the population. Their integration into the mainstream is a developmental and economic imperative. The
Vision 2030 blueprint on sustainable development that is in the works is an opening for the Centre to spell out its priorities on
disabilities.
DEC 17/2016
Equivocation before the Supreme Court can be costly. Anurag Thakur, president of the Board of Control for Cricket in India,
may have learnt this bitter lesson after the Chief Justice of India found him prima facie guilty of contempt of court and perjury.
The boards predicament is not only due to its reluctance to accept the reforms suggested by the court-appointed Justice Lodha
Committee. It is also because of its presidents ham-handed attempt to explain away his move to get the International Cricket
Council to issue a letter to the effect that some judicial orders regarding the BCCI amounted to governmental interference. Mr.
Thakur allegedly approached ICC chairman Shashank Manohar in Dubai in August 2016 in connection with the courts July 18
order mandating that a nominee of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India should be on the BCCIs apex council. It is not
surprising that the court took a dim view of the BCCI initially denying that such an attempt had been made to get the ICC
involved. It was probably just as displeased with Mr. Thakur going on to file an affidavit that he had only wanted Mr. Manohar to
give his opinion on the issue as a former BCCI president. Mr. Thakur would have been better off admitting what happened,
given that Mr. Manohar has disclosed that the BCCI president had indeed asked him for such a letter. Mr. Thakur being rendered
liable for prosecution for perjury is not the only consequence; the current BCCI office-bearers may lose their control over the
board. The Bench headed by the Chief Justice is already in a mood to appoint some observers, based on a suggestion by the
Lodha Committee, to oversee the BCCIs affairs. The BCCI has allowed an impression to gain ground that its attitude towards
reforms is one of defiance and obstruction. So far the cricket body has been maintaining that it cannot force its State-level
affiliates to accept all the new norms. The BCCI could have avoided a direct confrontation by committing itself more plainly to
abide by the court verdict. The BCCIs reputation as a responsible sports administrator is under strain not because of any
shortcoming in its management of the cricketing aspects of the game, but its seeming intransigence in embracing reforms aimed
at bringing about transparency in its functioning. Any order convicting the BCCI president for perjury or holding its top
functionaries guilty of contempt of court would severely damage the institution. An apology from Mr. Thakur, and the BCCIs
wholehearted acceptance of the Lodha Committee reforms, seem the only way out.
The U.S. Federal Reserves widely anticipated decision to resume its course of normalisation of monetary policy by raising the
benchmark Federal Funds rate by one-quarter of a percentage point has unequivocally signalled that the worlds largest
economy is well and truly back on track. Fed Chair Janet Yellen has said the U.S. central bank now expects the economy to
continue to perform well. The median projection of real gross domestic product growth among the Federal Open Market
Committees participants is for the expansion to accelerate to 2.1 per cent in 2017, from 1.9 per cent this year. This bodes well
for the world economy as an improvement in demand for goods and services in one of the biggest markets will potentially spur
economic activity all over. That the improvement in momentum has been accompanied by solid job gains and moderate
increases in household spending is particularly heartening since personal consumption undergirds overall demand in the U.S.
The Fed has also stated that it expects future interest rate increases to be gradual. The median projection for the funds rate at
the end of 2017 is estimated at 1.4 per cent, indicating at most another 3 to 4 quarter point moves over the next 12 months.
Such a calibrated approach to policy normalisation will allow international markets time to reset investment weights and priorities,
while ensuring that the domestic momentum doesnt unravel. And with indications that Donald Trumps administration may
unveil policies to bolster domestic economic activity, the prospects for the U.S. economy appear sanguine as of now. From an
Indian perspective, however, there are attendant risks from the Feds policy normalisation. For one, the dollars strengthening
trend against most major currencies and the rupee have begun to push up Indias bill for imports a large share of which does
not lend itself to substitution and widen the trade deficit. Latest trade data show Indias import costs in rupee terms climbed
13 per cent in November while the value in dollar terms rose 10.4 per cent, in a clear reflection of the impact of the dollars
appreciation. Also, the very same improvement in U.S. economic outlook that could lend a glint of anticipation to Indian exporters
has already been a factor in spurring an exodus of portfolio investment capital from emerging markets, including India, and
inflows back into the home market. And with the U.S. President-elect resorting to protectionist rhetoric, Indian companies,
especially exporters of software services, are likely to remain on tenterhooks till clarity emerges on the administrations policy
road map. For the moment, all optimism stemming from the strengthening U.S. economy will need to be tempered with caution.
DEC 19/2016
Almost five decades after India first formulated its National Education Policy, the Ministry for Human Resource Development
appears to be gearing up for another revision to this policy document, and not a moment too soon. The state of education,
particularly in the critical primary and pre-primary years, is far from satisfactory. Since the early 2000s, successive governments
kept up momentum on a sustained investment push into schools in a bid to resolve what was viewed as a supply-side problem.
As The Hindus recent series on primary education, Learning Deficit, highlighted, it was hoped that through this effort children
in elementary education would be provided with classrooms, uniforms, textbooks and other teaching materials, and a larger
contingent of teachers. Thus, this approach hoped to tackle low enrolment rates. Led by government schools, public investment
in education helped raise the gross enrolment ratio from 81.6 per cent of children in the 6-14 age group in 2000 to 96 per cent
or more since 2008. Yet it soon became evident that getting children into school was only the first step, especially when gaping
holes remained in the system. Among these, the barriers to high-quality, equitably-distributed primary education include: high
dropout rates, especially for girls; teacher absenteeism and low teaching quality; and outmoded pedagogies and insufficient
resources to implement contemporary teaching methods. The problem of poor learning outcomes is of particular concern, for it
is a structural issue pertaining to the design of curricula and ingrained rote learning methods. These have been the backbone
of Indias teaching tradition for over half a century. But will this help create the kind of workforce that India wishes to develop:
nimble, highly-skilled and ready for the digital age, the global economy and new pathways of occupational mobility? Or will the
sheer weight of an outdated, colonial-era education system make Indians too sluggish and skill-deprived to cope in a highly
competitive global arena? While efforts of the present and previous government to boost the quality of learning in higher and
vocational education must be appreciated, policymakers ought not to ignore early childhood education and primary schooling,
the phases during which the most important cognitive development milestones are attained. The tenth Annual Status of
Education Report found that in 2014 the proportion of Class 3 and Class 5 students in rural areas who could read a Class 2
DEC 20/2016
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A permanent tribunal to adjudicate river water disputes between States will undoubtedly be a vast improvement over the present
system of setting up ad hoc tribunals. The Union Cabinets proposal to have a permanent tribunal that will subsume existing
tribunals is expected to provide for speedier adjudication. But whether this will resolve the problem of protracted proceedings is
doubtful. Given the number of ongoing inter-State disputes and those likely to arise in future, it may be difficult for a single
institution with a former Supreme Court judge as its chairperson to give its ruling within three years. Secondly, its interlocutory
orders as well as final award are likely to be challenged in the Supreme Court. This month, in a landmark verdict, the Supreme
Court said it had unfettered power to hear an appeal arising from a river water dispute tribunal under Article 136 of the
Constitution. It has interpreted the ouster clause in the Inter-State Water Disputes Act as one that merely bars the court from
entertaining an original complaint or suit on its own, but not its power to hear appeals against a tribunals decisions. Thus, finality
and enforcement of a tribunals award may remain elusive. The idea of a Dispute Resolution Committee, an expert body that
will seek to resolve inter-State differences before a tribunal is approached, will prove to be another disincentive for needless
litigation. A positive feature of the proposed changes is that there will be an expert agency to collect data on rainfall, irrigation
and surface water flows. This acquires importance because party-States have a tendency to fiercely question data provided by
the other side. A permanent forum having reliable data in its hands sounds like an ideal mechanism to apportion water. However,
a confusing aspect is that benches of the permanent tribunal are going to be created to look into disputes as and when they
arise. It is not clear in what way these temporary benches would be different from the present tribunals. A larger and more
significant downside to any adjudicatory framework is the refusal or reluctance of parties to abide by judicial orders. Having an
institutional mechanism is one thing, but infusing a sense of responsibility in those helming State governments is quite another.
What is at stake is not merely a set of competing claims over riparian rights. Water disputes have humanitarian dimensions,
including agrarian problems worsened by drought and monsoon failures. Adjudication, by whatever mechanism, should not be
at the mercy of partisan leaders who turn claims into dangerously emotive issues. Institutional mechanisms should be backed
by the political will to make them work.
The seizure of an American underwater drone in the international waters of the South China Sea by the Chinese Navy marks
the latest flashpoint in bilateral relations that have entered uncharted territory with the election of Donald Trump as U.S.
President. Though it is not clear if the capture of the drone, which China agreed to return later, was a junior-level act by sailors
or a strategic move directed by Beijing, Mr. Trump has seized the moment to step up his anti-China rhetoric. Interestingly, the
incident comes days after he broke diplomatic protocol and accepted a congratulatory call from Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-
wen, a move that invited an angry response from China, which sees Taiwan as a breakaway province. Despite repeated
assurances from the White House that the basic building blocks of U.S.-China ties have not been altered, Mr. Trump escalated
matters by questioning the One- China policy. Throughout the election campaign he had maintained that he would renegotiate
the terms of Americas engagement with China. He had also accused Beijing of currency manipulation. So the issue is, are his
attacks on China and questions over the One-China policy just a continuation of his campaign rhetoric, or part of a well-thought-
out policy to establish a new normal in ties? One theory, which the President-elect himself indicated in an interview, is that he
wants concessions from China over key issues such as trade, South China Sea disputes and the North Korea nuclear crisis,
and that by raising the sensitive Taiwan issue, he is trying to gain some bargaining leverage over China. Beijing certainly wont
take this lightly. It has reiterated that the One-China policy is non-negotiable, besides installing anti-aircraft weapons and other
arms on all seven artificial islands it has built in the South China Sea, as reported by a U.S. think tank with satellite imagery.
China will find it politically difficult to ignore Mr. Trumps apparent effort to change the rules of the game. The geopolitical context
is possibly even more important. China is a caged naval power. It has access to both South and East China Seas, but its force
projection capability is limited by the existence of several islands on these seas, such as Taiwan, Japans Ryukyu Islands, and
the Babuyan Islands of the Philippines. One reason China is so sensitive about Taiwan is its geopolitical vulnerability. It doesnt
want other powers to dictate or change the rules of engagement on its seafront. And if Mr. Trump tries to do that in the manner
he handles foreign policy now, he could risk the progress the U.S. and China have painstakingly made in bilateral ties over four
decades.
DEC 21/2016
It is hard now to remember a time when German Chancellor Angela Merkel was not in the thick of a political storm in Europe.
However, Mondays suspected terror strike in Berlin that claimed at least 12 lives along with a spate of incidents in July, all with
a bearing on Germanys liberal immigration policies, present a qualitatively different challenge to Europes most powerful
politician. As she seeks election for a fourth term next September, Ms. Merkels political and diplomatic acumen could be put to
the toughest test yet in a world still coming to grips with the implications of Britains vote to leave the European Union (EU) and
the U.S. presidential election result. Her measured approach to the deepening debt crisis in the eurozone saw her being pilloried
by some of her conservative colleagues as indulgence of a profligate Greece, even as the German-backed multilateral mission
that negotiated the bailouts was greeted by angry Greek protesters carrying placards bearing the swastika. But the Chancellor,
seen hitherto as cautious if not indecisive, was spontaneous and firm in her response to the tragic drowning of many Syrians at
the height of the refugee crisis in 2015. Her open-hearted open-doors policy towards the hundreds of thousands who managed
to cross the choppy waters of the Mediterranean, describing Islam as integral to Germany, may have alienated even some of
her closest European allies. Paradoxically, Ms. Merkels continued leadership of the 28-nation EU seems ever more critical
given the rise of xenophobic and anti-immigrant forces across the continent. Matters are not helped by the fluid political scenario
in the other staunchly integrationist founder-member of the EU, France, which is headed for presidential election in 2017. The
prospects of Ms. Merkel rallying the forces of the political centre at home will depend on her capacity to counter the populist
Alternative for Germany party, anxious to cash in on tragedies such as the Berlin attack. As for the European and international
stage, there are clear signs of the Chancellors moderate political instincts to uphold the values of a pluralistic democracy
underpinned by the rule of law. In a letter she wrote to congratulate Donald Trump, Ms. Merkel remained unequivocal. Among
the values Germany and the U.S. shared, she wrote, were democracy, freedom, as well as respect for the rule of law and the
dignity of each and every person regardless of their origin, skin colour, creed, gender, sexual orientation or political views. It is
hardly surprising that Ms. Merkels views resonate across the Atlantic alliance, and much beyond.
The European Union on Wednesday gave Warsaw a dressing down over concerns about the erosion of the rule of law in
Poland. And with good reason. The conservative Law and Justice Party (PiS) headed by Jaroslaw Kaczynski, which runs the
government, has repeatedly tinkered with and undermined the institutions of democracy in the country, progressively tightening
its grip over them. The EUs patience is running out, and it could eventually strip Poland of voting rights in the European Council,
an unprecedented action. This is a reflection of grave concerns over the developments in Poland, especially the actions the PiS
has taken since it came to power in October 2015 to control the Constitutional Tribunal, Polands highest court. In July, the EU
made recommendations aimed at protecting the independence of the judiciary. These have been largely ignored. Examples of
PiS action that have impacted judicial functioning include publishing judgments selectively (without which they do not have legal
standing) and passing legislation to temporarily appoint the head of the Constitutional Tribunal. On Monday, Andrzej Rzeplinski,
the outgoing president of the court, alleged that the government was out to destroy the tribunal. While concerns are focussed
around judicial independence, they are by no means limited to this. Among the governments moves are the replacement of
heads of public bodies with its loyalists, a ban on abortions (which was rolled back following widespread protests), a campaign
to control NGOs, and curbs on media freedom. About 100 journalists from state media organisations have been fired, and the
government, until Tuesday, was proposing to ban most journalists from entering the lower house of Parliament in 2017. This
resulted in an opposition sit-in in the main hall of Parliament, while thousands protested outside, preventing the passage of the
2017 Budget. This led to the government passing the Budget in an anteroom, a move that has, understandably, not gone down
well with the opposition. The EU has given Poland two months for a course correction. PiS was elected on a populist platform
a little over a year ago, ousting the centre-right Civic Platform (PO). The party was aided by the relatively benign economic
conditions when it came to power, but the economy is slowing down even as chaos and unrest continue. The government, thus
far unmoved by the interests of civil society and democracy, may be forced to tread a bit more carefully.
DEC 24/2016
o Tangle - a situation that is difficult to deal with because things are not
organized properly
o Council - a group of people elected or chosen to make decisions or give
advice on a particular subject, to represent a particular group of people,
or to run a particular organization
o Regime - a system of rules that control something
o Constraint - something that controls what you do by keeping you within
particular limits
o Deadline - a time or day by which something must be done
o Turf battle - a battle in which one party seeks to obtain increased rights
or influence
o Administrative - relating to the management of a company,
organization, or institution
o Hurdle - a problem that you have to deal with before you can make
progress
o Washed-out - failed
o Incur - to experience something, usually something unpleasant, as a
result of actions you have taken
o Switch - a sudden or complete change
o Empowerment - the process of gaining freedom and power to do what
you want or to control what happens to you
o Integrated - combining things, people, or ideas of different types in one
effective unit, group, or system
o Legalese - formal language used by lawyers and in legal documents that
ordinary people find difficult to understand
o Compensation - money that is paid to someone in exchange for
something that has been lost or damaged or for some problem
o Roll-out - to make a new product, service, or system available for the
first time
o Unlikely - not probable or likely to happen
o Mooted - to suggest something for discussion
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DEC 28/2016
DEC 29/2016
Ever since the Bharatiya Janata Party was voted to power with a majority of its own in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, Opposition
parties have been trying to find an issue that would resonate with the people, identify a rallying point that would put the Narendra
Modi government at the Centre on the defensive. But when such an issue did crop up after Mr. Modi announced the
demonetisation of high-value notes on November 8, opponents of the BJP found themselves unprepared and unable to tap into
the public resentment at the seemingly unnecessary pain caused by the shortage of cash. The demonetisation exercise did far
more than divide the Opposition parties: it left them confused on the approach to be taken against the government. They were
unable to fault the stated aims of the move: to curb black money, flush out counterfeit notes from the economy, and thereby
curb terror funding. And when Mr. Modi sought 50 days to ease the cash flow, his opponents had no choice but to wait it out.
Other than making noises about long queues at banks and ATMs and the flip-flops in announcing new rules for withdrawals and
deposits and amending them in quick time, they had little to do. They could not attack the move in principle without being seen
as supporting the corrupt and the devious. And they could not attack the manner of implementation without giving Mr. Modi the
time he wanted to deal with what could not but have been a crisis in cash supply. It was probably inevitable that the Opposition
parties would speak in different voices on an issue like this, but it was inexplicable that the main Opposition party, the Congress,
did little to forge a united front in Parliament and outside. When Opposition parties were planning to petition President Pranab
Mukherjee on the demonetisation issue, Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi met Mr. Modi with a delegation of party leaders
to request a waiver of farm loans. Leaders of the Samajwadi Party, the Bahujan Samaj Party and the Left parties were unhappy
with the Congress approach. Not surprisingly, at a joint press conference of Opposition parties called by Mr. Gandhi, only
Trinamool Congress leader and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee was at hand to attack Mr. Modi. The other
participants were mostly long-time allies of the Congress. The Janata Dal (United), whose leader Nitish Kumar had nice things
to say about demonetisation initially, did not participate in a maha dharna organised by the RJD against demonetisation. The
JD(U) stand was that it would rather wait for the 50 days before judging the move to be a failure or a mistake. Far from bringing
together Opposition parties, the demonetisation move appears to have driven apart parties already in alliance.
DEC 30/2016
That V.K. Sasikala was nominated general secretary of the AIADMK by its general council is no surprise. Her elevation from
party worker to party head has followed days of demands and entreaties from senior AIADMK leaders that she take up the job.
Two things counted in her favour. She was the closest friend of Jayalalithaa, something that means a lot in the personality cult-
based structure of the AIADMK. As importantly, any other choice would have divided the party into fractious factions. Chief
Minister O. Panneerselvam, the only other possible contender, himself backed Ms. Sasikala. As did most other party leaders,
including prominent ministers, who rely on their caste bases for popular support. However, it is doubtful whether the AIADMK
rank and file is really enthused by the choice a fact that will have a bearing on the future of the party. It is not surprising that
Ms. Sasikala lacks popular appeal. Over the last two decades, her influence over the party and State politics has been carefully
and almost wholly orchestrated from the backroom. Throughout her years at the helm, Jayalalithaa made sure there was no
credible second line of leadership in the party. Ms. Sasikala herself was not given a party post, but the fact that she lived at the
Poes Garden residence of Jayalalithaa gave her an imposing authority within the AIADMK. ALSO READ V.K. Sasikala: From
soul sister to party leader The partys problems do not end with Ms. Sasikalas elevation. A possible risk is that the authority of
Mr. Panneerselvam as Chief Minister could be undermined by the ascent of Ms. Sasikala. Already several ministers have, both
privately and publicly, urged her to take over as Chief Minister. The post is hers for the asking, given that she has the backing
of most MLAs; Mr. Panneerselvam himself is unlikely to offer any resistance. However, as an accused in the disproportionate
assets case against Jayalalithaa, Ms. Sasikala is awaiting a judgment in the Supreme Court in an appeal against her acquittal
by the Karnataka High Court after a conviction by the trial court. Following searches in the residential and office premises of
Chief Secretary P. Rama Mohana Rao by Income Tax and Enforcement Directorate authorities, questions have been raised
about the involvement of higher-ups in the AIADMK in corruption. This has been reinforced by the fact that some top leaders
have been close to mining baron Sekhar Reddy, who has been arrested for possession of huge amounts of cash in new currency
notes. In such circumstances, it would be both unwise and improper for Ms. Sasikala to take over the States administration. In
a twist of fate, she has emerged as the most powerful person in Tamil Nadu. But this has occurred in a fragile political
environment. Ms. Sasikala and the party need to act with patience and restraint, not self-serving haste.
Colombias government now knows only too well that there is many a slip between the cup and the lip. In October, a referendum
to ratify a painstakingly negotiated peace deal it had signed with the long-time insurgent organisation, the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia (FARC), was narrowly defeated. A more piecemeal, less ambitious and sequenced process since then has
helped Bogota notch its first significant victory in effecting the peace deal with the rebels. Now, Colombias Congress has
unanimously approved an amnesty law granting immunity to FARC fighters from prosecution for committing minor crimes,
clearing a major hurdle in effecting the revised peace accord. Those accused of major crimes will be tried by a special tribunal.
The main difficulty in passing this measure was the intransigence of the leading opposition, the right-wing Centro Democratico
led by former President Alvaro Uribe, who had led a vigorous campaign first against talks between the government and the
rebels, later during the referendum and also when a revised accord was eventually signed and ratified by Congress on
December 1. The party abstained during voting both during the ratification and when the amnesty law was introduced. The law
helps overcome a key sticking point for those who voted No in the October referendum and who felt that the government was
being too lenient with those among the FARC commanders accused of severe crimes. The law will reassure the rebels, who
are moving to special demobilisation zones, marking a breakthrough in the five-decade-long civil war that has taken more than
2,20,000 lives. Without doubt, the Nobel Peace Prize given to Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos gave him the
necessary ballast and international support to carry out these steps. But there are other laws to be passed, including those
addressing FARCs demands for agrarian reform and compensation to victims of the civil war. There is still some distance to go
before FARC converts itself into a political party to participate in the contested polity. Amendments to the peace accord include
requirements from FARC to share details about any involvement in drug production and declaration of assets. But there is a
clear commitment towards peace shown by both the government and FARC, especially after the initial accord was signed. If
things go as per the governments plan, the rebels should become civilians by May 2017, culminating in the end of a process
that began with negotiations four years ago.
o There's many a slip twixt cup and lip - said to emphasize that many
bad things might happen before something is finished
DEC 31/2016
The ceasefire reached between Syrias government and Opposition, with the mediation of Turkey, Russia and Iran, could be a
turning point in the countrys civil war. Unlike the two previous failed ceasefires this year which were negotiated between
Russia and the U.S. the latest one is sponsored by countries directly involved in the conflict. The positive reaction from both
the Syrian regime and rebel commanders to the announcement of the ceasefire by Russian President Vladimir Putin also
suggests that the warring parties are willing to give diplomacy a chance. For the Syrian government, this is an opportunity to
announce it is ready for a peaceful settlement. Though President Bashar al-Assad has repeatedly claimed that he would retake
the entire territory from the rebels, a military solution appears to be illusory. A prolonged conflict will exhaust the regime forces
further and multiply the humanitarian costs. On the other side, after the victory in Aleppo, the regime could now negotiate with
the rebels from a position of strength. For the rebels, the momentum is gone. Their support is limited to certain parts such as
Idlib, Daraa and the outskirts of Damascus. The question they face is whether they should continue fighting a never-ending war
of attrition or seek to gain leverage from whatever military influence they are left with. There is a convergence of interests for
Turkey and Russia in finding a peaceful solution. Having seen the U.S. interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan, Russia doesnt
want to get stuck in Syria. By promoting a negotiated deal, it could retain its core interests in Syria while at the same time
projecting itself as a power broker in West Asia. Turkey wants to limit the spillover effects of the war on its soil and stop Kurdish
rebels from capitalising on the chaos in Syria. This explains why Turkey and Russia have come together now despite their bitter
relations last year. But these objective conditions alone may not produce sustainable peace. It is still not clear which rebel
groups have agreed to the ceasefire. Turkey supports only some of the rebel groups, while several other groups get support
from Gulf monarchies. There are jihadist elements as well in the Opposition, such as Fateh al-Sham, that could play the spoiler
by carrying out attacks on government positions. Besides, the Kurdish question remains unaddressed. If Kurds are invited for
talks, Turkey might withdraw its support for the peace process. For now, however, if the ceasefire holds at least till next months
Astana summit of the related parties, it could be a new beginning for Syria.
