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consciousness as a metaphor of his age, what effect did his policy of satyagraha
(loosely translated to imply non violent resistance) have upon India's claim for
at that time? Are we to consider and compare any possible relevance to Britain's
situation in the 1980's? If so we must similarly define the various forms, and aims,
of destiny could ever singularly rest in peasant hands, either then in India, or now,
historians with the benevolent slant of retrospection that Gandhi was able to unify
Muslim and Hindu differences and unite the people towards a common aim of
suggests that the main agent of political mobilisation lay in the richer 'peasants',
the Patidars ( politically recognised as a separate caste in the 1931 Indian census, -
formerly known as Kanbi), who were protesting against the land tax pressure upon
owners: they saw the European plantocracy as a rival to their own ambitions, and
their own cause; that Gandhi was seeking to release them from their oppressors was
And although Gandhi's promotion of Khadi - home made and spun cloth - was
a symbolic reaction against the importing of mass produced cloth from Lancashire,
and instigated as a possible income for peasants after harvest time, subsequent
that his earlier example should now be regarded as no more than a sentimental
but the first evidence we have in India as a direct result of Gandhi's action is
Massacre, which along with other civil disturbances, introduced the reforms only
after the suspended hartel, the Indian equivalent of an English General Strike.
It is from this date that nationalist feeling became intense, and it is from this
moment that the movement against British rule became that of the whole people;
the earlier division of Muslim and Hindu, instigated by the British on the Bengal
Gandhi was always the figurehead, but contemporary figures saw him, as Vere
Birdan recalled, "If we thought about Gandhi at all it was really that he was just a
bit of a nuisance." The sum of the evidence now suggests that Indian independence
would have come without him, and at a similar time; the Labour party, having held
the policy of Indian independence as part of its programme since the early days of
the early days of the war, were only too ready, after the end of the war, to dispose
of a continent now once again torn by Muslim - Hindu rioting, leaders who disagreed
Neither should we exclude international opinion at that time; Truman had already
That Gandhi was able to write to Nehru as late as 1946; Abolish the Salt Tax, unite
the Muslims and Hindus, remove untouchability, take to Khadi.' now sounds
demanding a separate state in Pakistan, and that a new faction was emerging - The
Muslim League - who were in opposition to a new and independent India. A year
later the British Parliament introduced a bill supporting the Mountbatten proposal
of dividing the subcontinent into two separate states; the immediate effect was
similar to the Bengal partition of 1905, excepting that the second count of the total
number massacred remains incalculable. Western society has not, of course, been
matters, and perhaps its philosophy, we must first divest Gandhis Hindu philosophy
from the idea of non-violent resistance used as a secular, political device: Gandhi
sought to make the teachings of the Bhagavad-Gita a living faith with the large mass
of people, modifying as he did that text's emphasis on action towards his idea of
peaceful political demonstrations. The example that will inevitably spring to mind is
the idea of the use of satyagraha as a protest against nuclear disarmament. However,
for the purpose of this article this type of civil action I wish to more properly define
not as satyagraha but as civil disobedience, a clear distinction being made between
in the nuclear example given above, as civil disobedience; actions instigated against
a policy held by the government in power. Examples of the former - non violent
resistance - are, for example; Gandhi's attack on British imperial rule by the mass
during W.W.2; The Czechs reaction to the Soviet invasion in '68. But should these
examples also include the Peace campaign in Northern Ireland in'75? The failure of
this latter campaign, which at first sight holds similarities with the Indian situation,
in that a partition exists between Protestants and Catholics as had, and does still,
exist between the Muslims and Hindus, will be shortly examined in more detail.
Amongst other examples of the latter defined civil disobedience are; the international
campaign against nuclear weapons (CND, etc.); and the domestic civil disobedience
in America arising from the the National Association for the Advancement of
Coloured Peoples.
The last examples given in both categories eventually led to the abandonment
from 1967 onwards led to the development of black power organisations such as the
Black Panthers. It is only mildly, if bitterly, ironic that it was a British government
reasons) and again later in '47, should have used the same device in Ireland, in 1921.
As was the Northern Ireland peace movement, for, without entering into an
in depth analysis of the tangled Anglo-Irish history (this article must by definition
modern day Britain), the situation in Ireland is that, unlike the Indians, who were
in its essential aims; the Catholics seek a republic, but the Unionists object strongly
to any constitutional or institutional link with the Irish republic - inevitably; since
the Protestants form a large majority on 'their' side of the border, but constitute a
minority in the whole of the island, it is apparent that they might be subjected at a
future time to the same degree of political and economic discrimination that they
themselves have practised for so long. That the movement was capable in its early
days a type of unity amongst the middle-class Protestants and Catholics, has its
parallel in India; as already mentioned the 'middle class' Indians sought to promote
their own aims, albeit that the aims were different; peace, and independence. But
the inherent contradictions of the Irish situation were readily apparent when reporters
asked a group of women if they had the backing of Betty Williains and Mairead
Corrigan (the Belfast born founders or the Peace Movement) for a public demonstra-
tion. Their curt reply, 'We are the Shankill Peacewomen up here, we don't want any
known Fenians up here.' unwittingly reveals the essential division between the two
sides. That there would be a civil war upon the withdrawal of troops of a proportional
similarity with Britain's withdrawal from India is without doubt. The problem
Ireland is naturally seen as their homeland, ever since the early plantations of
1608 - 10, a settlement instigated by the earlier defeat of Hugh O'Neill, Earl of
Tyrone, and the Earl of Tyrconnell. Only since the set up of the six counties of
Northern Ireland in 1920, however, have the Protestants achieved a two to one
majority, and thus total political and economic domination over a minority: as has
arisen at various times throughout history, those with economic dominance over
others have naturally sought to prolong their position of advantage with and by
oppression.
