Postpositions as Verbs in Kawaiisu

Author(s): Curtis G. Booth

Reviewed work(s):
Source: International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 45, No. 3 (Jul., 1979), pp. 245-250
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1264380 .
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 POSTPOSITIONS AS VERBS IN KAWAIISU1
CURTISG. BOOTH
UNIVERSITY OF UTAH
0. Introduction
1. Postpositional constructions
2. The aspect system
3. Postpositions as verbs in main clauses
4. Postpositions as verbs in subordinate
clauses
5. Conclusion
0. Kawaiisu is spoken by about thirty
people, most of whom live in the Tehachapi-
Bakersfield area of central California. It is
a language of the Southern Numic branch
of Uto-Aztecan. This article describes the
way in which postpositions may function
as verbs in Kawaiisu. The other Southern
Numic languages have analogous con-
structions, as has been pointed out by
Press2 for Chemehuevi and by Sapir3 for
1 Sandra Chung and Ronald W. Langacker
both read an earlier draft of this article and made
useful comments. It was so long ago they have
both probably forgotten about it, and I am sure
neither of them wants to be responsible for any-
thing I have said. Abbreviations used here are:
ABS= absolutive, ACC= accusative, DS = differ-
ent subject, DUR = durative, EXCL= exclusive,
GER = gerund, IMP = imperative, IMPRF =
imperfective, MOM = momentaneous, MOT =
motion, PERF = perfective, PL = plural, R =
realized, ss = same subject, STAT= stative, UNR
= unrealized. Morpheme boundaries are symbo-
lized by -, and clitic boundaries are symbolized
by =. Subordinate clauses are enclosed by square
brackets. The Phillips Fund of the American
Philosophical Society and the Department of
Linguistics, University of California, San Diego,
provided part of the funds for the work on which
this article is based.
2 Margaret Press, "A Grammar of Cheme-
huevi" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los
Angeles, 1975), p. 139.
[IJAL, vol. 45, no. 3, July 1979, pp. 245-50]
? 1979 by The University of Chicago.
0020-7071/79/4503--000500.75
245
Southern Paiute. Generally, postpositions
may be verbalized in these languages by
the simple addition of verb suffixes to an
otherwise unchanged postpositional stem.
The material on which this article is based
was provided to me by Lida Girado, of
Tehachapi, to whom I am most grateful.
1. Postpositions in Kawaiisu occur in a
rather wide variety of syntactic construc-
tions. All of the constructions which
Langacker4 argues must be reconstructed
for Proto-Uto-Aztecan, for example, exist
in Kawaiisu. Illustrations of some of these
basic uses of postpositions are given, with
Langacker's descriptive labels:
(1) Simple Noun Construction
togowa irigWi-kwee-di
rattlesnake crawl-away-IMPRF
kahni-rukWa
house-under
The rattlesnake is crawling (in the
directionof) underthe house.
(2) Simple Pronoun Construction
ta?nipizi niga-niya tigeki-di
man me-like act-IMPRF
The man is acting like me.
(3) Pronoun-Copy Construction
ni?i pagi-ka-di momo?o-na
woman-ACC
I walk-R-IMPRF
ina-we?e
her-with
I was walking with the woman.
In (1), the postposition -rukWaunder is
suffixed directly to kahni house, its noun
object. In (2), the postposition -niya like is
3 Edward Sapir, "Southern Paiute, a Shosho-
nean Language," American Academy of Arts and
Sciences, Proceedings 65 (1930): 218.
4 Ronald W. Langacker, "The Syntax of Post-
positions in Uto-Aztecan," IJAL 43 (1977): 11-26.
246 INTERNATIONALJOURNAL OF AMERICANLINGUISTICS VOL. 45