JAN 02/2017
What began as a family feud is now a fight for the very soul of the Samajwadi Party. If power and position were all that mattered,
SP supremo Mulayam Singh might have been able to more evenly distribute the loaves of office and quickly end the crisis
engulfing his party. But his son Akhilesh Yadav has now taken the fight to another plane, debunking the old guard and projecting
his own actions as those taken in the interest of the larger public good. This time the Uttar Pradesh Chief Ministers revolt is
directed at the very manner in which the SP is being run and, by implication, he is challenging what he perceives as the
subversion of the partys founding values. But if he is going to liberate the SP from the feudal old guard, he will need to do
much more. When Akhilesh Yadav objected to the party leaderships proposal for the merger with the SP of the Quami Ekta
Dal, led by the gangster-politician Mukhtar Ansari, he was not questioning the mobilisation of votes on communal lines but the
building of support blocks at the risk of being perceived as a party that is soft on crime. Similarly, his opposition to the re-entry
of Amar Singh into the party was not as it arguably should have been an attempt to delink the SP from the perils of
corporate funding, but an effort to distance it from seeming to be close to wheeler-dealers. On both occasions his interventions
seemed little more than a part of an image-building exercise. Akhilesh Yadav may have become the new, urbane face of the
party, at the head of a generation of technology-savvy youth that speaks the language of progress and development. But he
has so far not been able to change it in any substantive way. The Chief Minister knows he cannot do without the SPs
organisational structures in an Assembly election, just months away. But he also seems to have realised that he could not
possibly benefit from the brand of brash politics characterised by his father and uncle Shivpal Yadav without being tainted by it.
By striking out on his own, Akhilesh Yadav is now hoping he would gain acceptance beyond the traditional vote banks of the
SP. But the intra-party quarrels are unlikely to have inspired confidence among the public of the SPs ability to provide stability
and good governance. Yadav Jr will be judged not on how he distanced himself from the lathi-wielding criminal elements of the
SP, but on how he maintained law and order. Similarly, not on how he managed the SPs leadership, but on how he governed
for five years. After all, in the Assembly poll, he will be fighting against the BJPs Narendra Modi and the BSPs Mayawati, not
his father and uncle.
o Parting shot - a remark that you make when you are leaving, so that it
has a stronger effect:
o Sanction - an official order, such as the stopping of trade, that is taken
against a country in order to make it obey international law
o Sack - to remove someone from job
o Diplomat - an official whose job is to represent one country in another
o Flashpoint - a place where violence is likely to develop
o Bilateral - involving two groups or countries
o Cold war - unfriendly relations between countries who are not at war
with each other
o Foes - enemies
o Trigger - an event or situation, etc. that causes something to start
o Cyberattack - an illegal attempt to harm someone's computer system
or the information on it, using the internet
o Deteriorate - to become worse
o Ironically - in a way that is different or opposite from the result you
would expect
o Criticism - the act of saying that something or someone is bad
o Decisively - able to make decisions quickly and confidently, or showing
this quality
o Ally - a country that has agreed officially to give help and support to
another one
o Annexed - to take possession of an area of land or a country, usually by
force or without permission
o Regime - a particular government or a system or method of government
o Rebel - a person who is opposed to the political system in their country
and tries to change it using force
o Spectator - a person who watches an activity, without taking part
o Conflict - angry disagreement between people or groups
o Brutal - cruel, violent, and completely without feelings
o Campaign - a planned group of especially political, business, or military
activities that are intended to achieve a particular aim
o Multilateral - involving more than two groups or countries
o Diplomacy - the management of relationships between countries
o Plunged - to fall quickly from a high position
o Allegation - a statement, made without giving proof, that someone has
done something wrong or illegal
o Mute - silent
o Implication - the effect that an action or decision will have on something
else in the future
o Reignite - to make something such as a disagreement or worry that was
disappearing grow stronger
WWW.GR8AMBITIONZ.COM COMPILED BY MANISH
Downloaded from www.Qmaths.in
JAN 03/2017
JAN 4/2016
The Supreme Court has grappled with the question whether a provision in electoral law that makes it a corrupt practice to use
religion, race, caste or language as a ground for canvassing votes in an election is a bar limited to the groups to which candidates
or their rivals belong, or whether it is a general prohibition on sectarian appeals. Section 123(3) of the Representation of the
People Act, 1951, as amended in 1961, gave rise to this doubt. By a four-three majority, a seven-member Bench has ruled that
it is a general prohibition on the use of religion or any other communal or sectarian value in the electoral arena. The minority
favoured limiting the ambit of the sub-section to cover only candidates who sought votes on such grounds, or the rivals they
wanted the voters not to back on similar grounds. That secularism is the bedrock of our democracy is undisputed. That the
electoral process ought not to permit appeals to the electorate on these narrow grounds is equally beyond doubt. Against this
backdrop, it is only logical that the Supreme Court should decide that it is a corrupt practice for candidates to use any caste or
communal parameters to canvass for votes or to discredit a rival, regardless of whether the candidates themselves belong to
such religious, communal or linguistic groups. It is interesting that the dispute turned on a single pronoun, his, that was
introduced in the 1961 amendment. The majority opinion favours a purposive interpretation, holding that it covered the
candidates as well as the voter. It finds support in legislative history and our constitutional ethos. The purpose of the amendment
was to widen the scope of the particular corrupt practice. Given that secularism is a basic feature of the Constitution, it has been
interpreted in the light of Parliaments intention to prohibit any religious or sectarian appeal for votes. There is a justifiable worry
that a wider interpretation may lead to eliminating from the poll discourse political issues that turn on religion, caste or language.
After all, this is a country in which sections of society suffer deprivation and historical injustices based on religious or caste
identity. But the overall message is clear. It is left to the wisdom of judges dealing with election cases to draw the line between
what is permissible and what is not, and look at the context in which some statements are made before deciding whether they
constitute a corrupt practice. The majority verdict will find resonance with all those who swear by the primacy of secularism in
the public domain. The minority view nuances this with a reminder that legal issues need to be seen in their social context.
The State Bank of Indias decision to cut its marginal cost of funds based lending rate (MCLR) by 90 basis points is a timely
nudge to borrowers, especially given the sharp slowdown in credit growth in the current fiscal year. The timing of the cut is not
surprising, given that the countrys largest commercial lender is awash with funds held in current and savings account (CASA)
deposits following the Centres decision to withdraw high-value banknotes and impose withdrawal curbs on account-holders.
With demand across sectors having taken a knock in the wake of the resultant cash crunch, the SBIs decision to reduce
borrowing costs is likely to spur some credit-fuelled buying including in sectors such as automobiles. Latest data from the
Reserve Bank of India show that growth in bank credit decelerated to 1.2 per cent in the April 1-December 9, 2016 period,
compared with the 6.2 per cent pace witnessed in the comparable period in 2015. Deposit growth, on the other hand, almost
doubled in pace, accelerating from 7.1 per cent in the same period in 2015 to 13.6 per cent in 2016. Banks have thus found
themselves in an unenviable situation where their liabilities (the money they owe depositors) have jumped sharply, while their
assets (the loans they give) have instead almost stagnated. This has added to their woes at a time when mounting bad loans
have pushed most public sector banks to post record quarterly losses. The demonetisation decision has willy-nilly ended up
providing banks with the windfall of low-cost deposits that could potentially serve as the launch pad to a credit-backed demand
stimulus in the economy. Other banks have also cut lending rates, and lenders are now vying with each other to innovatively
structure credit products, including home loans, in a bid to capitalise on what they hope will be an enduring revival in the appetite
for borrowing. Still, the constraint of needing to fund the substantially higher interest commitments on deposits that have swelled
the banks liabilities have also forced the SBI to raise the spread it applies on home loans the additional markup interest it
charges over the benchmark one-year MCLR to a minimum of 50 basis points from 25 basis points earlier. The question is
whether this reduction in borrowing costs will be enough to restore consumer confidence. With the Union budget less than a
month away, the coming weeks could well serve to provide clear signals on the potential need for a fiscal stimulus to reinvigorate
flagging economic growth, especially if a revival in credit growth is going to be slower than anticipated.
JAN 05/2017
The elevation of M.K. Stalin as the working president of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam achieves two objectives. It fills the
power vacuum at the top following the prolonged illness of party president M. Karunanidhi. It also provides an opportunity for
the DMK to take advantage of the fluid political situation in Tamil Nadu after the death of Chief Minister Jayalalithaa and the
prevailing confusion within the ruling AIADMK on whether O. Panneerselvam should make way for V.K. Sasikala as Chief
Minister. For a long time now, Mr. Stalin has been the unofficially designated successor to his father, Mr. Karunanidhi. He was
made Deputy Chief Minister in 2009 during the DMKs previous term in office, though he continued to be ranked behind both
Mr. Karunanidhi and party general secretary K. Anbazhagan in the Cabinet and the party organisation. But so far, despite his
It is being called a mass molestation. With all the creepiness and collective menace that the phrase conveys, the sketchy
facts of the events of New Years-eve in downtown Bengaluru once again hold a mirror up to Indian society. Thousands of
revellers had gathered in and around Mahatma Gandhi Road and Brigade Road to ring in 2017, as is something of a tradition
in the city. But, according to reports that subsequently emerged, a large number of women were sexually assaulted around
midnight. While no complaint had been filed, Bengaluru police have taken up an investigation based on the reports of women
being groped and physically attacked. Another incident, reportedly also of the early hours of January 1, has come graphically
into the public domain, with CCTV footage showing a woman being grabbed as she makes her way home in a residential street
before she pulls herself free and escapes. This is unconnected to the so-called mass molestation, but reinforces the horror of
the night in Bengaluru. In an aftermath that has echoed with Karnataka Home Minister G. Parameshwaras effort to blame the
violence on western culture, it is easy to understand why no women came forth, at least initially, to register an offence. All too
depressingly and predictably, the Minister has closed the loop to show how state and society fail to ensure the safety of women.
Mr. Parameshwaras insinuation that for women to wear western dress and be out and about having a good time is to invite
sexual harassment, ironically, explains the reluctance of women to register offences. For, to do so is to very often court an
accusatory glare, and be made to answer why they were out in a lonely street, after dark, in a place teeming with boys or
put simply, why they did not know better. The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013, passed after national outrage over the
Delhi gang rape of December 16, 2012, had sought to bring clarity to the continuum of sexual offences and to simplify procedures
for women to bring them to the attention of the police. To truly convince women that the state is on the same page, every crime
against a woman must be regarded as a horror. But without an administrative ethos that does not flip an accusation on a woman
and instead asserts a womans right to bodily integrity no matter where she is and what she is doing, no amount of law-making
can significantly change things. This is the challenge before the Bengaluru police as they look for women to come forward and
assist in the investigation.
JAN 06/2017
Coming as it does barely a few months beyond the halfway mark of the BJP-led government at the Centre, the importance of
the round of Assembly elections notified this week cannot be overstated. With votes scheduled to be cast in phases starting
February 4 in Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Manipur, Goa and Uttarakhand, counting will take place on March 11. Since the process
of federalisation and regionalisation of the polity deepened in the 1990s, Assembly election results have been determined more
often by regional issues than by national political variables. But with Prime Minister Narendra Modi having emerged as the BJPs
principal vote-bagger, and with subjects such as demonetisation on the election agenda, this round will be influenced by national
issues. A sidelight of the election schedule is the Union budget, advanced to February 1 from the traditional February 28
presentation. The Election Commission is still to rule on the Opposition demand that the Budget be unveiled after the polling.
Early indications from U.P. point to a tripartite contest among the Samajwadi Party, the BJP and the Bahujan Samaj Party. Both
Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav and BSP chief Mayawati are bracing themselves to check the Modi wave of the 2014
parliamentary elections. By leading an internal revolt against the old guard associated with the politics of identity and muscle
power in the SP, Akhilesh Yadav has sought to project himself as being committed to development above all, thereby seeking
to counter the BJPs rise since 2014 on the same appeal. Ms. Mayawati had lost a considerable chunk of her Dalit support base
in 2014, but has since re-framed her outreach by attempting to forge a Dalit-Muslim alliance. Her strategy will face a test, as the
earlier phases of the State elections are in western U.P. that saw stark communal polarisation in 2014 in the wake of the
Muzaffarnagar violence. In Punjab, the Shiromani Akali Dal-BJP combine will be in a keen fight in another tripartite contest,
against the Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party. The latter had thrown down the gauntlet in 2014 by clinching four Lok Sabha
seats out of the 13. In Uttarakhand, the Congress will be tested by the BJP after its State government was restored to power by
the courts in 2016 following a spell of Presidents Rule. In Manipur, its government has staked its chances on the decision to
create new districts that precipitated a renewed ethnic crisis. Goa, in the recent past, has had a volatile Assembly, and the
AAPs focus on the State has ignited the fray. Together, the results will have strong reverberations at the national level.
JAN 07/2017
Both superior courts and constitutional functionaries have routinely deprecated the propensity of governments to take the
ordinance route for mere political expediency. The temptation to use the power vested in the President and the Governors under
Articles 123 and 213 of the Constitution is generally a result of one of the following three reasons: reluctance to face the
legislature on particular issues, fear of defeat in the Upper House where the government may lack the required numbers, and
the need to overcome an impasse in the legislature caused by repeated and wilful disruption by a vociferous section of the
Opposition. The verdict of a seven-member Bench of the Supreme Court breaks new ground in highlighting the constitutional
limitations on the cavalier resort to ordinances. The Supreme Court had already declared in 1986, in D.C. Wadhwa, that repeated
re-promulgation of ordinances was unconstitutional. Now, in Krishna Kumar Singh v. State of Bihar, it goes deeper and
concludes that the failure to place an ordinance before the legislature constitutes abuse of power and a fraud on the Constitution.
It noted in this case that a 1989 ordinance by which the State government took over 429 Sanskrit schools in Bihar was
promulgated several times until 1992, but not once tabled in the State Assembly. The judgment widens the scope of judicial
review of ordinances. The court can go into whether the President or Governor had any material to arrive at the satisfaction that
an ordinance was necessary and to examine whether there was any oblique motive. The judgment will be welcomed by those
who believe in constitutional propriety, legislative control over lawmaking and the larger ethical basis for the exercise of power
in any circumstance. However, it is not always that the ordinance route can be neatly explained as a cynical move to privilege
political expediency over parliamentary accountability. While contending that ordinances should be issued only to meet certain
Mahendra Singh Dhoni is regarded as one of the countrys most dashing cricketers, but his flamboyance is founded, almost
ironically, on an inexplicably cool and calculated head. There are no means of divining why he chose to relinquish Indias limited-
overs captaincy when he did; his natural reserve ensures that his cards are almost always played close to his chest. In the
context of where Indian cricket is at this juncture, it appears like an exceptionally clear-sighted decision, brave and selfless in
equal measure. He has effectively said he will earn a place as a wicketkeeper-batsman. He has given the team management
time to build to the next World Cup, in 2019; if he is not a part of that vision, he will not hold down a spot merely by virtue of
being skipper. Given Dhonis standing, he is probably the only one who could have made that call. It is unlikely that any selection
panel will have summoned the courage to drop him. While his glove-work has not dipped significantly he remains a predatory
presence behind the wicket his aura as a finisher has dimmed. Although he is no less capable with the bat, the almost eerie
certainty one had that he will get the job done has dissipated. With age Dhoni turns 36 this July the greats do not
necessarily lose their skill. But the consistency of execution suffers. The legacy Dhoni bequeaths Virat Kohli is a team secure
in its skin, certain it can win from any position. There was no better captain in the games shorter forms than Dhoni during his
time. He is the only skipper to have won all three major trophies the World Cup, the World Twenty20 and the Champions
Trophy. Michael Clarke and Brendon McCullum had greater attacking verve. They were certainly superior Test captains. But in
the art of managing a finite innings, reading a contests rhythm and its tactical contours, Dhoni had no equal. He had an intuitive
feel for what could happen and the ability to get the best out of his resources, however bare. His greatest strength was his nerve.
Where others tried to finish things quickly to pre-empt panicking, he took games deep. He raised the stakes, knowing he would
not blink before his opponent. Remarkably, he managed to transmit this sense of composure to his team. He asked his bowlers
to relax and stick to the plan; the responsibility of the result was his to bear. Few cricketers have stayed in the present as
successfully as he has. Fortunately for Indian cricket, his successor is every bit as impressive. Kohli, moreover, will have access,
should he choose, to all of Dhonis considerable powers.
JAN 09/2017
That Indias economic momentum has slowed down is now beyond doubt. Advance GDP estimates
and gross value added (GVA) for the current fiscal year from the Central Statistics Office clearly reveal
the extent of the slowdown. While GDP growth is now pegged at 7.1 per cent, compared with a 7.6
per cent pace in 2015-16, GVA is forecast to expand at 7 per cent this year, easing from the 7.2 per
cent posted 12 months earlier. And as the Chief Statistician emphasised, these projections were
based solely on data from the first seven months through October and do not factor in the impact
from the withdrawal of high-value banknotes and the consequent cash crunch. A closer look at the
sectoral GVA projections throws into relief the areas of concern: Mining and quarrying is estimated
to shrink 1.8 per cent this year after expanding 7.4 per cent a year earlier, while electricity, gas, water
supply and other utility services collectively an indicator of broader economic activity is slowing
to 6.5 per cent from 6.6 per cent. More worryingly, the seven-month numbers establish that two key
engines of the economy, manufacturing and services, are losing momentum faster than was
anticipated, and this could spell trouble for the coming quarters. This is especially so when seen in
the backdrop of demonetisation and what the Reserve Bank of India referred to as the short-run
disruptions in economic activity in cash-intensive sectors such as retail trade, hotels & restaurants
and transportation, and in the unorganised sector and aggregate demand compression associated
with adverse wealth effects. ALSO READ Demonetisation will lead to bigger, cleaner GDP:
BJP There is a silver lining in the CSO data, though. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley in April projected
that growth could accelerate this year to 8 per cent to 8.5 per cent subject to a normal monsoon.
JAN 10/2017
The threat by petroleum retailers to stop accepting credit and debit card payments led to a late-night intervention on Sunday
by the Centre, with Dharmendra Pradhan, Minister for Petroleum, declaring that the protest action had been put off till January
13. Fuel dealers raised a red flag on the decision by certain banks to levy the merchant discount rate (MDR) of up to one per
cent on card payments. After the demonetisation exercise began, the government had waived the service tax on the MDR
surcharge from December 8 for card-based payments up to 2,000 and got banks to waive the MDR charges on debit cards till
December 31, 2016. By Monday, the Petroleum Minister said that neither the consumer nor the dealers, operating on thin
margins, would bear the MDR for fuel refills even after January 13. Stakeholders, he said, will absorb the cost, but it is still not
clear who will bear the cost of going cashless banks are not out of line in expecting some revenue in return for facilitating
transactions through point of sale (PoS) devices. Since November 8, public sector banks have been advised by the Centre to
charge a maximum of 100 a month as PoS device rentals from small merchants, and the move has benefited 6.5 lakh of the
15 lakh PoS devices. Public sector oil marketers were asked to offer a 0.75 per cent discount to customers using non-cash
means to tank up. The Railways, public sector insurers and others have been asked to offer discounts or charge lower rates for
cashless transactions; so more such spats could occur, although the Centre has promised to foot the bill for some of these
subventions. ALSO READ Petrol outlets will accept card payments after Jan. 13 too, says Pradhan Petroleum outlets are
particularly important for a cash-lite economy push as they handle nearly 2 lakh crore of cash a year. Queues at banks have
eased, but the weekly withdrawal limits havent been lifted. In a situation where people are cash-strapped and the government
is nudging them towards alternatives, the uncertainty of the sort created at fuel pumps should be avoided as it could lead to a
crisis of confidence. Last February the Cabinet had given the nod for rationalising MDR charges. An expert panel to recommend
legislative and other changes was constituted in August and it mooted greater transparency in fees for digital payments,
protection for private data of consumers, a mechanism to ensure they will not be liable to pay for unauthorised transactions or
system errors, and the creation of a new payments regulator. To build confidence in a less-cash economy, people nudged into
a new way of life need clarity and consistency in policy along with a visible road map to secure their confidence. Lucky draws
alone wont suffice.
JAN 11/2017
The Supreme Courts observations on the quality of a round of appointments made to the Tamil Nadu Public Service
Commission last year expose the gross disrespect shown by the State government to the institutional integrity of the
constitutional body. Standing by the Madras High Court judgment quashing the appointment of 11 members, the court has
directed the State government to make a fresh selection of TNPSC members after a meaningful and deliberative process.
These observations foreground the arbitrary manner in which administrative power is used to pack recruitment institutions with
political favourites. In the case of the TNPSC, the high court had noted that absolutely no process had preceded the
appointments, including of a former district judge who had not been offered the two-year extension that is given on merit to
district judges on their reaching the age of 58. The government has been specifically told that the retired judge would not be
eligible in the fresh selection process. TNPSC vacancies were not filled for three years, but close to the Assembly election,
chosen persons were asked to submit their bio-data and appointed within a day. The high court could not even go into the
relevance of the material on the basis of which the Governor made the appointments, as there was no material bar candidates
resumes. The core issue, however, is not eligibility or non-eligibility. Some may be qualified by dint of their track record,
educational qualifications or administrative experience. What is disquieting is that the appointment process has become a spoils
system based on political patronage. The high court had noted that it was not even fair to comment on whether any candidate
met the criteria of integrity, calibre and qualification as the process itself was deeply flawed. It had noted at least three instances
of absence of process in selections to State public service commissions. The concept of such commissions was incorporated
in the Constitution with the idea that recruitment for public service would be truly independent and free from the pressure of the
political executive. Going by the recent round of appointments, the Tamil Nadu government does not have a process, leave
alone one that is free from arbitrariness. It needs to evolve a process for appointments to the TNPSC that will make integrity
and calibre the principal qualifications, while also drawing upon a wider pool of talent than what the ruling partys limited list of
favourites has to offer.
o Gross - gross actions are extremely bad and are considered immoral by
most people
o Disrespect - the attitude or behaviour of someone who does not respect
someone or something
o Institutional - from or within a large organization
o Integrity - the quality of being honest and having strong moral
principles that you refuse to change
o Constitutional - allowed by the constitution of a country or organization
o Quashing - to say officially that something, especially an earlier official
decision, is no longer to be accepted
o Foreground - to give something more importance than something else
o Arbitrary - not based on any particular plan, or not done for any
particular reason
o Preceded - to come before someone or something else in a series
o Former - used for describing someone or something that had a particular
job, title, status etc in the past, but not now
o Relevance - the quality of being directly connected with and important
to something else
o Bar - something that prevents a particular event or development from
happening
o By dint of something - as a result of something
The U.S. Office of the Director of National Intelligence has released a declassified report purportedly supplying the minutiae of
a conspiracy theory that has dogged the victory of Donald Trump in the November presidential election: Russias alleged
influence campaign that sought to tip the scales in favour of the property magnate. The report, which pulls together intelligence
gathered by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Central Intelligence Agency and the National Security Agency, concludes
with high confidence that Russian President Vladimir Putin personally ordered such a campaign in 2016, which saw hacking
of email accounts of Democratic Party officials and other political figures. Further, personal information of the victims was passed
on to the anti-secrecy group WikiLeaks and broader media, which in turn disseminated large troves of data. These releases and
public propaganda by the Russian regime, the report suggests, undercut the campaign of the Democratic candidate, Hillary
Clinton. The report comes at a time when relations between Washington and Moscow could not be worse. President Barack
Obama himself cited the highest levels of the Russian government as the provenance of this malicious cyber activity. When
he announced sanctions against Russia and expelled 35 diplomats from U.S. soil in December, matters reached boiling point.
