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I Introduction
Following the long descent of regional geography and some pleas that regions should
be studied in theoretically informed ways (Gregory, 1978), new regional geography
became an attractive category in the late 1980s. This label, proposed by Thrift (1983; cf.
Johnston, 1985), became popular by virtue of the review by Gilbert (1988), who brought
together various perspectives on the concept of region such as the Marxist and
humanist approaches and theories of practice, but some others saw this simply as a
project coming from the left (Sayer, 1989). New regional geography was and still is a
somewhat ambivalent brand: while some authors evaluated by Gilbert noted the need
to reconceptualize region/place, very few suggested any new regional geography as
such. It has not become a coherent approach so far, but rather an umbrella term for
research reflecting how regions/places can be constituted by and constitutive of social
life, relations and identity (but see Thrift, 1994; 1998).
Region and place continue to be significant categories in human geography, but
increasingly in other fields, too (Auge, 1995; Gupta and Ferguson, 1997; Escobar, 2001
Keating, 2001), and their meanings are in flux. In spite of their importance, both are
often taken as given or as subjugated to questions of economy, culture or identity, i.e.,
phenomena or processes occurring in given regions/places. Geographers have never-
theless theorized during the last two decades over such problems as how
regions/places are produced and reproduced as part of the broader social production
of space (Thrift, 1983; Pred, 1984; Paasi, 1991; Taylor, 1991; Entrikin, 1991; Murphy, 1991;
Massey, 1995; Sack, 1997; Allen et al., 1998; MacLeod, 1998). I will look in this report at
current views on region and place and at the relations between these categories, and
finally try to contextualize the existing views and arguments.
When Smith (1996: 190) suggests that good concepts are flexible, ambiguous, suitable
to any occasion, and fit for any eventuality, he shows how ambivalent region and place
have remained in geography. In spite of the diffusion of influences across national
boundaries, scholars operating in different language-bound, historically contingent
regional worlds or spaces of knowledge (Livingstone, 1995; Gregory, 1998) use and
develop concepts and approaches that only partly overlap. Existing conceptualizations
thus reflect social including academic practices, contexts and constellations of
power. One important structural factor is location among the humanities or the natural
or social sciences. This may influence crucially how basic categories are shaped and
what interpretations are found acceptable in society and in the academic world (Becher,
1989). The review by Gilbert (1988) made this clear with regard to the French and
English-speaking worlds, but geographers in Germany (Werlen, 1997; Wollersheim et
al., 1998; Bahrenberg and Kuhm, 1999), The Netherlands (Hoekveld and Hoekveld-
Meijer, 1995; Terlouw, 2001) and Scandinavia (Paasi, 1991; Baerenholt, 1998; Hkli,
1998), for example, have also carried out theoretically informed research into
region/place, often reflecting economic, cultural and political problems in their
national contexts. Regional words thus always reflect the regional worlds in which
they have been developed (cf. Radcliffe and Westwood, 1996: 168).
(Key) Words and concepts are not the same thing. While the words region or place
have proved to be lasting names for geographical concepts, the concepts themselves
have been less permanent representations of categories of things or ideas. The trans-
forming of social and disciplinary practices is a perpetual challenge to existing concep-
tualizations. The development of concepts should be based on abstractions that define
these concepts in relation to the practices, discourses and power relations through
which certain regions or places and the ideas of them have become what they are.
Although state governance is still the major context for region (and identity) building,
a re-scaling is currently taking place. It is to an increasing extent the international
markets and regional political responses to global capitalism (such as the continental
regime in Europe) that generate regionalism and accentuate the importance of regions
(Keating, 1998; 2001). This implies a new politico-economic direction in the under-
standing of region and place in a world where the established state-based scalar logic
is eroding and a more flexible understanding of current spatialities is needed (Amin,
2002).
Regional worlds are also affected by new conceptualizations and discourses, since
these are tools for both producing and interpreting social transformations (Foucault,
1970). Studies of spaces of regionalism show that regions continue to be significant
elements in political mobilization, and that identity/ideology building often occurs in
relation to other regional spaces (Keating, 2001; Giordano, 2000; Agnew, 2001; Jones,
2001, Jones and MacLeod, 2001). Spatial categories are hence an important part of
ongoing social reproduction, political economy, identity and citizenship building on all
spatial scales.
804 Place and region
Most regional categories are laden with historical connotations that do not normally
change rapidly although they may be constantly challenged. The major current
challenges are the transformations occurring in economics, governance and politics,
in fact harking back to the earliest English uses of the word region: to rule.
These economic and administrative connotations are evident, e.g., in the debates on
806 Place and region
Massey et al., 1999) and governance/planning (Madanipour et al., 2001). Allen et al.