suffixed directly to niga- me, its pronoun (8) ni?i ka?a-vaa-di

object. (niga- is the bound form of the I eat-UNR-IMPRF
first-person singular pronoun and is used I will be eating/I will eat.
only with postpositions.) In (3), the post- (9) nPi ka?a-pi-ga-di
position -we?e with is suffixed to ina- her, I eat-PERF-have-IMPRF
which is a pronominal copy of the explicit I have eaten/I ate.
noun object momo?o woman.In pronoun- (10) nPi ka?a-vaa-pi-ga-di
copy constructions, the explicit noun must I eat-UNR-PERF-have-IMPRF
be marked accusative, but in simple noun I would have eaten/ I was going to
constructions, the noun suffixed by the eat.
postposition has no case marking. Con- When the perfective marker -pi occurs
structions of the pronoun-copy type also alone (unsuffixed by -ga-) or in combi-
occur in which the noun object and its nation with -ka-, passives result, and since
pronoun copy plus the postposition are matters then get a little complex, I will
inverted in order or discontinuous in order. defer discussion of such constructions.
Some postpositions are complex; they Suffice it to say that either of the two main
may consist of two otherwise independent aspect markers can cooccur with either of
postpositions, as in (4), or they may consist the two others mentioned here.
of an otherwise nonoccurring postposition In most kinds of subordinate clauses, the
plus an independent one, as in (5). imperfective marker cannot appear. In-
(4) wizikizi yozi-kWee-ka-di stead, the gerund -na= is used. Such
bird fly-away-R-IMPRF subordinate clauses are formal analogs of
wovoso? o-vi-paa-tuwa the English Poss-ing construction, because
hollow log-ABss-in-toward the gerund is always followed by a possessor
The birdflew into a hollow log. clitic referential with the logical subject of
(5) nPi imi-ntu-ruwa havi-nii-ki-di the gerundivizedverb.Two other differences
I you- ?-towardlie-MOT-DUR-IMPRF between main and subordinate clauses are
I'm leaning against you. shown in the examples below: the realized
marker is -kee- rather than -ka-, and the
2. There are two main aspect categories perfective marker -pi is never suffixed by
marked on verbs-imperfective and per- -ga- have, but rather is cliticized by a
fective. There are also a number of other possessor pronoun in the same way and for
categories, two of which are important the same reason that the gerund -na = is-
here-realized and unrealized. In main both -pi and -na= are nominalizers, and
clauses, the imperfective marker is -di ~ the nominalized verbs in most subordinate
-ri, and the perfective marker is -pi, which clauses are possessed by their subjects. All
forms perfects when suffixed by -ga- have. of the following sentences include object
The realized marker is -ka-, and the un- complements of the verb pucugu- know.
realized marker is -vaa-. Examples of the The inanimate proximate demonstrative
use of these suffixes are: =ika this in these sentences is referential
(6) nii ka?a-di with the complement.
I eat-IMPRF (11) siPina pucugu-ri= ika
I'm eating. he know-IMPRF = this
(7) nPi ka?a-ka-di [ka?a-na= ni]
I eat-R-IMPRF eat-GER=my
I was eating/I ate. He knows that I'm eating.
NO. 3 POSTPOSITIONSAS VERBS IN KAWAIISU 247

(12) si?ina pucugu-ri= ika demonstrativeclitic = aka it is a pnronominal

he know-IMPRF = this copy of the object neheka-pi bassket.In the
[kaa-kee-na = ni] overall verb structure, adverbiial suffixes
eat-R-GER= my come before aspect markers. Clitics,
He knows that I was eating. whether referentialwith subjects or objects,
(13) si?ina pucugu-ri= ika always come after whatever suffixes are on
he know-IMPRF = this the verb.
=
[ka?a-vaa-na ni]
eat-UNR-GER= my
He knows that I will be eating. 3. By "verb" in the title of this article, I
(14) si?ina pucugu-ri=ika mean that postpositions may function as
he know-IMPRF = this full-fledged surface verbs, with 1the normal
[ka?a-pi-a= ni] trappings of such verbs, and not that they
eat-PERF-ACC = my may be verbs or predicates of sc)me sort in
He knows that I have eaten. an abstract underlying structune. I do not
(15) sina pucugu-ri ika = want to deny that, in fact, sc>me or all
he know-IMPRF = this postpositions may be analyzed as under-
=
[ka?a-vaa-pi-a ni] lying predicates, but it is not my purpose to
eat-UNR-PERF-ACC=my propose such an analysis here. No subtle
He knows that I would have eaten. arguments are needed to prove that post-
As can be seen in (14) and (15), the per- positions may function as verbs. When they
fective nominalizer -pi is marked for case- do, they are simply marked witlh the usual
accusative because the verbs it is suffixedto verb affixes and are the only veirbs in their
are in object complements. The gerund clauses.
-na=, however, is invariant and never The most common method olf making a
marked for case no matter what the postposition into a verb is to suiffixit with
functions of the clauses in which it appears. -kwee away and the appropriate aspect
Table 1 is a summary of these verbal marker. -ki- to is also used to forrmverbs in
categories and their marking in main and this way, but is less common. iMost post-
subordinate clauses. positions may be verbalized in this way;
Two other verb affixes need to be men- some examples are:
tioned here-the adverbial suffixes -kWee- (18) ni?i imi-vi-duwa-kWee-di
motion away (here glossed away) and -ki- I you-at-toward-away-IM [PRF