ALSO READ Putin directed campaign to discredit Clinton, aid Trump The hacking saga raises two sets of questions. First,
how consequential are the U.S. intelligence agencies claims in terms of the impact on the actual election outcome of the
concerted disinformation campaign? It is possible that a section of voters was swayed by this covert action; yet Mr. Trumps
win, as even the liberal-minded U.S. media concede, was the result of factors deeply rooted in domestic politics, including
economic woes and the anti-immigrant attitudes of an angry middle class in the Rust Belt States. On the flip side, conservative
Americans view of Ms. Clinton as an untrustworthy and over-connected Washington insider scarcely required corroboration
from an outside actor. There is, of course, some irony in the intelligence report given the unparalleled record of the U.S. in
interfering in the elections of other nations, including in almost all of South America and even in Russia, in 1996. The second
concern that the hacking episode throws up is that Mr. Trumps dismissive reaction of the intelligence report could send a
dangerous signal to Russia that it could carry out more such shadow campaigns with a sense of impunity. Information is ultimate
power in the digital universe of 21st century democracies. The rise of hacking and fake news thus is, justifiably, a source of
deep fear for liberal governments across Europe, poised on the brink of elections and facing the prospect of a Brexit-style sweep
in some cases.
JAN 12/2017
With just days remaining before his stint in office draws to an end, U.S. President Barack Obama addressed the American
people one last time in a soaring speech that highlighted his administrations top achievements and warned his fellow citizens
about rising economic inequality, simmering racial divisions and regression into intractable partisanship. Although he will demit
office with one of the highest approval ratings in recent history, to get to the door he will have to step across the debris of the
Democratic Party, which suffered a debacle in the November general election. No wonder that the 44th President of the U.S.
used his final address to urge Americans to rebuild trust in democratic institutions by reducing the corrosive influence of money
in politics and breaking the logjams of congressional dysfunction through grass-roots activism. Mr. Obama knows that the
polarisation of the electorate turned even more bitter over his policy agenda. While there were a few areas where he faced
relatively less resistance from Capitol Hill, including his aggressive positions on drone warfare and domestic mass surveillance,
his most seminal policy achievement, the passage into law of the Affordable Care Act, was only by a sliver of a majority. And
he was rebuffed on agenda points closest to his heart, including common sense gun control reform. ALSO READ In farewell
message, Obama pitches for preservation of democracy Mr. Obama has built an impressive legacy spanning domestic and
foreign policy. Inheriting an economy buckling under a severe economic recession, he sprang into action early on in his first
term and passed numerous pieces of legislation to buoy the sinking assets of American enterprise. As he pointed out in his
speech, today the unemployment rate is near a ten-year low and the U.S. economy is growing again. In foreign policy Mr.
Obama was justified in claiming points for the Iran nuclear agreement; on his watch Cuba was finally brought in from the cold,
and the death of Osama bin Laden closed the page on a turbulent chapter of terror on U.S. soil. Mr. Obama, however, was less
effective in dtente with Russia and China, and his relatively soft approach imbued them with the impunity to challenge
Washington across multiple arenas. Yet it is not so much the score that Mr. Obama gets for his achievements and failures that
he will be remembered for as much as the man that he was. The U.S.s first African-American president will be remembered as
a thoughtful Commander-in-Chief, a leader who strived to provide a progressive template for being, and a man of the 21st
century who was as comfortable with social media and popular culture as he was sensitive to searing pain of victims of gun
crime or racial hate. He will be missed.
o Farewell - used for saying goodbye to someone when you do not expect
to see them again for a long time
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JAN 13/2017
Bilateral relations coast on diplomatic niceties and joint statements invariably use flowery language
to describe relationships in the best possible terms. Nevertheless, Indias decisions over the past two
decades to upgrade more than 30 of its bilateral relationships to strategic partnerships is excessive.
While there may be many ways to parse the term, its usage in international diplomacy is fairly clear:
it defines a bilateral relationship more important than others, but stops short of an actual alliance.
The term strategic further implies a future convergence of interests in areas that are vital: security,
defence and investment. If that is the case, Indias latest strategic partnership signed with the east
African country of Rwanda, after Prime Minister Narendra Modi met Rwandan President Paul
Kagame in Gandhinagar this week, warrants further study. Rwanda is a land-locked country with 90
per cent of its population engaged in subsistence agriculture. It is also still recovering from the mass
murder of large sections of its Hutu population in 1994, though the country has registered
remarkable progress and growth in the last few years. While it may therefore be an important
destination for Indias development assistance, it is difficult to see how it qualifies as a strategic
partner, particularly given that India is yet to set up a full diplomatic mission in the country; the last
time New Delhi even sent a delegation to Kigali was in 2012. Given all of this, it would seem that the
governments move was more about window-dressing the relationship than imbuing it with any
meaningful substance. ALSO READ Strategic partners are now dime a dozen Mr. Modis is not the
first government to use the term strategic partnership lightly. Since 1998, when India announced
its first strategic partnership with France, successive governments have signed such partnerships
with dozens of countries. While relations with each of these are important, they are not vital to
Indias interests. The nomenclature also begs a question: if all the countries on the list are
strategically important, what does this mean for countries on the UN Security Council such as the
U.S., the U.K., France, Russia and China, or others such as Japan, Australia, and some of the
neighbours who genuinely contribute to Indias security and economic interests and who have also
signed strategic-partnership agreements with New Delhi? Clearly, a more cogent policy with clear-
cut criteria for strategic partnerships must be considered by the Ministry of External Affairs, with the
focus on countries with which there is a long-term vision on securing Indias needs, coupled with a
convergence of strategic interests.
Tamil Nadus move to declare a drought, ironically on the eve of the harvest festival of Pongal, is an important step to address
the agrarian distress that is sweeping the State following poor rainfall during the northeast monsoon. Even with relatively better
governance structures, desperation among farmers has resulted in a spate of suicides, particularly in the Cauvery delta rice belt
that has received little water from Karnataka in recent times. An official declaration of drought brings relief: postponement of
loan recovery, waiver of land tax and alternative employment through schemes such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural
Employment Guarantee Scheme. The challenge now is to infuse confidence among farmers that the government is fully behind
them. As agriculture scientist M.S. Swaminathan has pointed out, there is a need to look ahead and institute reforms in drought
management for effective distress mitigation. These should be founded on a participatory approach, one that intensively
engages the farm community year-round. A monsoon management centre drawing upon the expertise of multiple departments
would, for instance, help use scarce resources conservatively during a drought, and maximise their potential in good times. It is
also crucial to preserve the health of cattle and other livestock, as they tend to suffer irreparable harm during drought, with
cascading effects on their future productivity. The Centre should provide all support to achieve this under the National Disaster
Response Fund and the Prime Ministers crop insurance scheme. ALSO READ Tamil Nadu to be declared drought-hit, says
Chief Minister The importance of welfare support for small and marginal farmers cannot be overstated, given the vagaries of
the monsoon. More than a decade ago, the National Commission on Farmers pointed out that successive droughts, illness, high
expenditure on social obligations and asset loss push farmers to the brink. Yet, not much has changed in the management of
drought from the low-budget practices of the colonial era, as the Swaraj Abhiyan case in the Supreme Court last year revealed.
No more time can be lost in making the administrative system for agriculture responsive to todays needs. The Centre has to
ensure that the Drought Management Manual is updated to reflect farmers concerns, chiefly, giving weightage to the amount
of rainfall deficit and declaring a drought without delay. In Tamil Nadu, excessive reliance on water-intensive rice cultivation,
and lower priority for hardy millets have raised the risk for many farmers. Active recharging of groundwater and harvesting of
surface water are vital to meet the challenges.
JAN 14/2017
o Extremist - someone who has beliefs that most people think are
unreasonable and unacceptable
o Outfit - an organization, company, team, military unit, etc
o Alarmed - worried or frightened by something
o Ransom - the amount of money that someone wants to be paid before
they will let a person who they are keeping prisoner go free
o Perception - a belief or opinion, often held by many people and based
on how things seem
o Credence - the belief that something is true
o Campaigner - a person who takes part in organized activities that are
intended to change something in society
o Militancy - using extreme and sometimes violent methods to achieve
political or social change
o Propagated - to spread opinions, lies, or beliefs among a lot of people
o Fundamentalist - someone who believes that original religious and
political laws should be followed very strictly and should not be changed
o Violation - an action that breaks or acts against something, especially a
law, agreement, principle, or something that should be treated with
respect
o Apparatus - an organization or system, especially a political one
o Critics - someone who says that they do not approve of someone or
something
o Criticised - to express disapproval of someone or something
o Victim - someone who has been harmed, injured, or killed as the result
of a crime
o Thriving - very successful
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JAN 16/2017
JAN 17/2017
JAN 18/2017
The Goods and Services Tax Council has made some breakthroughs on outstanding negotiables that were holding up the
introduction of the indirect tax regime. A compromise has been reached between the Centre and the States on the formula for
administrative control over taxpayers under the GST, which will subsume myriad existing State and Central levies on commercial
activity. By giving up on its formula to split such control by assuming the authority to levy GST on all services entities and
manufacturing firms with 1.5 crore or more annual turnover, the Centre has shown a willingness to meet the States more than
halfway. The new control-sharing system appears simpler to administer. Now, 90 per cent of all GST assessees with a turnover
of up to 1.5 crore will come under the watch of the States and 10 per cent under that of the Centre, with both getting to assess
half of the firms with a turnover over 1.5 crore. More important, it gives States, many of which had claimed at recent GST
Council meetings revenue losses following the demonetisation of currency notes, the leeway to claim that they have struck a
better deal with the Centre on a reform that is now inevitable. With the Centre finally laying to rest its hopes of an April 1, 2017
rollout and eyeing a more realistic July 1 date, it has some room to tinker with a few indirect taxes in the Budget to provide a
short-term pre-GST stimulus to the economy that is facing a flurry of growth downgrade projections. Since the trickiest issues
between the Centre and the States are now resolved and only legislative drafts remain to be approved when the Council meets
next on February 18, it is an opportune time to address some of the concerns raised by another key stakeholder industry.
Firms have indicated they would need about six months to gear up for the new tax regime once the laws, rules and all the
minutiae of implementation, including the rates for different products and services, are known. More clarity and finesse are also
needed on the harsh penal provisions, including the power to arrest, proposed in the draft GST law (that lists out 21 offences)
and the creation of an anti-profiteering authority that can act against firms that fail to pass on benefits of tax rate cuts to
consumers. While it is important to protect the consumer, a clear rule-based framework is necessary to ensure that one of the
biggest gains envisaged from GST an exponential change in ease of doing business isnt scuttled by fears of a return to
inspector raj. For a government committed to ending tax terrorism, taking a step back to meticulously review the possible gaps
between intent and implementation may be worthwhile even if it means delaying the launch by a few fortnights.
JAN 19/2017
Prime Minister Theresa Mays speech on her governments plans for Britains exit from the EU was many things at once a
declaration of intent, a warning, a motivational talk and a balancing act with several contradictions. She painted the first stroke
on the negotiation canvas: Britain had chosen a hard Brexit. It would leave the single market and with it gain more control over
its borders and its laws, some of which are currently under the oversight of the European Courts of Justice. This, Ms. May said,
is what the people had chosen. At the same time, the U.K. would seek to negotiate a deal that would give it as much access to
the single market without being a part of it. It would seek a modified customs union membership to be able to negotiate its own
trade treaties with non-EU countries, and build what the Prime Minister called a truly global Britain. This vision had been built
up by Ms. May since the June 2016 referendum, and her speech reiterated it was the alternative, and better, future that awaited
Britain. The Prime Minister pushed and pulled at the EU, with praise and warning. Ms. May spoke of her countrys good intentions
for the continent and her optimism for a good deal with Europe, but said she would accept a no-deal over a bad one. She warned
that it would be calamitously harmful to Europe if it penalised the U.K. for leaving. She spoke of wanting to strike a trade deal
with the EU but hinted that if it did not get a good deal the U.K. had the rest of the world to trade with, and the option to offer tax
incentives to attract the best companies and the biggest investors. Ms. May, who was herself a Remainer, is trying to make
the most of the referendum results for the U.K., and this is her job. It is in this context that her speech must be seen. Neither the
British government nor those who supported the move to leave the EU should harbour any illusions that some of the goals
outlined in the speech will be difficult to achieve. The EU, which according to recent data accounts for approximately half the
U.K.s imports and exports, is likely to be overwhelmingly important to it after the exit. It is not just the EU that will experience
great harm from a bad deal. Trade deals with non-EU countries such as India are likely to involve greater movement of people
across borders and this is bound to raise difficult immigration issues again. The Scottish Parliament has now reiterated its
resolve to discuss with Downing Street Scotlands continuation in the single market, and a second referendum for Scottish
independence is now more likely. Nobody said it would be easy.
JAN 20/2017
JAN 21/2017
JAN 23/2017
The Tamil Nadu government may have had few political options but to go in for an ordinance to facilitate the conduct of jallikattu
once the surge in popular sentiment in favour of the traditional bull-taming sport gathered an enormous, unstoppable momentum.
The State amendment to the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1960, seeks to exempt jallikattu from the purview of the law.
With the implacable mass movement demanding a legal solution to overcome the judicial ban on jallikattu on the one side, and
related litigation pending in the Supreme Court on the other, there was little that the Union government could have done on its
own. For the Centre to bring in an amendment would have incurred the wrath of the Supreme Court, which stayed a January
2016 notification and will rule on its validity soon. Instead, the Centre granted its consent to the State Governor promulgating
the ordinance. However, just when a legal solution has been found, there is another twist. The protests are continuing, as its
spearheads demand a permanent solution. Chief Minister O. Panneerselvams plan to inaugurate the jallikattu event in
Alanganallur did not fructify. The protesters are obviously under the mistaken impression that an ordinance is temporary. They
remain unmoved even after the State government clarified that it intends to replace it with a Bill when the Assembly convenes
on January 23. But even a parliamentary Act is subject to judicial scrutiny. The ordinance has pleased neither side in the jallikattu
vs. animal rights debate. The Centres nod may have ensured that the ordinance will not be opposed as being repugnant to a
Central law, but other legal hurdles remain. The Supreme Court has declared that jallikattu is inherently cruel and contrary to
the objectives of the PCA. Unless it recognises culture and tradition as valid grounds to permit events involving bulls, the
exemption given to jallikattu may be invalidated. Meanwhile, the public uprising has gone beyond jallikattu, attained a critical
mass as an assertion of Tamil identity and culture and metamorphosed into a protest against mainstream political parties. It is
time the protesters took a step back and let the legislative and judicial institutions determine the future of jallikattu. It is also time
for them to reassess the cruelty and the risks to life posed by the sport, and link any demand to its reintroduction with the strictest
of regulations. Two people were tragically killed and over 120 injured in the jallikattu at Pudukottai on Sunday. A culture that
legitimises such mindless and unnecessary death is not Tamil culture. In fact, it is no culture at all.
JAN 24/2017
JAN 25/2017
Everybody loves a good protest an orderly, self-limiting protest at iconic landmarks organised with state sanction and police
protection. But what began as a peoples protest on Chennais Marina beach against the ban on jallikattu quickly descended
into chaos and confusion when the protesters stood their ground even after the government came up with a practical, legislative
solution to the judiciary-imposed prohibition of the annual bull-taming ritual. As the police resorted to force, violence broke out
in several parts of Tamil Nadu. Unfortunately, some in the police not only used excessive force but also tried to match the rioters
in lawlessness by attacking two-wheelers and setting fire to autorickshaws. Only later in the day did the authorities try to use
rational arguments by taking the help of a retired judge and a group of lawyers to persuade the protesters to vacate the Marina
where the Republic Day parade is scheduled to be held. Clearly, the government was slow to react, relying more on hope and
good fortune than on facts and ground reports. And when it did, it acted as if the agitation was a case of breakdown of law and
order. Many among those who had taken the lead in the protests gave a call for withdrawal of the agitation, but by this time the
movement had acquired a life of its own. No one thing would have pleased what had become a large, amorphous crowd of
several groups of people with very different agenda items: jallikattu was by now no more than a loose binding thread. For days
the Marina had been the haunt of people of all hues. Those owing allegiance to Hindutva saw the ban as an attack on cultural
rituals and seemed to make common cause with those from minority communities who felt threatened by the BJP-led
government at the Centre. Conservatives sensed a judicial overreach on civil issues and shouted the same slogans as left-
wingers who imagined the upsurge to be a peoples uprising against authoritarianism. AIADMK members who tried to showcase
the protest as a rebuff to a domineering Centre stood not too far from DMK loyalists who wanted to use the opportunity to paint
the State government as inept. Not surprisingly, many of these people wanted the protest to go on, no matter what. The
legislation addressed only the symptoms of their anger, not its underlying cause. The government and its police force must take
the blame for misreading the mood and mishandling a volatile situation and putting a whole State through an entire day of anger
and anguish.
JAN 26/2017
JAN 27/2017
That Donald Trumps scepticism about climate change will adversely impact policies to address global warming became
abundantly clear minutes after his swearing-in as U.S. President. The White House website quickly deleted all mention of climate
change. Turning its attention to other agencies, the Trump administration instructed the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency
to follow suit and scrub all mention of climate change from its website as well. But following a protest by scientists and others,
the administration softened its stand and indicated that the agencys website was only being reviewed and that it had no
immediate plans to remove the content on climate change. Mr. Trump has also resurrected the controversial Keystone XL, that
former President Barack Obama had blocked after a protracted battle with policymakers, and Dakota Access pipelines. The
Trump administration had issued a gag order to scientists at the EPA and the U.S. Department of Agriculture to stop them from
speaking to the media; it subsequently changed its policy with respect to EPA but has mandated that even routine data and
studies be reviewed before being released to the public. In line with his thinking that global warming is an expensive hoax,
Mr. Trump plans to re-energise the fossil-fuel industry. The America First Energy Plan listed on the White House website aims
to increase fossil fuel extraction in the name of creating more jobs, and in the process eliminating, among other things, Mr.
Obamas climate action plan. ALSO READ India to ratify amended version of Kyoto Protocol Even more alarming is Mr.
Trumps intention to reverse Americas involvement in the historic Paris climate accord. Under the pact, 195 countries have
agreed to limit the increase in global temperature since pre-industrial time to less than 2C in the 21st century, and try to work
towards reaching a tougher target of 1.5C. In November 2014, Mr. Obama announced a new target to cut greenhouse gas
emissions 26-28% below 2005 levels by 2025. Among other measures taken in 2015, the U.S. had finalised the clean power
plan to reduce carbon dioxide emissions from the power sector to 32% below 2005 levels by 2030. With the average global
temperature already reaching 0.8C above pre-industrial levels, there are fears that further delay will have long-term
repercussions that would be near impossible to mitigate. With the current and proposed policies by the U.S. already inadequate
to meet the Paris target, any negative deviation from the plan will have implications for the entire world.
JAN 28/2017
JAN 30/2017
The preliminary finding of the Commission of Railway Safety that the derailment of the Indore-Rajendranagar Express near
Kanpur in November 2016 that killed over 140 people was primarily caused by carriage and wagon defects should serve as a
reality check for the Railway Ministry. While sabotage is indeed a factor in some derailments, bad railway performance is
responsible for the majority. The CRS report merits serious consideration: it has specifically identified a variation in the wheel
gauges of two coaches, and found carriages being run beyond their useful life. This is not a rare instance where inquiries have
found the Railways seriously deficient. In fact, the annual report of the CRS Lucknow for 2012-13 cites failure of railway
equipment, derelict staff, rail fractures and, on some occasions, non-railway factors to be responsible for fatal accidents. The
collision of the Hubli-Bengaluru City Hampi Express with a goods train that left 25 people dead, for instance, was caused by
failure of staff. The Kakodkar committee on railway safety found that out of 441 derailments it analysed, only about 15% were
the result of sabotage, while the majority were caused by factors completely under the control of the railway administration.
Indias Railways serves the vital function of providing travel access to millions, and, as Mahatma Gandhi wrote in his article
Third Class in Indian Railways, have the responsibility of making it equitable and comfortable. It must also be safe. The Railway
Ministry is pursuing a major safety initiative, the Rashtriya Rail Sanraksha Kosh, with a non-lapsable corpus of 1,19,183 crore.
Not only should such a fund be constituted, given the past contribution of dedicated safety funds to rail track renewal, it should
be governed by a transparent framework with public reporting requirements. The Finance Ministry says the Fund should rely
mainly on internal resources, but there is a strong case for higher gross budgetary support to raise safety in a government-run
transport network that has a universal service obligation. Replacing ageing and unsafe carriages with modern Linke Hofmann
Busch coaches is a five-year-old Kakodkar panel recommendation, but supply has not kept pace with requirement. Travel
demand has, meanwhile, continued to leap as economic growth both needs and encourages greater mobility. Raising the
performance of the Indian Railways needs a clear vision for both service and financing, with zero tolerance for accidents. Along
with technologies such as ultrasonic flaw detection to keep tracks safe, Railway Minister Suresh Prabhu and his team must look
at ways to carry more passengers safely.
In times to come, 2017 will be remembered by tennis fans as the year the Australian Open went retro. For, it featured the big-
stage revival of two of the sports most storied rivalries. Roger Federer was pushed to the limit by Rafael Nadals relentless,
shape-shifting style before the Swiss maestros sublime artistry prevailed in a classic his third win in nine Major finals over
the Spaniard, his 18th Grand Slam crown and his first since Wimbledon in 2012. And Serena Williams, playing sister Venus in
a Major final after nearly eight years, continued her dominance, capturing a professional-era record 23rd title. The warm
nostalgia these great champions evoked was accompanied by the thrill of the unexpected. Of the four, only Serenas presence
in the final was unsurprising. The resurgence of the old guard the first time in the Open Era that all four finalists were over
the age of 30 might have had something to do with the faster courts in Melbourne this year. Federer, among others, certainly
thought so. He said it kept points shorter than normal and made fewer demands of the body. He also felt that those who had
started out before 2005 had an edge they were more instinctively attuned to the quicker movement of the ball. It takes
singular skill and a certain ruthlessness, however, to make capital of the smallest advantages, and Federer and Serena, and to
a marginally lesser extent Nadal and Venus, did precisely that. Federer, who missed six months last year with an injury, knew
he could not allow Nadal time and space. With his opponent looking in excellent physical condition, Federer could not afford to
be drawn into long, bruising rallies; he had to dictate the tempo of play. This meant taking the ball uncomfortably early, with a
narrow margin for error, and it required all of Federers genius to pull it off. He also had to overcome the psychological scars of
past defeats to Nadal. Federers nerve in big matches against his greatest rival has been questioned before, but on Sunday he
displayed a calm resolve. Serena, too, had to master her emotions against Venus, who is both beloved sister and formidable
threat. While her explosive athleticism is the most apparent facet of her game, Serenas underrated tennis intelligence has
contributed significantly to her capturing a record 10 Grand Slam titles after turning 30. With their triumphs in Melbourne, Federer
and Serena, both 35, managed what only a few of the greats have. They quietened the voice of doubt that speaks in every
athletes ear a voice that grows more persistent with age and raged against the dying of the light.
