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Indian culture (10Q)(20M)

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Modern india (10Q)(40M)
1. write about 3 most imp 3 viceroys of india and list their imp contributions? (10M)

Warren Hastings (1772-1785)

Administrative And of the dual systems; shifting of
reforms treasury froom Murshidabad to Calcutta.
Revenue Collection of revenue was taken over by
reforms the Company.
Zamindars were given judicial powers;
Judicial
establishment of civil and criminal courts
reforms
in each district.
In 1781, he founded the Calcutta Madrasa
for promotion of Islamic studies. This
Social reforms was the first educational institute
established by the Company's
government.
Warren Hastings tendered his resignation
in protest against the Pits India Bill in
1785. He was accused for the Rohilla bar;
Nand Kumar's murder; the case of the
Impeachment
Chet Singh and accepting of bribes. His
impeachment lasted for seven years from
1788 to 1795. He was exonerated for all
the charges.

Lord Cornwallis (1786-1793)

The land was given on permanent basis to
the zamindar in 1793, instead of giving it to
Permanent
the highest bidder each year. This system
settlement of
got prosperity to both the Company
Bengal
andzamindar had the cost of the common
peasantry.
Reorganisation of the revenue courts; the
reorganisation of the criminal courts;
Judicial
depriving the Collectors of the judicial
reforms
functions; compilation of the Cornwallis
Code.
Police Depriving zamindar of their police
reforms functions; establishment of the thanas

Lord William Bentinck (1828-1833)

Abolition of provincial
courts of appeal and circuit,
power of the magistrate
increased, appointment of
Administrative Indians as judges,
and judicial replacement of Persian by
reforms vernaculars and Scott
language, introduction of the
residuary system, Sardar
Diwani Adalat at Allahabad;
Codification of Laws.
English accepted as the
medium of instruction after
Educational
the famous Macaulay's
reforms
recommendation; Medical
colleges at Calcutta in 1835.
Abolition of sati in 1829.
Suppression of thuggee in
central India; banning of
Social reforms female infanticide; banning
of human sacrifice; reform in
the Hindu Law of
Inheritance.

Lord Dalhousie (1848-1856)

He was the youngest to hold the office of the
Governor General. He is famous for the the
Doctrine of Lapse . The second Burnese war,
About Lord
1852, took place because of Lord Dalhousie's
Dalhousie
desire to exclude all European power from
Burma. The second Anglo Sikh War and did
Sikh power and Punjab was annexed.
Administrative Separate Lieutenant Governor appointed for
reforms Bengal; Shimla made the summer capital.
Arillery Headquarters moved from Calcutta
Military
to Merrut; Army headquarters shifted to
reforms
Shimla; formation of Gurkha regiments.
First railway line was led from Bombay to
Railways
Thana, in 1853.
 Reforming the defects of the Postal System
Post and
and linking all the important towns
Telegraph
Telegraphically.
Served Charles Woods despatch on
Education (1854) recommended the setting
Education up of universities in Calcutta, Bombay and
Madras. In 1853, competitive examination
for the Indian Civil Services began.

Lord Lytton (1876-1880)

Main events of his time period were :

1. Famine in 1876-1878; Famine Commission

was appointed in 1878 headed by General
Richard Strachey.

2. The Delhi Durbar, January 1, 1877, was

held to decorate Queen Victoria with the
title Kaiser-i-Hind.

3. The Vernacular Press Act, 1878 was

passed, putting several curbs on the
vernacular newspapers.

4. Indian Arms act, 1878 forbade the Indian

people from keeping or deeling in arms with
the permission of the Government.

5. Foundation of the Mohammedan Anglo-

Oriental College was laid by Lord Lytton in
1877 at Aligarh.

6. Satautory Civil Service in 1879. It was

also laid down that the candidates had to
appear and pass the civil services
examination which began to be held in
England. The maximum age for these
candidates were reduced from 21 to 19
years.
 Lord Ripon (1880-1884)
Important events during Ripon's stint as viceroy were as
follows:-

1. Repeal of Vernacular Press act, 1882.

2. Resolution in 1882 for institution of local self-government

in India.

3. Constitution of the Hunter commission on education

(1882).

4. The maximum age of admission to civil services raised to

21.

5. Introduction of the Ilber Bill which would authorize India

judges to hear cases against the Europeans as well.

Lord Curzon (1899-1905)

Highlights of his period were as follows:

1. Lord Curzon set up a Famine Commision.

2. The Punjab Land Alienation Act of 1900, prohibited the

sale of agricultural lands for its attachment in execution of
a decree.

3. Agricultural banks were established.

4. In 1904, the cooperative credit societies act was passed.

5. The Department of agriculture was established in 1901.

6. He founded on agriculture research Institute at Pusa.

7. Commission was appointed in 1901 to consider the

problems of education.

8. In order to preserve and protect ancient monuments of

India, he passed the Ancient Monuments Protection Act,
and Archaeological Department was established in 1901.

9. The setup of Police Commission under the Chairmanship

of Sir Andrew Frazer in 1902.

10. A Criminal Investigation Department was opened in

 each district. In 1901 the Imperial Cadet Corps was set up.

Lord Irwin (1926-31)

The Viceroylty of Irwin is known for

1. Appointment of Simon commission in

1928.

2. Passing of the resolution for complete

independence (purna smarajya)in 1929.

3. Launching of the civil Disobedience

movement.

4. Gandhi-Irwin Pact in 1931;

5. First Around Table Conference (1930).

Lord Linlithgow (1936-44)

Highlights of his reign were :

1. Longest reign as viceroy of India

2. Beginning of the Second World War.

3. Coming into force of the Government of India Act 1935

with provinces going to elections.

4. Arrival of the Cripps Mission.

5. Beginning of the Quit India Movement,

6. Great Famine of Bengal (1943)

2. militant nationalism growth and causes?

Growth of extremism or militant nationalism: The closing decade of the 19th century and
early years of the 20th century witnessed the emergence of a new and younger group within the
Indian National Congress which were sharply critical of the ideology and methods of the older
leadership. These angry young men advocated the adoption of Swaraj as the goal of the Congress
to be achieved by more self-reliant and independent method. The new group came to be called as
extremist group. Causes for the rise of Extremism or Militant Nationalism:
1. Understanding of the True Nature of British Rule : By is their studies and writings,
the early nationalist leaders have exposed the true nature of British rule in India. They
repeatedly prove by study Calcutta that British rule and its policies were responsible for
decrease in economic growth of India and poverty. All this led to great anger among the
youths.
2. Discontent over the Council Act of 1892 : The political events from years 1892 to 1905
also disappointed nationalist and forced them to think of more radical politics. The Indian
Council Act of 1892 was a completed disappointment. In 1898 law was passed making it
offance to excite "feeling of this affection" towards the foreign government. In 1899, the
number of Indian members in the Calcutta Corporation was reduced from 75 to 50. The 25
members who were eliminated over those persons who were the representatives of the
people of Calcutta.

Even socially and culturally, the British rule was no longer progressive. Primary and
technical education was not making any progress. The Indian Universities act of 1904 was
seen by the nationalist as an attempt to bring the Indian universities under tighter official
control and to check the growth of higher education.
3. Increasing westernisation : The intellectual and emotional inspiration of the new
leadership was Indian. The drain special from Indian spiritual heritage, they appealed to
heroes of the Indian history and hope to revive the glories of ancient India. The writing of
Bankim Chandera, Vivekananda and Swami Dayanand appealed to their imagination.
4. Dissatisfaction with the performance of the Congress : The younger elements within
the Congress were dissatisfied with the achievements of the Congress during the first 15 to
20 years and were disgusted with called and reactionary attitude of the government. They
have lost all faith in the British sense of justice and fair play.
5. International influences : Events outside Indian exercised a powerful influence on the
growth of militant nationalism in India. The humiliating treatment to Indians in British
colonies, especially in South Africa created and they British fillings. Further national
movements in the Egypt, Persia, Turkey and Russia gave Indians new hopes and new
inspirations. The rise of modern Japan after 1868 showed that a backward Asian country
could develop itself without Western control.
6. Militant Nationalism and revival of Hinduism : From almost the beginning, of the
national movement School of militant nationalism represented by Rajnarain Bose and
Ashwini Kumar Dutt in Bengal and Vishnu Shastri Chiplunkar in Maharashtra had existed in
the country. The most outstanding representative of the school was Bal Gangadhar Tilak,
later popularly known as "Lokmanya Tilak".
7. Growth of Education : The growth of a patient in Indian increased the influence of
Western ideas of democracy, nationalism and that radicalism. He educated Indians became
the strongest advocates of military nationalism. The treatment given to them by the
foreigners added to the bitterness. They were low paid. Many of them were unemployed.
They felt very strongly the foreigners domination. There was a feeling in the country that
self-government was necessity for the economic, political and cultural advancement of the
country.
8. Growth of self-respect : Leaders like Tilak and B.C pal preached the message of self-
respect and asked the nationalist to rely on the connector and capacities of the Indian
people. They called upon the people to build their own future by their owner efforts.
9. Famine : The big famine occurred in India in 1896-97. It affected about 20 million people
spread over in different parts of India. The British government's apathy towards people's
sufferings created severe discontent among people of India. The failure to check plagues
infuriated people to such an extent that Damodar Hari Chapekar shot dead Rand, the
Commissioner of Poona.
3.khalifat movement , imp issues?
Khilafat Movement (1919-1922)

Posted by: HistoryPak

The Khilafat movement was a very important event in the political history of India. The Muslims of
India had a great regard for the Khilafat (Caliphate) which was held by the Ottoman Empire.
During World War I, the Ottoman Empire (Turkey) joined the war in favour of Germany. But
Turkey and Germany lost the war and a pact commonly known as Istanbul Accord was concluded
between the Allied Forces on 3rd November 1918. According to this Pact the territories of Turkey
were to be divided among France, Greece and Britain.

During the war the Indian Muslims were in a very awkward position, because they had a deep-
rooted devotion to the caliphate. They had profound respect for this holy institution. Therefore,
their support to the British Government was subject to the safeguard and protection of the holy
places of Turkey and on the condition that Turkey will not to be deprived of its territories. But the
British Government could not fulfill both of these promises. The Treaty of Savers 1920 was
imposed on Turkey and its territories like Samarna, Thrace and Anatolia were wrested from it and
distributed among European countries. A wave of anger swept across the Muslin World and the
Indian Muslims rose against the British Government. Muslim leaders like Maulana Abdul Kalam
Azad, Moulana Muhammad Ali Johar, Moulana Shoukat Ali and others reacted against the British
Government policy and were put behind the bars.

Thus, Muslims organized a mass movement, which came to be known as Khilafat Movement. The
aims of this movement were

(a) To protect the Holy place of Turkey

(b) To restore the Territories of Turkey
(c) To restore the Ottoman Empire.

In December 1919 both the Khilafat Committee and Congress held their meetings simultaneously
at Amritsar and a delegation was prepared which was sent to England under the leadership of
Maulana Mohammad Ali Johar to see the British Prime Minister, Cabinet Member and Members
of Parliament and to explain the Indian point of view regarding the Khilafat. The delegation visited
England in 1920. The leaders of the delegation addressed the House of Commons and saw the
British Prime Minister, Lloyd George who paid no heed to the delegations demand. The
delegation stayed at London for eight months and won many hearts and sympathies of people in
Britain delivering speeches. However, the delegation returned to India unsuccessful in October
1920.

After the unsuccessful visit to England the leaders of Khilafat Movement realized the fact that
British were not in the mood to help them. Therefore, they realized that a new strategy needed to
be adopted in order to reinvigorate the zest and zeal for freedom among a general populace. With
this aim they decided to launch a movement of Non Co-operation. When the leaders of Khilafat
movement announced the Non Co-operation Movement, the Congress extended its full support to
the Khilafat Movement. The leaders of the two met at Amritsar and resolved to launch a country
wide agitation under the leadership of Mr. Gandhi. The agitation was against the British
government. The Jamiat-ul-Ulama Hind issued a Fatwa of Tark-e-Mawalat. The following points
were included in it:

1. Renunciation of all Government titles.

2. Boycott of legislature and court.
3. Withdrawal of students from educational institutions.
4. Resignation from government posts.
5. General civil disobedience.

As a result of this proclamation of fatwa, hundreds of thousands people returned the titles and
stopped sending their children to government schools and colleges. All those highly educated
young men who could have rose to high government positions bade farewell to their bright future
and accepted ordinary jobs in the private sector. The vacuum created in government offices was
joyfully filled in by Hindus, while the Muslim government employees willingly accepted starvation
for the sake of the Muslim cause.

Under the hypnotism of Mr. Gandhi, Muslim ulama had issued a verdict and declared India as
Dar-ul-Harab and the Muslims therefore needed to migrate to some other country or Dar-ul-
Salam. Thousands of families sold out their properties for a tenth of their value and hastily left for
Afghanistan, in August 1920. As many as eighteen thousand people marched towards
Afghanistan, which was unable to bear the influx of the people. Thus, the Afghan authorities
closed their frontiers. Eventually the Muhajarins had to return to their homes. A great number of
old man, women and children died on their way during returning to homes and those who luckily
reach alive their former places. They found themselves homeless and penniless. In fact they
faced great difficulties. Even the preachers of Khilafat Movement realized the fact.

In January 1921, nearly three thousands students of various colleges and schools boycotted their
classes and a number of teachers most of them were Muslims tendered their resignation. The
Movement became so powerful that the Government was obliged to pay attention to the problem.
The British Government invited Seth Jan-Muhammad Chutani, the President of Khilafat
conference to visit London to discuss the issue. A delegation under has leadership visited London
and discussed the sentiment of Muslims but the delegation also returned unsuccessfully.

The Khilafat Movement came to an end when thousands of Indians were put behind the bar. The
leaders in spite of their best efforts could not maintain the Hindu-Muslim Unity. One of the main
reasons which caused a death blow to Khilafat Movement was the indirect announcement of
Gandhi to discontinue the Non Co-operation Movement. Gandhi used an incident of arson on
February 1922, when a violent mob set on fire a police choki at Chora Churi at district Gorakpur,
burning twenty one constables to death as an excuse to call off the non-cooperation movement. It
adversely affected the Khilafat Movement which thought to be integral part of movement. In 1924,
Kamal Ataturk set up a government on democratic basis in Turkey by abolishing Khilafat as a
system of government which served a finishing blow to Khilafat Movement in India and people
had lost whatever interest that they had in the movement.

Failure of the Movement:

1. The abolition of Khilafat by Kamal Ataturk was a serious blow on Khilafat movement in the sub-
continent and he exiled Sultan Abdul Majeed, a helpless Caliph and abolished Khilafat as an
institution, due to this all agitational activities came to an end in the Sub-continent.

2. The Hijrat Movement made the Muslims disillusioned with the Khilafat Movement due to the
declaration of India as Darul-Harab. A large number of Muslims migrated from Sindh and N.W.F.P
to Afghanistan. The Afghan authorities did not allow them to cross the border. After this tragic
event those who had advocated the Hijrat movement come to realize their mistake which resulted
in failure of movement.

3. When Khilafat movement became mature and was reaching its climax. A tragic incident took
place in the village of Chora Churi in which the police opened fire on the procession of local
resident. The agitated mob in counteraction set the police station on fires which in result twenty
one police constables were burnt alive. Due to this incident the Ali brother and other Muslim
leader were arrested and Mr. Gandhi put off the movement. As a consequence the movement lost
its intensity.

Conclusion:

The Khilafat movement was started to safeguard the Khilafat in Turkey, an issue which essentially
belonged to the Muslims. By the involvement of Hindus the Movement grew forceful and there
was possibility of meeting the movement with success. The British Government was the common
enemy of the Muslims and Hindus. That is why, both the nations continued united efforts against
it. But the difference between the Hindus and Muslims became even more pronounced and many
other events showed that the opposition of Hindus to British Government was not lasting. When
Khilafat Movement reached at its success, the Hindus especially Mr. Gandhi gave up from
movement and leaved the Muslims alone and caused the failure of Movement.