motion toward (here glossed to). Their use I'm going to visit you.
is illustrated in (16) and (17). (19) nii tiyenda-va?a-duwa-kwe ;e-ka-di
(16) si?ina yaa-kWee-di=aka I store-at-toward-away-iR-IMPRF
he carry-away-IMPRF = it I went to the store.
neheka-pi-ta
basket-ABS-ACC
TABLE1
He is taking the basket.
(17) si?ina yaa-ki-di = aka Main Subordinate
he = it Clause Clause
carry-to-IMPRF
neheka-pi-ta Imperfective.............-di -ri -na =
basket-ABS-ACC Realizedimperfective .....-ka-di -kee-na =
He is bringing the basket. Unrealizedimperfective.. .-vaa-di -vaa-na =
In both (16) and (17), the inanimate distal erfect **..--p-ga-di -pi=
248 INTERNATIONALJOURNAL OF AMERICANLINGUISTICS VOL.45

(20) imi ika-ga?a-vi-duwa-kWee-vaa-di (28) pogwiti ika-va?a-pi-ga-di

you it-among-at-toward-away-uNR- grizzly this-at-PERF-have-IMPRF
IMPRF bear
po&o-a uusisu
water-ACC long ago
You'regoing to fall into the Grizzly bears were here long ago.
water. The most common way of saying give to is
(21) ni?i ina-we?e-kWee-pi-ga-di to use the postposition -roo to, which comes
I him-with-away-PERF-have-IMPRFfrom -ruwa to, toward,through.
I have gone with him. (29) piya = ni niga-roo-ka-di= ika
(22) ni?i kahni-hibuwavi-kWee-ka-di mother = my me-to-R-IMPRF= it
I house-behind-away-R-IMPRF yihiri-na
I went behind the house. bean-ACC
(23) ni?i kahni-hibuwavi-ki-ka-di My mother gave me some beans.
I house-behind-to-R-IMPRF Postpositions may also be used as impera-
I came behind the house. tives, as in:
(24) ni?i kee-vi-wa-dimanagi-ki-ka-di (30) niga-roo-nu kape?e
I mt.-ABS-on-from-to-R-IMPRF me-to-IMP coffee
I came downfrom on the mountain. Give me some coffee!
(18)-(24) show that postpositions, when (31) kahni-wa-dimanagi-nu
they are used as verbs, still have properties house-on-from-IMP
like those of other postpositional con- Get off the house!
structions. (19) is a simple noun con-
struction like (1); (21) is a simple pronoun 4. (25)-(31) show that postpositions can
construction like (2); and (20) is a pronoun- be as verblikeas true verbs, since true verbs
copy construction like (3). It could be always requiresome sort of aspect or mood
argued that the postpositions themselves marking, and postpositions require no
in (18)-(24) do not really function as verbs, more than that in order to function as
and that the true verbal element in these verbs. Since they can function as verbs in
sentences is the adverbial suffix. However, main clauses, it stands to reason that they
postpositions may also be directly suffixed should be able to function as verbs in
by aspect markers, with no intervening subordinate clauses too. They can, as will
elements. be seen in (32)-(35). Recall that the gerund
(25) ni?i imi-nagika-di -na= appears on the verbs in subordinate
I you-on side-IMPRF clauses of most types, rather than the
I'm on your side (for, rather than imperfective marker -di. In the following,
against, you). (32) contains a relative clause on the main
(26) si?ina niga-va?a-duwa-ka-di clause object ta2nipizi man, (33) and (34)
he me-at-toward-R-IMPRF contain object complements embedded to
He came right up to me. pucugu- know, and (35) contains a subject
(27) nii uku-ruwa-vaa-di complement embedded to yuwaa- be not.
I that-through-uNR-IMPRF (32) ni?i pikee-ka-di=ina ta?nipizi-a
huuyuwagadi-a I see-R-IMPRF = him man-ACC
canyon-ACC [ika-ga?a-vi-na= ana tigihni-a]
I'm going to go throughthe can- this-among-at-GER=his cave-ACC
yon. I saw a man who lives in a cave.
NO. 3 POSTPOSITIONSAS VERBSIN KAWAIISU
(33) nPi pucugu-ri=ika
I know-IMPRF= this
[ika-va?a-kee-na= ami kiawe]
= their yesterday
this-at-R-GER
I know that they were here yesterday.
(34) ni?i pucugu-ri= ika
I know-IMPRF= this
[uku-ruwa-vaa-na= mi
that-through-uNR-GER = your
huuyuwagadi-a]
canyon-ACC
I know that you're going to go through
the canyon.
(35) yuwaa-ti [niva-vi-ta
be not-IMPRFsnOW-ABS-ACC
STAT
piha-vi-de?e-pi= ika]
sugar-ABS-like-PERF= its
The snow wasn't like sugar.
Postpositions may also take adverbial
clause verb suffixes such as the same-
subject contemporaneous action marker
-yu in:
(36) nimi abigi-ka-di-mi [kahni-paa-yu]
we talk-R-IMPRF-PL house-in-while
EXCL SS
kiawe
yesterday
We were talking while we were in the
house yesterday.
But as (1)-(5) show, postpositions do not
necessarily have to take verb suffixes.There
is no particular reason to believe that in
most main clauses containing both a verb
and a postpositional construction, the
postposition should be analyzed as a verb,
since formally it is not. There are, however,
two postpositions which always require
some sort of verb suffix-these are -paa-
in and -va?a- at. They may both take the
full range of aspect and adverbial markers
discussed earlier, but when they occur in
constructions such as (1)-(5) they cannot
appear as unadorned stems, as all the
other postpositions can, but must be
suffixed by -na, as in:
249
(37) si?ina kari-di yihi-va?a-na
he sit-IMPRF outside-at-GER
He is sitting outside.
(38) si?ina kari-di kahni-paa-na
he sit-IMPRF house-in-GER
He is sitting in the house.
The curious thing about (37) and (38) is
that the gerund -na=, which in all other
constructions requires a clitic referential
with the subject of the verb it gerundivizes,
here is uncliticized. This suggests the
possibility that the -na in (37) and (38) is
not the same element as the gerund -na =,
even though it is clearly a morpheme which
is separable from the postpositional stem,
as a comparison of (38) with (36) shows.
However, I believe it is the same element as
the gerund because there are other elements
which normally take clitics, but which do
not take clitics when suffixed to post-
positions. Such an element is the adverbial
clause verb suffix -gu-/gwi-, which marks
different-subject contemporaneous action.
It is illustrated in (39) as a suffix on a verb,
where the clitic referential with the subject
is mandatory, and in (40) as a suffix on a
postposition, where such a clitic is
impossible.
(39) samami abigi-ka-di-mi
they talk-R-IMPRF-PL
[capugwi?i-gu= ni]
sew-while= my
DS
They were talking while I was sewing.
(40) ni?i cehe-di= aka ti-bi-ta
I cull-IMPRF = it rock-ABS-ACC
[ika-ga?a-vi-gu yihiri-na]
it-among-at-while bean-Ace
DS
I'm culling the rocks among the beans.
(A more literal translation of [40] would
be I'm culling the rocks while they are
among the beans.) The evidence is circum-
stantial, but it suggests that the post-
positional phrases in (37) and (38) are
surface subordinate clauses, just as the
250 INTERNATIONALJOURNAL OF AMERICANLINGUISTICS VOL. 45