JAN 31/2017
American President Donald Trump implemented his campaign promise of extreme vetting on Friday when he announced that
his administration had banned, for 90 days via executive order, travellers from seven Muslim-majority nations: Iran, Iraq, Libya,
Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen. Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Pakistan were not on the list, perhaps owing to the close economic
and strategic ties that Washington, and indeed the Trump Organization, have with some of these nations although White
House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus indicated that Pakistan may be put on the list, going forward. Mr. Trump has placed on
hold indefinitely the U.S.s asylum programme for refugees from Syria, and suspended entry of all refugees to the U.S. for 120
days. While he may have enthused his core constituency of predominantly white, blue-collar workers, beset with economic and
racial insecurities, his order sent shock waves at home and abroad, and sparked fears that it could create a recruitment bonanza
for terrorists. Leading the liberal counterattack, the American Civil Liberties Union argued that Mr. Trumps order represented
constitutional and legal overreach. In response, a federal judge in New York ruled that sending back the travellers detained in
airports may cause them irreparable harm, and that the government was enjoined and restrained from, in any manner and by
any means, removing individuals with valid papers. Similar rulings came in Virginia, Massachusetts and Washington State. Mr.
Trumps shock therapy for controlling immigration begs the question whether the order is constitutional. In 1965, Congress had
deliberately circumscribed presidential power in this regard by stating that no one could be discriminated against in the issuance
of an immigrant visa because of the persons race, sex, nationality, place of birth... The order will probably have a wider fallout
in the economic sphere already Silicon Valley firms have scrambled to bring back their staff deployed in affected countries,
and CEOs including Googles Sundar Pichai, Facebooks Mark Zuckerberg and Microsofts Satya Nadella, have expressed
concern that the ban will affect their talent pools. More broadly, Mr. Trumps order has done irreparable damage to Americas
reputation as a melting pot of immigrants, a beacon for bright minds and a humane force against authoritarian excess abroad.
No major attack has taken place on U.S. soil in the past eight years. Ultimately, Mr. Trumps insistence on preferential treatment
for Christian refugees makes a bogeyman of Muslims, a retrograde action that will exacerbate anti-Americanism worldwide.
Not ideological affinity, but prospects of power and pelf determine the making and unmaking of political alliances. The Shiv
Sena is the closest to the Bharatiya Janata Party in terms of ideology and policies, but a parting of ways of the two parties was
always just around the corner. Differences over seat-sharing for the polls to the urban local bodies in Maharashtra were
inevitable as each party was seeking to expand its influence at the expense of the other. Quite understandably, the Sena is yet
to reconcile itself to its situation as a junior partner of the BJP after the 2014 Assembly election, when it won fewer seats than
the BJP did after contesting alone following a similar breakdown in seat-sharing negotiations. Having headed the government
in 1995, the first time the alliance tasted power in the State, the Sena greatly resents the role of a minor partner of the BJP in
the government. If the party does not win back its support base, ceded mostly to the BJP, it will not be able to reverse the power
equation within the alliance. The results of the local body elections are significant in determining this equation. They will in all
probability lay the basis for seat negotiations for battles with higher stakes: the Lok Sabha and Assembly elections in 2019. But
embarrassingly for the two parties, the campaign is at a pitch that cannot be brought down. Both have indulged in name-calling
and traded corruption charges, even while remaining partners in government. It is therefore difficult to imagine there will be no
long-term consequences for the alliance in the run-up to the 2019 general election. The Sena, which played down the strident
Marathi chauvinism of its early years in favour of Hindutva nationalism, knows its support base is vulnerable to poaching by the
BJP. In alliance or out of it, the Sena is always under the threat of being subsumed within the BJPs own political stream. Its
efforts to expand beyond the cities and major towns of the State had put the Sena more in direct competition with the BJP than
in conflict with the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party. Unsurprisingly, the Sena campaign for the civic bodies has
grown to include attacks on not only the failings of the Devendra Fadnavis government but also the record of the Narendra Modi
government at the Centre and its flip-flops on demonetisation. However, the real test for the Sena and the BJP will emerge after
the dust settles, when they will have to resume work as partners in government following weeks of this hostile campaign. And
also possibly, deal with a changed power equation within the alliance.
FEB 01/2017
FEB 02/2017
FEB 03/2017
o Neither ... nor - used when you want to say that two or more things are
not true
o Transparent - a transparent process, activity, or organization does not
try to keep anything secret
o Accountable - someone who is accountable is completely responsible
for what they do and must be able to give a satisfactory reason for it
o Address - to give attention to or deal with a matter or problem
o Cleanse - to get rid of someone or something bad or unpleasant
o Doomed - certain to fail, die, or be destroyed
o Ceiling - an upper limit set on the number or amount of something
o Slashed - to reduce something by a large amount
o Extent - the degree to which something happens or is likely to happen
o Unlikely - not probable or likely to happen
o Disguising - to make something look, sound, or seem like something
else
o Off-the-books - used to describe a payment that is not officially
recorded, so that no tax is paid on it
o Vested interest - a special reason for wanting things to happen in a
particular way, because you will benefit from this
o Sympathisers - someone who approves of and supports someone or
something
o Unsuspecting - not knowing about something that is happening or will
happen
o Disrupt - to interrupt something and prevent it from continuing by
creating a problem
o Illicit - not allowed by the law or rules (illegal)
o Indeed - really or certainly
o Intent on something - to be determined to do or achieve something
o Mobilisation - if you mobilize a group of people, they come together in
order to achieve something
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FEB 04/2017
FEB 06/2017
FEB 07/2017
Evidently, V.K. Sasikala couldnt bear to wait any longer. After the death of Jayalalithaa in December, Ms. Sasikala, known for
her backroom manoeuvres, first stage-managed her election as the AIADMK general secretary, and now as the Legislature
Party leader. Without ever having run for public office, she is at this point no more than a ceremonial step away from becoming
the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu. An elaborate and orchestrated drama was enacted of party functionaries entreating her to
take on these responsibilities, a play in which the outgoing Chief Minister O. Panneerselvam was just another advancing pawn
set up for being moved off the board en passant. While her election as party general secretary in December was an internal
party affair meant to keep the different sections together, her election as the leader of the AIADMK Legislature Party raises
issues of political propriety. Ms. Sasikala faces some cases, including the disproportionate assets case in which the Supreme
Court is expected to deliver its verdict next week after a long delay. For her to stake a claim to head the government at this
juncture is ill-advised and inappropriate. If anything, this appears to be a move undertaken in the mistaken hope that a sitting
Chief Minister might enjoy greater judicial leniency with the court than an ordinary citizen would. The issue is not about the
relative abilities of Mr. Panneerselvam or Ms. Sasikala. Although he did show signs of administrative efficiency in the last couple
of months, his previous record as head of government was below par. On the two occasions he stood in for Jayalalithaa, after
her disqualification in 2001 and her conviction in 2014, Mr. Panneerselvam slowed down the administration to almost a standstill.
It was as if he wanted to make his predecessors record as Chief Minister shine in comparison. Nevertheless, he is far more
acceptable as chief minister than Ms. Sasikala, who is not regarded as the natural successor to Jayalalithaa by a large section
of the public, and the AIADMK rank and file. Ms. Sasikala should have displayed the virtues of patience, and waited for the
courts to clear her before making this move. It would also have been better had she sought the peoples mandate in a by-
election before thinking of the chief ministerial chair. In doing what she did, Ms. Sasikala has lent the impression of overthrowing
Mr. Panneerselvam through a dash of court intrigue. It is no surprise that there are many who voted for the AIADMK and
Jayalalithaa less than a year ago who feel cheated by the turn of events. By awkwardly forcing her way to the top, Ms. Sasikala
risks weakening the party and inviting popular resistance.
A set of new sanctions imposed on Iran by the United States over a missile test has taken ties between the two countries,
which saw incremental improvement over a couple of years, back to the pre-Obama era. Bilateral relations were particularly
hostile during the presidency of George W. Bush, who had threatened military action over Irans nuclear programme. Barack
Obama took a different line, moored in political realism. He reached out to the Iranians and finally clinched the nuclear deal last
year, a far-sighted diplomatic solution to a complex international crisis. The U.S. and other world powers took years to find a
common ground with Iran, which prevented the country from acquiring nuclear weapons in return for removal of international
sanctions. The deal, viscerally opposed by Israel, allowed Iran to mend ties with European countries, boost its oil production
and trade with other countries, thereby minimising the pain its people had suffered due to economic sanctions. The U.S. and
Iran cooperated on the battleground in Iraq against the Islamic State. And domestically, it strengthened the hands of Iranian
moderates. This progress stands threatened by President Donald Trumps hostility towards Iran. Mr. Trump may not repeal the
nuclear deal as it is a multilateral agreement. But by putting immigration curbs on Iranian citizens, imposing new sanctions on
Iran and branding the country the greatest state sponsor of terrorism, the Trump administration has clearly announced that
dtente is dead and the policy of containment back. If Mr. Obamas Iran policy was defined by pragmatism, Mr. Trump appears
determined to pursue the agenda of restoring the bipolar balance between Saudi Arabia and Israel, the U.S.s strongest allies
in West Asia. This could prove dangerous. Iran, unlike the Iraq of 2003, is a strong regional power whose influence runs from
Iraq and Syria to Lebanon and Yemen. Any meaningful effort to stabilise West Asia calls for Irans cooperation, not hostility.
Second, the primary reason for destabilisation in West Asia is the ongoing cold war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Targeting
Iran by siding with the Saudis would only prompt Tehran to step up its activities in other countries through the Shia corridor.
Finally, the world, including the U.S., needs Irans cooperation to fight the Islamic State, particularly in Iraq, where Iranian-
controlled Shia militias played a key role in liberating cities. If Mr. Trump ignores these realities, he runs the risk of making West
Asia even more chaotic than it is.
FEB 08/2017
The protests that have convulsed Romania are the largest since the fall of communism in the country in 1989. Hundreds of
thousands of Romanians have taken to the streets against the governments attempt to decriminalise graft involving sums below
a certain threshold, ostensibly for practical reasons. The move has impressed neither the citizens of Romania, nor European
Union officials in Brussels. Even the countrys President has thrown his weight behind the protests. The popular outcry against
such a blatant move to relax the rules should have been anticipated by the government, especially as it had a direct bearing on
the Social Democratic Party (PSD), which heads the current coalition. Its leader could not assume charge as Prime Minister
only because an existing law bars convicted politicians from occupying the office. Similarly, judicial proceedings currently
involving a number of elected representatives and officials are a measure of the independent functioning of the body in charge
of fighting graft. It has been argued in some quarters that the agency has been overzealous in its endeavour to combat
corruption. Either way, by venturing to ease the extent of the penalties, the ruling coalition has run the risk of being perceived
as trying to protect the guilty. Faced with popular anger, the government has rescinded the decree to let off offenders in cases
where the financial harm is less than about $48,000. But it is still insistent on pursuing its controversial objective to pardon errant
officials through the normal parliamentary route, citing in its defence the overcrowding of prisons. When Romania joined the EU
in 2007, the precondition of membership strict enforcement of the rule of law sat uneasily with the realities on the ground.
The country ranked high on the graft and crime index, besides attracting criticism for the treatment of its sizeable Roma
minorities. Many of these concerns still remain. But they are being addressed systematically through the adoption of an
institutional framework. It is these mechanisms that the governments recent moves could potentially erode. Romanians have
drawn huge economic and cultural benefits in the last decade from the freedom to move and work in a largely borderless EU. It
may not be wide off the mark to suggest that their expectations of greater accountability from their rulers may reflect a sense of
dignity and propriety arising from this greater exposure. Bucharest should not fritter away these fruits of integration.
It is a measured gambit by Tamil Nadu. The State has taken the legislative route to grant itself exemption from the National
Eligibility-cum-Entrance Test (NEET), a uniform examination that will decide admission to medical courses all over the country.
The two Bills passed by the State Assembly seek to retain its present admission system for under-graduate and post-graduate
medical courses based on marks obtained by students in their higher secondary school examination. The Bills are likely to
displease the Supreme Court, which insists that NEET marks be the sole basis for admission. The Bills will also require the
Presidents assent; else they would be repugnant to the provisions of the Indian Medical Council Act and the Dentists Act that
FEB 09/2017
Tuesdays blast near the Supreme Court premises in Kabul that left at least 20 people dead, underscores the growing insecurity
in Afghanistan. The suicide attack once again reveals the capability of terrorist outfits in Afghanistan to target even the most
secure places in the national capital. In the past the Taliban have targeted the court and even the Parliament building. The
government of Ashraf Ghani has condemned the attack and vowed a tough response. But beyond the rhetoric, Kabuls anti-
terror strategy has hardly been effective, considering the inroads insurgents have made in the recent years. After most foreign
troops withdrew in 2014, the Taliban have steadily stepped up attacks, expanding the civil war into residential areas. According
to a UN report, 2016 was the bloodiest year for Afghan civilians since the U.S.-led invasion began in 2001. The Talibans
territorial control has grown in strength. Last year it had briefly overrun the northern city of Kunduz and threatened to attack
several other population centres. A report by Sigar, a U.S. Congressional watchdog, says around 28% of Afghans now live in
territories over which government troops and the Taliban have been fighting. The Ghani government had initially sought an
agreement with the Taliban and reached out to Pakistan, which has some influence over the group. But this yielded nothing.
Kabul failed to cash in on an internal power struggle within the Taliban after the 2015 disclosure about the death of its leader,
Mullah Omar. The Taliban survived the death of Omars successor, Mullah Mansoor, in a U.S. drone strike. The Taliban have
over time built resources and a strong insurgent army to fight a long war with the elected government. The question is whether
the government, facing factionalism and corruption allegations, is ready for it. For Kabul, the threat is multiplying. The Islamic
State has established some presence in the country and declared a province of the Caliphate in eastern Afghanistan
Wilayat Khorasan. To turn its fortunes around in the 15-year-old civil war, Afghanistan needs to strengthen the administration.
Mr. Ghani should initiate the administrative reforms he had promised and put up a stronger, united fight against terrorist groups.
Kabul should seek more help and a higher level of commitment from other countries, including the U.S., in combating terror. A
weakening of the civilian government and its capacity to ensure security is not in the interest of any global power.
FEB 10/2017
One of the success stories of affirmative action in India has been the implementation of reservation of seats in local body
elections for women, to the order of 33% or more. The importance of democratising the public sphere by inclusive participation
of women in a largely male-dominated society cannot be stressed enough. In rural areas the quota has helped improve local
governance, enhancing outcomes in delivery of civic services related to drinking water supply, sanitation and irrigation, among
others. In urban local bodies, the visible impact has been more quantitative in terms of representation rather than qualitative,
with success being linked to emphasis on gender sensitisation by civil society and political parties. It is therefore unfortunate
that the Nagaland government, after initial steadfastness to hold the long-delayed urban local body polls on February 1, declared
the elections as null and void after some tribal bodies, opposed to reservations for women, sought to disrupt the process.
Rather than bowing to this pressure, the State government led by the Nagaland Peoples Front should have enforced the rule
of law. That a substantial number of towns participated in the elections despite a bandh called by the tribal bodies reflects public
support for affirmative action as mandated by the 74th Amendment to the Constitution. Article 371A of the Constitution secures
a special status for Nagaland. But as the civil society groups striving for reservation have argued, urban local bodies are not
part of traditional Naga society, and ULBs are constitutional bodies to which customary Naga laws cannot be applied. The
conduct of the long-delayed elections was achieved after a protracted legal struggle led by womens groups. Arguments against
womens reservation invoking Naga customs have been consistently quashed by the courts, ultimately paving the way for
elections to be announced for February 1. The State government later submitted to pressure exerted by the Naga Hoho, an
apex group of 16 tribal groups, which smelled blood and sought Chief Minister T.R. Zeliangs resignation. The State government
then wrote to the Centre seeking exemption for Nagaland from Part IXA of the Constitution which is clearly untenable. The
Centre, meanwhile, sees Nagaland merely through the lens of the still- pending peace accord with some insurgent groups. This
milieu has emboldened patriarchal forces to assert themselves and deny women their constitutionally guaranteed rights of
representation in local bodies. Civil society and womens groups now have their work cut out in realising their just demand for
electoral representation. Denial of womens rights cannot be a measure of the States autonomy.
FEB 11/2017
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The passage of legislation by Israel that would legalise nearly 4,000 Jewish settler homes on private Palestinian lands in the
West Bank flies in the face of international law and norms. That the vote comes weeks after the UN Security Council demanded
that Israel stop all settlement activity in the Occupied Territories, and an international conference attended by more than 70
countries urged both sides in the conflict to resume talks, shows Israels disregard for international opinion and institutions. The
legislation allows the Israeli government to expropriate private Palestinian land if the land-owners are unknown. If known, they
will be compensated in cash or kind. However, the legislation, which for the first time since the annexation of East Jerusalem
seeks to extend Israeli law to the West Bank, can be overturned by the judiciary. Israels Attorney-General has said he wouldnt
defend the bill in the high court as it is unconstitutional and violates international law. However, this is unlikely to stop the
ideology-driven settler movement and the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu from taking more Palestinian land.
Since Israel occupied the West Bank and East Jerusalem five decades ago, about 140 settlements have been built in Palestinian
territories that house more than 600,000 Jews. Despite frequent international criticism, successive governments have thrown
their weight behind the settlement lobby. Mr. Netanyahu, who is dependent on the right-wing coalition parties for his
governments survival, has played along. Last month, his government approved plans for 2,500 new settler homes in the West
Bank. Israel still says it is committed to the two-state solution. But how will the two-state solution stay relevant if it continues to
grab Palestinian land where an independent Palestinian state is supposed to come up? The Netanyahu government has shown
no particular interest in resuming negotiations, while its right-wing allies are boasting of expanding Israeli sovereignty to Judea
and Samaria, the biblical names for the West Bank. And now Israeli authorities feel emboldened by the election of Donald
Trump as U.S. President. He has promised to move the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, a disputed city, slammed
the Obama administration for not using its veto powers in the UNSC over the settlement resolution in December 2016, and even
praised the controversial security wall Israel has built through Palestinian lands. Mr. Netanyahu, facing pressure from coalition
partners, may be hoping to continue the status quo of occupation, provided Mr. Trump offers the protection to Tel Aviv that he
promised during the campaign. That would make peace yet more distant in West Asia.
o Land grab - the act of taking an area of land by force, for military or
economic reasons
o Passage - the official approval of something, especially a new law
o Legislation - a law or set of laws suggested by a government and made
official by a parliament
o Flies in the face of someone / something - to challenge someone or
something
o Occupied - an occupied place is being controlled by an army or group of
people that has moved into it
o Territory - (an area of) land, or sometimes sea, that is considered as
belonging to or connected with a particular country or person
o Urged - to strongly advise or try to persuade someone to do a particular
thing
o Conflict - an active disagreement between people with opposing
opinions or principles
o Disregard - the fact of showing no care or respect for something
o Expropriate - to take away money or property especially for public use
without payment to the owner, or for personal use illegally
o Compensate - to pay someone money in exchange for something that
has been lost or damaged or for some problem
o Annexation - to take possession of an area of land or a country, usually
by force or without permission
o Overturn - to change a legal decision
o Judiciary - the part of a country's government that is responsible for its
legal system, including all the judges in the country's courts
o Attorney-General - the top legal officer in some countries, whose job is
to provide legal advice to the government and to represent the
government
o Defend - to protect someone or something against attack or criticism
o Unconstitutional - not allowed by the constitution (= set of rules for
government) of a country or organization
FEB 13/2017
FEB 14/2017
FEB 15/2017
President Donald Trump suffered a big political blow on Monday, barely a month into office, when his National Security Adviser,
Michael Flynn, resigned over his Russia contacts. Mr. Flynn, a close aide of Mr. Trump, admitted that he had inadvertently
briefed Vice-President Mike Pence with incomplete information about his phone conversation with the Russian ambassador
in Washington, Sergey Kislyak. The allegation is that Mr. Flynn discussed American sanctions on Russia with Mr. Kislyak in the
waning days of the Obama presidency and told him that Russia should wait till Mr. Trumps inauguration. He later denied
speaking of the sanctions, and based on his brief, Mr. Pence publicly defended him. But after the media reported that they had
sources vouching that Mr. Flynn had discussed the sanctions with the envoy, it became impossible for the White House to
defend him. Technically, Mr. Flynns calls with the Russian ambassador before he became part of the government are a breach
of an 18th century law, the Logan Act, that makes it illegal for private individuals to conduct foreign policy. The context is grave
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FEB 16/2017
o Sets the bar high - to raise / increase the standards of quality that are
expected of or required for something
o Boosted - improved / increased something
o Reputation - the opinion that people have about how good or how bad
someone or something is
o Relying on someone/something - to depend on or trust someone or
something
o Workhorse - a machine that operates without failing for long periods,
although it might not be very interesting or exciting
o Nano - extremely small
o Aeronautics - the science of designing, building, and operating aircraft
o Significant - important or noticeable
o Cement - to make something stronger
o Key player - an important person, company, etc. in a particular area of
activity
new international report has drawn attention to the deadly pollutants that pervade the air that people breathe in India, causing
terrible illness and premature death. The State of Global Air 2017 study, conducted jointly by the Health Effects Institute and
the Institute of Health Metrics and Evaluation, quantifies further what has been reported for some time now: that the
concentration of the most significant inhalable pollutant, fine particulate matter with a diameter of 2.5 micrometres or less
(PM2.5), has been growing in India. The rise in average annual population-weighted PM2.5 levels indicates that the Centres
initiatives to help States reduce the burning of agricultural biomass and coal in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Haryana and
Delhi have failed. The directions of the National Green Tribunal to Delhi, which were reviewed last year, could not end open
burning of garbage and straw, or curb the urban use of diesel-powered vehicles. It comes as no surprise, therefore, that the
weighted national PM2.5 level estimated in the international report rose from 60 micrograms per cubic metre in 1990 (the
acceptable limit) to 74 in 2015, with a steady rise since 2011. Weak policy on pollution is leading to the premature death of an
estimated 1.1 million Indians annually, and the number is growing, in contrast to Chinas record of reducing such mortality.
ALSO READ Indias air pollution rivals Chinas as worlds deadliest Several studies show long-term evidence of a steady
deterioration in air quality in many countries, and South Asia, dominated by India, is today among the worst places to live.
Although the central role played by burning of crop residues in causing pollution is well-known, and the Indian Agricultural
Research Institute proposed steps to convert the waste into useful products such as enriched fodder, biogas, biofuel, compost
and so on, little progress has been made. Last year, helpless farmers in the northern States who wanted to quickly switch from
rice to wheat burnt the waste in the fields, in some cases defying local prohibitory orders. The government has no one to blame
but itself, since it has not been able to supply affordable seeder machinery in sufficient numbers to eliminate the need to remove
the straw. In a country producing about 500 million tonnes of crop residues annually, the issue needs to be addressed in mission
mode. Easy access to cheap solar cookers and biogas plants will also cut open burning, and help the rural economy. Yet, there
is no reliable distribution mechanism for these. On the health front, it is a matter of concern that in the most polluted cities, even
moderate physical activity could prove harmful, rather than be beneficial, as new research indicates. Indias clean-up priorities
need to shift gear urgently, covering both farm and city.