(1998) also understand region in this way, using the prosperous southeast of England
as an example. Thrift (1998) takes the same example in his account of the new regional
geography, but asks whether such multinodal sets of successful agglomerations are
planar regions at all (cf. Tomaney and Ward; 2001, and Jones and MacLeod; 2001, on
the northeast region, where economic decline has created cohesion). The topographi-
cal view of Amin (2002) on globalization and its rejection of oppositions such as
place/space, proximity/distance and scaling/re-scaling might be helpful in clarifying
current conceptualizations.
Traditional ideas of region/place as bounded spaces have thus been challenged
and not only in new regional geography. Criticism of the account of the world as a
mosaic of separate cultures (Appadurai, 1996; Gupta and Ferguson, 1997; Olwig and
Hastrup, 1997) has been endorsed by cultural (Jackson and Penrose, 1993; Sibley, 1995)
and political geographers (Agnew, 1994; Radcliffe and Westwood, 1996) and by IR
scholars (Shapiro, 1999). These interdisciplinary views force us to reflect on boundaries
in new ways. While both the ultra-liberal rhetoric of the borderless world (Ohmae,
1995) and the view on the links between identity and boundaries (Conversi, 1995; Pratt,
1999) have gained support on a general level, the question of whether a
place/region/territory should be understood as a bounded unit is of course more
complicated. As in the case of state territoriality (Taylor, 1994), the various organiza-
tions, institutions and actors involved in the institutionalization of a region may have
different strategies with regard to the meaning and functions of the region and its
identity (cf. Allen et al., 1998: 34). Regions may be open to economic or cultural
processes and concomitantly territorially governed. Some people may identify
themselves passionately with the region, others may have a less affective attitude, while
some may raise strong resistance to hegemonic spatialized identity narratives and
practices. Thus a region/place may be bounded in some sense but not in others. The
idea of a boundary as a dividing line is just one possible conceptualization that has
guided (political) geographical thinking since the institutionalization of the field.
Boundaries cannot be written off, but new interpretations of their meanings in social life
can be developed. Boundaries occur not only at the edges of regions, but are to be
found everywhere within them, in innumerable practices and discourses that have to
be conceptualized and analysed to make visible the strategies of power that are
sedimented in collective identity narratives. Boundaries are a terrain of mixing and
blurring, where material, symbolic and power relations become fused (Paasi, 2003).
New horizons have thus challenged the uniqueness of place, emphasizing openness
and a multiscalar character but often ignoring human experience (but see Agnew, 1987;
Taylor, 1999). An analytic distinction between place and region renders possible one
interpretation of the multidimensionality of spatiality which is usually lost in new
regional geographies that take the two terms as synonymous. If regions are conceptu-
alized as multiscalar institutional structures, places can be conceptualized as
cumulative archives of personal spatial experience emerging from unique webs of
situated life episodes. Place is thus not bound to any specific location but conceptual-
ized from the perspective of personal and family/household histories and life stories.
There is no necessary link between people and a specific location. People increasingly
change their positions and cross borders as (im)migrants, guest workers, refugees,
asylum seekers, tourists and users of media. Different materialized and metaphorical
808 Place and region
locations become embodied and accumulate in their moving bodies and experience
(cf. Thrift, 1999). Individual life histories and meanings are always social, since they are
positioned in practices and discourses based on family, class, gender, ethnicity,
generations and, more broadly, social history. None of these elements is bound only to
a specific location or region. Region and place become fused in inevitably contested
institutional practices, discourse and memory. This conceptualization of place renders
it possible to locate experience and meaning in increasingly dynamic regional worlds.
One example of this is provided by Fullilove (1999; also, 1996), who reflects the
importance of place by drawing on both her life geography as a member of a
multiethnic family and various documents.
These thoughts resemble the ideas of Thrift (1998) on the new New regional
geography, a specific theoretical, methodological and political stance that stresses
interconnectedness, hybridity and possibility. This non-representational approach
opens up three important research questions (p. 44): how the structures of power
dominating everyday lives are built up from a range of materials, how subjectivity is
built up performatively and productively as a part of these structures, and how space
intervenes and is constituted. Accordingly, Thrift wants to shift attention from
discursive and contemplative models of human action to practices and tactile issues
such as affects, passions and dreaming.
V Conclusions
Regional worlds are increasingly complex and their origins and meanings are hidden
in numerous social practices and discourses that fuse various spatial scales. Similarly,
current views of region and place are contested and are characterized by discontinu-
ities and asymmetries. These developments have challenged the existing disciplinary
boundaries and those between regional, cultural, economic and political geography.
This is indeed a fascinating moment for geographers to reflect contextually on how
social relations, institutional structures, ideologies, symbols and subjectivity/identity
come together in discourses and practices through which both regions/places and
narratives on them come into being, exist and disappear. It remains to be seen whether
this complex field will provide geographers with conceptual and methodological tools
for developing a more coherent agenda for a new regional geography. Or will it still
be the case, as noted a decade ago by Johnston (1991: 67), that we do not need regional
geography but we do need regions in geography. In both cases, region and place will
still be major conceptual elements in the field.
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