postpositional phrase in (40) is. In all three object clitic on the verb, and the stress
cases, the postposition is formally marked pattern indicates that the whole thing is
like other kinds of subordinate verbs. I one word.
have no explanation for the fact that (41) ta?nipizi hii-bi-maga-ka-di= ni
subject clitics, which are mandatory on man money-ABS-give-R-IMPRF = me
subordinate verbs, do not appear on some The man gave me some money.
formally subordinate postpositions, but Such cases of object incorporation are rare,
since postpositions can function as verbs however, and so far as I can tell, occur only
in other kinds of constructions, the most with ditransitive verbs. So postpositions
general analysis of sentences such as (37), are not simply verbs with incorporated
(38), and (40) would be one in which the objects. Although object incorporation
postpositions in those sentences were also with verbs is allowed, it is never required.
surface verbs. Postpositions, on the other hand, must have
"incorporated objects"-they always form
5. I have shown that postpositions in one word with either their objects or pro-
Kawaiisucan function as verbs in both main nominal copies of their objects. Object
clauses and various types of subordinate incorporation with verbs never admits
clauses, and that, at least in many cases, such analogs of the pronoun-copy construction,
postpositions are surface verbs. This does which is common with postpositions.
not mean that postpositions are formally Nevertheless, an adequate theory of
indistinguishable from verbs, however. Kawaiisu grammar and, by implication, of
There are cases of object incorporation, grammar generally will have to come to
such as (41), where the object is made into grips with the fact that verbs and post-
one word with its verb. The object itself is positions share many surface syntactic
not marked accusative, there is no direct properties.