FEB 17/2017
In action as well as inaction, Governor Ch. Vidyasagar Rao stuck to the constitutional options available to him as he grappled
with the rapid twists and turns in the political developments in Tamil Nadu over the last two weeks. There may be some things
FEB 18/2017
The horrific suicide attack at a Sufi shrine in Sehwan in Pakistans Sindh province that killed at least 80 people, underscores
fears about the Islamic State gaining strength in the country. A suicide bomber blew himself up at the shrine of Lal Shahbaz
Qalandar, among the most venerated of Sufi saints. People of all faiths in the subcontinent have flocked here over the centuries,
making it a prominent symbol of syncretism, and thereby a particularly potent target for the IS. The terrorist group, which had
announced its Pakistan branch more than two years ago, has claimed a string of attacks in recent months, mostly on minority
Muslim sects. Initially, Pakistani authorities had denied that the IS has any organisational presence in the country. However,
attacks such as this, which the IS promptly took responsibility for, suggest otherwise. In Iraq and Syria the IS has methodically
targeted Shias, Alawis, Kurds and Yazidis. In Pakistan and Afghanistan, Shias, Hazaras and Sufis are being attacked. Pakistan,
particularly, has a rich Sufi tradition, a mystical and generally moderate form of Islam that is loathed by fundamentalists. In 2010,
Lahores Data Darbar shrine had been brutally attacked. In June last year, the popular Sufi singer, Amjad Sabri, was shot dead
in Karachi. Three months ago, a Sufi shrine in Balochistan was bombed by the IS, killing 45 people. The attack at the shrine of
Lal Shahbaz Qalandar came when it was full of devotees, to cause maximum harm. ALSO READ The fight Pakistan must
wage within The IS is clearly following a strategy that was successful in mobilising fighters and gaining publicity in Iraq and
Syria. The highly planned, well-publicised attacks on Shias in these countries helped the IS whip up Sunni sectarian sentiment
and win recruits. There is still no evidence that the Pakistani branch of the group is directed by the IS core in Mosul or Raqqah.
But IS fighters in eastern Afghanistan, where the group has established a province of the Caliphate, and those in Pakistan
seem to have aligned themselves with local terror groups for organisational support. Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, a ferociously anti-Shia
group, and Jamaat-ul-Ahrar, a breakaway faction of the Pakistani Taliban, are two such groups that reportedly have a tactical
alliance with the IS. Most of the major recent suicide attacks in Pakistan were carried out by these three groups. This indicates
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FEB 20/2017
o Marred - spoiled
o Scupper - to cause something such as a plan or an opportunity to fail
o Inexcusable - too bad to be accepted
o Grace - the quality of being pleasantly polite, or a willingness to be fair
and honest
o Poise - a controlled and relaxed way of behaving, even in difficult
situations
o Imminent - coming or likely to happen very soon
o Virtue - a good moral quality in a person, or the general quality of being
morally good
o Abysmal - extremely bad or low in quality
o Confidence vote - a voting process in which people show support for a
person or group in power
o Resorted to something - to do or use something because it is the only
thing available
o Stall - to stop
o Proceedings - a series of events that happen in a planned and controlled
way
o Citing - 1 to mention something as a reason
o Excuse - a reason that you give to explain why you did something wrong
o Tore up - to destroy something such as a piece of paper or cloth by
pulling it into pieces
o Adjourning - to temporarily end something such as a meeting
o Eviction - to force someone to leave a place
o Ally - someone who helps and supports someone else
o Protest - a strong complaint expressing disagreement, disapproval, or
opposition
o Faction - a group within a larger group, especially one with slightly
different ideas from the main group
o Admittedly - used when you are agreeing that something is true,
especially unwillingly
o Constitute - to be or be considered as something
o Legitimacy - the fact that something is legal
o Sorely - extremely; very much
o Juncture - a particular point in time
o Disqualification - a situation in which someone is not allowed to take
part in something because they have committed an offence or have done
something that is not allowed by the rules
o Wetland - low land that is often covered with water from the lake, river,
or sea next to it
o Massive - very large in size, amount, or number
o A plume of smoke - a tall, thin mass of smoke
o Urban - of or in a city or town
o Indifference - lack of interest in someone or something
o Chronic - very bad
o Baseline - an imaginary line used as a starting point for making
comparisons
o Successive - happening one after the other without any break
o Rampant - getting worse quickly and in an uncontrolled way
o Encroachment - to take control or possession of something in a gradual
way and often without being noticed
FEB 21/2017
oHeir - someone who will receive money, property, or a title when another
person dies
o Sprawl - to cover a large area
o Scandal - a situation in which important people behave in a dishonest or
immoral way that shocks people
o Bracing - shocking
o High-profile - often seen in public, mentioned in newspapers, or
appearing on television
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FEB 22/2017
The flurry of actions by the Pakistan government on Lashkar-e-Taiba chief Hafiz Saeed gives the impression of movement on
an issue that has been a point of contention between India and Pakistan. For the past two weeks, Saeed, who is on the UN
Security Councils terror list, has been under preventive detention and house arrest, along with four other members of the
Jamaat-ud-Dawa, an avatar of the LeT. All five are on the export control list for travel. A few days ago the authorities put Saeed
on its Anti-Terrorism Act list as well, and on Tuesday followed that up by revoking weapon licences issued to Saeed and others.
Although details have not been shared, Pakistani officials said they have placed restrictions on the functioning and funding of
Saeeds JuD and its charity arm, the Falah-e-Insaniyat Foundation. In addition, Pakistans military gave Saeeds detention its
full backing by calling it a policy decision in the national interest, while Pakistans Defence Minister Khawaja Asif told an
international audience at the Munich Security Conference that Saeed was a security threat to Pakistan. It would seem that
even the Indian government has given the action against Saeed a half thumbs-up, with the Ministry of External Affairs calling it
a logical first step. As observers of Pakistan know, the action against Saeed is not a new step or even the most serious
measure taken against him over the past two decades. Since 2001 he has been in and out of detention at least five times, and
released by the courts on a number of occasions. Besides, unlike in 2008 and 2009 when he was detained for the 26/11 Mumbai
attacks case, this time there has been no First Information Report registered, or any specific reason given. If Pakistan were
indeed serious about the UN list, these actions should have been carried out in 2008, when Saeed and the JuD were put on the
list. It is more than likely that Pakistans action is actually timed for the Financial Action Task Forces officials meeting in Paris
this week where a report on Pakistans terror funding record is being presented. Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif may
even be attempting to show good faith to both U.S. President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Narendra Modi by the action,
even as he faces domestic pressure to act against terrorists in the wake of a slew of bombings recently in Pakistan, including
at the Sehwan shrine in Sindh. It is too early to fully assess what the action against Saeed means, and what signal Pakistan
may be sending to India. For New Delhi, steps towards a resumption of bilateral dialogue may be more purposeful than simply
gauging which way the wind is blowing.
FEB 23/2017
Going against the status quo to take a progressive decision is always a difficult endeavour in politics or in government. Such
decisions yield enthusiastic support from those in favour of change; at the same time, they invite strong responses from
reactionary sections. The right thing to do for any politician seeking to embark on change is to not give in to resistance after
making the decision. T.R. Zeliang, who recently stepped down as the Chief Minister of Nagaland, had taken the bold decision
to conduct long-pending urban local body elections on February 1 with 33% reservation for women in accordance with the 74th
Amendment to the Constitution. The move, predictably, resulted in strong opposition from tribal groups who sought to use the
issue of Naga autonomy as a ploy to resist it. Mr. Zeliang should have stuck to his governments order and sought more public
acceptance by rallying the many in favour in particular, Naga women who would have finally got their constitutionally
mandated stake in local governance. Instead, he chose to take a U-turn and termed the implementation of the decision as null
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While Indias celebrated demographic dividend has for decades underpinned its rapid economic progress, a countervailing
force may offset some of the gains from having a relatively young population: rapid ageing at the top end of the scale. This is a
cause of deep concern for policymakers as India already has the worlds second largest population of the elderly, defined as
those above 60 years of age. As this 104-million-strong cohort continues to expand at an accelerating pace, it will generate
enormous socio-economic pressures as the demand for healthcare services and tailored accommodation spikes to historically
unprecedented levels. It is projected that approximately 20% of Indians will be elderly by 2050, marking a dramatic jump from
the current 8%. However, thus far, efforts to develop a regime of health and social care that is attuned to the shifting needs of
the population have been insufficient. While more mature economies have created multiple models for elder care, such as
universal or widely accessible health insurance, networks of nursing homes, and palliative care specialisations, it is hard to find
such systemic developments in India. Experts also caution that as the proportional size of the elderly population expands, there
is likely to be a shift in the disease patterns from communicable to non-communicable, which itself calls for re-gearing the health-
care system toward preventive, promotive, curative and rehabilitative aspects of health. Advocacy and information campaigns
may be necessary to redirect social attitudes toward ageing, which often do not help the elderly enjoy a life of stability and
dignity. As highlighted in Uncertain Twilight, a four-part series in The Hindu on the welfare of senior citizens, the ground realities
faced by the elderly include abandonment by their families, destitution and homelessness, inability to access quality health care,
low levels of institutional support, and the loneliness and depression associated with separation from their families. On the one
hand, the traditional arrangements for the elderly in an Indian family revolve around care provided by their children. According
to the National Sample Survey Organisations 2004 survey, nearly 3% of persons aged above 60 lived alone. The number of
elderly living with their spouses was only 9.3%, and those living with their children accounted for 35.6%. However, as many
among the younger generation within the workforce are left with less time, energy and willingness to care for their parents, or
simply emigrate abroad and are unable to do so, senior citizens are increasingly having to turn to other arrangements. In the
private sector, an estimated demand for 300,000 senior housing units, valued at over $1 billion, has led to a variety of retirement
communities emerging across the country, in addition to innovations in healthcare delivery for this group. Yet the poor among
the elderly still very much depend on the government to think creatively and come up with the resources and institutions to
support their needs.
FEB 24/2017
FEB 25/2017
There could not have been a clearer mandate in the 2017 civic polls in Maharashtra. Except for Thane, where the Shiv Sena
managed a comfortable victory, and Mumbai, where it squeaked ahead of the BJP by two seats, the BJP won every city
corporation easily. Of the 1,268 municipal seats, the party won 628, more than tripling its 2012 tally. There could not be a better
affirmation of support for the party in power at the State as well as its Chief Minister, who staked his political reputation on the
polls. Besides fielding competitive candidates in places where the party had a strong base, the BJPs strategy to woo viable
contestants from other parties in places where it was weak yielded strong returns. The Congress and the Nationalist Congress
Party were reduced to minor players in most of the corporations. In Mumbai, the Shiv Sena has, for the first time since it came
to power nearly 25 years ago, seen a close competitor in the BJP; there is now a chance that the mayor could be elected from
outside the Sena. While the Marathi-dominated areas of the city helped the regionalist party consolidate support, its reduced
win ratio, of only 37% of the seats contested as opposed to over 50% in previous civic polls, suggests that it can no longer count
Mumbai as an undisputed stronghold. The politics of regional identity and patronage may have helped the Sena become the
single largest party in Indias richest municipal corporation. But its reduced win ratio is a reflection of its dismal performance in
ensuring civic works, with sanitation, infrastructure, public health and education in poor shape in the city. The BJP will be
content with its strong performance, which has followed civic poll victories in Chandigarh and Madhya Pradesh and in some
Legislative Council elections in Uttar Pradesh. This may not reflect a popular endorsement of the demonetisation move, as its
supporters argue, but at the very least it suggests that notebandi is highly unlikely to hurt the BJPs prospects in the ongoing
Assembly elections. It is impossible to not contrast the BJPs success with the performance of the Congress in the recent civic
polls. Clearly, the BJP has become the central pole of Indian politics, a position the Congress occupied for a long time. This is
not only due to the BJP-run Central governments record. The party has an able corps of regional leaders, Devendra Fadnavis
and Shivraj Singh Chouhan among them, which allows for it to compete effectively at the regional level. The Congress, on the
other hand, seems lacking not just in a strategy to regain national relevance but also in its ability to revive itself regionally due
to the absence of a cache of regional leaders.
o Renewables - types of energy such as wind power and power from the
sun that can be replaced as quickly as they are used
o Partial - not complete
o Fiscal - relating to money and financial matters
o In line with something - similar to, or at the same level as something
o Expansion - the process of increasing in size and filling more space
FEB 27/2017
o Hate crime - a crime that is done by someone because they hate the
group that the victim (person who is attacked) belongs to
o Pose - to ask a question
o Immigrant - a person who has come to a different country in order to
live there permanently
o Writ large - if one thing is another thing writ large, it is similar to it but
larger or more obvious
o Diaspora - the spreading of people from one original country to other
countries
o Anxious - worried and nervous
o Enforcement - the process of making sure that something happens,
especially that people obey a law or rule
o Tragic - very sad, often involving death and suffering
o Veteran - someone who has been in the armed forces during a war
o Reportedly - according to what many people say
o Eyewitness - a person who saw something happen, for example, a crime
or an accident
o Yelled - shouted
o Unleashing - to do or to cause something that has a very powerful or
harmful effect
o A hail of something - a lot of similar things, thrown at someone at the
same time
o Injure - to hurt or cause physical harm to a person or animal
o Intervene - to intentionally become involved in a difficult situation in
order to improve it or prevent it from getting worse
o Xenophobic - a strong fear and dislike of people from other countries
and cultures
o Racism - a way of behaving or thinking that shows that you do not like
or respect people who belong to races that are different from your own
and that you believe your race is better than others
o Isolated - happening only once, or existing only in one place
o Instance - a particular situation, event, or fact, especially an example
of something that happens generally
o Shine a spotlight on something - to direct attention to someone or
something
o Refugee - a person who has escaped from their own country for
political, religious, or economic reasons or because of a war
o Indefinitely - for a period of time that has no fixed end
o Asylum - protection or safety, especially that given by a government to
people who have been forced to leave their own countries for their safety
or because of war
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Indias decision to allow its border roads in Mizoram and Tripura to be used by Bangladeshi forces as they construct border
outposts in the inhospitable terrain of the Chittagong Hill Tracts shows just how far the two countries have come to bridging their
trust deficit. The decision, conveyed last week in Dhaka during the meeting of Home Ministry and security officials working on
closer border management cooperation, came as Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar flew into Bangladesh to begin preparations
for Prime Minister Sheikh Hasinas visit to India in early April. If the visit goes as planned, it will be her first bilateral trip to India
since 2010, when the MoU for the Land Boundary Agreement was originally signed. The terms of that agreement have now
been fully implemented, and Ms. Hasinas visit will build on the boost that relations received from the historic agreement that
was signed in 2015 during Prime Minister Narendra Modis visit to Dhaka. Ms. Hasina has long made it clear that she would
only return the visit when there are substantive outcomes on the table, and the fact that officials are now speaking of a visit in
two months time indicates that several important announcements can be expected. There is speculation about a defence
partnership agreement, movement on the Teesta water-sharing agreement, the Ganga water barrage project, and other energy
and connectivity projects. Any of these would go a long way in cementing ties that are increasingly described as a win-win for
both neighbours. However, both New Delhi and Dhaka would be aware of the possible bumps in the road ahead. Some of
these involve the Centre and the affected Indian States. For instance, water-sharing is a highly emotive subject, and movement
on Teesta water-sharing has been held up largely because of West Bengals reservations. To address them, the Central
government needs to reach out to Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. Similarly Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has raked up
o Aptly - suitably
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MAR 01/2017
Consolidation in Indias overcrowded telecommunications industry was perhaps inevitable. What is interesting though is that
the current wave of mergers and acquisitions, which started in November 2015 with Reliance Communications agreement to
acquire Sistemas Indian wireless business, has gained considerable momentum over the last 15 months with several more
announcements of deals struck or confirmation of ongoing merger negotiations having been made. That the commercial
start of services from the latest entrant, Reliance Jio, has been coterminous with this latest round of consolidation is not a simple
coincidence. Given what some of its competitors have referred to as Jios predatory approach to pricing, the industry has found
itself buffeted on the one hand by a sharp decline in earnings, and on the other by the high cost of servicing the debt that had
helped incumbent operators bid for and acquire the much-needed wireless spectrum at the governments auction of airwaves.
It is this financial bind that the industry finds itself in that Sunil Mittal, Bharti Airtel founder and chairman, alluded to at the Mobile
World Congress in Barcelona this week when he said that the return on capital deployed had dipped to low single-digit levels,
making investment in the business unviable. Investors, he is reported to have quipped, would be better off putting their money
in a bank and playing golf. This is a far cry from the situation a little more than five years ago when as many as 12 private
players jostled cheek by jowl with the two state-run telephone operators, BSNL and MTNL, as they vied for a share of the
MAR 02/2017
The resilience of Indias economy has been reaffirmed by the latest data, with both the third-quarter and full-year growth
estimates belying widespread concerns that the November 8 decision to withdraw high-value currency notes would significantly
dampen momentum. While the Central Statistics Office stuck with its January advance estimate for gross domestic product in
the 12 months ending March 2017 to post a healthy 7.1% growth, it projected GDP to have expanded 7% in the fiscal third
quarter, reflecting only a marginal slowdown from the 7.3% registered in the preceding three-month period. Notably, this
expansion occurred in the October-December quarter, when about 86% of the currency in circulation in the form of 500 and
1,000 notes was abruptly sucked out of the system, potentially resulting in what the Economic Survey termed an aggregate
demand shock and the Reserve Bank of India referred to as demand compression associated with adverse wealth effects.
Undergirding this better-than-expected performance were the agriculture, mining and manufacturing sectors and, interestingly,
government expenditure. While the overall gross value added (GVA) in the third quarter is estimated to have increased by 6.6%,
agricultural GVA in the period is projected to have surged 6%, a sharp quickening from the second quarters 3.8% pace and in
stark contrast with the 2.2% contraction in the earlier year, as the near-normal monsoon in 2016 helped lift kharif crop output
substantially. Mining and manufacturing GVA too appear to have done far better than in the preceding quarter, bucking the so-
called demonetisation drag to post 7.5% and 8.3% growth, respectively. Public administration, defence and other services
clocked double-digit GVA growth: at 11.9%, a robust acceleration from the 7.5% in the third quarter of 2015-16. It is only the
financial, real estate and professional services segment, which is linked to consumption, that lagged, with the pace of expansion
more than halving from the July-September quarter to a modest 3.1% increase. Chief Statistician T.C.A. Anant has said the
government will continue to keep evaluating the numbers in relation to the impact of demonetisation, even as the CSO trimmed
its full-year GVA growth estimate to 6.7% from the 7% projected in January. This 30 basis points cut in the GVA growth estimate
is more in sync with the projection of one quarter of a percentage point to half a percentage point slowing in its baseline real
GDP growth assumption of 7% that the Economic Survey had posited. The Survey had also made a cautionary assertion that
recorded GDP growth would understate the overall impact of demonetisation as the most affected parts of the economy
informal and cash based are either not captured in the national income accounts or, to the extent they are, their measurement
is based on formal sector indicators. When dealing with statistics, it is safer to keep all the caveats in mind.
MAR 03/2017
Manipur will vote in 38 of its 60 Assembly constituencies on Saturday in the first of two phases. This election is shaping up into
something new for Manipurs polity, a direct contest between two national parties, the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party.
The Congress is seeking to defend its 15-year record in power, while the BJP fancies its chances in a State that has generally
voted favourably for the party ruling at the Centre. The four-month-long blockade by the United Naga Council of highways
leading up to the valley has dominated the discourse in the run-up to the elections. The Manipur elections are important for both
national parties. The Congress is seeking to retain its hold as the only party that has electoral support across various ethnic and
geographic regions in the State, while the BJP is keen to get power in another northeastern State, after its victory last year in
Assam. A contest between the Congress and the BJP in Manipur is welcome, as both parties do not represent any specific
ethnic groups, unlike other parties in the fray in previous elections. But the BJP lacks a grassroots base in Manipur and largely
comprises leaders who have defected from the Congress. This has resulted in a political campaign largely made up of
accusations and counter-accusations of corruption, besides the blame game on the ongoing blockade. The decision in early
December 2016 by the Okram Ibobi Singh government to notify the formation of seven new districts, creating 16 districts in the
State, was momentous. It allowed the Congress to seek support from the hill areas for this decision, as the new districts in the
hills made for better administrative access in areas far from the valley. However, it resulted in the intensification of the blockade
sponsored by the UNC, severely hitting normal life in Manipur. The persistence of the blockade has led to some degree of
disaffection owing to the inability of the Congress government to bring it to an end, even if the governments defence that any
punitive measures against the UNC would have led to violence cannot be summarily dismissed. The Congress blames the
Centre for not prevailing upon the UNC and other Naga groups to end the blockade, while the BJP blames the Congress for
precipitating the crisis. In a State where insurgent groups remain active and that is still dependent on Central transfer of
resources to shore up its economy, the electorate would have welcomed a genuine discourse on such issues in the run-up to
the elections. Sadly, this did not happen.
MAR 04/2017
MAR 06/2017
The hesitation shown by the Central government in deciding upon full legal protection for one of its most prized natural assets,
the Western Ghats in their totality, is a major disappointment. The idea that whatever is left of these fragile mountainous forests
should be protected from unsustainable exploitation in the interests of present and future generations, while presenting
sustainable ways of living to the communities that inhabit these landscapes, is being lost sight of. Quite unscientifically, the
issue is being framed as one of development-versus-conservation. Given the weak effort at forging a consensus, there is little
purpose in the Centre returning to the drawing board with another draft notification to identify ecologically sensitive areas. What
it needs is a framework under which scientific evidence and public concerns are debated democratically and the baseline for
ESAs arrived at. It is accepted, for instance, that the Ghats play an irreplaceable role in mediating the monsoon over the country
and the forests harbour a rich biodiversity that has not even been fully studied. New species continue to emerge each year in
an area that has endemic plants and animals, although, as the scientist Norman Myers wrote nearly two decades ago, only
6.8% of primary vegetation out of the original 182,500 sq km remains in the Western Ghats and Sri Lanka taken together. The
ecologically sensitive nature of the forests stretching 1,600 km along the western coast as a global biodiversity hotspot was
emphasised by the Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel headed by Madhav Gadgil, while for conservation purposes, the
Kasturirangan Committee identified only a third of the total area. Both expert groups have encountered resistance from State
governments and industries, although they mutually differ in their recommendations. ALSO READ Protecting the Western
Ghats The question that needs speedy resolution is how much of the Western Ghats can be demarcated as ecologically
sensitive, going beyond the system of national parks and sanctuaries that already exist. As a corollary, are other areas free to
be exploited for industrial activity, including mining and deforestation, with no environmental consequences? A frequently cited
example of destruction is the loss of ecology in Goa due to rampant, illegal mining. More complicated is the assessment of
ecosystem services delivered by the forests, lakes, rivers and their biodiversity to communities. Mr. Gadgil, for instance, has
underscored the unique value of some locations, such as those with fish or medicinal plant diversity peculiar to a small area,
which should not get lost in the assessment process. All this points to the need for wider and more open consultation with people
at all levels, imbuing the process with scientific insights. The sooner this is done the better. Several options to spare sensitive
areas will emerge, such as community-led ecological tourism and agro-ecological farming. A national consultative process is
urgently called for.