The Khilafat movement proved that Hindus and Muslims were two different nations as they could
not continue the unity and could not live together. The Khilafat Movement created political
consciousness among the Indian Muslims, which inspired them to constitute another movement
for then Independence. Thus, they started Pakistan Movement.
4.name a foreign movement that supported india struggle for freedom?

5.role of vivekananda in freedom struggle?

Swamiji did not actively take part in the freedom movement. Actually in his life time the freedom
movement was yet to begin. Swamiji said that, if India were to get freedom immediately, there
were too few proper men to protect it or realize its value. So Swamiji stressed on man-making as
the foremost necessity for national rebuilding. Within a few years after the passing away of
Swamiji the freedom movement began. Many historians have recognized his indirect influence on
this movement. In America, England, and India, Swamiji made people aware of the condition of
India under British rule with information and analyses. There is no doubt that he awakened the
whole of India from the Himalayas to Kanyakumari, which was under foreign control. He taught
his countrymen to love the Motherland, to love her poor, ignorant, oppressed children, to forget
self and dedicate life for their uplift, and to gather courage to break the chain of foreign control. He
inspired many national leaders and freedom fighters as a voice without a form.
Yet, no national leader realized that the first duty to be accomplished was the making of men
selfless, fearless, courageous following the ideal placed before us by Swamiji. They did not
understand that that way independence could be achieved easily. So they discovered different
methods initially to achieve some degree of self-governance and later for complete
independence. Subhas Chandra Bose was the only exception, who delved in the struggle for
complete independence with Swamijis ideal in his heart. But neither Swamiji nor Subhas Chandra
preached the message of a non-violent movement. So, in spite of the well documented fact that
the courage of the Indian Nation Army under the leadership of Netaji Subhas expedited our
independence, their contribution was ignored in the government-sponsored history of Indian
freedom struggle written after Independence.
Now the governments and the political parties are paying lip service to his memory and at the
same time doing their best to hide facts about his disappearance and the events thereafter. They
still play down the contribution of the INA. And, of course, they never understood Swamijis
message. But people can no more be fooled by the garlanding of Gandhijis memorials and the
rhetoric of non-violence, while political murders go on unabated. So, politicians of all hues are
now taking the name of Swamiji to prove their credentials of honesty, patriotism, and sympathy for
the downtrodden.
As in many other lands, here in India also national history is written and re-written to suit the
interests and opinions of the political parties in power. But the truth comes out in the long run and
it cannot be covered up for too long. Otherwise, three centuries after his demise, Galileo would
not have faced juridical procedures once more. And why Socrates and Jesus Christ had to die
that way, and who won in the long run they or the killers? The contemporary people cannot
understand them who think much ahead of their time.

Vivekananda influenced freedom movement like Rousseau influenced French Revolution. The
successful culmination in political liberation of our freedom movement was itself a great
revolution. To fight against Britain, a powerful imperialist power which suppressed and exploited
Bharat for more than hundred years and make it quit Bharat can be proudly heralded and hailed
as a great armed as well as unarmed revolution unprecedented in the annals of world history.
Without the background of wide national consciousness no freedom movement is possible. From
all contemporary research of those times it becomes abundantly evident that Viviekanandas was
the most forceful influence to rouse the national spirit in Bharat. Nivedita said: Vivekananda was
a worker at foundationsand a living epitome of national life.

English education, Indian press, regional literature reform movements, political parties including
Congress, came and spread their influence before Viviekananda. In spite of all these, powerful
national consciousness was not there. That is why in early 1893 the Hindu paper wrote:
Hinduism is dead; Its course is run . But the same paper along with others including Anglo-
Indian and Missionary papers wrote in less than one years time that the present time may be
described as the renaissance period in the History of Hindus. Madras times (second, March,
1895) called it A national uprising. How did this miracle happen? The only answer is that we
derive from contemporary accounts is that Viviekananda appeared at the parliament of religions
(Chicago 11-9-1893 USA) proclaimed there the glory of Hinduism and civilization one
recognition for our countrys ancient heritage and thereby gave back to Hindus their long-lost
esteem and self-confidence.

After returning to Bharat, Viviekananda called upon the Hindus to believe in their potential
strength, reverence for the greatness of Bharat and struggle against foreign oppression. He
showed the way for nation building from a sound foundation. Past history shows that in Bharat
religious movement has always preceded national movement. Here in Bharat no national uprising
was possible without revitalizing Hinduism. Viviekananda did that. His primary role as a religious
leader made him the spiritual leader of freedom movement of Bharat.

Viviekanandas contributions towards nationalism, militant nationalism in particular were the

following:

Self esteem and self confidence.

Dynamic spirit- Arise, Awake and stop not till the goal is reached.

Complete dedication forget not that thou art born as a sacrifice to the mothers alter. Give
away; never turn to ask in return.

Message of strength, struggle and fearlessness. He said infinite strength is religion and God. Life
is struggle. Struggle, struggle unto death. I believe in struggle. Upanishads only proclaimed,
Abhihi fearlessness.

Passionate love for the country and its people.

Integral unity of Bharat

Equal rights and corresponding duties of all men.

Awareness of realities and actual problem that face the country.

Emphasis on social uplift and mass education.

Emphasis on character building. Consolidation of youth energy and application of that for national
building.

He said: Man making is my religion. All these ideas spread widely through out Bharat either
directly through him of through his books

Radhakrishnan said:

Those writings at times took the shape of secret revolutionary literature copied in hand and
circulated amongst students.

Viviekananda was eminently suitable for the task he took up. He gathered vast intimate
experience of the life of people in Bharat in all its facets when he travelled for six years from one
corner of Bharat to the other and lived with Rajas and sweepers alike. He has also acquired a first
hand knowledge of western methods. No doubt, he was the man for the task. Above all stood his
great love for the hungry millions of people of Bharat, they, his own brothers and sisters. Swami
Turiyananda recalls:

With a profound expression of sadness and intense emotion through all his being he pressed a
trembling hand upon his heart and said, my heart has grown muchI have learnt to feel. Believe
me, I feel it very sadly! his voice choked with emotion. He was silent. Tears streamed down his
cheeks. Turiyananda narrating this event was himself deeply moved and said: what went through
my spirit when I heard these pathetic words and saw the majestic sadness of the Swamiji. I
remembered that a long time before, when he had gone to Bodh Gaya to meditate under the
Bodhi tree, He had a vision of the Lord Buddha, who entered into his body I could clearly see
that the whole suffering of humanity had penetrated his palpitating heart. No body, continued
Turiyananda with passion, No body could understand Viviekananda unless he saw at least a
fraction of the volcanic feelings which were in him Turiyananda told another scene of the same
kind at which he was present, after Viviekananda had comeback from America in the house of
Balaram at Bagh Bazar at Calcutta:

I had gone to see him and I found him pacing the verandah like a caged Lion. He was in deep
thought and did not notice my presence. He began to hum under his breath a celebrated song of
Meerabai. And the tears welled up in his eyes he stopped and leaned against the balustrade and
hid his face in his two palms. His voice became more distinct and he sang repeating several
times:

Oh! No body understands my sorrow!

And again:
Only who suffers knows the anguish of sorrow.

It was his rending sympathy which made him often shed tears. Do you think that these tears of
blood were shed in vain? No! Each one of those tears shed for his country, every inflamed
whisper of his mighty heart will give birth to troops of heroes, who will shake the world with their
thoughts and deeds1..

Viviekanandas knowledge of world history made him realize the nature of British rule. But
unfortunately the political leaders of his time could not understand this. Those leaders thought the
British rule was a divine dispensation and that it was beneficial to the people. But Viviekananda
considered the British rule as satanic. It was out and out capitalistic with merciless exploitation as
its sole objective. In the following words of Viviekananda we find the incisive political insight of
swamiji couched in poetic diction :

There fore, the conquest of India by England is not a conquest by Jesus or the Bible as we are
often asked to believe But behind the name of Jesus, the Bible, the Magnificent palaces, the
heavy tramp of the feet of the armiesshaking the earth, the sounds of the war trumpets, bugles,
the drums, and the splendid display of the royal throne; behind all these, there is always the
virtual presence of England that England whose war-flag is factory chimney, whose troops are
the merchant men, whose battle fields are the market places of the world and whose empress is
the gold studded Goddess of Fortune2.

Viviekananda indirectly but definitely influenced the congress to change its course. Viviekananda
objected to the saintly policy of the congress. He urged the nationalists to come down from their
high intellectual pretentions and mix with the masses and share their sufferings. The first political
movement on which Viviekanandas inspiration was directly felt was the great swadeshi
movement which started just three years after he passed away. Soon it became all India
movement to stop partition of Bengal. Secret government papers revealed this view. It pushed the
congress to open conflict with Government. It created revolutionary element with in congress,
which resulted in the moderates getting separated from congress. The revolutionary activities
took a definite shape during this time. It was a historical fact that the partition of Bengal led to the
partition of British Empire.

The influence of Viviekananda prevailed on all the trends of the national movement like the
Moderate, the Extremist and the Revolutionary.

MODERATES

Surendranath Banerji said that Viviekananda was a patriot in the truest sense of the term and
remembered Carlyles words: History of a nation is the history of its great men.
Gokhales social ideas, particularly his insistence on the uplift of the masses were inspired by
Vivekananda.

THE EXTREMISTS

The Extremist block formed in the swadeshi movement has as its leader Bal Gangadhar Tilak had
direct acquaintance with Vivekananda. Viviekananda influenced Tilaks social and religious ideas.
Tilak said: Viviekananda roused the much-needed national consciousness of Bharat. He
compared Viviekanandas role with that of Adi Sankaracharya. When they had met at Belur,
Viviekananda had urged Tilak to resort to even destructive methods when confronted with
enemies. Tilaks journal Maharattawrote on January,1912, Viviekananda is the real father of the
Indian Nationalismevery Indian is proud of this father of Modern India.

Bipin Chandra Pal wrote in Annie Besants paper commonweal, on 18th August 1916:
Viviekananda is the greatest preacher and prophet of our modern nationalism. He was the first
to strike the note of that burning passion for our country and culture-that keenly sensitive
patriotism which found prominent expression in the nationalist propaganda of the last decade.

Annie Besant in her well known book India (1915) openly acknowledged that Viviekananda
roused the strongest feeling of nationality. C.R.Dass came in direct contact with Viviekananda.
He confided to Macleod (Viviekanandas American disciple) that Viviekananda is my teacher. His
main contribution to Indian national movement was his utmost effort to combine forces of
peasants and workers with the main stream of struggle. This had its route in the inspiration
derived from Viviekananda.

Subhash Chandrabose said: Swamiji was a full-blooded masculine personality and a fighter to
the core of his being. Strength, strength was a frequent call of his. If he had been alive, I would
have been at his feet. Modern India is his creation.

Mahakavi Subramanya Bharati said Viviekananda explained the import of Hinduism in a

language that every one can understand. He was responsible for initiating the renaissance of
Hindu dharma.

THE REVOLUTIONARIES

Relevant historical accounts, secret government papers and published reports and memoirs of
Revolutionary leaders reveal the tremendous influence exerted by Viviekananda on the
revolutionary movement. Viviekanandas writings were widely read by the militant revolutionaries;
those were practically their text books; Recruitments to revolutionary parties were made from the
members of the Ramakrishna mission and the magic name of Viviekananda was used for this
purpose. The British Government realized that many portions of Viviekanandas lectures could be
used for radical politics. He thought prohibiting the publication of Viviekanandas letters and
banning the Ramakrishna Mission. He was regarded as a suspicious character and was closely
watched and harassed.

Lord Carmichael attacked and threatened The Mission in his Durbar speech. In his secret reports
he wrote:

The teachings of Viviekananda tend towards Nationalism in politics he is regarded by many

Hindu nationalists as the Guru of Freedom MovementThis teaching of Viviekananda was a
powerful weapon in the hands of an idealist revolutionary like Aurobindo Ghosh . Several
passages of the teachings of Sami Viviekananda are pregnant with sedition their potentialities
for evil have been fully realized and taken advantage of by the RevolutionariesMaths are
resorted to political refugeesBogus Ashrams are nothing but centers for the dissemination of
Revolutionary doctrines and they have sprung up with alarming rapidity in eastern Bengal3.

Nivedita was deeply involved in Revolutionary movement. Publicist Nevinson described her as a
soldier with a flaming sword in the war liberation in the face of the enemy her eyes turned to
glowing steel, and under anger they deepened in colour like Garibaldis.

Hemchandra Kanungo The Bomb- maker revolutionary described her rousing speeches as
dynamite. Nivedita was the standard bearer of Swami Vivekananda in the political field.

In his Bhavani Mandir pamphlet Aurobindo depicted Viviekananda as his prophet. He proclaimed
that the one main reason behind the success of swadeshi movement was the spirit of
Vivekananda which stood behind it. Ramakrishna prepared Viviekananda as the re3presentative
of future India and said of Viviekananda, you the hero. Ramakrishna transmitted his powers in
the Hero which like the scorching rays of the mid-day Sun pervaded the whole country. Once
Ramakrishna in the presence of all his other disciples said emphatically that Viviekananda is like
a drawn sword ready to swing into action and proclaimed prophetically: Narran will shake the
world to it foundations.

Aurobindo gave his call in the name of Viviekananda:

Behold, Viviekananda still lives in the soul of his mother and in the souls of her children.

Viviekananda immensely influenced most of the Aurobindaite revolutionaries like Barindra,

Debabrata, Bhupendranath and on their paper, Jugantar which exercised enormous influence on
the minds of young revolutionaries.
6.development of education in pre indepence era?

Although education in India started receiving some attention under British rule
with the Charter Act of 1813 and obtained full recognition in the famous
Macaulay's Minute of 1835, edu- cation of women in India still remained absent
from the Indian society. It is only when the "Wood's Dispatch", containing
Educational development programme was passed in 1854 by the East India
Company that a special reference was made of educa- tion and employment of
women and the Government assumed direct responsibility for making women
literate. Some progress of women's education particularly at first stage of education
that is primary level, was reported only in respect of a separate school for girls.
Some women were also imparted training for appointment as teachers in girls'
schools. But it is only from the year 1882, when systematised educational data
began to be collected quinquennially, that the progress of women's education came
to be assessed.

From 1882-1947, the progress of girls education was re- ported to be slow but
steady, confined as it was to the affluent sections of the society or those families
which were in the favour of foreign rulers. Nevertheless, starting from no
education at the advent of British rule that is 0 per cent of the total enrolment of
educational institutions under formal system, the enrolment of women increased to
nearly 25 per cent of the total enrolment by the end of the British regime (1947)
and this, is in no way a mean achievement. Due credit should be given to the
foreign rulers at least for initiating the process of educational develop- ment of
women as a part of the formal system of education in India. Table 7 shows, at a
glance, the progress of edu- cation of girls and women in Pre-Independence
period:-
WOODS DESPATCH (1854)

INTRODUCTION

The company has to take orders after every twenty years from the British parliament and
in each order something was written about the education in India. Therefore when time for the
charter of 1853 came, the directors of the company thought for laying down a definite policy in
regard to educational matters of India. So a parliamentary committee was appointed to survey the
educational progress in India. As Mr. Wood was chairman of the Board of Control, so the
declaration was Christianized as Woods Educational Despatch.

THE RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE DESPATCH ARE AS FOLLOWS

1 The acceptance of Educational Responsibility: The Despatch clearly accepted that the
responsibility of education in India lies in British Government.

2 The aim of education: The aim of education is to raise intellectual fitness and moral
character.

3 Courses of study: Mr. Wood had recognized the usefulness of Sanskrit, Arabic and
Persian and recommended them as subjects of study in regular Institutions. Finally, like
Macaulay, he had also recognized the usefulness of Western knowledge for Indians.

4 The Medium of Instruction: The Despatch says that due to dearth of course books in
Indian languages, the medium of education should be English.