moral restraint upon the use of force by the government in power? Gandhi sought
persecution, to the extent of saying in 1919, after identifying himself with the
Muslims in their Khilafat opposition to the Treaty of Sevres, 'I am here to invite
and submit to the highest penalty that can be inflicted upon me, for what in law
is a deliberate crime, but what appears to me to be the highest duty.' The words
' .. in law is a deliberate crime..' are relevant to this discussion in that public
demonstrations are regarded as a right within the U.K. and are as such less likely
to provoke a violent response from the police, and, consequently, since there is a
correlation between access to the media and the violence that may erupt upon the
streets, may be less publicly advertised than might otherwise be. We may cast our
eyes back towards the suffragette movement and the difficulty women later had
over becoming arrested; without he resultant publicity their cause was viewed to
This is not say that public opinion is impotent, indeed, it was thought decisive
in the struggle over the Corn Laws, but unlike Gandhi's later cause the nuclear
debate is already international; whereas Gandhi sought to alert English and then
global opinion by the action of provoking breaches of public order, the nuclear
faction seeks to alert their own government. That both sought, and seek, to disrupt
the police and judicial machinery of state by overloading their procedures to a point
where their can no longer be applied is merely coincidental. Civil disobedience then,
has its potency in England, the U.K. and in Europe. Large numbers in passive
inaction inevitably restrict the polices powers to react; the author can recall
London, on their way to protest about the compulsory wearing of helmets introduced
earlier that year; the police looked on helplessly. But of violence against the
demonstrators? The satygraha are beaten now in India, as they were in 1920, non
violence as a social action is a absurdly spent force. The police seek to increase their
powers in Northern Ireland, and reports of torture are 'unofficially' censured before
they reach the mainland. That the recent shooting of a man in London provoked
such an uproar has its ominous inconsistencies if you were to consider that the
police have assassinated several similarly unarmed men in Northern Ireland. The
Northern Ireland Peace Movement, on its march, faced little police resistance, but
hostility from the Provisionals, who took to stoning the thousands who trudged
along sheltered only by their umbrellas. The UDA reacted differently; there they
were the silent men in dark glasses lining the roads to prevent trouble. How much
this collapse was seen in 1939: Congress and Gandhi disagreed as to whether to
participate in the war, Jinnah had declared the 'Indian nation does not exist.' and
Gandhi, in despair had replied, 'He had dashed to the ground all hopes of unity.'
case of nuclear disarmament; the CND campaign has been consistent throughout
the sixties and seventies, despite the lack (until recently) of media coverage and
enthusiasm from the national press. And even here, these institutions with their
inherently inbuilt right-wing bias, have sought, even if only 'unconsciously' to
discredit the disarmament campaign by the lowering of its credibility; the recent
emphasis and over articulation of the word 'women', as if a feminist action against
a proposed nuclear site was, perhaps, unusual, an event worthy of not merely
reporting, but of a restrained ridicule also. But the avowal of a feminist view point
in relation to the nuclear movement is inherently ambiguous, not in that the feminist
movement has no comment to make concerning the nuclear issue, but that such
emphasis upon the exclusion of men (by the media) can be ultimately interpreted as
irrelevant; the nuclear bomb is essentially sexless, as neither of the two superpowers
Does then, finally, Gandhi hold any relevance for us today? In comparing the
differences between India's situation in the days before independence, and in the
U.K. now, albeit in extremely general terms: we have seen that the higher castes,
Brahmin and Rajput and Bhuinar, tended to form the general majority of participation
in satygraha, as the middle classes in Europe tend to form the majority in European
demonstrations, no correlation being made between between class, and caste, but
we can deduce that their aims were and are very different; India is still torn by
poverty, the result of oppression upon its peasants by the 'new' landlords, as well as
aims; concern at the unnecessarily heavy expense of the cost of the cold war, or any
real war, the dangers of contamination from radiation - and it is because of these
arguments that religious disagreement is transcended, and also that the arguments
are not concerned with the threat of immediate occupation by a foreign power
implies that as a protest they will succeed; Mrs Thatcher and her government may
well hope that the Sizewell public enquiry will go against them, if only to save face
at the reversal of policy, but also to avoid the enormous cost, but in contrast to this
missile programme. It is to the Labour Party's credit that they have alerted them-
selves to the groundswell of opinion, and have already opted for nuclear
work, at our later time, as a secular device - civil disobedience - is ironic, but it is
also ironic that in Ireland, which at first sight has seemingly apparent parallels with
India as already mentioned, the use of satygraha is futile; the roots of the provinces
problems are historically intractable, but considering India's own fate of perpetual
division, we must consider Gandhi's use of satygraha there as failed too; historical
analysis will eventually consider Gandhi, in time, after the current waves of
deification have spent their force, as a saintly man living in an unsaintly world:
the essential division between his aims and his people lies finally in the irony of his
assassination; by a Hindu who believed Gandhi had been too conciliatory to the
Muslims.
(1986)