A United Nations report released last week on the progress of reconciliation efforts by the Sri Lankan government should be a
wake-up call for President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. Raising serious concerns about the
delay in addressing allegations of war crimes and in meeting other promises Colombo made when it co-sponsored a resolution
at the UN Human Rights Council in 2015, the report warns the government that the lack of accountability threatens the
momentum towards lasting peace. It also alleges that cases of excessive use of force, torture and arbitrary arrests still continue
in Sri Lanka, almost eight years after the countrys brutal civil war ended. Mr. Sirisena came to power on a promise that he
would restore the rule of law, end the country's international isolation and take steps towards reconciliation with the Tamil ethnic
minority. The political momentum was also in favour of the government as it had the support of the dominant sections of the two
largest parties in the country. In 2015, when Sri Lanka agreed to a host of measures at the UNHRC, including a judicial process
to look into the war crimes, hopes were high. Undeniably, the government has made some slow progress in addressing the
issue of reconciliation. Compared to the previous regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa, the Sirisena administration has reached out to
Tamils and initiated constitutional and legal reforms. It has also passed enabling legislation to establish an Office of Missing
Persons to help find some of the 65,000 people reported missing during the war. But on key issues such as establishing a hybrid
judicial mechanism with domestic and foreign judges and returning the military-occupied lands to Tamil civilians in the north and
east, there has been no tangible progress. The latest UN report comes at a time when over a hundred displaced Tamil families
are protesting at administrative offices in the north and east asking for their lands to be returned. For its part, the government
may be wary of taking quick decisions for fear of giving some leeway to Sinhala nationalist factions at a time when Mr. Rajapaksa
is trying to revive his political fortunes. But this delay is alienating the governments allies, eroding the faith of the public,
especially war victims, and giving more time to the opposition to regroup itself. And issues such as continuing use of excessive
force and arbitrary arrests suggest that the government is either not serious in changing the way the police system works or is
incapable of doing so. The Sirisena-Wikremesinghe government should seize the moment and start addressing the core issues,
keeping reconciliation and the future of Sri Lanka in mind.
MAR 7/2017
More than six months after the Constitution was amended to enable the Goods and Services Tax (GST), the Centre and States
have managed to find considerable common ground on the long-debated indirect tax system, overcoming seemingly
irreconcilable differences that cropped up along the way. On Saturday, the GST Council approved final drafts of the Central and
Integrated GST Bills, which should be placed in the public domain as soon as possible. With the law to compensate States
already cleared, the only pending legislative negotiation left for the Council, which is expected to meet again on March 16,
involves the State and Union Territories GST bills. As these bills secure assent from State Assemblies and Parliament, and
swiftly, the operational rules for the GST must be readied. Industry would need at least three months after that to prepare for
the transition from the present system of myriad State, Central and local levies on goods and services. Moreover, switching to
a new indirect tax system in the middle of a financial year will bring its own subset of accounting complications. The Central
government should resist a pushback on the roll-out date, and expedite efforts to ensure everyone is ready to get on board the
new system with early clarity on what rates would apply to different goods and services. Clearer communication of intent is
equally essential. In industry circles, the introduction of a peak 40% tax rate in the GST Bills has set the cat among the pigeons.
What started out as a single tax, single market dream for industry has now degenerated into five tax rates, a cess on top, with
additional uncertainty about tax rates. Just as effective excise and customs duties are lower than legally specified rates, working
in a peak rate for the GST could well be justified. In the current rate structure, a cess has been proposed on luxury and sin
goods over and above the highest GST rate of 28%. The cess would finance compensation payouts to States for the first five
years. After that, it could be replaced with a higher GST rate to retain the same tax treatment on sin goods, without fresh
parliamentary approval. But this intent should be stated explicitly and rates must not be tinkered with in the GSTs first five years
at least. It is still not too late to settle another major worry for industry that strikes at the very heart of enterprise. The GSTs anti-
profiteering penal provisions are far too vague and draconian, and could discourage companies from making efficiency
improvements in supply chains if they are required to pass on the entire benefit to consumers. Lastly, the Chief Economic
Adviser has made an impassioned plea to bring real estate under the GST net, linking it to the war against black money. A road
map for eventually bringing such excluded sectors into the GST net could hasten the process.
Chinas statement that it is gravely concerned over the governments decision to allow the Dalai Lama to visit Arunachal
Pradeshs Tawang monastery in early April, and that it would seriously damage bilateral ties, is unwarranted. It is also an
unacceptable escalation of rhetoric over an issue that India and China have engaged with each other on, including during the
visit by Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar to Beijing. The controversy over the Tawang area goes back to the Shimla meet of
1914, when the Chinese representatives just initialled, and didnt sign, a trilateral agreement with British India and Tibet. Later,
in 1959, when the current Dalai Lama fled Tibet, he came into India through Tawang. He has not visited Arunachal Pradesh
since 2009, when he retraced his 1959 journey. On that occasion too, his itinerary had evoked threats from Beijing, but eventually
bilateral concerns outweighed them. The Chinese government would do well to not allow tensions with India over the issue of
Arunachal Pradesh to spill into other spheres of engagement, and perhaps to also recall its own talks with representatives of
the Dalai Lama that broke down after nine rounds in 2010 when it seeks to castigate him and New Delhi for their engagement.
Beijings objections over access for the Dalai Lama as a spiritual leader to a religious shrine obviously cannot be allowed to
intimidate India into restricting his free movement. ALSO READ From Tibet to Tawang, a legacy of suspicions At the same
time, New Delhi must calibrate its moves to avoid misperceptions that it is indulging in political power-play. Recent
developments, such as visits to Tawang by American diplomats including the U.S. Ambassador, and an official dinner at the
U.S. Embassy attended by a Minister and leader of the Tibetan government in exile based in Dharamshala, could be
interpreted as messages aimed at China, even if they did not signify any policy change. Beijing has been touchy about visiting
delegations from Taiwan and the grant of visas to those it perceives as dissident activists. Pinpricks cannot substitute for policy
and New Delhi should keep its focus on the major issues between the two countries. The bid for Nuclear Suppliers Group
membership and having Masood Azhar placed on the UN terrorists list have occupied much of the bilateral canvas, while the
larger issue of the boundary resolution hasnt been addressed adequately. Statements last week from former Chinese special
envoy Dai Bingguo, who suggested that flexibility from India over the eastern boundary in Arunachal Pradesh could yield
flexibility from China over other areas, that is, the western boundary in J&K, are significant. If the statements are an indication
that the 20th round of talks between the special representatives expected this year will see an opening for progress, then that
is a more worthwhile goal for New Delhi and Beijing to be preoccupied with.
MAR 08/2017
oSignificance - importance
oPotentially - possibly true in the future, but not true now
oTransformative - causing great and positive change in someone or
something
o Draws to a close - to end
o Fray - to worry or feel nervous about something
o Campaign - a series of things that a politician or political party does to
try to win an election
o Resonance - an emotional effect produced by something that reminds
you of something else
o Blitz - a special effort to finish a job or to deal with a problem quickly
and thoroughly
o Retain - to keep someone or something
o Accrued - to increase in number or amount over a period of time
o Constituency - a division of a country that elects a representative to a
parliament
o Alliance - an arrangement between two or more people, groups, or
countries by which they agree to work together to achieve something
o Suspicion - a feeling that someone has done something wrong
o Splashy - attracting a lot of attention
o Monitor - to regularly check something or watch someone in order to
find out what is happening
o Deferred - delayed until a later time
o On account of something - because of something
o Aspiration - something that you want to achieve, or the wish to achieve
something
o Pushing the envelope - to go to the limits of what you are allowed to
do
o Provocative - intended to start arguments between people or to make
people angry or upset
o Demonstrably - clearly
o Abandon - to leave someone / something
o Coalition - a temporary union of different political parties that agree to
form a government together
o Jettison - to get rid of something that is not useful or successful
o Longstanding - having existed for a long time
o Go-it-alone - to live, work, or make decisions on your own, without any
help from other people
o Defending - to protect someone or something from attack
o Slogan - a short phrase that is easy to remember and is used to
advertise something or to express the beliefs of a political party or other
group
o Consolidate - to make the power, position, or achievements you already
have stronger or more effective so that they are likely to continue
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MAR 09/2017
There is no certainty about the circumstances that led to the killing of a Tamil Nadu fisherman somewhere between the Indian
and Sri Lankan coast on Monday night. There is no telling who pulled the trigger whether it was the Sri Lankan Navy or some
armed group. It is also not clear where the shooting took place, whether in Sri Lankan waters or elsewhere. Unmistakably
though, this was a tragedy waiting to happen, the direct fallout of the long-standing dispute between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lankan
Tamil fishermen over fishing rights in the Palk Bay. While the Sri Lankan Navy denies it had a hand in the killing, the shooting
exposes the lack of progress in the implementation of the agreement between the two countries on preventing loss of life while
managing the fishing dispute through official channels. Last year, the two countries agreed on establishing a Joint Working
Group (JWG) on fisheries to help resolve the dispute. A hotline between the Coast Guards of India and Sri Lanka, convening of
the JWG once in three months, and meetings of the fisheries ministers every half-year were the components of the mechanism
to be put in place. But short-term measures lose their efficacy in the absence of any forward movement toward long-term
solutions. Without arriving at a settlement on sustainable exploitation of the marine resources that would end the use of bottom
trawlers from Tamil Nadu, India and Sri Lanka will not be able to ensure incident-free fishing in the strait. ALSO READ We
need a win-win situation for fishermen on both sides: Samaraweera Although instances of Indian fishermen crossing into Sri
Lankan waters have always been commonplace, the consequences for such transgressions in recent years have been limited
to seizure of boats and prolonged detention. Unlike during the period of Sri Lankas war with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil
Eelam, when its Navy indiscriminately shot at boats and trawlers fearing smuggling of contraband by the Tamil rebels, the last
few years have seen few instances of firing at fishermen. But to view Mondays killing as an aberration is to underestimate the
political and economic contours of the problem. After he returned to power in 2015, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said
Indian fishermen who crossed the maritime boundary to fish in another countrys territorial waters would be fired upon. Indian
fishermen, who invoke traditional rights to justify their incursions, want a three-year phase-out period before they end trawling.
But unless they take to deep-sea fishing, and inland alternatives, Indias fishermen will be locked in a conflict with their Sri
Lankan counterparts as well as with a hostile Sri Lankan Navy.
India has launched the second phase of the programme to eliminate the use of hydrochlorofluorocarbons (HCFC) as part of its
commitment under the Montreal Protocol, which requires the complete removal of chemicals that result in ozone depletion and
aid global warming. These are used mainly in the air-conditioning, refrigeration, polyurethane foam manufacturing and cold
chain sectors, and must be replaced with better alternatives. All these sectors are in high growth mode as emerging economies
witness greater urbanisation and higher agricultural productivity. The data for refrigerant consumption during 2015 compiled by
the European Union show that in the developing world, split air-conditioning units, car ACs and commercial refrigeration record
the highest use of these chemicals. It is imperative the Central government ensures that its efforts to upgrade industries using
the $44.1 million in funding available under the Protocol are scaled up to meet the need fully. Modernising the technology used
by 400 industrial units, many of them small and medium enterprises, by 2023 has to be complemented by policy changes that
encourage adoption by consumers. Systemic change requires the active participation of State governments, which can enact
and enforce new building codes and purchase regulations that are envisaged in the current phase. Newer refrigerants with lower
global warming potential are available to industry, and there are some early adopters, while research on chemicals with greater
energy reduction and very low contribution to global warming has to continue. Credentialed training of service technicians in the
newer technologies is welcome as it will bring about change of refrigerants used in the repair and replacement market and
create additional employment. It is important to make consumers aware of green options among products in terms of the
underlying technologies, and incentivise adoption through tax structures. ALSO READ Cool the world The Environment
Ministrys proposal to prescribe energy-efficient temperature limits for air-conditioning units in public facilities is promising. A lot
of energy is wasted because of poor infrastructure and lack of understanding of efficiency metrics. Equally, the Centre should
conduct audit of public buildings to determine whether they are suitably designed, as climate control relies as much on passive
influences such as insulation, green roofing and the nature of materials used in construction. It is possible, for instance, to adopt
the Paris idea and ask all major buildings to incorporate solar panel roofing or suitable green cover. The continued success of
the Montreal Protocol in its goal to eliminate HCFCs by 2030 will depend on reducing the acquisition costs of cleaner
technologies. The greater affordability of solar photovoltaic power and its rapid adoption at various scales is a clear pointer.
More people will have access to air-conditioning and refrigeration in coming years, and the focus of government policy must be
to make them energy-efficient and eco-friendly.
MAR 10/2017
o Voting with our feet - to express an opinion through your actions, for
example by not going to a place or by deciding not to spend money
o Robust - strong
o Turnout - the number of voters in an election
o Defy - to happen in a way that is different from what usually happens or
what you expect
o Anxiety - an uncomfortable feeling of nervousness or worry about
something that is happening or might happen in the future
o Alienation - the process of making someone dislike you, or not want to
help or support you
o Hovering - to stay somewhere
o Constituency - one of the official areas of a country that elects someone
to represent it in a parliament or legislature
o Reckon - to calculate an amount
o Marginally - very small in amount or effect
o Far-fetched - difficult to believe
o Fatigue - extreme tiredness
o Cynicism - the belief that people care only about themselves and are
not sincere or honest
o Indeed - really or certainly
o So-called - used for showing that you think a word used for describing
someone or something is not suitable
o Millennial - a person who was born around the time of the millennium,
that is around the year 2000
o Enthusiasm - a feeling of energetic interest in a particular subject or
activity and an eagerness to be involved in it
o Turnout - the number of people who are present at an event, especially
the number who go to vote at an election
o Bridged - to make a change from one situation to another
o At first glance - when first looking
o Repudiation - opposition
o Ethnographic - relating to the scientific description of peoples and
cultures with their customs, habits, and mutual differences.
o Perceive - to come to an opinion about something, or have a belief about
something
o Celebratory - celebrating an important event or a special occasion
o Camaraderie - a feeling of friendliness towards people that you work or
share an experience with
o Determination - the ability to continue trying to do something, although
it is very difficult
o Nonetheless - despite what has just been said or done
o Anti-incumbent vote - vote against elected officials currently in power
o Psephological - related to the scientific study of elections
The ruling of the European Unions top court giving member-states the right to grant or deny asylum has come as welcome
news for populist hardliners hostile to the surge of refugees desperate to escape the humanitarian catastrophe in West Asia. In
a defining verdict this week on the immigration crisis, of a magnitude not seen since World War II, the final judgment of the
European Court of Justice of the 28-nation bloc overturned the opinion of its prosecutor, which is rather unusual for the institution.
Its prosecutor had said in February that governments should issue humanitarian visas to people at risk of torture and degrading
treatment, consistent with their obligations under the European charter on human rights. In overruling that stance, the common
judicial arbiter for the bloc held that member-states were not obliged to issue visas to people from third countries who had no
prior links in Europe. Under the Common European Asylum System, as with similar international mechanisms, countries are
expected to process asylum requests humanely once refugees arrive. A not inconceivable consequence of the verdict is that
the mass of migrants who embarked upon those dangerous journeys on the high seas may find no realistic alternative in their
attempt to flee conflict zones than continue to undertake those risky ventures. Tuesdays development is also a shot in the arm
for eurosceptic political parties that have remained steadfast in their opposition to the jurisdiction of the Luxembourg court over
national governments. ALSO READ Europe's refugee crisis This controversial case, concerning a Syrian family from Aleppo
seeking asylum in Belgium, also brought into sharp focus the politically divisive and hateful campaign witnessed since the
beginning of the migration crisis. While their plea was upheld by domestic courts on humanitarian grounds, the strength of right-
wing opposition led to a senior legislator being fined for defying the order, culminating in the challenge in the European Court of
Justice. Given the appeal of anti-immigration political parties in three of the founder-member states of the EU that go to general
elections this year, the Netherlands, France and Germany, the setback for a more orderly and legal immigration system could
not be greater. Mainstream liberal political forces across the bloc face the biggest challenge in decades to their conception of
an open and humane society. This is their moment to stand up for the so-called European values the continents leaders have
emphasised since Donald Trumps ascent to the White House. A perception that western nations are turning their back on the
rest of the world is the last thing mature democracies can afford at a juncture when the rules-based global order is under
increasing attack. Action on the commitment given at the UN last year to put in place legal pathways for migrants and refugees
would mark a beginning.
MAR 11/2017
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oMaternity leave - time before and after the birth of a baby when a
woman is allowed to be away from her job
o Unorganised sector - not officially recognized / not belong to a trade
union (daily labours etc)
o Enhancement - the process of improving something
o Progressive - developing
o Scrutiny - the careful and detailed examination of something in order to
get information about it
o Worthwhile - useful, important
o Welfare - care provided by the state or another organization for people
in need
o Amendment - a change made to a law or agreement
o Adoptive mother - adoptive mother is the person who has adopted a
child (legally made a part of a family that is not your original family)
o Embryo - an animal or human before it is born, when it is beginning to
develop and grow
o Subset - a small group of people or things that is a part of a larger group
o Workforce - the total number of people who work in a particular
company, industry, or area
o Lactation - the natural process of making milk in the breasts in order to
feed a baby
o Meagre - smaller or less than you want or need
o Retrograde - returning to a condition or situation that is worse than the
present one
o Societal - relating to or involving society
o Contributory - partly responsible for a situation or event
o Harmonise - to make laws or policies similar to those of a different
country, organization etc
o Discrimination - unfair treatment of someone because of their religion,
race, or other personal features
o Conversely - from a different and opposite way of looking at this
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MAR 13/2017
Five Assembly elections in five different States cannot possibly have one running national theme.
But when one of them is in Uttar Pradesh, with the largest electorate in the country by far, the debate
inevitably moves to the possible pointers for the 2019 Lok Sabha election. Even if the Bharatiya Janata
Partys victory in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand was expected, the more than three-fourths majority
was a surprise to supporters and detractors alike. Nearly three years after the Lok Sabha election,
nothing much seems to have changed on the electoral ground. The biggest takeaway is that Prime
Minister Narendra Modi remains the pan-Indian face of the BJP, and the combination of the promise
of economic development and the propagation of a muscular nationalism is hard to beat. Those who
thought that Mr. Modis popularity had peaked in 2014 were probably right, but instead of a sharp
decline from then on, his acceptance among voters seems to have reached a comfortable plateau In
both U.P. and Uttarakhand, the BJPs vote share dipped only marginally, from 43.6% (together with
smaller allies) in 2014 to 41.4% in the former, and from 55.9% to 46.5% in Uttarakhand. In the
absence of a united opposition, as in Bihar in 2015, the elections in both States were a stroll in the
park. Any gains the Samajwadi Party and the Congress made through an alliance were lost because
of the infighting in the SP, and owing to a slightly improved performance by the Bahujan Samaj Party,
which at 22.2% polled 2.4% more of the total votes in 2017 over 2014 despite finishing a poor third.
The SP leader and outgoing Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Akhilesh Yadav, did try to shed some of
the anti-incumbency baggage by distancing himself from the old guard in the party, but in the process
his party came across as a divided house. Voters quite rightly refused to buy into the narrative that
the failures on the law and order front and the shortcomings in governance were entirely on account
of an earlier generation of leaders. If he was attempting to appeal to the youth, projecting himself
and Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi as the face of the campaign, he did not quite succeed in
it. A grand alliance of the kind that saw the BJP lose in Bihar would have had to include the BSP,
unthinkable though it is given the caste dynamics at play. But BSP supremo Mayawati did herself no
favours by continuing to be averse to a pre-poll tie-up, while displaying an unseemly readiness to
align after the election without any ideological compunctions. The BSP, which has allied with the SP
and the BJP at different points, needs to reconsider this strategy if it wants to expand beyond its core
Dalit constituency. The party may not have held much appeal for minorities, despite fielding Muslims
in about one-fourth of the total seats. In the present political climate, in the absence of a Bihar-type
grand alliance it would appear that the BJPs rivals can do little but hope that Prime Minister Modi
squanders his goodwill over the next two years in a series of political missteps and administrative
failures in delivering on promises. ALSO READ We need to come out of Hindu-Muslim politics: Amit
Shah If Uttarakhand, as in the case of Uttar Pradesh, stuck to the 2014 script, Punjab voted very
differently. The BJP was only a junior partner in the alliance led by the Shiromani Akali Dal. Also, the
alliance suffered greatly from the anti-incumbency factor, having completed two terms in office.
Actually, Punjab was more important for the Congress than it was for the BJP. A loss to the emerging
Aam Aadmi Party would have been disastrous, with long-term implications across the country. But
the fact that the party held off the challenge from Arvind Kejriwals party is in no small measure
thanks to Captain Amarinder Singh, its chief ministerial candidate. In recent years, the Congress and
the BJP have reversed their roles. The Congress, which once boasted of strong national leaders and
little-known regional satraps, is now in a situation where it needs strong leaders at the State level to
make up for Rahul Gandhis relative lack of charismatic appeal at the national level. The Congress
cannot afford to be in the hands of a small and insular coterie. If it is to replicate elsewhere its success
in Punjab, the party needs to learn from Amarinder Singh, who was much more alive to the threat
from the AAP than the national leadership was. As the BJP concentrates power in the hands of one
MAR 14/2017
In the post-Mandal era, Uttar Pradesh, the countrys most populous State that is made up of diverse regions, has rarely
witnessed a landslide, leave alone of such dimensions, in an Assembly election. As the State went to the polls, there was a
clutch of arguments marshalled by sundry political commentators on why the BJP could not repeat its huge sweep in the 2014
Lok Sabha election the magnitude of which had surprised the party itself as much as its rivals. It was pointed out, for instance,
that this was a State election, the implication being that a totally different political dynamic would be at play. Other factors such
as the effect of demonetisation, the Samajwadi Party-Congress alliance, and the fading appeal of Prime Minister Narendra Modi
were thrown into the mix. As it turned out, none of this seemed to matter much as the results of the two elections were eerily
similar both in terms of the geographical spread of the victory and vote percentages. The BJP managed to effectively tap into
segments among the Other Backward Classes and Dalits, besides its upper-caste vote base. The popularity of Mr. Modi
contributed in no small measure to the election result, but the party succeeded by also feeding into the disgruntlement over the
narrow social alliances forged by the SP and the BSP. The SP and the BSP, following their 2014 debacle, chose to make two
tactical changes. By revolting against his father and party patriarch Mulayam Singh Yadav, incumbent Chief Minister Akhilesh
Yadav presented himself and his party as agents of development. But he was unable to convince the electorate that the party
had moved away from caste and, more specifically, Yadav-led patronage. Despite the alliance with a weak Congress party, the
SPs support remained limited to its core traditional vote. The BSP tried a newer tactic, an abstract Dalit-Muslim alliance, and
ran on the hope that fielding candidates based on identity would break the coalition of forces that had supported the BJP in
2014. But the expediency of this strategy based on caste and community failed, partly because of perceptions that BSP leader
Mayawati was ambivalent about who she would join hands with in the event of a hung Assembly. U.P. is a communally sensitive
State and the BJP which failed to field a single Muslim candidate must not interpret the scale of the victory as an
endorsement of majoritarianism or an excuse to raise the political pitch on divisive issues such as the Ram temple in Ayodhya.
Going into the 2019 general election, Mr. Modi and his party will be closely monitored on how much they adhere to his promise
of taking everyone along. The last thing that a new India needs is an escalation of denominational politics that raises
unnecessary passions and subverts the developmental agenda.