5 Department of Public Instruction: The Despatch declared that in all the provinces, the
department of public Instruction should be set up. Its highest official should be designated as the
Director of Public Instruction, and he should be assisted by Deputy Director, Inspector and Deputy
Inspector of schools.

6 Establishment of Universities: The Despatch has suggested for the setting up of the
Universities at Calcutta, Bombay and Madras.

7 Establishment of Regular Institutions: The Despatch emphasized on the graded schools

as follows, primary schools, middle schools, high schools, colleges, universities.

8 Extension of Public Education: As Filtration Theory failed, so Wood emphasized the

useful education for the public. As the public itself was unable to gain such an education. So
increase of primary, middle and high schools was emphasized. In order to co-ordinate education
at these various levels it was suggested to have scholarships and implement other schemes.

9 Grant-in-aid system: The Despatch suggested the Grant-in-aid System for the institutions
which fulfilled certain qualifications. He has also suggested that the rules and regulations for
Grant-in-aid should be framed on the levels practiced in England.

10 Training of the Teachers: They suggested to open training schools in

everyprovince of India, as they are in England was expressed in the Despatch. This was done, so
that teaching work may be conducted properly and efficiently.

11 Education of Women: He threw light on women education too and praising the persons
engaged in this pious work, he suggested for its further encouragement through Grant-in-aid and
other measures. He has also approved the declaration of Governor General that the Government
should favorably assist the female education in India.

12 Muslim Education: Concerning Muslim education, Mr. Wood has said that Muslims are too
backward in education and they should be encouraged to gain more education and efforts should
be made in this direction.

13 Vocational Education: They paid more attention to the vocational education and suggested
that schools and colleges should be set up at suitable places to provide vocational education.

14 Encouragement of the Oriental Education: Though the report has supported the western
education through English medium for the Indians, yet it has recommended for the development
of Indian literature and suggested that the books of western literature and science should not only
be translated in these languages, but original books should also be caused to be written, and for
the purpose the writers should be rewarded and encouraged.
15 Education and Service: In this reference, Mr. Wood has clearly said: A) While selecting the
candidates for Government service their academicals qualification should be considered well. B)
Academically, high qualified persons should be preferred more than the others for government
services.

CONCLUSION

Since the Woods Despatch has contributed much to the organization and stabilization of
the present Indian educational system, it is called A valuable Contribution to the history of Indian
Education.

INDIAN EDUCATION COMMISSION

OR

HUNTER S COMMISSION (1882)

INTRODUCTION

Lord Rippon came to India on February 3, 1882. He appointed the first Indian Education
commission. Mr. William Hunter, a member of the viceroys Executive council, was the chairman
of this commission. It came to be popularly known as Hunters commission.

TERMS OF REFERENCE OF THE COMMISSION

The commission was to make the following enquiries

1) condition of primary education and the methods of its expansion

2) Position of State institutions and its importance

3) Position of missionary institutions in general

4) Attitude of government towards private enterprises.

RECOMMENDATIONS OF HUNTER COMMISSION

1. PRIMARY EDUCATION

The policies of the Primary Education

Primary education should be useful for general life of the people and the subjects which are
helpful for him in his practical life should be included.

Medium of instruction should be vernacular or Indian languages.

Government should make a constant effort for its progress, expansion and development.

Primary education should aim not only at preparing the students to enter into higher
education but it should aim at spreading public education all right.

CURRICULUM
 State should have a free hand to frame the curriculum. In spite of this recommendation the
commission said that physics, Agriculture, first-aid, Banking, Geometry subjects that are of
practical value in life ought to be included in the curriculum of the primary education.

FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION

It suggested that the local bodies and provincial government should give some aid for this.

Finances for the schools in the villages and cities should be separated.

Local funds for education should in no case be sent on secondary or higher education.

The commission had recommended that the provincial Government shall give grant for
primary education to the extent of 11/2 of the local fund for education or 1/3 of the entire
expenditure on this item.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE PRIMARY INSTITUTIONS

The commission recommended that In order to raise the standard of the primary
institutions, the teachers should be properly trained.

INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

v No restriction should be imposed for admission to such institutions.

v Government should encourage such institutions.

v Such institutions may voluntarily hand over administration to the Municipal Boards and
District Boards.

v The government should not interfere in their curriculum in any way and special financial aid
for inclusion of subject of practical value in life may be given by the government.

v Poor students should be given stipends and scholarships.

v Proper arrangement for the training of the teachers of these institutions should also be made.

SECONDARY EDUCATION

The Government should give the administration and organization of secondary education into
hands of efficient and able Indians.

The commission recommended two types of curriculum called Curriculum A & B.

Curriculum A was to have subjects that were to be useful for higher study.

Curriculum B was to have vocational, occupational and practical subjects.

English should continue as medium of instruction.

HIGHER EDUCATION

They recommended to have varied and vast curricula so that the students can select the
subjects of their choice and aptitude.
 Grant-in-aid is given to the colleges by considering its expenditure, number of teachers,
efficiency and local need.

Meritorious & promising students may be sent to foreign countries for higher education on
Government scholarship.

Teachers who have received education in European Universities are preferred for
appointment.

Private colleges should be authorized to receive lesser fee as compared to Government

colleges.

EDUCATION DEPARTMENT

They recommended to increase the number of inspectors in every province and Indians to be
appointed on the post of District inspectors of schools

SYSTEM OF GRANT-IN -AID

Changes and reform should be made in the rule of grant-in-aid system according to the
requirement of all the institutions

All the changes must be send to the managers of aided institutions in their vernacular
languages.

Special educational officers should be appointed to give counsel to the managers of

Government aided institutions

EDUCATION OF THE WOMEN

Free education, appointment of lady Teachers and lady Inspectresses

Liberal Grant-in-aid system

Different curriculum for girls

Decent arrangements of Hostels

Special arrangements for education of Parda observing ladies.

MUSLIM EDUCATION

Effort must be made to popularize Muslim education

Special funds should be allocated for it

More scholarships should be given for Muslim students

In government appointments, Muslims should be given proportionate representation.

EDUCATION OF HARIJANS AND BACKWARD CLASS.

All the schools run by the Government, municipalities and local boards should admit children
of Harijans and Backward class.

Special schools should be open for them, where there was an objection raised to the
admission of these Harijans and Backward children.
 School teachers must take judicious effects to remove caste prejudices.

EDUCATION OF ABORIGINALS AND HILL TRIBES.

Government was expected to take up the responsibility of educating aboriginals and Hill
tribes.

Free education and the subjects taught should be of the most elementary character.

RELIGIOUS EDUCATION

Religious education of any sort should not be given in the public schools.

Religious education may be imparted in the private institutions and the government shall
have nothing to do with it.

CONCLUSION

The Hunter commission was appointed mainly to study the problem and development of
primary education. But they made suggestions in regard to the secondary, higher women and
modern education. It was on the basis of suggestions of the commission a network of the primary
schools were spread throughout the country and the secondary and higher education received a
great impetus.
WARDHA SCHEME OF EDUCATION

(OR) BASIC EDUCATION (1937)

INTRODUCTION

The Government of India act, 1935 brought an end to diarchy in the Indian provinces. In
1937, popular Governments were established in the provinces and out of the 11 provinces 6 had
congress ministers. The congress ministers at this juncture were faced with a dilemma. On one
hand they wanted to execute the Gandhian plan of education and on the other they wanted to
enforce compulsory and pre-primary education. However Mahatma Gandhi, father of the Nation
presented a new scheme of education and gave a lead in the direction.

ALL- INDIA NATIONAL EDUCATION CONFERENCE

In the Harijans of October 2, 1937, Gandhiji wrote an article about convening an All India
National Educational conference on October 22, 23, 1937. This is also known as Wardha
Educational conference and it was held under the president of Gandhiji himself. Eminent
Educationists, national leaders, Social reformers and provincial ministers of education took part in
the deliberations of conference.

After a good deal of discussions, the following resolution were passed

1) Free and compulsory education be provided for 7 years on a nation wide- scale.

2) Medium of instruction be the mother tongue.

3) The process of education should center round some form of manual and productive work

4) The conference accepts that this system of education will be gradually able to cover the
remuneration of the teachers.

DR. ZAKIR HUSSAIN COMMITTEE, 1937

In order to give a final shape to the resolutions passed in the All India National Education
conference, Wardha a committee was formed under the chairmanship of Dr. Zakir Hussain, then
the Vice Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia University. The committee submitted its report in two
parts. The first report was presented in Dec, 1937. It defined the principles, curriculum,
administration and the supervision work of Wardha education scheme. The second report was
presented in April 1938. It enumerated the correlation between the basic handicrafts and others
subjects of the curriculum.

OUTLINES OF THE SCHEME OF EDUCATION

1) The duration of the course of basic education is 7 years. It aims at imparting free and
compulsory education to the boys and girls from age of 7to 14years.

2) Mother tongue will be the medium of instruction and teaching of English shall have no place
in curriculum

3) The entire education shall centre round some Basic craft, which shall be selected in
accordance with the needs of the children and the locality.

4) Goods produced by the children should be utilized and profit so earned to meet the
expenditure of the schools.
 5) Education of the craft to be given in such a way that the children may earn their livelihood
from it.

6) In the education of the crafts, the economic importance as well as its social and scientific
importance should be given place.

AIMS OF BASIC EDUCATION

Education should develop the qualities of an ideal citizen in the child, socially, politically,
economically and culturally.

Education should develop love for Indian culture in the hearts of the educands.

All round development of the personality was considered ie it must develop a child
intellectually, socially, physically, morally, spiritually.

After completion of the education, they may be able to earn their livelihood and fulfil their
needs.

Establishment of a society which was free from the evils and defects of the present day
society.

CURRICULUM

Basic Craft-out of the following basic crafts, any one may be selected

Agriculture, spinning and weaving, woodcraft, fisheries, Leather work, Pottery or ceramics,
fruit preservation or Gardening, any other craft according to the Geographical environment of the
locality.

Mother tongue, Mathematics, Social studies, General Science, Nature study, Botany,
Zoology, Chemistry, Elementary Hygiene, Astronomy, Life stories of eminent scientists and
inventories, Art (music or painting), Hindi, Home science-Girls, Physical Education.

TEACHERS

It emphasis on appointing female teachers in place of male teachers at the primary level.

It is necessary to appoint only trained teachers.

Long-tern training (3years) and short term training (1 year) should be given.

TIME-TABLE

In the time-table of the basic scheme of education, it was thought that boys shall have to
devote 5 hours and a half for their study. It was also considered necessary to work for about 288
days in the year.

METHODS OF TEACHING

Education is imparted through activities and in short period of time the students are given
knowledge of various and varied subjects.

Emphasis on activity based education

CONCLUSION
 In retrospect it may be said that theoretically Basic education seems very attractive but
practically it is a total failure. Gandhiji anticipated that the education of crafts and skills would help
make education self supporting however just the reverse happened. The result was sheer
wastage of raw material, time, energy and money. But some of the aspects of basic education still
have relevance like-education through mother tongue and the activity oriented education. It is
good for any country and therefore for India too.

7.eco impact of british in india ?

The fall of the Rupee[edit]

See also: The crisis of silver currency and bank notes (17501870)

After its victory in the Franco-Prussian War (187071), Germany extracted a huge indemnity from
France of 200,000,000, and then moved to join Britain on a gold standard for currency. France,
the US and other industrialising countries followed Germany in adopting a gold standard
throughout the 1870s. At the same time, countries, such as Japan, which did not have the
necessary access to gold or those, such as India, which were subject to imperial policies that
determined that they did not move to a gold standard, remained mostly on a silver standard. A
huge divide between silver-based and gold-based economies resulted. The worst affected were
economies with a silver standard that traded mainly with economies with a gold standard. With
discovery of more and more silver reserves, those currencies based on gold continued to rise in
value and those based on silver were declining due to demonetisation of silver. For India which
carried out most of its trade with gold based countries, especially Britain, the impact of this shift
was profound. As the price of silver continued to fall, so too did the exchange value of the rupee,
when measured against sterling.

The absence of industrialisation during the colonial period[edit]

See also: History of cotton

Historians have questioned why India did not undergo industrialisation in the nineteenth century in
the way that Britain did. In the seventeenth century, India was a relatively urbanised and
commercialised nation with a buoyant export trade, devoted largely to cotton textiles, but also
including silk, spices, and rice. By the end of the century, India was the worlds main producer of
cotton textiles and had a substantial export trade to Britain, as well as many other European
countries, via the East India Company. Yet as British cotton industry underwent a technological
revolution in the late eighteenth century, the Indian industry stagnated, and industrialisation in
India was delayed until the twentieth century.

Historians have suggested that this was because India was still a largely agricultural nation with
low wages levels. In Britain, wages were high, so cotton producers had the incentive to invent and
purchase expensive new labour-saving technologies. In India, by contrast, wages levels were low,
so producers preferred to increase output by hiring more workers rather than investing in
technology.[2]

The Depression

Main article: The Great Depression

The worldwide Great Depression of 1929 had a small direct impact on traditional India, with
relatively little impact on the modern secondary sector. The government did little to alleviate
distress, and was focused mostly on shipping gold to Britain.[3] The worst consequences involved
deflation, which increased the burden of the debt on villagers while lowering the cost of living.[4]
In terms of volume of total economic output, there was no decline between 1929 and 1934.
Falling prices for jute (and also wheat) hurt larger growers. The worst hit sector was jute, based in
Bengal, which was an important element in overseas trade; it had prospered in the 1920s but was
hard hit in the 1930s.[5] In terms of employment, there was some decline, while agriculture and
small-scale industry also exhibited gains.[6] The most successful new industry was sugar, which
had meteoric growth in the 1930s.[7][8]

Railways

Main article: History of rail transport in India

British investors built a modern railway system in the late 19th centuryit was the fourth largest in
the world and was renowned for quality of construction and service.[9] The government was
supportive, realising its value for military use in case of another rebellion, as well as its value for
economic growth. All the funding and management came from private British companies. The
railways at first were privately owned and operated, and run by British administrators, engineers
and skilled craftsmen. At first, only the unskilled workers were Indians.[10]

Extent of Great Indian Peninsular Railway network in 1870. The GIPR was one of the largest rail
companies at that time.

A plan for a rail system in India was first put forward in 1832. A few short lines were built in the
1830s, but they did not interconnect. 1844, Governor-General Lord Hardinge allowed private
entrepreneurs to set up a rail system in India. The John Company (and later the colonial
government) encouraged new railway companies backed by private investors under a scheme
that would provide land and guarantee an annual return of up to five percent during the initial
years of operation. The companies were to build and operate the lines under a 99-year lease, with
the government having the option to buy them earlier.[11]

Two new railway companies, Great Indian Peninsular Railway (GIPR) and East Indian Railway
(EIR) began in 185354 to construct and operate lines near Bombay and Calcutta.[11] In 1853,
the first passenger train service was inaugurated between Bori Bunder in Bombay and Thane.
Covering a distance of 34 kilometres (21 mi).[12] The first passenger railway line in North India
between Allahabad and Kanpur opened in 1859.

The railway network in 1909, when it was the fourth largest railway network in the world.

In 1854 Governor-General Lord Dalhousie formulated a plan to construct a network of trunk lines
connecting the principal regions of India. Encouraged by the government guarantees, investment
flowed in and a series of new rail companies were established, leading to rapid expansion of the
rail system in India.[13] Soon several large princely states built their own rail systems and the
network spread to the regions that became the modern-day states of Assam, Rajasthan and
Andhra Pradesh. The route mileage of this network increased from 1,349 kilometres (838 mi) in
1860 to 25,495 kilometres (15,842 mi) in 1880 mostly radiating inland from the three major port
cities of Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta.[14] Most of the railway construction was done by Indian
companies supervised by British engineers. The system was heavily built, in terms of sturdy
tracks and strong bridges. By 1900 India had a full range of rail services with diverse ownership
and management, operating on broad, metre and narrow gauge networks.[15] In 1900 the
government took over the GIPR network, while the company continued to manage it.

In the First World War, the railways were used to transport troops and grains to the ports of
Bombay and Karachi en route to Britain, Mesopotamia, and East Africa. With shipments of
equipment and parts from Britain curtailed, maintenance became much more difficult; critical
workers entered the army; workshops were converted to making artillery; some locomotives and
cars were shipped to the Middle East. The railways could barely keep up with the increased
demand.[16] By the end of the war, the railways had deteriorated badly.[17] In 1923, both GIPR
and EIR were nationalised.[15]

"The most magnificent railway station in the world." Victoria Terminus, Bombay, was completed in
1888.

Headrick argues that until the 1930s, both the Raj lines and the private companies hired only
European supervisors, civil engineers, and even operating personnel, such as locomotive
engineers. The government's Stores Policy required that bids on railway contracts be made to the
India Office in London, shutting out most Indian firms. The railway companies purchased most of
their hardware and parts in Britain. There were railway maintenance workshops in India, but they
were rarely allowed to manufacture or repair locomotives. TISCO steel could not obtain orders for
rails until the 1920s.[18]

The Second World War severely crippled the railways as rolling stock was diverted to the Middle
East, and the railway workshops were converted into munitions workshops.[19]

India provides an example of the British Empire pouring its money and expertise into a very well
built system designed for military purposes after the Mutiny of 1857, and with the hope that it
would stimulate industry. The system was overbuilt and too expensive for the small amount of
freight traffic it carried. However, it did capture the imagination of the Indians, who saw their
railways as the symbol of an industrial modernitybut one that was not realised until after
Independence. Christensen (1996) looks at of colonial purpose, local needs, capital, service, and
private-versus-public interests. He concludes that making the railways a creature of the state
hindered success because railway expenses had to go through the same time-consuming and
political budgeting process as did all other state expenses. Railway costs could therefore not be
tailored to the timely needs of the railways or their passengers.[20]

After independence in 1947, forty-two separate railway systems, including thirty-two lines owned
by the former Indian princely states, were amalgamated to form a single unit named the Indian
Railways. The existing rail networks were abandoned in favour of zones in 1951 and a total of six
zones came into being in 1952.[15]

Agriculture and industry[edit]

The Indian economy grew at about 1% per year from 1880 to 1920, and the population also grew
at 1%.[1] The result was, on average. no long-term change in income levels. Agriculture was still
dominant, with most peasants at the subsistence level. Extensive irrigation systems were built,
providing an impetus for growing cash crops for export and for raw materials for Indian industry,
especially jute, cotton, sugarcane, coffee and tea.[21]

The entrepreneur Jamsetji Tata (18391904) began his industrial career in 1877 with the Central
India Spinning, Weaving, and Manufacturing Company in Bombay. While other Indian mills
produced cheap coarse yarn (and later cloth) using local short-staple cotton and cheap machinery
imported from Britain, Tata did much better by importing expensive longer-stapled cotton from
Egypt and buying more complex ring-spindle machinery from the United States to spin finer yarn
that could compete with imports from Britain.[22]

In the 1890s, Tata launched plans to expand into heavy industry using Indian funding. The Raj did
not provide capital, but aware of Britain's declining position against the U.S. and Germany in the
steel industry, it wanted steel mills in India so it is did promise to purchase any surplus steel Tata
could not otherwise sell.[23] The Tata Iron and Steel Company (TISCO), now headed by his son
Dorabji Tata (18591932), opened its plant at Jamshedpur in Bihar in 1908. It became the leading
iron and steel producer in India, with 120,000 employees in 1945.[24] TISCO became an India's
proud symbol of technical skill, managerial competence, entrepreneurial flair, and high pay for
industrial workers.[25]

Economic impact of British imperialism[edit]

Debate continues about the economic impact of British imperialism on India. The issue was
actually raised by conservative British politician Edmund Burke who in the 1780s vehemently
attacked the East India Company, claiming that Warren Hastings and other top officials had
ruined the Indian economy and society. Indian historian Rajat Kanta Ray (1998) continues this
line of reasoning, saying the new economy brought by the British in the 18th century was a form
of plunder and a catastrophe for the traditional economy of Mughal India. (Economic Drain
Theory) Ray believes that British depleted the food and money stocks and imposed high taxes
that helped cause the terrible famine of 1770, which killed a third of the people of Bengal.[26]

P. J. Marshall, a British historian known for his work on the British empire, has a reinterpretation
of the view that the prosperity of the formerly being Mughal rule gave way to poverty and anarchy.
Marshall argues the British takeover did not make any sharp break with the past. British control
was delegated largely through regional rulers and was sustained by a generally prosperous
economy for the rest of the 18th century, except the frequent famines with very high fatality
rate(Famine in India). Marshall notes the British raised revenue through local tax administrators
and kept the old Mughal rates of taxation. Instead of the Indian nationalist account of the British
as alien aggressors, seizing power by brute force and impoverishing all of India, Marshall
presents a British nationalist interpretation in which the British were not in full control but instead
were controllers in what was primarily an Indian play and in which their ability to keep power
depended upon excellent cooperation with Indian elites. Marshall admits that much of his
interpretation is still rejected by many historians.[27]
8.wawell plan?

9.surat split?
Surat split(1907):

The agitation following the partition of Bengal brought into prominence the rise of extremists
which differed in some essential points from the moderates which dominates the National
Congress. The fundamental difference between the two concern both the political goal and the
method to adopt to achieve it. The difference between the Moderates and the Estimates remained
under the surface at the Congress session of 1904. A split was narrowly averted at the Benaras
Session Congress in 1905,over which Gokhale presided, by compromise.
The Calcutta Session next year (1906) showed that both the Moderates and the Limits war
heading fast towards a complete breach. And this actually happened in the Surat Congress
(1907). The Surat session was greatly disturbed by rowdyism, confusion and disorder and police
had to intervene to restore order.

After the 1907 session, the Moderates decided to have no truck with the Extremists. The
Congress aggression thus remained in the hands of the moderates, it however lost its popularity.
Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Lala Lajpat Rai and Babu Bipin Chander Pal- one the real leading
personalities in the Indian politics during those years. They commanded a massive following
throughout the country.

The period 1907-14 size series of terrorist movement in the country through underground
organisations with their network all over the country. Revolutionaries tried to blow up the train in
which the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal was travelling. Mr Allen, district Magistrate of Dacca,
was shot at but somehow he could survive. An attempt on the life of Sir Andrew Frazor was made
in November, 1908. The Hindu of Bengal burnt many places causing who rose to the government.

In March, 1908 riots broke out in Tinnevelly and many buildings were set on fire. Official records
were consigned to flames. Such revolutionary activities generated a lot of anti-British feeling
among the Indians and the Government launched a rigourous measure to eliminate terrorism in
the country.

Reunion of the two wings of the Congress : The efforts, which were being made since 1907 to
unite the two wings of the Congress, succeeded in the Lucknow session of the Congress in 1916.
The extremist were admitted to the Congress at the session.

This was briefly followed by a Home Rule Movement spearheaded by Tilak and Mrs Annie
Beasent. She had joined the Congress in the year 1915. The movement strengthened further
because of self government and highlighted the necessity of involving the general public for
attaining the goal of independence. The movement grew very popular among the younger
generation and was an important step forward in the direction of preparing people psychologically
to get ready for a fight to achieve freedom.
 10.quit india ?

11.civil disobedience?
Background of Civil Disobedience Movement:

The following reasons contributed to the launching of Civil Disobedience Movement by Gandhi in
1930 A.D.

1. The English Government appointed Simon Commission in 1927 A.D. to deal with the problems
of India. Lord Irvin declared that after the submission of the report by Simon commission, the
English Government could summon a conference of the representatives of the country in order to
consider the problems of India Gandhi felt very much disappointed with this declaration of the
viceroy and decided to begin a movement for the good of the people of India.

2. In the election of 1929 A.D. in England the Liberal party got the majority and assured India the
membership of the common wealth of countries immediately but Churchill, the leader of the
opposition commented that this declaration was a crime. Hence, the Government had to take this
declaration back. Gandhi took it very seriously and decided to launch a movement against the
English Government.

3. The people of India did not accept the report of the Simon Commission and put before the
Government a scheme after the organization of the Nehru Committee. On the occasion of
Calcutta session in 1928 A.D. The English Government was given an ultimatum of one year for
the recognition of the scheme. It was clearly said in this ultimatum that incase the English
Government did not accept the Nehru Report as it was by 31st December, 1929 A.D., the congress
would launch a Nonviolent Movement against the Government.

4. Before the expiry of the ultimatum period Gandhi had a talk with the viceroy along with the
leaders like Motilal Nehru, Sardar Patel etc., on 23rd December 1929 A.D. but he did not give any
assurance to the leaders what so ever by which the movement could be averted

5. After the expiry of the period of ultimatum the Lahore Session of the Congress proved to be
very significant in the History of the Congress and a proposal of complete Swaraj was passed. It
was also declared on this occasion, "Freedom is our birth right" In case any Government snatches
it, we will destroy it forcibly.

We declare it by oath that we shall follow all the commands which are given to us by the
Congress. Thus, all the members of the Congress Committee took a firm decision to oppose the
English Government whole heartedly. Mahatma Gandhi was authorized to launch the Civil
Disobedience Movement in Lahore session of the Congress.

Before the beginning of this movement, Gandhi once again wrote a letter to the Viceroy but
having failed to receive an appropriate response, he resorted to the Civil Disobedience
Movement.
Growth and Development of the Movement:

The workers of this Movement were required to follow the following conditions:

1. The volunteers of this movement would adopt the Swaraj of the Congress through peaceful
means.

2. They would always remain prepared either to go to jail or to bear any other punishment during
the course of Civil Disobedience Movement.

3. They were not required to demand any economic assistance from the Congress during the
period of their imprisonment.

4. Every worker would follow the command of his leaders who were authorised to hold the
leadership of this Movement.

Dandi March:

The emergence of this movement began with the Dandi March of Gandhi who marched from
Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi seashore a distance of 200 miles and completed this journey within
24 days. He violated the salt Act on April 6th, 1930 and after making the salt there, distributed
the same among the people.

Programme of Civil Disobedience Movement:

The Programme of this Civil Disobedience Movement was like that of Non-Cooperation
Movement Bovcutt of foreign articles, courts; an educational institution was included in it. Two
new conditions were also added in this Movement.

(i) The people would not pay any tax to the Government.

(ii) They would not accept any act which they considered as going against their conscience.

On the call of Mahatma Gandhi the people of the entire country participated in this Movement.
The foreign clothes were burnt publicly and the anti India laws were opposed and condemned
every where.

The women of India also participated in this Movement with full enthusiasm and courage and
faced innumerable difficulties with pleasure more than 1700 women were arrested in Delhi on
the charge of Dharana on the wine shops.

Oppressive Policy of the Government:

In the beginning the English Government paid no head to this Movement. The English
considered that if Mahatma Gandhi continued to boil the sea water in order to make the salt it
was not going to affect the government in any way.

But later on the English Government was very much perturbed by the increasing popularity and
strength of the Movement A great number of the satrygrahis were sent behind the bars and lathi
charges took place at several places in order to suppress the Satyagrahis but the spirit of the
revolutionaries could hot be subdued.

Pattabih Sitaramayya has written in this context that the land was covered with the bodies of the
people who were moaning under the strokes of the sticks.

The clothes of the people were stained with blood and even at much a critical juncture the
discipline of the volunteers of this movement was worth seeing. They were full of the spirit of
non-violence sand it seemed as if they had swallowed the non-violence of Gandhi whole.

Significant Events of the Movement:

Inspite of the oppressive policy of the English Government the following events took place during
the period of the Civil Disobedience Movement.

1. On the recommendations of Lord Irwin, the English Government summoned the Round Table
Conference in London in order to thrash out the problems of India.

People from all classes were invited to participate in this conference but the Congress boy cutted
it. Coupland, a prominent scholar has written the although the Round fable Conference was a
very significant event as the representatives of thirty crore people had never been invited before.

But it had no representative of the biggest organization of India the Congress. This Conference
lasted for about nine weeks but its decisions were not according to the wishes of the Congress,
hence it was decided by the Congress that the Movement should continue.

2. As a result of the prolonged correspondence and the attempts of some leaders of the country, a
pact was concluded between Lord Irwin and Mahatma Gandhi in March 1913 A.D. which came to
be known as Gandhi- Irwin pact.

According to the terms of this pact it was decided that the English Government would withdrew
all oppressive Acts and release all the political prisoners except the violent culprits. In response
to this pact the Congress assured the English Government that they would suspend the Civil
Disobedience Movement and take part in the Second Round Table Conference.

3. On 23rd March 1931 A.D. the great revolutionary and patriot, Bhagat Singh and Raj Guru were
hanged to death; consequently people condemned Gandhi in the entire country. Communal riots
broke out in Kanpur in which Ganesh Shankar Vidyarathi, the president of the provincial
Congress Committee was killed. Under such circumstances in the last week of March 1931 a
session of the Congress was summoned in Karachi in which all the leaders of the Congress
condemned the policies of Gandhi.

The angry and excited leaders declared that if there had been some other leader in place of
Gandhi we would have thrown him into the sea by now. But inspite of this severe opposition and
condemnation of Gandhi, at last him name was proposed for taking part in the Second Round
Table Conference to be held in London. It highlights the Significance of Gandhi in the field of
Indian politics.
4. The Second Round Table Conference began in London on 7th September, 1931 A.D. in which
Gandhi took part as a representative of the All India National Congress and Pandit Madan
Mohan Malaviya and Shrimati Sarojini Naidu took part individually.

Gandhi declared at the beginning of this Conference that he was not taking part in this
Conference as a slave of the British government but on the basis of equality he had come to
participate in it.

As there had been change in the party in England before the beginning of this Conference and
National Government was established in place of the Labour Party government, the decisions
taken in this Conference went against the wishes and aspirations of Gandhi. Consequently, this
Conference failed in to due to the differences between different leaders and ultimately it was
adjourned on December 1, 1931 A.D.

The British government violating the conditions of the Gandhi Irwin Pact started suppression of
the people in the country. They arrested some important leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, Khan
Abdul Ghaffar Khan etc., before the return of Gandhi from London.

The contemporary Viceroy, Lord Willington paid no attention to the solution of this problem. The
working committee of the Congress again decided to carry on the Movement and Gandhi was
once more authorised to lead it.

He asked the people of the country to prepare themselves for the final test on 3rd January 1932,
A.D. but the Government got the communal riots break out in the country and thus forced
Gandhi to post pone the idea of restarting the Movement.

Once again, Mahatma Gandhi was condemned and criticised by the leaders for this decision.

On this occasion Mr. Macdonald, the British Prime Minister announced the so-called communal
award on August 16, 1932 in order to provide separate electoral seats to the depressed classes in
India. Gandhi undertook fast unto death to revoke it. Ultimately, Poona Pact was accepted in
place of communal Award.

However, the Congress did not take part in the Third Round Table Conference, held in London
from 17th December to 24th December, 1932 A.D. gradually, being disappointed with the course
of this movement, Gandhi suggested the suspension of Civil Disobedience Movement in June
1933 A.D. but it was finally discontinued by the Congress in April 1934 A.D.

Political Importance of Civil Disobedience Movement:

Among the. Movements of the Gandhi an Era, the Civil Disobedience Movement proved very
beneficial in bringing about a change in the attitude of the British Government towards the
people of India. If affected the political scene of India in the following ways.

1. Through this Movement, Gandhi showed a new path of struggle to the people of taxes,
prohibition and Civil Disobedience were some such measures as did not seem to be very effective
theoretically but actually, the government was very much perturbed by the increasing popularity
of this movement.

2. As a result of this Movement various significant alterations to took place in the politics of
India. First, the Round Table Conference was not summoned on the report of the Simon
Commission but being perturbed by the power of Civil Disobedience Movement, it was organized
in the interest of the British Government.