The removal of a sitting President in South Korea brings to a close one phase in the months-long popular mobilisation to enforce
accountability among the high and mighty. This verdict by South Koreas highest court, upholding Parliaments vote to impeach
Park Geun-hye, could well herald a new era in a land where it has for long been unthinkable to get the powerful to face justice
even for serious crimes. Significantly, Parliaments move in December to unseat Ms. Park by an overwhelming vote had been
backed even by legislators from her conservative Saenuri party. Stripped of presidential immunity, Ms. Park could now face
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MAR 15/2017
The Congresss victory in Punjab, bagging 77 of the 117 seats in the Assembly elections, comes as a salve for the beleaguered
party. This is its first victory in a big State since Karnataka 2013, and it took a particularly feisty campaign led by Amarinder
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o Gauntlet - a thick heavy glove that you wear to protect your hand and
lower arm
o Ambush - to suddenly attack someone after hiding and waiting for them
o Writ - the authority to rule or make laws
o Tempting - if something is tempting, you want to do or have it
o Desperate - very serious or bad
o Fading - to become less famous or less important
o Insurgent - someone who is fighting against the government in their
own country
o Wake-up call - if something that happens is a wake-up call, it should
make you realize that you need to take action to change a situation
o Beef up something - to make something stronger or more important
o Heartland - the part of a country that is most important for a particular
activity
o Sustained - to suffer or experience, especially damage or loss
o Injury - physical harm or damage to someone's body caused by an
accident or an attack
o Battalion - a military unit consisting of three or more companies
o Mortar - a large gun with a short, wide barrel (= a part shaped like a
tube) that fires bombs or other explosives very high into the air, or an
explosive device shot from such a gun
o Mounted - fixed
o Extremist - someone who has beliefs that most people think are
unreasonable and unacceptable
o Unprecedented - never having happened or existed in the past
o Precision - the qualities of being careful and accurate
o Formidable - causing you to have fear or respect for something or
someone because that thing or person is large, powerful, or difficult
o Sway - control or influence
o Stronghold - a place or area where a particular belief or activity is
common
MAR 17/2017
Fractured mandates and post-poll coalitions are not new to Goa, which has had a history of political instability. This time round,
after the counting of votes on March 11, the process became even more complex with the issue of government-formation being
taken to court. With only 13 legislators in the 40-member Assembly, it was clearly going to be difficult for the BJP to stake a
claim to power, but the single largest party, the Congress, was short of a majority too, winning 17 seats. Moreover, the Congress
failed to get its own legislature party in order after the elections and was unable to make haste in choosing a leader and finding
allies. Support was guaranteed to the BJP by the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party, which had been an ally in the outgoing
government. With the Goa Forward Party and two independents also hitching their bandwagon to the BJP, it was evident that
the party had the upper hand. In the absence of a pre-poll alliance, it is arguable that the Governor should have invited the
leader of the single largest party to try to form the government. But there was no likelihood of the Congress being able to
command a majority in the House without the endorsement of the MGP or the GFP and independents, something that,
notwithstanding its protestations, the party fully well realised. The Supreme Courts decision to not stay Governor Mridula Sinhas
invitation to the BJP to form the government may have, at least partially, blunted the criticism that she acted in a partisan
manner. With the BJP winning the vote of confidence in the Assembly, a certain post hoc legitimacy has been established, but
there is no escaping the fact that this happened in the shadow of a controversy While the party will be relieved to have returned
to power, the BJPs reduced tally in the Assembly elections is a reflection of a degree of dissatisfaction with its performance.
Past State governments in Goa have had a reputation for rent-seeking and paying little regard to violations of environmental
norms, especially by the construction, tourism and mining industries. The BJP, after coming to power in 2012, had promised to
take steps to eradicate corruption and graft at various levels of the States administration, but its efforts were found to be lacking.
Goas voters have this time clearly been looking for political alternatives, which is reflected in the success of smaller parties
such as the GFP. That the senior BJP leader and Union Defence Minister, Manohar Parrikar, had to be roped in to take over as
Chief Minister indicates that the party is aware of the challenges it faces in running a fresh government in Goa. Mr. Parrikar now
has a chance to deliver on the pledge he made during his previous tenure, of delivering a better administration.
o Reputation - the opinion that people have about how good or how bad
someone or something is
o Mandate - the authority of an elected government or official to do the
things that they promised to do before an election
o Coalition - the joining together of different political parties or groups for
a particular purpose, usually for a limited time, or a government that is
formed in this way
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The U.S. Federal Reserve has resumed normal monetary service by raising interest rates for the second time in three months.
The Feds decision on Wednesday reflects its confidence in the continuing expansion and signals that its efforts to reflate the
worlds largest economy are largely on track with overall inflation seen to be stabilising around its longer-run target of 2%
over the next couple of years. Significantly, Chair Janet Yellen stressed that policymakers expect the strengthening economy
would warrant gradual increases in the benchmark federal funds rate to ensure that the monetary policy stance remains
accommodative of growth, even as price stability is ensured. This emphasis on gradual provides a degree of policy predictability
that markets, for now, can broadly factor in two more rate increases of one quarter of a percentage point each for the rest of
2017 especially when coupled with a median projection for the signalling rate to reach 1.4% at the end of the year, from the
current 0.75%-1.0% range. The statement has allayed fears of an accelerated rate normalisation, that could have triggered a
sharp jump in outflows from emerging markets such as India. Investors worldwide are bound to feel more reassured that one of
the worlds key economic engines is in good shape and that should bode well for global demand. Indias exporters, including of
software services, are also likely to see a silver lining in the Fed chiefs reference to a distinct firming in business investment,
after having been soft in 2016, that has helped put business sentiment at favourable levels. Ms. Yellen also flagged caveats
to the Feds projections. Averring that policy is not on a pre-set course, she pointed to the potential impact that changes in
fiscal policy, among other factors, could have on the economic outlook. While acknowledging that it is still too early to anticipate
exactly how the Trump administrations fiscal policies may unfold, the central bank is intimating that it will be closely monitoring
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MAR 18/2017
Hindu Editorial Topic 1 : "National health policy 2017: A road map for
health"
The National Health Policy 2017, which the Centre announced this week after a nudge from the Supreme Court last year, faces
the challenging task of ensuring affordable, quality medical care to every citizen. With a fifth of the worlds disease burden, a
growing incidence of non-communicable diseases such as diabetes, and poor financial arrangements to pay for care, India
brings up the rear among the BRICS countries in health sector performance. Against such a laggardly record, the policy now
offers an opportunity to systematically rectify well-known deficiencies through a stronger National Health Mission. Among the
most glaring lacunae is the lack of capacity to use higher levels of public funding for health. Rectifying this in partnership with
the States is crucial if the Central government is to make the best use of the targeted government spending of 2.5% of GDP by
2025, up from 1.15% now. Although a major capacity expansion to produce MBBS graduates took place between 2009 and
2015, and more initiatives were announced later, this is unlikely to meet policy goals since only 11.3% of registered allopathic
doctors were working in the public sector as of 2014, and even among these, the number in rural areas was abysmally low.
More health professionals need to be deployed for primary care in rural areas. Availability of trained doctors and nurses would
help meet the new infant mortality and maternal mortality goals, and build on the gains from higher institutional deliveries, which
exceeded 80% in recent years Contracting of health services from the private sector may be inevitable in the short term, given
that about 70% of all outpatient care and 60% of inpatient treatments are provided by it. But this requires accountability, both
on the quality and cost of care. No more time should be lost in forming regulatory and accreditation agencies for healthcare
providers at the national and State levels as suggested by the expert group on universal health coverage of the Planning
Commission more than five years ago. Without such oversight, unethical commercial entities would have easy backdoor access
to public funds in the form of state-backed insurance. It should also be mandatory for all health institutions to be accredited, and
to publish the approved cost of treatments, in order to remove the prevailing asymmetry of information. For the new policy to
start on a firm footing, the Centre has to get robust health data. Currently this is fragmented because inputs from multiple
sources and sample surveys are not reconciled, and the private sector is often not in the picture. To reduce high out-of-pocket
spending, early deadlines should be set for public institutions to offer essential medicines and diagnostic tests free to everyone.
This was estimated in 2011 to require a spending increase of only 0.4% of GDP, which is within the 2.5% that the Centre is
talking about.
Fears that the tide of populism would sweep relentlessly across Europe have been somewhat belied by the result of the election
in the Netherlands. Prime Minister Mark Ruttes centre-right Peoples Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) retained its
MAR 20/2017
Hindu Editorial Topic 2 : "Last gasp tasks: GST bills and rate fitment
process"
At its twelfth meeting last Friday, the Goods and Services Tax (GST) Council cleared all the requisite State and Central-level
legislative measures to implement the indirect tax regime. The State and Union Territories GST bills were approved along with
necessary corrections to the three other GST Bills the Council had cleared previously for Central GST, Integrated GST and
compensation to States through a cess. This paves the way for State Assemblies and Parliament to ratify these laws quickly in
order to meet the proposed July 1 rollout date for the system. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has said the Union Cabinet will soon
take up the four laws that the Centre has to steer through Parliament, while the respective State governments will take up the
State GST law. Separately, officers from the States and the Centre are expected to finalise, by this weekend, drafts for four
pending regulations out of a total of nine, that lay down the administrative procedures and processes to be followed by taxpayers
under the GST regime. The Council will meet again on March 31 to consider those drafts. This will give the Centre enough
buffer to make the transition to the new system. Though industry has indicated that it needs at least three months to prepare
for the GST once it sees the fine print, one major action will still be pending on April 1. That action the fitment of thousands
of commodities and services into the five GST rate slabs (zero, 5%, 12%, 18% and 28%) could prove to be among the
trickiest for the Council. The rate fitment process, unlike legislative nuances, is more susceptible to lobbying not just from
different sections of industry, but also States that would like a favourable tax treatment for products and services they excel in.
For instance, the GST Council has now approved a ceiling on the cess that could be imposed over and above the highest GST
rate of 28% on pan masala, chewing tobacco and cigarettes, luxury cars and aerated drinks. For all such sin goods, the cess
ceiling has been set higher under the GST than the level necessary to maintain the present level of taxation. But beedis have
been kept out of the cess net altogether in order to avoid friction with States that could delay the broader reform. Despite such
pulls and pressures, in a best-case scenario the rate-setting process should take at least a fortnight and the Council could meet
some time in April to approve the rates. Giving lakhs of enterprises just about two months to switch to the GST regime, with all
its implications for supply chains, pricing strategies and accounting systems, could lead to a messy start. The Centre must keep
its mind open on pushing forward the rollout by a month or so, while industry should rise above heckling over rates and invest
more lobbying energy on bigger worries, such as the GSTs penal anti-profiteering clauses.
MAR 21/2017
Heading into Assembly elections in Uttarakhand, the Bharatiya Janata Party had a clear edge after months of political turmoil
in the State, that included a spell of Presidents Rule and the Supreme Courts intervention. Chief Minister Harish Rawat had
sought to turn the elections into a referendum over the tribulations that his government was subjected to by both the BJP and
its government at the Centre. At the same time, his government had struggled to defend itself against allegations of graft. In the
event, the BJP managed to repeat its performance of the Lok Sabha election in 2014, when it won in all five parliamentary
constituencies and led in 63 out of 70 Assembly segments. By winning 57 seats in the Assembly elections, the BJP has for the
first time managed a decisive majority in a State that has traditionally returned close verdicts. By all indications, it reaped the
benefit of anti-incumbency due to issues such as migration from the hills to the plains and out of Uttarakhand as well, lack of
adequate employment opportunities and infrastructure, and persisting problems relating to the 2013 floods. In 2014, the BJPs
pitch on development received significant support and it has now promised to focus on the issue. Conversely, the Congresss
lament that it did not receive adequate Central support in both flood relief and reconstruction apart from developmental work in
the State clearly found few takers among the voters, who simply chose the party in power at the Centre. The Congress also
made the mistake of limiting the election campaign to a personality contest centred on Mr. Rawat. Stung by the defection of
many leaders to the BJP, especially from the Garhwal region, and faced with the formidable challenge of overcoming the
popularity of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the party came up short. The success of the BJP must also take into account the
fact that 11 of its 57 MLAs are defectors from the Congress. By appointing Trivendra Singh Rawat as the Chief Minister instead
of its hopeful former Chief Ministers, the BJP has sought to empower a loyal RSS hand who is close to party president Amit
Shah and Mr. Modi. Despite the overwhelming majority for the party which should allow the new Chief Minister to concentrate
on administrative tasks instead of constantly managing MLAs to defend narrow majorities in the House, he faces an uphill battle.
Since the separation from Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand saw high economic growth till around 2012-13, justifying the bifurcation.
But the floods had a devastating impact on its economy, and the long-time decline of the agrarian economy in the hills and the
consequent migration of people to the plains have deepened the challenges facing the State. It will take a concerted effort to
overcome them.
Pakistans decision to launch a national census, after much delay, is a welcome step that would allow it to formulate realistic
policies to address the challenges it faces. The data are critical as key federal decisions such as resource allocation for provinces
and delimitation of electoral constituencies are taken based on demographic numbers. This would be the first census in 19
years. The government is supposed to do it every 10 years, but Pakistani authorities, under pressure from political parties and
ethnic groups, have delayed the process. The Nawaz Sharif government actually moved into action after a Supreme Court order
set a March deadline to start the process. The army has provided 200,000 personnel for security for the 70-day campaign. It is
not difficult to see why traditional political parties and ethnic leaders oppose the data-gathering. Since the last census was
conducted in 1998 by the second Sharif government, Pakistan has undergone major changes. There has been a massive influx
of people into Sindh, while the population growth in Punjab is slowing down. But political parties in Sindh say many Sindhis in
rural Sindh may not be counted as they do not have national identity cards. Punjabis fear the current edge they have in Pakistans
politics on the strength of demographics may be diminished. In Balochistan, local political groups had demanded that the process
be delayed till hundreds of thousands of Afghan refugees are returned to Afghanistan. The refugees have been excluded from
the process following a ruling by the Baloch High Court. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, tribal groups have opposed the census citing
reverse migration of locals and influx of Afghan refugees. But such challenges will always be there, given the influence of ethnic
groups and provincial satraps in Pakistani politics. What is more important for Islamabad is to not give in to pressure to delay
critical administrative decisions. The census is not merely an exercise of counting heads. It provides information on key
indicators such as population density, gender ratio, literacy rate, financial conditions and employment numbers. As the 19-year-
old census data are obsolete, it is crucial for the government to obtain an updated picture of the countrys socio-economic
composition to make the right policy choices. The governments announcement that it will go ahead with the census, even if
under pressure from the court, also suggests an increasing sense of confidence in Islamabad. Pakistan is going through a
relatively stable phase, economically and politically. The Sharif government doesnt face any existential challenge and is set to
become the second elected government in Pakistans history to finish its full term next year. Economic growth has also picked
up. This allows Mr. Sharif to take some risks for long-term reforms. He should stay the course towards working out a realistic
reallocation of resources and parliamentary seats to the provinces based on the new census data.
o Headcount - the act of counting how many people are present in a place
o Despite - used for saying that something happens even though
something else might have prevented it
o Resistance - the act of fighting against something, or refusing to accept
something
o Census - an occasion on which government officials count the people
who live in a country and record other information about them
o Formulate - to develop all the details of a plan for doing something
o Federal - relating to the central government
o Province - an area that is governed as part of a country
o Delimitation - the process of establishing the limits or boundaries
MAR 22/2017
MAR 23/2017
Indias rank of 131 among 188 countries on the UNDPs Human Development Index for 2015 and its medium performance
pose the uncomfortable question: would not the score have been significantly better if the higher economic growth trajectory of
two and a half decades of liberalisation had been accompanied by a parallel investment in people? Few will argue that the rise
in incomes that came with a more open economy has not translated into a higher quality of life for many Indians and raised
MAR 24/2017
In the face of competing claims from the two factions of the AIADMK, the Election Commission did the right thing in denying
both the use of the party name and the election symbol. While a majority of its members of Parliament and the Tamil Nadu
Assembly have stayed with the group headed by V.K. Sasikala, friend of former Chief Minister and former party general secretary
Jayalalithaa, the EC deferred a final decision on this issue, and passed an interim order freezing the Two Leaves symbol for
the purpose of the by-election in the R.K. Nagar constituency in Chennai. In a way, this is a significant victory for the faction led
by E. Madhusudhanan and O. Panneerselvam, who have been maintaining that the Sasikala faction does not enjoy the support
of party leaders and workers at different levels of the organisation. The decision, in effect, formalises the split in the party after
the death of Jayalalithaa, and provides a level playing field to both factions in the by-election. The order wrote itself: to favour
one faction over the other without examining in detail the veracity of the rival claims of support within the organisation across
the State would have been unfair. This way, both factions are equally disadvantaged. Strangely, the two parties have been
allowed similar names: the Sasikala faction opted for AIADMK (Amma), and the other faction AIADMK (Puratchi Thalaivi Amma).
Ideally, to avoid confusion among voters, the names of the respective leaders should have been given to the factions. The by-
election is critical for the future of both factions; in the event they both lose, the one that gets more votes is likely to be legitimised
in the public eye as the true AIADMK. Both factions know that they will have to best the other before they can be ready to take
on the bigger enemy, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. The Sasikala faction raised the stakes by fielding T.T.V. Dinakaran, a
nephew of Ms. Sasikala who was nominated the partys deputy general secretary. This high-risk strategy can make or break
the Sasikala familys hold on the party. A victory for Mr. Dinakaran would give him greater moral and political legitimacy within
the party, and, maybe, prepare the ground for a shot at the chief ministership. It is no secret that Ms. Sasikala nominated him
to lead the party in her absence so that her family could control both the party and the government led by Edappadi K.
Palaniswami. A victory for Mr. Dinakaran would be a setback not only to the Panneerselvam faction, but also to the authority of
Mr. Palaniswami in the government. The opposition DMK, which made an unseemly bid to thwart the confidence vote moved
by Mr. Palaniswami last month, is well-placed in this election despite having little to lose or gain from it. The focus will be on the
AIADMK factions locked in a fight for survival.
MAR 25/2017
MAR 27/2017
MAR 28/2017
The legitimacy of the election process is a key component of any democracy. When Bahujan Samaj Party leader Mayawati and
Aam Aadmi Party convenor and Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal alleged that the manipulation of electronic voting machines
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MAR 29/2017
he Supreme Courts oral observations on Monday regarding the use of Aadhaar numbers by the government are significant,
for they alter the narrative and potential scope of the ambitious unique identification programme. While reiterating its position
that no beneficiary of a welfare scheme shall be denied benefits due to her for want of an Aadhaar number, a Bench led by
Chief Justice J.S. Khehar said the government is free to press for Aadhaar for non-welfare transactions or activities. These
include filing income tax returns, opening bank accounts or getting a mobile phone connection. This assumes significance as
the government announced two such changes over the past week itself. First, it included amendments to the Finance Bill of
2017, now approved by the Lok Sabha, making Aadhaar mandatory for all applications for PAN (Permanent Account Number)
cards and filing of income tax returns. Earlier, following the surge in bank deposits after the demonetisation of high-value
currency notes, the Income Tax Department had already asked banks to ensure that all savings bank accounts are seeded with
PAN details by the end of February. The only exemptions to this norm are the no-frills savings accounts such as those opened
under the Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana. Effectively, this means that all other new savings bank accounts will require an
Aadhaar number. And last week the Department of Telecommunications directed all telecom service providers to re-verify the
credentials of their nearly 100 crore subscribers through an Aadhaar-based, electronically authenticated Know Your Customer
process within a year. While the Supreme Courts observations do not amount to a judicial order, they dispel some of the
ambiguity relating to the scope, even future, of Aadhaar. In its interim order in October 2015 the court made it clear that the
Aadhaar scheme cannot be made mandatory till the matter is finally decided one way or the other. But it has set the stage for
the 12-digit Unique Identification (UID) numbers being used as the basic identity proof for all residents. As Finance Minister
Arun Jaitley has pointed out, biometrics captured under the Aadhaar enrolment process will ensure no individual can hold more
than one PAN card to evade tax dues. Those concerned about privacy may be right about the need for an effective law to ensure
that private data arent misused. But tagging this concern solely to the UID programme is short-sighted. In an age where data
are stored in electronic form, it is possible to collate vast amounts of information from various databases ranging from
applications for passports, driving licences, ration cards, and more. The apex court is yet to decide on whether Aadhaar violates
the right to privacy. Meanwhile, savings from weeding out ghost beneficiaries have begun to pay off the investment on building
the now 111-crore strong Aadhaar database. But the Centre must not stretch the leeway granted by the court.
Hindu Editorial Topic 2 : "Passing the Tests: another win for team
India against Australia"
MAR 30/2017
Hindu Editorial Topic 1 : "The modern way: mental health law can be
used to strengthen primary care"
The passage of the Mental Healthcare Bill in the Lok Sabha, putting it on course to become law and repealing the Mental Health
Act of 1987, will potentially help India catch up with the advances made in the field by other countries. India urgently needs to
make a transition from old-fashioned approaches to providing care for those suffering from mental illnesses, something that
China, for example, has achieved through state-led policy reform. Even the sketchy studies on the nature of care available to
Indians indicate that in terms of population coverage the new law faces a big challenge. The countrys grossly inadequate base
of professional resources is evident from its ratio of 0.3 psychiatrists for 100,000 people (with marginally higher numbers taking
independent private practitioners into account), compared to Chinas 1.7. Then there are massive deficiencies in the availability
of trained clinical psychologists and psychiatric social workers. Evidently, the National Mental Health Programme has not been
sufficiently funded within the health budget; neither has capability been built in most States to absorb the meagre allocation.
Delayed though it is, the new legislation can bring about change with its positive features. The important provisions relate to the
recognition of the right to medical treatment, decriminalisation of attempted suicide, explicit acceptance of agency of people with
mental illness and their freedom to choose treatments, prohibition of discrimination and regulation of establishments working in
the field Raising effective primary and district-level coverage of mental health services for the general population, without
requiring people to travel long distances to see a specialist and get medicines, should be a priority. Since the base of
psychiatrists is low in relation to the need, the use of trained general practitioners as the first line of contact assumes importance.
Some studies show many of them are not confident enough with their training to detect, diagnose and manage mental illnesses.