Lord Irwin remarked about it. "The Movement which is started by Gandhi among the Hindus is a
source of worries among the observers. We failed to suppress this movement. In case the British
Government did not summon a Round Table Conference on my request, I would resign."

3. The Congress boycotted the First Round Table Conference. Even after a prolonged discussion,
this conference failed to attain any significant success. Hence, it was proved that the All India
National Congress was the only India wide organization without whose help no reforms could be
implemented in the country effectively. Thus, for the first time the British government realized
the power of the Congress.

4. After being impressed by the Civil Disobedience Movement, the British Government became
ready to enter into talks with the representatives of the Congress on the basis of equality.
Although Churchill, the leader of the opposition party strongly opposed this step of the British
Government and called Gandhi, the naked Fakir, the Gandhi- Irwin Pact was the tremendous
outcome of this Movement.

Thatcher remarked in this connection that the agreeing of the Viceroy to the discussion on this
issue was a symbol of the fact that the British Government regarded the Congress as a
representative organization. It was a tremendous success of Gandhi.

Although this Movement was suspended in the long run like the Non-Cooperation Movement, it
is certain that the British Government was forced to have talks on the constitutional problems of
India as a result of this Movement.

The Act of 193 5 A.D. and provincial local self Government under it was the great success of this
Movement. So we can say that the Civil Disobedience Movement organized by Mahatma Gandhi
was a significant step in the direction of the achievement of Independence.

12.subhas chanda bose contribution?

Subhash Chandra Bose joined the Disobedience Movement under the influence of Gandhiji,
Although he was selected in Indian Civil Services. He became an active member of congress.
In 1938 and 1939 he was also elected the President of Congress.

But he resigned from congress Presidentship and formed his Forward Block in 1940 due to
differences with Gandhiji. British had held him under house arrest in Calcutta due to his
activities. But in 1941 he secretly left India. He approached Russia and Germany for help in
Indias freedom. He provided leadership to the Indian National Army after he went to Japan
in 1943.
He organized soldiers and formed provisional government in October 1943. By the Axis
powers this provisional Government was recognised. The INA attacked the North Eastern
borders and even captured a portion, but they had to surrender due to Japanese biased
policy and adverse weather conditions.

He provided an influential leadership and kept the spirit of nationalism burning during the
slack period of national movement in India.

Bose advocated complete unconditional independence for India, whereas the All-India
Congress Committee wanted it in phases, through Dominion status. Finally at the
historic Lahore Congress convention, the Congress adopted Purna Swaraj (complete
independence) as its motto.

13.indegration and merger of princely states?

Independent India embarked on its tasks with the benefit of an outstanding leadership,
having tremendous dedication and idealism besides the presence of a strong nation-
wide party, the Congress. Beside Nehru stood a group of leaders who had played a
notable role in the freedom movement. There was his deputy prime minister, Sardar
Patel, a leader who possessed a strong will and was decisive in action and strong in
administration. Then there were the learned Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, the erudite
Rajendra Prasad, and C. Rajagopalachari, endowed with a razor sharp intellect. At the
state level, were several leaders like Govind Ballabh Pant in U.P., B.C. Roy in West
Bengal, and B.G. Kher and Morarji Desai inBombay, who enjoyed unchallenged authority
in their states.

The government thus formed virtually became a national government. For example, the
first Nehru cabinet of fourteen included five non-Congressmen: Dr B.R. Ambedkar and
Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, both of whom had opposed the Congress before 1947, John
Mathai, C.H. Bhabha and Shanmukham Chetty. Dr B.R. Ambedkar was also made the
Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constitution. Dr S. Radhakrishnan, the first
Vice-President and the second President of India, had never been a Congressmen.

The first question before the new government was the status of the Princely states within
the new Indian federation. Many of the larger princes began to dream of independence
and to scheme for it. The Indian nationalists could hardly accept a situation where the
unity of free India will be endangered by hundreds of small and large independent states.

With great skill and masterful diplomacy and using both persuasion and pressure, Sardar
Vallabhbhai Patel succeeded in integrating the hundreds of princely states with the
Indian union in two stages. Some states had shown wisdom and realism and perhaps a
degree of patriotism by joining the Constituent Assembly in April 1947. However, the
majority of princes had stayed away and a few, such as those of Travancore, Bhopal,
and Hyderabad, publicly announced their desire to claim an independent status.

1. Integration of Princely States British India was divided into what were called the British Indian
Provinces and the Princely States

2. BRITISH INDIA BRITISH INDIAN PROVINCES PRINCELY STATES The British Indian
Several large and small states ruled by Provinces were directly princes, called the Princely
under the control of States, enjoyed some form the British government of control over their
internal affairs as long as they accepted British supremacy. Princely States covered one-
third of the land area of the British Indian Empire

3. The problem It was announced by the British that with the end of their rule over India,
supremacy of the British crown over Princely States would also lapse. This meant that all
these states, as many as 565 in all, would become legally independent. The British
government took the view that all these states were free to join either India or Pakistan or
remain independent if they so wished. This decision was left not to the people but to the
princely rulers of these states. This was a very serious problem and could threaten the very
existence of a united India.

4. THE PROBLEMFirst of all, the ruler of Travancoreannounced that the state had decided
onIndependence.The Nizam of Hyderabad made a similar announcementthe next dayRulers
like the Nawab of Bhopal were averse to join theConstituent Assembly

5. Governments approachThe interim government took a firm stance againstthe possible

division of India into small principalitiesof different sizes.Sardar Patel was Indias Deputy
Prime Minister and theHome Minister during the crucial period immediatelyfollowing
Independence. He played a historic role innegotiating with the rulers of princely states firmly
butdiplomatically and bringing most of them into theIndian Union.

6. IRON MAN OF INDIA

7. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

8. PATEL AND GANDHIJI

9. NEHRU, GANDHIJI AND PATEL

10. The governments approach was guided by three considerations Firstly the people of most of
the princely states clearly wanted to become part of the Indian union Secondly, the
government was prepared to be flexible in giving autonomy to some regions Thirdly, in the
backdrop of Partition which brought into focus the contest over demarcation of territory, the
integration and consolidation of the territorial boundaries of the nation had assumed supreme
importance.

11. Problems solved ? Before 15 August Accession of the Princely 1947, peaceful negotiations
States of had brought almost all Junagadh, Hyderabad, Kash states whose territories mir and
Manipur proved were contiguous to the more difficult than the rest. new boundaries of The
issue of Junagarh was India, into the Indian Union resolved after a plebiscite The rulers of
most of the confirmed peoples desire states signed a document to join India called the
Instrument of The issue of Kashmir is part Accession which meant of modern Indian history
that their state agreed to The cases of Hyderabad become a part of the Union and Manipur
are discussed of India in detail

12. HyderabadManipur
13. LOCATION OF HYDERABAD

14. Hyderabad Hyderabad, the largest of the Princely States was surrounded entirely by Indian
territory. Some parts of the old Hyderabad state are today parts of Maharashtra, Karnataka
and Andhra Pradesh. Its ruler carried the title,Nizam, and he was one of the worlds richest
men. The Nizam wanted an independent status for Hyderabad. He entered into what was
called the Standstill Agreement with India in November 1947

15. PEOPLES MOVEMENT AGAINST NIZAM In the meantime, a movement of the people of
Hyderabad State against the Nizams rule gathered force. The peasantry in the Telangana
region in particular, was the victim of Nizams oppressive rule and rose against him. Women
who had seen the worst of this oppression joined the movement in large numbers.
Hyderabad town was the nerve centre of this movement. The Communists and the
Hyderabad Congress were in the forefront of the movement

16. Hyderabads accession to India. The Nizam responded by unleashing a para- military force
known as the Razakars They murdered, maimed, raped and looted, targeting particularly the
non-Muslims. The central government had to order the army to tackle the situation. In
September 1948, Indian army moved in to control the Nizams forces. After a few days of
intermittent fighting, the Nizam surrendered. This led to Hyderabads accession to India.

17. NIZAM-Osman Ali Khan

18. Chowmahalla palace

19. Purani Haveli palace located in Hyderabad

20. Kingkoti palace

21. Sardar Patel with the Nizam of Hyderabad

22. MANIPUR LOCATION IN INDIA

23. MANIPUR A few days before Independence, the Maharaja of Manipur, Bodhachandra Singh,
signed the Instrument of Accession with the Indian government on the assurance that the
internal autonomy of Manipur would be maintained. Under the pressure of public opinion,the
Maharaja held elections in Manipur in June 1948 and the state became a constitutional
monarchy. Thus Manipur was the first part of India to hold an election based on universal
adult franchise

24. Anger and resentment in Manipur, are still being felt. In the Legislative Assembly of Manipur
there were sharp differences over the question of merger of Manipur with India. While the
state Congress wanted the merger, other political parties were opposed to this. The
Government of India succeeded in pressurising the Maharaja into signing a Merger
Agreement in September 1949, without consulting the popularly elected Legislative Assembly
of Manipur. This caused a lot of anger and resentment in Manipur, the repercussions of
which are still being felt.

25. Anger and resentment inManipur, are still being felt.

26. ECONOMIC BLOCKADE IN MANIPUR

27. Mountbatten's role

 28.
29.
30. Lord Louis Mountbatten played an important role in convincing reluctant monarchs to accede to the
Indian Union.

31. Mountbatten believed that securing the states' accession to India was crucial to
reaching a negotiated settlement with the Congress for the transfer of power. [38] As a
relative of the British King, he was trusted by most of the princes and was a personal
friend of many, especially the Nawab of Bhopal, Hamidullah Khan. The princes also
believed that he would be in a position to ensure the independent India adhered to
any terms that might be agreed upon, because Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and
Patel had asked him to become the first Governor General of the Dominion of
India.[39]
32. Mountbatten used his influence with the princes to push them towards accession. He
declared that the British Government would not grant dominion status to any of the
princely states, nor would it accept them into the British Commonwealth, which
meant that the states would sever all connections with the British crown unless they
joined either India or Pakistan.[40] He pointed out that the Indian subcontinent was
one economic entity, and that the states would suffer most if the link were
broken.[41] He also pointed to the difficulties that princes would face maintaining order
in the face of threats such as the rise of communal violence and communist
movements.[36]
33. Mountbatten stressed that he would act as the trustee of the princes' commitment, as
he would be serving as India's head of state well into 1948. He engaged in a
personal dialogue with reluctant princes, such as the Nawab of Bhopal, who he
asked through a confidential letter to sign the Instrument of Accession making Bhopal
part of India, which Mountbatten would keep locked up in his safe. It would be
handed to the States Department on 15 August only if the Nawab did not change his
mind before then, which he was free to do. The Nawab agreed, and did not renege
over the deal.[42]
34. At the time, several princes complained that they were being betrayed by Britain, who
they regarded as an ally,[43] and Sir Conrad Corfield resigned his position as head of
 the Political Department in protest at Mountbatten's policies.[36] Mountbatten's policies
were also criticised by the opposition Conservative Party.[44] Winston
Churchill compared the language used by the Indian government with that used
by Adolf Hitler before the invasion of Austria.[45] Modern historians such as Lumby
and Moore, however, take the view that Mountbatten played a crucial role in ensuring
that the princely states agreed to accede to India.[46]
35. Pressure and diplomacy

36.
37.
38. Vallabhbhai Patel as Minister for Home and States Affairs had the responsibility of welding the
British Indian, provinces and the princely states into a united India.

39. By far the most significant factor that led to the princes' decision to accede to India
was the policy of the Congress and, in particular, of Patel and Menon. The Congress'
stated position was that the princely states were not sovereign entities, and as such
could not opt to be independent notwithstanding the end of paramountcy. The
princely states, it declared, must therefore accede to either India or Pakistan.[47] In
July 1946, Nehru pointedly observed that no princely state could prevail militarily
against the army of independent India. In January 1947, he said that independent
India would not accept the divine right of kings, and in May 1947, he declared that
any princely state which refused to join the Constituent Assembly would be treated
as an enemy state.[36] Other Congress leaders, such as C. Rajagopalachari, argued
that as paramountcy "came into being as a fact and not by agreement", it would
necessarily pass to the government of independent India, as the successors of the
British.[49]
40. Patel and Menon, who were charged with the actual job of negotiating with the
princes, took a more conciliatory approach than Nehru.[50] The official policy
statement of the Government of India made by Patel on 5 July 1947 made no threats.
Instead, it emphasised the unity of India and the common interests of the princes and
independent India, reassured them about the Congress' intentions, and invited them
to join independent India "to make laws sitting together as friends than to make
treaties as aliens".[51] He reiterated that the States Department would not attempt to
establish a relationship of domination over the princely states. Unlike the Political
Department of the British Government, it would not be an instrument of paramountcy,
but a medium whereby business could be conducted between the states and India as
equals.[52]
41. Instruments of Accession
42. Patel and Menon backed up their diplomatic efforts by producing treaties that were
designed to be attractive to rulers of princely states. Two key documents were
produced. The first was the Standstill Agreement, which confirmed that the
agreements and administrative practices that existed as between the princely state in
question and the British would be continued by India. The second was the Instrument
of Accession, by which the ruler of the princely state in question agreed to the
accession of his kingdom to independent India, and to granting India control over
specified subject matters.[25] The nature of the subject matters varied depending on
the acceding state. The states which had internal autonomy under the British signed
an Instrument of Accession which only ceded three subjects to the government of
Indiadefence, external affairs, and communications, each defined in accordance
with List 1 to Schedule VII of the Government of India Act 1935. Rulers of states
which were in effect estates or talukas, where substantial administrative powers were
exercised by the Crown, signed a different Instrument of Accession, which vested
all residuary powers and jurisdiction in the government of India. Rulers of states
which had an intermediate status signed a third type of Instrument, which preserved
the degree of power they had under the British.[53]
43. The Instruments of Accession implemented a number of other safeguards. Clause 7
provided that the princes would not be bound to the Indian constitution as and when
it was drafted. Clause 8 guaranteed their autonomy in all areas in which authority
was not expressly ceded to the Government of India.[54] This was supplemented by a
number of promises. Rulers who agreed to accede would receive guarantees that
their extra-territorial rights, such as immunity from prosecution in Indian courts and
exemption from customs duty, would be protected, that they would be allowed to
democratise slowly, that none of the eighteen major states would be forced to merge,
and that they would remain eligible for British honours and decorations. In
discussions, Lord Mountbatten reinforced the statements of Patel and Menon by
emphasising that the documents gave the princes all the "practical independence"
they needed.[56]Mountbatten, Patel and Menon also sought to give princes the
impression that if they did not accept the terms put to them then, they would
subsequently have to accede on substantially less favourable terms.[57] The Standstill
Agreement was also used as a negotiating tool, as the States Department
categorically ruled out signing a Standstill Agreement with princely states that did not
sign an Instrument of Accession

post mordern india(10 Q, 40M)

 write 10 points on all PM of india , and explain if they had any extraordinary thing done , which is
very positive and necesserily not negative.

Word history(10Q)(30M)
1.why africa was easily conquered?

2.boer wars , what was the role of gandhiji in boer war?

3.causes of 1st world war?

4.peace treaty after ww1?

5.russial revolution?

6.great economic revolution and its relation with 2009 economic depression?

7.ww2 cause?

8.fall of berlin wall?

9.NAM and its relevance in todays time?

10.vietnam war and why it stopped?

What Was the Vietnam War?

The Vietnam War was the prolonged struggle between nationalist forces attempting to unify the
country of Vietnam under a communist government and the United States (with the aid of the South
Vietnamese) attempting to prevent the spread of communism. Engaged in a war that many viewed as
having no way to win, U.S. leaders lost the American public's support for the war. Since the end of the
war, the Vietnam War has become a benchmark for what not to do in all future U.S. foreign conflicts.

Dates of the Vietnam War: 1959 -- April 30, 1975

Also Known As: American War in Vietnam, Vietnam Conflict, Second Indochina War, War Against
the Americans to Save the Nation

Overview of the Vietnam War:

Ho Chi Minh Comes Home

There had been fighting in Vietnam for decades before the Vietnam War began. The Vietnamese had
suffered under French colonial rule for nearly six decades when Japan invaded portions of Vietnam in
1940. It was in 1941, when Vietnam had two foreign powers occupying them, that communist
Vietnamese revolutionary leader Ho Chi Minh arrived back in Vietnam after spending thirty years
traveling the world.
Once Ho was back in Vietnam, he established a headquarters in a cave in northern Vietnam and
established the Viet Minh, whose goal was to rid Vietnam of the French and Japanese occupiers.
Having gained support for their cause in northern Vietnam, the Viet Minh announced the
establishment of an independent Vietnam with a new government called the Democratic Republic of
Vietnam on September 2, 1945. The French, however, were not willing to give up their colony so
easily and fought back.

For years, Ho had tried to court the United States to support him against the French, including
supplying the U.S. with military intelligence about the Japanese during World War II. Despite this aid,
the United States was fully dedicated to their Cold War foreign policy of containment, which meant
preventing the spread of Communism. This fear of the spread of Communism was heightened by the
U.S. "domino theory," which stated that if one country in Southeast Asia fell to Communism then
surrounding countries would also soon fall. To help prevent Vietnam from becoming a communist
country, the U.S. decided to help France defeat Ho and his revolutionaries by sending the French
military aid in 1950.

France Steps Out, U.S. Steps In

In 1954, after suffering a decisive defeat at Dien Bien Phu, the French decided to pull out of Vietnam.
At the Geneva Conference of 1954, a number of nations met to determine how the French could
peacefully withdraw. The agreement that came out of the conference (called the Geneva Accords)
stipulated a cease fire for the peaceful withdrawal of French forces and the temporary division of
Vietnam along the 17th parallel (which split the country into communist North Vietnam and non-
communist South Vietnam). In addition, a general democratic election was to be held in 1956 that
would reunite the country under one government. The United States refused to agree to the election,
fearing the communists might win.

With help from the United States, South Vietnam carried out the election only in South Vietnam rather
than countrywide. After eliminating most of his rivals, Ngo Dinh Diem was elected. His leadership,
however, proved so horrible that he was killed in 1963 during a coup supported by the United States.
Since Diem had alienated many South Vietnamese during his tenure, communist sympathizers in
South Vietnam established the National Liberation Front (NLF), also known as the Viet Cong, in 1960
to use guerrilla warfare against the South Vietnamese.

First U.S. Ground Troops Sent to Vietnam

As the fighting between the Viet Cong and the South Vietnamese continued, the U.S. continued to
send additional advisers to South Vietnam. When the North Vietnamese fired directly upon two U.S.
ships in international waters on August 2 and 4, 1964 (known as the Gulf of Tonkin Incident),
Congress responded with the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. This resolution gave the President the
authority to escalate U.S. involvement in Vietnam. President Lyndon Johnson used that authority to
order the first U.S. ground troops to Vietnam in March 1965.

Johnson's Plan for Success

President Johnson's goal for U.S. involvement in Vietnam was not for the U.S. to win the war, but for
U.S. troops to bolster South Vietnam's defenses until South Vietnam could take over. By entering the
Vietnam War without a goal to win, Johnson set the stage for future public and troop disappointment
when the U.S. found themselves in a stalemate with the North Vietnamese and the Viet Cong.

From 1965 to 1969, the U.S. was involved in a limited war in Vietnam. Although there were aerial
bombings of the North, President Johnson wanted the fighting to be limited to South Vietnam. By
limiting the fighting parameters, the U.S. forces would not conduct a serious ground assault into the
North to attack the communists directly nor would there be any strong effort to disrupt the Ho Chi
Minh Trail (the Viet Cong's supply path that ran through Laos and Cambodia).
Life in the Jungle

U.S. troops fought a jungle war, mostly against the well-supplied Viet Cong. The Viet Cong would
attack in ambushes, set up booby traps, and escape through a complex network of underground
tunnels. For U.S. forces, even just finding their enemy proved difficult. Since Viet Cong hid in the
dense brush, U.S. forces would drop Agent Orange or napalm bombs which cleared an area by
causing the leaves to drop off or to burn away. In every village, U.S. troops had difficulty determining
which, if any, villagers were the enemy since even women and children could build booby traps or
help house and feed the Viet Cong. U.S. soldiers commonly became frustrated with the fighting
conditions in Vietnam. Many suffered from low morale, became angry, and some used drugs.

12.Bostan tea party and america got independance ?

The Boston Tea Party (initially referred to by John Adams as "the Destruction of the Tea
in Boston"[2]) was a political protest by the Sons of Liberty in Boston, on December 16,
1773. The demonstrators, some disguised as American Indians, destroyed an entire
shipment of tea sent by the East India Company, in defiance of the Tea Act of May 10, 1773.
They boarded the ships and threw the chests of tea into Boston Harbor, ruining the tea. The
British government responded harshly and the episode escalated into the American
Revolution. The Tea Party became an iconic event of American history, and other political
protests such as the Tea Party movement after 2010 explicitly refer to it.
The Tea Party was the culmination of a resistance movement throughout British
America against the Tea Act, which had been passed by the British Parliament in 1773.
Colonists objected to the Tea Act because they believed that it violated theirrights as
Englishmen to "No taxation without representation," that is, be taxed only by their own
elected representatives and not by a British parliament in which they were not represented.
Protesters had successfully prevented the unloading of taxed tea in three other colonies, but
in Boston, embattled Royal Governor Thomas Hutchinson refused to allow the tea to be
returned to Britain.
The Boston Tea Party was a key event in the growth of the American Revolution. Parliament
responded in 1774 with the Coercive Acts, or Intolerable Acts, which, among other
provisions, ended local self-government in Massachusetts and closed Boston's commerce.
Colonists up and down the Thirteen Colonies in turn responded to the Coercive Acts with
additional acts of protest, and by convening the First Continental Congress, which petitioned
the British monarch for repeal of the acts and coordinated colonial resistance to them. The
crisis escalated, and theAmerican Revolutionary War began near Boston in 1775.

13.afghanistan and taliban related wars ?

The War in Afghanistan (2001present) refers to the intervention by North Atlantic Treaty
Organisation (NATO) and allied forces in the ongoing Afghan civil war. The war followed
the September 11 attacks, and its public aims were to dismantle al-Qaeda and denying it a
safe basis of operation in Afghanistan[22][23]by removing the Taliban from power.
U.S. President George W. Bush demanded that the Taliban hand over Osama bin
Laden and expel al-Qaeda. The Taliban requested that bin Laden leave the country, but
declined to extradite him without evidence of his involvement in the 9/11 attacks. The United
States refused to negotiate and launched Operation Enduring Freedom on 7 October 2001
with the United Kingdom. The two were later joined by other forces, including the Northern
Alliance.[24][25] The U.S. and its allies drove the Taliban from power and built military bases
near major cities across the country. Most al-Qaeda and Taliban were not captured,
escaping to neighboring Pakistan or retreating to rural or remote mountainous regions.
In December 2001, the United Nations Security Council established theInternational Security
Assistance Force (ISAF), to oversee military operations in the country and train Afghan
National Security Forces. At the Bonn Conference in December 2001, Hamid Karzai was
selected to head the Afghan Interim Administration, which after a 2002 loya
jirga in Kabul became the Afghan Transitional Administration. In the popular elections of
2004, Karzai was elected president of the country, now named the Islamic Republic of
Afghanistan.[26]
In 2003, NATO assumed leadership of ISAF, with troops from 43 countries. NATO members
provided the core of the force.[27] One portion of U.S. forces in Afghanistan operated under
NATO command; the rest remained under direct American command. Taliban leader Mullah
Omar reorganized the movement and in 2003 launched an insurgency against the
government and ISAF.[28][29]
Though vastly outgunned and outnumbered, the Taliban insurgents, most notably
the Haqqani Network and Hezb-e-Islami Gulbuddin, have waged asymmetric
warfare with guerilla raids and ambushes in the countryside, suicide attacksagainst urban
targets and turncoat killings against coalition forces. The Taliban exploited weaknesses in
the Afghan government, among the most corrupt in the world, to reassert influence across
rural areas of southern and eastern Afghanistan. ISAF responded in 2006 by increasing
troops for counterinsurgencyoperations to "clear and hold" villages and "nation building"
projects to "win hearts and minds".[30][31]
While ISAF continued to battle the Taliban insurgency, fighting crossed into
neighboring North-West Pakistan.[32] In 2004, the Pakistani Army began to clash with local
tribes hosting al-Qaeda and Taliban militants. The US military launcheddrone attacks in
Pakistan to kill insurgent leaders. This resulted in the start of aninsurgency in Waziristan in
2007.
On 2 May 2011, United States Navy SEALs killed Osama bin Laden in Abbotabad, Pakistan.
In May 2012, NATO leaders endorsed an exit strategy for withdrawing their forces. UN-
backed peace talks have since taken place between the Afghan government and the
Taliban.[33] In May 2014, the United States announced that its combat operations would end
in 2014, leaving just a small residual force in the country until the end of 2016.[34]
As of 2013, tens of thousands of people had been killed in the war. Over 4,000 ISAF soldiers
and civilian contractors as well as over 10,000 Afghan National Security Forces had been
killed

14.syria war and beginning of 2nd cold war?

The Syrian crisis is no longer a purely Syrian affair. Its wider dimension was
highlighted on February 4, when Russia and China cast their veto at the U.N.
Security Council, thereby aborting a Western-backed Arab resolution that had called
on President Bashar al-Assad to step down. At a stroke, the debate was no longer
simply about Syrias internal power struggle. Instead, with their vetoes, Moscow and
Beijing were saying that they too had interests in the Middle East that they were
determined to protect. The region was no longer an exclusive Western preserve
under the hegemony of the United States and its allies.

Russia has decades-old interests in the Middle East, and in Syria in particular. As a
major customer of Iranian oil, China doesnt approve of Western sanctions against
Tehran. Nor does it take kindly to U.S. attempts to contain its influence in the Asia-
Pacific region. Theres a hint in the air of a revived Cold War.

The Syrian crisis has, in fact, been a two-stage affair from the very beginning
internal as well as international. On the internal level, the uprising has aimed to
topple the regime based on the model of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. In this
increasingly ugly struggle, both sides government and opposition have made
serious mistakes. The governments mistake was to use live rounds against street
protesters who were at first at least demonstrating peacefully. The crisis could
perhaps have been defused with the implementation of immediate reforms. Instead,
mounting casualties have created enormous bitterness among the population,
reducing the chance of a negotiated settlement.

The oppositions mistake has been to resort to arms to become militarised largely
in the form of the Free Syrian Army, a motley force of defectors from the armed
services, as well as freelance fighters and hard-line Islamists. It has been conducting
hit-and-run attacks on regime targets and regime loyalists. The exiled opposition
leadership is composed of a number of disparate, often squabbling, groupings, of
which the best known is the Syrian National Council. Inside the SNC, the Muslim
Brotherhood is the best organised and funded element of the opposition. Outlawed
since its terrorist campaign from 1977 to1982 to overthrow the regime of Hafez al-
Assad an attempt crushed in blood at Hama it is driven by a thirst for revenge.

No regime, whatever its political colouring, can tolerate an armed uprising without
responding with full force. Indeed, the rise of an armed opposition has provided the
Syrian regime with the justification it needed to seek to crush it with ever bloodier
repression.

Casualties over the last eleven months have been heavy estimated at some 5,000 to
6,000 members of the opposition, both armed and unarmed, and perhaps 1,500
members of the army and security forces. Theres necessarily an element of
guesswork in these figures as in all wars the manipulation of information has been
much in evidence.

As a result of all this, inside Syria, the situation is today one of increased violence by
both sides, of sectarian polarisation, and of a dangerous stalemate, slipping each day
closer to a full-blown sectarian civil war.

The second level of the contest is being played out in the international arena, where
Russia and China, with some support from other emerging powers such as India and
Brazil, are challenging Americas supremacy in the Middle East. Washingtons
outrage at the challenge was evident when U.S. Secretary of State Hilary
Clintonangrily dismissed the Russian and Chinese veto as a travesty. Escalating the
crisis, she called for an international coalition to support the Syrian opposition
against what she described as the brutal regime in Damascus. She has encouraged
the creation of a Friends of Syria group, with the apparent aim of channelling funds
and weapons to Assads enemies.

In his classic study, The Arab Cold War, Malcolm Kerr charted the machinations of inter-Arab politics
during an era dominated by Egypts President Gamal Abdel Nasser. In another renowned work, The
Struggle for Syria, Patrick Seale documented the links between Syrias tumultuous domestic politics
and the broader contest for supremacy in the region, stemming from factors ranging from inter-Arab
conflicts to the global cold war. Today, amid the chaos in Syria and the transformations in the region,
these texts, both originally published in 1965, seem all too contemporary. Once again, regional
politics shows many signs of an Arab cold war and, once again, that broader conflict is manifesting
itself in a struggle for Syria.

In the Arab cold war of the 1950s and 1960s, inter-Arab relations were characterized by power
struggles between revolutionary republics, led by pan-Arab nationalist military officers, and more
conservative or even reactionary monarchies. The republics saw themselves as the future of Arab
politics, with the aim of changing not only the type of regime in Arab states, but also the map of the
region through repeated unification efforts. This pan-Arab project led to extensive intervention in
the affairs of various states, by both sides, as the republics and monarchies waged proxy wars in civil
conflicts in Yemen, Lebanon, Jordan and elsewhere.

Many of the same elements -- power struggles, ideological and identity conflicts, and proxy wars --
are present today. The main difference is that the 2012 version of the Arab cold war does not array
revolutionary republics on one side. Over time, the radical republics of the 1950s and 1960s became
deep-seated authoritarian states, neither revolutionary nor particularly republican. Many of them
have now experienced actual national revolutions, as opposed to the military coups of past decades
that tended to be cast as revolutions. On the other hand, the greatest similarity to the earlier cold
war is the mobilization of conservative monarchies attempting to block another wave of change
across the Arab regional system.

As the monarchical regimes increasingly cooperate in self-defense, the question is: Against what?
Until the 2011 uprisings, the answer seemed to be the non-Arab threat of Iran. Many Arab regimes
were concerned not only with Iranian power, but also with Iranian influence and interference in
Arab politics. Arab conflicts from Iraq to Lebanon were viewed increasingly in both power politics
and sectarian terms: as proxy battles between Saudi- and Iranian-led blocs in the regional balance of
power and also as struggles between Sunni and Shii alliances in the greater Middle East.

The first signs of the new Arab cold war predate the Arab uprisings of 2011-2012, and became
especially clear during the 2006 war between Israel and Hizballah. Some Arab states chose to view
this Arab-Israeli war, unlike all previous ones, in sectarian terms. While Arab states did not support
Israel in the conflict, few rose to the defense, even verbally, of the Iranian-backed Shii organization
in Lebanon. Yet the 2006 conflict signaled another key shift that was perhaps a harbinger of events
in 2011: the clear rift in many Arab countries between state and society. Arab governments (aside
from Syria) may not have supported Hizballah, but many Arab publics did. Arab street
demonstrations made the link to the earlier Arab cold war period, with placards comparing Nasser in
1956 to Hizballah leader Hasan Nasrallah in 2006. But as Andr Bank and Morten Valbjrn have
noted, this comparison only underscored the differences between the two eras. Nasser was a head
of state, with a secular, avowedly socialist approach to pan-Arabism. Nasrallah is head of a mass
movement with an Islamist approach to Arabism and Arab identity. Bank and Valbjrn argue further
that the differences make clear the shift in the meaning of pan-Arabism itself, from an ideology of
struggle used by secular states to a new societal Islamic Political Arabism. In their formulation:

A societal Political Arabism rising from an Arab-Islamic public rather than a state-led Pan-Arabism
constitutes a dominant frame of reference in Middle East regional politics today. Societal actors, not
upstart republics, now represent the challenge to the regional status quo. The rivalry is also no longer
primarily an inter-state competition, but a cold war between Arab regimes and societal actors led by
Islamists with considerable popular support and subscribing to a popularly driven Islamic Political
Arabism.