With a concerted effort, primary care physicians can be trained to help people with mild and severe problems, ranging from
anxiety disorders to depression, psychoses and conditions arising from alcohol and substance abuse. Being able to get
MAR 31/2017
The Supreme Courts direction to transport authorities to stop registering vehicles that do not meet Bharat Stage-IV emission
standards from April 1 sends out the welcome message that short-term economic considerations cannot supersede public health
concerns. Some automobile companies, notably those manufacturing two-wheelers and commercial vehicles, have suffered a
blow as they must now deal with unsold inventories of the obsolete models. The 2017 deadline for a nationwide shift to BS-IV
had been repeatedly emphasised in various forums, and reiterated by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Petroleum and
Natural Gas in its review of the Auto Fuel Policy nearly two years ago. But there was some confusion about whether April 1 was
the deadline for the manufacture of BS-III models or their sale. Significantly, some automobile manufacturers themselves called
for a decisive shift in favour of the higher emission standard, since they had invested in upgraded technologies over time. But it
would appear that two-wheeler and commercial vehicle manufacturers made a costly miscalculation when they hoped for a
repeat of the experience they had seven years ago, when the shift from BS-II to BS-III norms was carried out with a relaxation
of deadlines often stretching across months. The Centre must share some of the blame, because it assured industry of a
business-as-usual approach on a sensitive issue such as automotive emissions, even though producers were already equipped
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The Lok Sabha has duly given its assent to necessary Central legislation to operationalise the Goods and Services Tax, nearly
17 years after the government began discussions on the prospects for a unified indirect tax regime across the country. It is
eyeing a July 1 rollout for the GST, which will replace the multiple Central and State-level taxes and levies that make doing
business in India a compliance nightmare today. The long and winding road for this reform, punctuated by political about-turns,
has had a fairly straight trajectory in recent months, following the constitutional amendments last August. The GST Council has
managed to thrash out a consensus on several issues relating to the administration and the legislative provisions for the new
tax system within six months. The fact that apparently intractable positions held by the States as well as the Centre on the
sharing of administrative powers, for instance, have been reconciled without the Council resorting to a majority vote inspires
confidence. So does the alacrity with which the Centre has moved to secure Parliaments nod for four enabling pieces of
legislation within a fortnight of the Councils approval. State Assemblies should do the same to pass the State GST law by
holding special sessions if need be For Indian businesses that have been seeking the reform, it is now time to come to terms
with the fine print and embrace the tax system. The GST Council, meeting again on Friday to clear four pending sets of
regulations, must sign off on which of the five GST rates will apply to different products and services. Clarity on the applicable
rates will help industry alter their accounting systems, supply chains and pricing strategies. But some provisions in the GST
APR 01/2017
he attack on a small group of Africans in Greater Noida, a suburb of the national capital located in Uttar Pradesh, has once
again thrown a spotlight on a disturbing trend in the country: mob violence, and specifically the targeting of persons of African
origin in many of these instances. What is particularly disturbing and shameful is that the attack took place in a busy shopping
mall without a single bystander, shopkeeper or security guard intervening. This has, understandably, touched an anxious chord
about their personal safety among the thousands of African nationals who live, work and study in and around Delhi. While the
police have made some initial arrests and opened cases against several hundred unnamed persons on charges of rioting in the
wake of video footage of the attack going viral, such incidents of racial violence need a stronger response from the administration
and civil society. That the attack was ostensibly triggered by accusations that some African students were linked to drug-dealing
and were somehow responsible for the death of a local student is no justification for taking the law into ones hands, leave alone
indulge in such violence. That the law enforcement machinery and the courts are the only places for seeking redress for any
breaches of law cannot be overemphasised. That a mere rumour can trigger such violence is truly alarming. It is difficult to see
this incident in isolation from other instances of discrimination against African nationals who have taken up residence in cities
around the country. Last year, the murder of a Congolese student in Delhi compelled African Heads of Mission to threaten a
boycott of Africa Day. The message was not lost on anyone that the envoys had been moved to consider such an extreme step
just months after New Delhi hosted the Third India-Africa Forum Summit, in October 2015, where they had announced their
resolve to enhance Africa-India relations... based on the principles of mutuality, complementarity and true sense of solidarity
as well as the promotion of people to people interactions. In the end, Africa Day went as planned, but the point had been made,
that even as India makes abundant effort to deepen ties with the 54 countries of the African Union, this cannot be achieved
without understanding and acting upon the aspirations of nationals of these countries. In modern diplomacy, the quality of
people-to-people contact is a factor in determining the overall strength of a bilateral relationship. But even as Indian diplomats
move to assure African students in Greater Noida about their safety, with External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj discussing
the matter with U.P. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, this issue is not about foreign affairs. It is a reminder of the latent racism in
India, of the terrible prejudices too many of us harbour, and of the need for a political and social effort to overcome it.
o Mob - a large, angry crowd, especially one that could easily become
violent
o Bias - an attitude that you have that makes you treat someone in a way
that is unfair or different from the way you treat other people
o Racial - happening between people of different races
o Prejudice - an unfair and unreasonable opinion or feeling, especially
when formed without enough thought or knowledge
o Chilling - frightening
o Harbour - to think about or feel something, usually over a long period
o Suburb - an area on the edge of a large town or city where people who
work in the town or city often live
o Thrown a spotlight - to direct public attention to a situation
o Instance - a particular situation, event, or fact, especially an example
of something that happens generally
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Six months from now, 43 cities will be mainstreamed on Indias flight connectivity grid, an outcome of the Udan scheme
launched to spur regional flights covering distances up to 800 km. These include a dozen airports where limited but irregular
flights operate, and as many as 31 destinations that are not connected at all despite the existence of airport facilities. The scale
of Indias untapped civil aviation opportunities can be gauged by the fact that these constitute less than 10% of Indias inactive
airports/airstrips 394 out of 450 are dormant currently. The Udan scheme is a critical component of the national civil aviation
policy unveiled last June. It offers viability gap funding to operators to fly smaller aircraft to such airports with a commitment to
price tickets for at least half of the seats at 2,500 for an hour-long flight. In the first round of bids, 11 new or existing airline
operators pitched for more than 200 routes. The Centre has approved 27 proposals from five players, adding 128 routes to
Indias aviation map. The estimate is that this will add 6.5 lakh new seats with a subsidy of 200 crore. The most heartening
aspect is that these include six proposals for 11 routes that dont seek any subsidy under the scheme, proving there is an
untapped economic potential. The benefits for tourist hotspots such as Agra, Shimla, Diu, Pathankot, Mysuru and Jaisalmer
that would now be just a short flight away, replacing cumbersome road or rail journeys are obvious. But the significant
multiplier effects of aviation activity, including new investments and employment creation for the local economies of other
destinations could be equally profound. Provided this model is sustainable and more regional flights come up under the scheme,
the availability of slots at larger airports that would emerge as hubs could become an issue particularly at capacity-constrained
airports such as Mumbai. The second airport at Navi Mumbai may help ease congestion, but that is still years away. In cities
where new airports have been developed, such as Bengaluru, abandoned old facilities could be revived as dedicated terminals
for low-cost and regional flights. Separately, new no-frills airports must be encouraged where traffic is expected to hit saturation
point in coming years. Recently, four new foreign investors and a few domestic players have expressed interest in managing
operations at state-run airports such as Jaipur and Ahmedabad. This marks a revival in investor interest after a long lull. It is
time to revisit provisions that offer existing private operators of large airports (burdened by debt) the right of first refusal on any
new airport proposed within 150 km. Most interested bidders for the Navi Mumbai airport stayed away over this clause. Last but
not the least, this development must start a rethink within the Indian Railways, as it could now lose traffic on some routes.
APR 03/2017
Torrid summers, when the mercury soars 4C to 6C above the average and produces heatwaves in several States between
April and June, may become more frequent in coming years. Not only will there be more hot days, the spells of heat stress
sweeping across much of India are likely to grow longer. The scientific consensus is that heatwaves will grow stronger and
expand their geographical spread in the south, influenced by the sea surface temperature in the Indian and Pacific Oceans.
With rising greenhouse gases, their impact can only intensify. Though the number of people dying due to heat stress last year
was half of the previous years toll of 2,040, the need to evolve detailed action plans at the level of States, districts and cities is
now critical. It is encouraging that the National Disaster Management Authority is guiding States, in partnership with the India
Meteorological Department, to evolve heat action plan protocols. The response to distress caused by excessive heat has to be
both speedy and professional. Europe upgraded its preparedness to handle a crisis after a crippling heatwave in 2003 killed
thousands of people, over 14,800 of them in France alone. In the Indian context, crop failures and disruption of electricity supply
due to sudden peak demand are common. People experience dehydration, heat cramps and deadly heatstroke. The elderly are
particularly at risk, since higher temperatures affect blood viscosity and raise the risk of thrombosis. Better meteorological
forecasting can provide an early warning about a coming hot spell during the summer window. This gives the NDMA and the
States sufficient opportunity to launch an action protocol: to inform the public as soon as the temperature crosses the threshold
fixed by the IMD, advise on precautionary measures, and aid those who are most vulnerable, such as older adults, farm workers
and those pursuing outdoor vocations. Ahmedabad, for instance, drew up a city-level action plan in the wake of its 46.8C
heatwave of 2010 with support from public health institutions. Preparing the health system to identify symptoms of heat stress
and providing treatment through urban health centres is one intervention it decided upon. Reviewing school timetables,
rescheduling work timings to cooler hours, making water widely available and reserving religious sites and libraries as cooling
centres were others. European and American policy responses, such as creating green and blue urban spaces to provide tree
shade and higher moisture, as well as housing design that cuts heat through the albedo effect of reflected solar energy, hold
universal appeal. Some of these passive defences are actually integral to vernacular practices and will serve everyone well. It
is essential to study the efficacy of heat action plans and share the results across States to achieve best practices.
When courts clarify earlier orders, the understanding is that they would have considered more facts, applied better reasoning,
and foreseen later eventualities. But when the Supreme Court last week confirmed its December order on banning sale of liquor
near National and State highways, it not only reiterated many of the impractical aspects of the original judgment, but went on to
assert that the proscription would cover not just retail outlets but hotels and bars too. What distinguishes, or logically sets apart,
the sale of liquor along highways from that along interior roads? Apparently, the order is intended to prevent drunk driving, which
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APR 04/2017
o Assurance - a promise
o Backlog - a large number of things that you should have done before
and must do now
o Radically - completely or in a way that is very noticeable
o Executive - someone in a high position
o Judiciary - the part of a country's government that is responsible for its
legal system, including all the judges in the country's courts
o Overemphasised - to give something too much importance or attention
o Impasse - a situation in which progress is impossible
o Burden - a serious or difficult responsibility that you have to deal with
o Fraternity - a group of people who have the same job or interest
o Underscored - to emphasize something, or to show that it is important
o Anguish - extreme unhappiness caused by physical or mental suffering
o Successive - happening one after the other without any break
APR 05/2017
Hindu Editorial Topic 1 : "Sting in the tale: Kerala minister's exit spurs
privacy debate"
The matter is now under a judicial inquiry, but the resignation recently of a minister in the Kerala government turns the spotlight
once again on the tricky journalistic terrain of the sting operation. A new Malayalam television channel, Mangalam TV, had
debuted on March 26 with a splash. It broadcast an audio recording allegedly of the then Transport Minister of Kerala, A.K.
Saseendran, purportedly seeking sexual favours from a woman who had come to him for assistance. Her end of the conversation
was not put out, and the channel reported that it had got the tape directly from the woman. Mr. Saseendran put up a defence
imputing that all was not what it appeared on the broadcast but in the ensuing storm, resigned. Four days later, on March 30,
the CEO of the channel went on air to render an apology, presumably for misrepresenting matters, though we must await the
inquiry report to get a final picture of what transpired. The CEO, significantly, admitted that a woman journalist with the channel
had conducted the sting, suggesting this was in reality a kind of honey trap. As things stand, the CEO and eight other Mangalam
employees have been booked under sections of the Information Technology Act and the Indian Penal Code. Mr. Saseendran,
who had been the lone minister from the Nationalist Congress Party in the Left Democratic Front government in Kerala, must
wait out the inquiry process before making a bid to regain his portfolio. The ethics of sting operations is among the most fiercely
debated issues in journalism. And while different jurisdictions and media groups around the world have varying guidelines on
the subject, some things are generally agreed upon. Any such operation that uses false pretences, with its necessary violation
of the interviewees trust and privacy, must serve a larger public interest that far outweighs such violation. It also must be used
as a last resort, when there is no other means of acquiring the information sought, and must be the outcome of considerable
editorial deliberation. Stings were never intended to entrap or induce people into committing wrongdoing or, as seems likely in
this case, embarrassing themselves badly. Stings are an ethical minefield and it is imperative that publications and broadcasters
explain the vital public interest for conducting them. Journalists count on the readers indeed the publics goodwill to evade
the establishments potentially vindictive response to an expos. A sting cannot be an excuse to grab eyeballs with prurient (and
essentially private) content, or a shortcut to make a point merely by shocking the reader or viewer. Doing so risks eroding that
goodwill and leaving journalists facing harsh charges, often deservedly so.
A week after India clinched the Test series against Australia at Dharamsala, the memory of both the fine victory and the bad
blood that marred those matches can be pushed to the sidelines. Such is the nature of frenetic cricket calendars that the Indian
Premier League has already rolled in, its tenth edition commencing with the match between the defending champion, Sunrisers
Hyderabad, and last years runner-up, Royal Challengers Bangalore, on April 5. Spread over 47 days and featuring 60 matches,
the IPL has over the years blended the instant gratification of the Twenty20 format with a sense of longevity, having prospered
since its inception in 2008. On the field, suspense and sixes, upsets and consistency, flair and acrobatic fielding have all
combined to energise the league. The inaugural event witnessed a classic reprise of David vs Goliath. Unheralded Rajasthan
Royals stunned the fancied Chennai Super Kings (CSK), and ironically both teams are currently serving a two-year suspension,
a just punishment following ghastly violations that negated the spirit of the game. If S. Sreesanth, Ajit Chandila and Ankeet
Chavans alleged forays into spot-fixing dented the Royals in 2013, further damage was caused to the league when CSKs
Gurunath Meiyappan was deemed guilty of betting. Even Rajasthan Royals co-owner Raj Kundra fell in the same category, and
tragically for the IPL, the thrills on the ground were marred by the problems that shadowed its fringes. Ironically, the IPL has
actually held a mirror up to and drawn more scrutiny into the affairs of the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) than have
the games longer, more traditional formats. The cosy-club atmosphere that sullied the richest cricket board, the nepotism and
an indifference to probity, all came into full public view, with the Supreme Court sitting up and taking notice. The repercussions
of the 2013 spot-fixing and betting controversy are even now felt as it sowed the seeds for the wide-ranging reforms suggested
by the Justice R.M. Lodha Panel, and now the Committee of Administrators appointed by the court has its hands full. A summer
sporting carnival, a domestic tournament with an international flavour, as Rahul Dravid described it, had inexplicably gone
beyond its pulsating cricket and virtually prised out the BCCIs heart. The IPL not only changed the way cricket was played,
increasing the tempo and adding big bucks to the players kitty, it also inadvertently ushered in a course-correction for the BCCI.
Surely, the league has come a long way since it started with a leg-bye when Kolkata Knight Riders skipper Sourav Ganguly
squared up to Royal Challengers Bangalores Praveen Kumar in the first match in 2008 in Bangalore. It was the lull before the
storm unleashed by Brendon McCullums savage unbeaten 158 off just 73 balls. There have been many other storms since and
as for what will happen this time around, no one can hazard a guess.
APR 06/2017
Chairing his first cabinet meeting after taking over the reins in Uttar Pradesh, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath approved a write-
off on outstanding farmer loans of up to 1 lakh taken before March 31, 2016. The State cabinet also decided to waive loans
worth 6,000 crore extended to small and marginal farmers that had turned into non-performing assets. Together, this package,
aimed at fulfilling the Bharatiya Janata Partys election promise, will cost the exchequer about 36,000 crore. There was no
mention of a bigger plan to ramp up the farm sector, in which U.P. invested just 2.3% of total expenditure in 2016-17 one of
the lowest rates across major States. A little earlier, the Madras High Court ordered the Tamil Nadu government to extend a
similar farm loan waiver scheme for small farmers (with land holdings of up to 5 acres) and marginal farmers (who own up to
2.5 acres) to all farmers. Officials have even been forbidden from trying to recover loans where repayments have slipped. The
State, which had already doled out 5,780 crore on this front, would need nearly 2,000 crore more to comply with the courts
order. This is a worrying trend for a country that wants to double agricultural incomes by 2022. Not only could it trigger a
countrywide clamour for similar debt relief packages, political parties would also be more inclined to make such grand promises
ahead of future polls. This is a slippery slope with multiple unintended outcomes likely in the years to come. The Madras High
Court has clearly reached into the the domain of the executive. The risk is that this overreach could be cited in other courts to
seek omnibus loan waivers. Opposition parties in U.P. have already criticised the cap of 1 lakh on farm loans that will attract
relief. The timing of these drastic interventions is unusual as India had a good monsoon in the 2016-17 crop season, after two
years of drought, and a bumper output is expected for all major crops barring sugarcane. Forgiving loan burdens is a powerful
political gesture that glosses over the fact that governments have had little patience to make agriculture a sustainable economic
activity with efficient linkages to formal markets, be it for credit or for supply chains from farm gate to fork. FDI of up to 100%
was allowed in food retail trading but investments are stuck over the reluctance to allow a small proportion of non-food sales.
Writing off loans as a blanket policy, without scrutiny and restructuring attempts creates a moral hazard for borrowers, who will
have no incentive to stick to credit discipline. Frequent write-offs will prod banks to invest in alternatives such as the Rural
Infrastructure Development Fund instead of reaching out to individual farmers to meet their agricultural lending targets. In which
case, usurious local moneylenders could have a field day.
The barbarism of Syrias civil war was on display once again when at least 72 people were killed in a chemical attack in Idlib
province. The heartbreaking images of dead and injured children and desperate parents from Idlibs Khan Sheikhoun have
understandably triggered global outrage and calls for international action. Syrians have suffered a lot over the past six years.
There have been multiple chemical attacks for which both the regime of Bashar al-Assad and the jihadists were held to blame.
More than 400,000 people are believed to have been killed and millions displaced since the crisis broke out. With violence
continuing unabated and the Assad regime not showing any real interest in settling the crisis, even hopes for peace and normal
life look surreal. The needle of suspicion for the Idlib attack points towards the regime whose murderous nature has been
exposed several times in the past six years. Idlib is a rebel-held province where the regime is currently carrying out air strikes.
Activists in the province and Western governments have claimed the regime used chemical agents in Khan Sheikhoun. If they
are right, Damascus has not only committed a war crime but also violated a major international agreement. After the 2013 sarin
attack in Ghouta in a Damascus suburb that killed hundreds which was also blamed on the regime the U.S. and Russia
had agreed to remove Syrias chemical weapons stockpiles. As part of the deal, 1,300 tonnes of chemical agents were shipped
out of Syria and destroyed. The question is, where did the latest chemical weapons come from? Syria had either hidden some
of the stockpiles or clandestinely developed such weapons after the deal was reached both serious violations. This is a
regime that neither respects the fundamental human rights of its people nor cares about the international agreements it has
entered into. Irrespective of its role in Tuesdays attack, the Syrian regime is primarily responsible for the countrys humanitarian
catastrophe. For years, it justified whatever it did in the war saying it was fighting terrorism. But how long can Mr. Assad sustain
this argument, leaving millions of people vulnerable to bombers, snipers, chemical agents and tanks? The real crisis of Syria is
that its regime is acting with a sense of impunity, thanks to the blank security cheque the Russians have issued to Mr. Assad.
The international community could not hold Mr. Assad to account for his actions at any point of the Syrian war, which worsened
with the involvement of other regional powers. The latest attack should be a wake-up call for all these countries. Syria has to be
treated as an immediate priority, and in a way that transcends the narrow geopolitical interests of regional and global powers.
There must be a coordinated effort to bring the war to an end, and to hold the perpetrators of war crimes accountable for their
barbarism. Only then can Syria be rebuilt.
APR 07/2017
The death of a man from injuries at the hands of cow protection vigilantes in Rajasthans Alwar district rightly animated
Parliament. The details of the violence inflicted by a mob on Saturday are chilling and vividly caught on mobile phone video,
and demand an assurance from the government that justice will be done. It is unfortunate that as the opposition raised the issue,
the response from the treasury benches was anything but satisfactory. In fact, coupled with comments from spokespersons of
the BJP and even the Rajasthan Home Minister, the message from the authorities indicates that an outrageous equivalence is
being sought to be made between the lynch mobs actions and the victims alleged simply alleged actions. The facts are
these. Pehlu Khan, the deceased, and four others were on their way back to Haryana after buying cattle in Jaipur. A mob set
itself upon them in Behror on the Jaipur-Delhi National Highway. The violence was explained as an attempt to prevent the
illegal transportation of cattle. Instead of condemning the violence and stating that nobody has the right to attack individuals
no matter what they may and may not have been doing, all that has emanated from ministers at the Centre and in Rajasthan is
evasive prevarication. State Home Minister Gulab Chand Kataria said no one had the right to take the law into his own hands,
but added it was all right that those illegally moving cattle were nabbed. In the Rajya Sabha, Minister Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi
implied that no incident of such cow vigilantism had occurred. Over the last three years, governments in different States, most
of them ruled by the BJP, have tightened existing laws against cow slaughter. It is no accident that the period has been attended
by an aggressive vigilantism. From the killing of a man in Dadri in Uttar Pradesh in 2015 on suspicion that he had beef in his
possession, to the flogging of a group of Dalit men who were skinning a dead cow in Una in Gujarat last year, cow vigilantes, in
the guise of being gau rakshaks, have created an atmosphere of fear. It is disturbing that legislative initiatives and mob violence
have been moving in step. It is also true that while distancing organisations of the Sangh Parivar from the incidents, individuals
affiliated to these organisations, including the BJP, have played down the instances of violence by focussing on how the alleged
crimes had offended believers. And in this constant din of pledging support to the larger effort to protect the cow, there is little
official deliberation on the actual implementation of anti-cow slaughter laws, let alone a recognition of the incentives these laws
create for the illegal movement of animals across jurisdictions. By failing to condemn lynch mobs for murder and bring vigilantes
to book, the government only diminishes Indian democracy.
APR 08/2017
Creating a Rail Development Authority for India is among the most significant reforms to an infrastructure system undertaken
by the government. The railways connect the countrys far corners and act as a driver of the economy. High rates of economic
growth have raised the demand for travel, but this remains largely unmet. The popular aspiration is for a modern system that
offers high-quality travel with low risk of accidents, while industry wants smooth freight transfer. An independent, empowered
regulator could be the paradigm shift that is needed. The proposed Authority would have to ensure that the resources of the
system are optimally utilised, overcoming existing inefficiencies that arise from the fact that policy, regulatory and management
functions of the railways are intertwined. As the National Transport Development Policy Committee noted in 2014, the
centralisation of all functions in the Railway Board has proved detrimental to the organisations growth, particularly at a time
when there is a need for massive investment in infrastructure for 7%-plus GDP growth. Conversely, robust economic expansion
further raises the demand for railway services. To reconcile this, the regulator has to identify sectors that can support higher
tariffs and also produce greater volumes of traffic. Such accurate interventions are critical if the trend of declining rates of growth
in railway freight revenues and volumes, which set in during 2011-12, is to be reversed. One of the big challenges before the
Centre is to facilitate higher non-budgetary investment in the railways. The Bibek Debroy Committee found the private sector is
discouraged from participating more effectively due to a monopolistic framework. Coming up with a system that de-risks private
investment and creates a level playing field are among the major challenges before the Rail Development Authority. In the area
of passenger services, this offers several possibilities; the railways cater to some 23 million passengers a day in a network of
about 8,000 stations. The experience of consumers in cities shows that use of information technology to deliver traditional
services can lead to higher levels of efficiency and lower costs, besides adding jobs. While regulation of tariffs matching the
quality of travel can help raise revenues, the system should be able to move both people and freight faster in order to grow.
Inducting faster, more comfortable trains on 500 km-plus inter-city routes would attract new traffic, and help operate cheaper
passenger trains to interior areas, as part of the governments social obligation. Technology upgrades are essential to raise
carrying capacity, service frequency and speeds. Rail reform is complex and what was undertaken in Europe during the 1990s,
o Paradigm shift - a time when the usual and accepted way of doing or
thinking about something changes completely
o Significant - important or noticeable
o Reform - to make an improvement
o Infrastructure - the basic systems and services, such as transport and
power supplies, that a country or organization uses in order to work
effectively
o Unmet - not satisfied, or achieved
o Aspiration - something that you hope to achieve
o Freight - goods / the money paid for transporting goods
o Empowered - confident and in control of your life
o Regulator - an official who makes certain that the companies who
operate a system, such as the national electricity supply, work effectively
and fairly
o Optimally - in the best or most favourable way
o Overcoming - to defeat or succeed in controlling or dealing with
something
o Inefficiencies - a situation in which someone or something fails to use
resources such as time, materials, or labour in an effective way
o Intertwined - twisted together or closely connected so as to be difficult
to separate
o Detrimental - harmful or damaging
o Massive - very large in size, amount, or number
o Conversely - from a different and opposite way of looking at this
o Robust - strongly
o Expansion - the process of increasing in size
o Reconcile - to find a way in which two situations or beliefs that are
opposed to each other can agree and exist together
o Intervention - a situation in which someone becomes involved in a
particular issue, problem etc in order to influence what happens
o Declining - reducing
o Freight - the money paid for transporting goods
o Facilitate - to make something possible or easier
o Monopolistic - the situation in which an organization or group has
complete control of something
o De-risk - to make something safer by reducing the possibility that
something bad will happen and that money will be lost
o Besides - in addition to; also
o Inducting - to officially accept someone / something
o Interior - the inside part of something
o Obligation - something that you must do for legal or moral reasons
o Sequential - following a particular order
o Sustainable - able to continue over a period of time