Failure to grasp the continuing importance of Arabism, and its changing form, led many outside
observers to miss key dynamics in regional politics. F. Gregory Gause has argued that this
interpretive lapse caused most scholars of the Middle East to miss the hints of the Arab
uprisings. Scholarship had too often treated pan-Arabism as long dead, missing its continuing
salience at the social level and hence at the political level as well.

Today, states, societies and social movements struggle over the meaning of pan-Arab identity.
Unlike the Arabism of the earlier Arab cold war, the modern version does not emphasize redrawing
borders and revamping governments through unification schemes. Rather, the new struggle more
often involves conflicts within domestic politics, sometimes with a dimension of external
intercession. Hence, there are multiple levels of meaning in inter-Arab struggles: Conservative
monarchies rediscover the importance of Arab unity as a language of mutual protection from regime
change; Arab Islamist movements challenge regimes and connect with peers across borders; and
pro- and anti-democratization forces work not only within states, but also across states, in their
attempts at collaboration.

The Arab uprisings of 2011-2012 have deepened the divisions of the new Arab cold war, including
along Sunni-Shii lines. And like the earlier cold war, the contemporary one features competing
approaches to intervention in the affairs of other Arab states. But the current version, while
displaying sectarian and power dimensions, also includes new dynamics emerging from the Arab
uprisings themselves. Todays Arab cold war features not only state-state rivalries, but also state-
society conflicts characterized by reemergent Arab identity politics, a public sphere expanded by a
revolution in media and communication, a rise of Islamist social and political movements challenging
incumbent regimes and, finally, new norms and popular expectations regarding participation in
public life.

These dynamics have led to a reassertion of foreign policy activism on the part of conservative
monarchies, to the point that one of the most active forces in regional politics today, somewhat
amazingly, is the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The GCC is no military juggernaut, but has risen to
prominence because the uprisings came at a time when the three traditional (and often rival) power
centers -- Cairo, Baghdad and Damascus -- had all receded from the regional balance of power. Each
state was overwhelmed with domestic concerns: Egypt with its own revolution, Iraq with the effects
of US invasion and occupation, and Syria with its own uprising. Domestic unrest and insecurity had
forced the regimes in Cairo, Baghdad and Damascus to cede the stage to Riyadh and, more
surprisingly, to Doha. These changes in regional dynamics have had important effects for uprisings in
Yemen, Libya, Bahrain and now Syria. And this time, there is no countervailing force to check the
conservative monarchiesunless it comes from the people under their rule.

The Saudis and other GCC regimes were so alarmed at regional trends that they reached out to
decidedly non-Gulf kingdoms, in Morocco and Jordan, inviting them to join the council. Morocco
showed limited interest in joining the faraway alliance, while Jordan scrambled to revive an
application that had been on the table for 20 years. It is still unclear if any expansion will occur. The
GCC remains, in any case, an alliance of conservative Arab and Sunni hereditary monarchies, this
time not against radical Arab republics or even Iranian revolutionaries, but against the restive
peoples within their own borders. While not inviting Yemen to join, the GCC did attempt to dampen
the fires there by brokering deals to trade partial regime change for an end to unrest. Still, despite
Saudi efforts to use the GCC as its main tool in a regional counter-revolution, other GCC states often
break with Riyadh and maintain defiantly independent foreign policies. Despite the bilateral Saudi-
Iranian cold war, for instance, Oman and Qatar have each maintained cordial relations with Tehran.

The rise of Qatar to at least temporary status as a regional power is perhaps the oddest
phenomenon in contemporary inter-Arab relations. The tiny but immensely wealthy peninsular
monarchy has steadily enhanced its regional and even global role, from hosting rounds of World
Trade Organization negotiations in 2001 to landing the World Cup scheduled for 2022. Qatar is also
home to the influential Al Jazeera satellite news channel, which has provided exhaustive coverage of
most of the Arab uprisings. The Gulf emirate has also positioned itself as broker of peace in conflicts
between factions in Lebanon, Palestine and even Afghanistan, with the Taliban opening an office in
Doha.

When the Libyan uprising began, Qatar led the call for international intervention. When the wave of
revolt reached Bahrain, Saudi Arabia led the counter-revolution and the GCC intervened militarily to
support the Bahraini monarchy against pro-democracy and pro-reform demonstrators. Echoing the
sectarian logic of 2006, the intervention was framed as Sunni solidarity against Shii (and allegedly
Iranian) subversion.

While the Libyan revolution led to civil war and outside intervention, including an extended NATO
campaign of air strikes against the Qaddafi regime, the Syrian uprising threatens to take an even
more dangerous path, both for the Syrian people and the region as a whole. The Syrian crisis began
as part of the Arab uprisings, with civilian activists marching for greater freedom and openness in
Syria. It was only after the regime responded with violence in Dira that protest movements sprang
up across the country. These movements, too, began peacefully but were met with force. Eventually,
calls for reform became calls for regime change. The Arab League plan asking President Bashar al-
Asad to cede power to a deputy was crafted under Qatars temporary (rotating) leadership of the
Arab League council, with strong GCC support. Indeed, the idea of Arab League monitors in Syria had
a similar genesis, and the GCC states were accordingly the first to withdraw their monitors in early
February (followed closely by GCC aspirant Jordan) when they deemed the mission a failure.

The Syrian imbroglio bears all the hallmarks of the new Arab cold war, including domestic struggle
between a regime and opposition each with outside patrons, attempts to fan the flames of
sectarianism, and dueling narratives regarding who is really attacking whom. Like the earlier Arab
cold war, the conflict is awash in propaganda and disinformation. Even honest media attempts to
understand the Syrian revolution too often distill the conflict to a ruthless regime versus the Syrian
National Council (a collection of opposition groups in exile) and the Free Syria Army (a relatively
small set of army deserters who have now started an armed campaign against the regime). What is
missing, more often than not, is the overwhelming majority of Syrians working at the grassroots
against the regime and linked to neither the Council nor the Army.

Meanwhile, the GCC states leading calls for international pressure to oust Asad are hardly
themselves bulwarks of democracy. Their aim is not to favor democracy over authoritarianism, but
rather to topple a largely Alawi (and hence, in their view, Shii) regime allied with Iran. Saudi Arabia,
Qatar and their allies appear to be hoping that a successor regime in Damascus would be
predominantly Sunni, indebted to the GCC states and no longer an ally of Iran or Hizballah. Their
motivations, in short, seem more in line with those of the new Arab cold war than with the
democratic aspirations of the Syrian people. With Iran and Hizballah backing the Asad regime, and
the GCC states and Turkey actively opposing it, the Syrian conflict is already becoming a regional
conflict. As the United States, Britain and France call for action through the UN Security Council,
blocked only by rival imperial powers Russia and China, the Syrian crisis has assumed international
dimensions as well.

Still, despite the usual level of disarray and rivalry associated with inter-Arab relations, the Arab
League -- led by Qatar and the GCC states -- did manage to create a semblance of unity as it
attempted to craft a way out of the Syria crisis. While not calling for military intervention, the Arab
League proposal called for Asad to cede power to his vice president, paving the way for a negotiated
end to the fighting and the creation of a Syrian unity government. The Russian and Chinese veto of
the Arab League proposal in the Security Council, however, ensures that the Syrian conflict will
become more violent and more internationalized, as the Asad regime attempts to crush the
rebellion once and for all, Syrian resistance groups turn increasingly to armed struggle, and Arab
states and others intervene in other ways -- supplying arms, materiel and financial support to their
chosen side.

The battle lines outside Syria are already drawn, with the US, Britain and France in conflict with
Russia and China, while regional non-Arab powers Turkey and Iran similarly back opposite sides.
Israelis are torn between which outcome is worse for them, while Arab neighbor Jordan is perhaps in
the weakest and most dangerous position of all, wedged between Baathist Syria and the GCC, and
deeply vulnerable to the instability engulfing its northern neighbor.

The struggles of the earlier Arab cold war were particularly virulent in Syria, from independence in
1946 to the coup detat that established the authoritarian regime of Hafiz al-Asad in 1970. As both
Kerr and Seale demonstrated, Syria during those years was a key battleground in regional struggles
between republicans and monarchists, among nationalists, communists and Baathists, and between
global superpowers. Coup after coup toppled governments in Damascus as rival civilian political
parties and military officers maneuvered against one another, aided and abetted by local and global
cold war dynamics. Today, if anything, the dynamics seem even worse, as external powers including
the GCC, the Arab League, Iran, Israel, Turkey, the United States, Britain, France, Russia and even
China spar over Syrias future. A plunge into full-scale civil war would be all too reminiscent of
Lebanon (from 1975 to 1990) or Iraq (after the 2003 US invasion). A negotiated diplomatic solution
stipulating some level of regime change and a more inclusive government -- one that ousts Asad but
manages to allay the fears of Alawis, Christians and Muslims alike -- seems essential to avoid a
similar endemic conflict in Syria. While much will depend on the efforts of Syrians themselves, today,
as in the earlier cold war period, much will also depend on the cooperationor rivalryassociated
with external Arab, regional and global powers. Indeed, if Syria is allowed to tip into the abyss, there
could be a disaster comparable to Lebanons or Iraqs, as the struggle for Syria once again widens the
fissures of an Arab cold war, the dynamics of which may doom the hopes of the Syrian people.
Sociology(10Q)(40M)

1.describe about urbanisation problem in Indian society?

Urbanisation in India was mainly caused after independence, due to adoption of mixed
system of economy by the country which gave rise to the development of private sector.
Urbanisation is taking place at a faster rate in India.
Population residing in urban areas in India, according to 1901 census, was 11.4%.This count
increased to 28.53% according to 2001 census, and crossing 30% as per 2011 census,
standing at 31.16%.
According to a survey by UN State of the World Population report in 2007, by 2030, 40.76%
of country's population is expected to reside in urban areas. As per World Bank, India, along
with China, Indonesia, Nigeria and the United States, will lead the world's urban population
surge by 2050.
Estimated population, at the current rate of growth, by year 2015, Mumbai stands at 25
million, Delhi and Kolkata at 16 million each, Chennai, Bangalore and Hyderabad at 10
million.

Causes of urbanisation in India

The main causes of urbanisation in India are:

Expansion in government services, as a result of the Second World War

Migration of people during the partition of India
The Industrial Revolution
Eleventh five year plan that aimed at urbanisation for the economic development of India
Economic opportunities are just one reason people move into cities
Infrastructure facilities in the urban areas
Growth of private sector after 1990

Consequences of urbanisation
Rapid rise in urban population, in India, is leading to many problems like increasing slums,
decrease in standard of living in urban areas, also causing environmental damage.
This has greatly caused slum problems, with so many people over crowding cities and
forcing people to live in unsafe conditions which also includes illegal buildings. Water
lines,roads and electricity are lacking which is causing fall of living standards. It is also
adding to the problem of all types of pollution.
Urbanisation also results in a disparity in the market, owing to the large demands of the
growing population and the primary sector struggling to cope with them.
2.Communalism problem do still exist in india?
Indian society is pluralistic from religious point of view.

Hindus constitute the bulk of the population and they inhabit in all parts
of the country.

Muslims constitute the largest religious minority. But the adjustment

between the Hindus and Muslims has been a failure several times,
resulting in violent communal riots.

Meaning of Communalism:
Communalism, as we understand it in our country is blind loyalty to
ones own religious group.

It is described as a tool to mobilize people for or against by raising an

appeal on communal lines. Communalism is associated with religious
fundamentalism and dogmatism.

Communalism is a social phenomenon characterized by the religion of

two communities, often leading to acrimony, tension and even rioting
between them

Communalism may be perceived as a total commitment to a set of beliefs

and its far from rationality.

Characteristics of Communalism:
(i) Communalism is an ideological concept,

(ii) It is a complex process,

(iii) It has a broader base which encompasses social, economic and

political aspects for its manifestation.

(iv) It causes rivalry, violence and tension among masses,

(v) It is used by the higher class people and elites as an instrument for
division and exploitation of the communal identities of the poorer
sections of their co-religionists.

(vi) Communalism is simply engineered by opportunistic political and

economic interest of contending groups and factions within a political
party or by political parties.

(vii) It strikes at the roots of democracy, secularism and national

integration.

(viii) Its effects are disastrous.

Causes of Communalism:
1. Tendency of the Minorities:
The Muslims fail to be intermingled in the national mainstream. Most of
them do not participate in the secular nationalistic politics and insist on
maintaining tor separate identity .

2. Orthodoxy and Obscurantism:

The orthodox members of minorities feel that they have a distinct entity
with their own cultural pattern, personal laws and thought. There are
strong elements of conservatism and fundamentalism among the
Muslims.

3. Design of the Leaders:

Communalism has flourished in India because the communalist leaders
of both Hindu and Muslim communities desire to flourish it in the
interest of their communities. The demand for separate electorate and
the organization of Muslim league were the practical manifestations of
this line of thought. The British rule which produced the divide and rule
policy, separate electorate on the basis of religion strengthened the basis
of communalism in India Ultimately the partition of the country into
India and Pakistan provided further an antagonistic feeling towards each
other.

4. Weak Economic Status:

A majority of Muslims in India has failed to adopt the scientific and
technological education. Due to their educational backwardness, they
have not been represented sufficiently in the public service, industry and
trade etc. This causes the feeling of relative deprivation and such feelings
contain the seeds of communalism.

5. Geographical Causes:
The territorial settlement of different religious groups especially Hindus
Muslims and Christians causes in them wide variation in the mode of
life, social standards and belief system. Most of these patterns are
contradictory and this may cause communal tension.

6. Historical Causes:
The Muslims, all over the subcontinent, are converts from Hinduism,
which was facilitated due to the caste-hate relations and under the
compulsions of Muslim rulers. The problems of social segregation,
illiteracy and poverty that had set apart the low caste people remain
unresolved for them, as the foreign elite that rubbed never shared power
with them. Their work ended with the conversion of the Indians and the
converts began by imitating the masters in thought, speech and dress. It
caused their alienation. Gradually, elements of communalism entered in
the Muslim community. The separatist elements in the Muslim
community, from the very start of the national resurgence had
discouraged others of their community, from associating themselves
with it. As a result Muslim league was formed which demanded partition
of the country.

7. Social Causes:
Cultural similarity is a powerful factor in fostering amicable relations
between any two social groups. But the social institutions, customs and
practices of Hindus and Muslims are so divergent that they think
themselves to be two distinct communities.

8. Psychological Causes:
Psychological factors play an important role in the development of
communalism. The Hindus think that the Muslims are fanatics and
fundamentalists. They also believe that Muslims are unpatriotic. On the
contrary, the Muslims feel that they are being treated as second rate
citizens in India and their religious beliefs and practices are inferior.
These feelings lead to communal ill-feeing.

9. Provocation of Enemy Countries:

Some foreign countries try to destabilize our country by setting one
community against the other through their agents. Pakistan has played a
role in fostering communal feeling among the Muslims of our country.
Pakistan has been encouraging and promoting communal riots by
instigating the militant sections of Indian Muslim community. Kashmir
youths are trained by Pakistan to destabilize Indias internal security by
spreading communal venom.

10. Negative Impact of Mass Media:

The messages relating to communal tension or riot in any part of the
country spread through the mass media. This results in further tension
and riots between two rival religious groups.

Suggestions for the Eradication of Communalism:

1. Abolition of Communal Parties:
All the political parties which thrive on religious loyalties should be
banned or abolished by the government. Even non-political cultural
organizations should always be kept under constant vigil so that they
cannot preach communalism.

2. Transmission of the Past Heritage:

Feelings of nationalism should be inculcated in the minds of people by
reminding them about the glorious moments of history in Hindus,
Muslims and Sikhs were combined to safeguard the interest of the
country.

3. Public Opinion:
Efforts should be made through mass media for changing the attitude of
people towards other communities. People must be aware of the evils of
the communalism.

4. Inter-religious Marriage:
Youth organizations and other types of associations should be formed in
every locality to give opportunity to people of different communities to
come closer and know each other. This may help them to practice inter-
religious marriages which will lessen the social distance among the
members of different religious groups.

Both the Government and people should make efforts for eradication of
communal tension and conflict.

3 . secularism in india?
No doubt we are moving from religiosity to secular way of life.
However, evidences show that religious beliefs have not fully
declined in our society. Communalism, fundamentalism and
Sikhism in India suggest that no necessary connection exists
between modernisation and secularisation.

.
Dr. Radhaknshnan writes we should not confuse secularism with
the concept of atheism because the type of secularism we are trying
to achieve is very much in consonance with the old religious ideals
as Smith has noted Most of Hindu legislations regard temple entry
laws as measures of social reform motivated by humanitarian
considerations and concern for social justice. They fail to appreciate
the predominant religious aspect in this area of reform.

Donald Smith defines a secular state as one which guarantees

individual and corporate freedom of religion, deals with individual
as citizen irrespective of religion nor does it seek to promote or
interfere with religion. This has been incorporated in the Indian
Constitution

Indian State, inspite of constitutional guarantee for liberty of the

individual and the liberty of corporate religious bodies, intervenes
in religious matters.

This has been described as inconsistency in the growth of

secularism in India. He writes, despite claims made for religious
neutrality the State of India has often intervened in the religious
matters; this particularly holds in case of management of temples
and religious institutions, such as monasteries and monastic heads.

There is no doubt that some provisions of the Constitution and

some of the laws passed do interfere with the religious customs and
practices of Hindus.

The conflict on Ramjanambhumi and Babri Mosque is the bright

example of fundamentalism. Thus religious fundamentalism has
been indicative of a breakdown of secularisation process in India.
It has brought escalation of ethno-religious conflicts and national
disintegration.

Critics have alleged that the Indian polity has not been able to
develop along true secular lines and it suffers from serious
shortcomings. Some of the important factors which have impeded
the growth of normal secularism in India are as follows:

1. Problem of Uniform Civil Code:

A problem of uniform civil code is essential in the direction of
bringing about national identity and the integration of members of
all religious communities into one bond of common citizenship.

Following independence, it was hoped that this step would be taken

to usher in secular society. But unfortunately till now no progress
has been made in the evolution of a uniform Civil Code and today its
adoption appears to be more problematic than it was at the time
when the Constitution was framed.

Thus, the Muslim minority compelled the Government, in 1986, to

enact legislation concerning maintenance of divorced women which
it felt was closer to its Personal Law and, therefore, religiously more
acceptable

Similarly, other minorities like Christians and Sikhs, too, have given
some indications that would render the formulation and
enforcement of a uniform Civil Code an impossibility. Such
limitations indicate that the path leading to a truly secular society in
India is strewn with numerous hurdles.

2. Politics and Religion:

The political parties in India have tended to use religion and caste
factors for the promotion of their political interests and thus greatly
undermined the secular values.

The growing communalism has also greatly hampered the growth of

genuine secularism in India.

Despite abandonment of communal electorates and a ban on the

use of religion for soliciting votes, the various political parties and
groups have frequently made use of communal factors to get into
power. In this regard both the minorities as well as the majority
communities are equally to blame. Unless this feeling of
communalism is shunned, secularism cannot take firm roots in the
Indian soil.

The responsibility of undermining Indias limited secularism falls

upon the shoulders of the leaders of the post-Nehru era, many of
whom are not intellectually liberated, because of their traditional
background, to understand arid appreciate genuine secularism. Due
to their neo-traditional orientation, these leaders are lacking in true
commitment to the secularisation of Indian society, not only in
terms of developing non-religious outlook but also in terms of
developing a rational and scientific temper. This failure of the
leadership has thwarted the progressive separation of religion and
politics in India.

3. Failure of the Government in Evolving a Just

Economic Order:
The failure of the government to evolve a just economic order and
eliminate poverty also gave a serious setback to secularism. The
common masses suffering from deprivation and grinding poverty
could not develop any faith in the polity which failed to provide
them basic necessities and consequently did not attach much
importance to secular values.

4. Cultural Symbols and Secularism:

Many public rituals and ceremonials like bhoomi pujan, breaking of
coconuts on inaugural or auspicious occasions, performing of aarti
and applying to tilak to distinguished guests are perceived by
Hindus as cultural or nationalistic expressions, but to non-Hindus
these are manifestations of Hindu culture. Such rituals are
performed even on state functions and therefore, create
unnecessary misgivings about the neutrality of the State.

The confusion between Hindu and Indian has largely arisen in

the last forty years. The cultural dimension of secularism has been
totally neglected, and we have, therefore, neither attempted to
develop a composite Indian culture based on a true amalgam of all
religious sub-cultures, nor have we developed a new culture based
on secular values, with emphasis on secular symbols. Of course, this
was not an easy task but efforts to have been lacking.

Of late an attempt has been made by a sizeable section of the Indian

society to equate Hindu cultural symbols as national culture. This-is
possibly the expression of what has been called the Hindu
backlash, which is believed to be the consequence of rise in Muslim
and Hindu fundamentalism. But this, or any other, explanation
does not condone the lapses of the State in this regard. Such
insensitivity to the feelings of the minorities destroys the credibility
of the secular professions of the State.

5. Minority Group Perceptions:

Apart from education and jobs, prejudice and discrimination are
perceived as operating in the matter of intergroup violence and
conflict. There is now ample evidence to show that at times the
administrative machinery of the State does not operate impartially
at the time of communal riots; those responsible for ensuring law
and order act in a non-secular way and tend to victimise members
of minority groups.

The minorities are in fear of the giant majority, which has the brute
strength to overpower them and divests them of their distinctive
characteristics. Furthermore, loyalties continue to be particularistic
rather than universalistic.
6. The Defective Educational System:
The defective educational system which has encouraged the people
to think in terms of groups and communities, has also failed to
inculcate secular ideas in the minds of young students and promote
feeling of mutual give and take.

7. The Distortion of the Constitutional and

Democratic Institutions:
The distortion of the Constitutional and democratic institutions has
also greatly contributed to the weakening of the secularism in India.
The Constitution and the political institutions have not worked the
way they were envisaged by the framers of the Constitution. For
example, though use of religion is not permitted for soliciting votes,
yet certain religious political parties have made free use of factors
like religion, caste etc. to secure votes. All this has hampered the
growth of a true secular polity in the country.
3.Regionalism could not solve india problem but it will devide
Indian society. Comment?
WHAT IS REGIONALISM?

Regionalism describes situations in which different religious or ethnic groups with distinctive
identities coexist within the same state boundaries, often concentrated within a particular region
and sharing strong feelings of collective identity.

Regionalism stands for the love of a particular region or an area in preference to the nation or any
other region. It often involves ethnic groups whose aims include independence from a national state
and the development of their own political power.

the roots of regionalism lie in linguistic, ethnic, economic and cultural identities of the people living
in specific geographical area, political scholars have treated various forms of regionalism which
include economic regionalism, linguistic regionalism, political regionalism and even sub-regional
movements in the general frame of regionalism.

In other words, it is the manifestation of those neglected socio-political elements which fail to find
expression in the mainstream polity and culture. These feelings of frustration and danger resulting
from exclusion and neglect find expression in regionalism.

CAUSES FOR GROWTH OF REGIONALISM

In India a number of factors have galvanized the movements of regionalism:

1. The efforts of the national government to impose a particular ideology, language or cultural
pattern on all people and groups compelled the regionalism movements to crop up. With the same
effect, the states of the South began to resist the imposition of Hindi as an official language as they
feared this would lead to dominance of the North. Emulating the same the Assam anti-foreigner
movement was launched by the Assamese to preserve their own culture.

2. Continuous neglect of an area or region by the ruling parties and concentration of administrative
and political power has given rise to demand for decentralization of authority and bifurcate of
unilingual states. On occasions sons of soil theory has been put forth to promote the interests of
neglected.

3. The desire of the various units of the Indian federal system to maintain their sub cultural regions
and greater degree of self-government has promoted regionalism and given rise todemand for
greater autonomy.4. The desire of regional elites to capture power has also led to rise of
regionalism. It is well known that political parties like DMK, AIADMK, Akali Dal, Telugu Desam Asom
GanaParishad etc., have encouraged regionalism to capture power.
Forms of Regionalism in India

In fact, regionalism in India appears in four forms, e.g. demand of the people of certain areas for
separate statehood, demand of people of certain Union Territories for full-fledgedstate hood,
demand of certain people for favourable settlement of inter-state disputes, and the demand of the
people of certain areas for secession from the Indian Union.

However, it is agreed that the rise and growth of regionalism is rooted in the failure of the national
political system to meet the aspirations of the people. To some extent, these have also taken the
shape of violent movements galvanizing the popular participation. They can be explained as follows:-

most definitively in the case of Potti Sriramulu, who in 1952 died after not eating for 52 days, his
death leading, in the short term and as a result of this, the creation of the state of Andhra
Pradeshand, later redrawing of the map of India on linguistic lines took place. With the same
token,some of such protests for the creation of a separate state gave birth to leading regional
partieslike the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in Madras, which was later emulated by the Akali Dal in
Punjab, the Telugu Desam Party in Andhra Pradesh, and the Asom Gana Parishad in Assam.

The successful protests include those which were raised by the hill people of Uttar Pradesh,which
delivered to them a new state called Uttaranchal (now Uttarakhand), and the tribal andother
residents of the Chhotanagpur Plateau, whose claim from a reluctant Bihar was the state of
Jharkhand for which they had been fighting from well before Independence.

2. Parochialism

Another form of regionalism has been termed as parochialism. This can be benevolent, as in evident
in form or pretensions of the Bengali Bhadralok , who claim that their literature, music, dress and
cuisine are superior to others in India.

However, sometimes it has also taken the form of blood shade, as evident in the attacks on Bihari
labourers by the Ulfa cadre, in which the belief rests that only Assamese speakers have the right to
live in Assam. This kind of bloodshade was committed by the Shiv Senagoons in mid-sixties, who in
Bombay began to attack South Indians entitling them as outsiders to the city. Even Udupi
restaurants were torched, and offices and factories threatened not to employ south Indians in their
establishments. Recently, theShiv Senahas kept the Bengalis and Biharis at its target. Following the
same, the MNS has madethe North Indians its target. The recent attacks on Bihari labourers by the
United Liberation Frontof Asom (Assam) are criminal acts, and deserve to be treated as such by the
security forces, and by the people of Assam. But they also need to be viewed historically, as an
undoubtedly perverted manifestation of a popular sentiment that has existed since the beginning of
the IndianRepublic, and which has indeed shaped and reshaped that republic. This is a sentiment
based onthe attachment to one's language and locality.

3. Secessionism from the Indian Union

It can be classified as the most violent and dangerous form of regionalism as it is based on the
desire, or hope, or fantasy, to divide the Republic of India and form a separate nation of

ones own. militants in Kashmir and Nagaland can also be said to follow this form of regionalism as
they are persistently committing bloodbath in pursuit of their dream of a separate state. The
movement of Khalistan, spearheaded by the Sikh extremists during 1980s also hoped to form their
own nation-state. In fact, even the Dravidianmovement for many years demanded a separate nation
out of India.

a. Demand for Tamil Nadu

: - In 1960 the DMK and Tamil organised a joint campaign through out Madras state demanding its
secession from India and. for making it an independent sovereign state Tamil Nadu. In 1961, another
organisation by the name of Tamil ArasuKazhagam lunched an agitation for the renaming of Madras
state as Tamil Nadu. DMK proposedthat the states of Madras, Andhra Pradesh. Kerala and Mysore
should secede from Indian Union and form on independent republic of Dravida Nadu.In 1963
Parliament adopted the constitution bill which made laws providing penalties for any person
questioning the sovereignty and integrity of the Indian Union. As a result, DMK dropped from its
programme the demand for a sovereign independent Dravidian federation andits secession from the
Indian Union.

b. Demands for Sikhistan

:- In Punjab there was a demand for Sikhistan. As early as 1949the Sikhs under master Tara singh
declared that the Hindus of Punjab had became highly communal and that the Sikhs could not hope
to get any justice from them. The Sikhs under the Akali Dal put a demand for a separate Punjabi
speaking state. The Akali Dal leadership being aware that it is not possible to have Sikhistan, as
separate independent state outside the Indian union. They therefore started demanding like the
DMK in Tamil Nadu that the states should be given more powers and autonomy.

c. Demand for Khalistan:-

Since April 1987 the Akali extremists have been taking a hardline approach for establishing a new all
Sikhs nation called Khalistan, a demand originallyvoiced by a former member of the Akali Dal, Jagjit
Singh in June.

d. Demand for Mizoram:-

Mizos demanded a separate state of Mizoram outside the

Union of India and in order to Press their demand they organized themselves in a political forms
known as the Mizo National front. The Mizos organized armed agitation and commenced guerrilla
war fare. In the wake of the Chinese aggression the MNF was banned.

e. Demand for Nagaland:-

Another tribe that fermented secession from Indian Union and agitated for an independent state
was the Nagas of Assam. The Nagas formed the Naga National Council under Z. Phizo to carry on an
agitation for the grant of independent status. In 1952 he organized a boycott of the general election
and this was a great success. The Naga National council even proposed to take the issue of Naga
independence to the United Nations.This form of regionalism is the most dangerous one as it has
claimed some 60,000 lives in Kashmir, and several thousand lives apiece in Nagaland since 1950s,
and in Punjab in the1980s and 90s.

4. Inter State Disputes

Another form of regionalism in India has found expression in the form of Interstate disputes. There
is a dispute over Chandigarh between Punjab and Haryana. There are boundary disputes, for
example, between Maharashtra and Karnataka on Belgaun, where the Marathi speaking population
is surrounded by Kannada speaking people between Karnataka and Keralaon Kasargod and several
other border areas between Assam and Nagaland on Rangma reserved forests in Ram Pagani
area.The first important dispute regarding use of water resources was over the use of water
resources of four important rivers namely Yamuna, Narmada, Krishna and Cauvery in which the
states of Delhi, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka,Andhra
Pradesh Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra were involved. There were many other disputes
involving the distribution of the waters of other rivers, but those were of minor importance.In all
these cases the state Chief Ministers behaved, like spoke's men of independent nation
andendeavoured to obtain the maximum for their own states. It appeared as if for their own states.
Itappeared as if India was a multi-national country.

HOW TO COMBAT REGIONALISM

it has posed threat to the unity of the country. Hence it is necessary to take steps to reduce such
tendencies.Some such measures can be

1. To promote even development of the hitherto neglected areas so that they feel a part of the
national mainstream.

2. The central government must not interfere in the affairs of the State unless it is unavoidable for
national interest.

3. Problems of people must be solved in a peaceful and constitutional manner. Politicians must not
be allowed to misuse the issue of regional demands.

4. Except for issues of national importance, the states should be given freedom to run their own
affairs.

5. Changes are necessary in the Central-State relations in favour of the states, and for introducing a
system of national education that would help people to overcome regional feelings and develop an
attachment towards the nation.
CONCLUSION

The resurgence of regionalism in various parts of the country has emerged as such a serious problem
that it literally threatens to divide the country. The creation of new states like Jharkhand,
Uttaranchal (Uttarakhand) and Chhattisgarh in recent times is in fact the expression of territorial
regionalism.

Again, the demand for Bodoland, Vidarbha, Telangana, Gorkhaland,etc. cannot be traced in the
earnest desire of the people to have their regional identity, whichresults from regional imbalances.

In fact, it is the natural desire of the people in a region or territory to make rapid social and
economic development so that they may live happily. But in course of time when some partof the
region makes rapid development, and other remains neglected, then the feelings of anger and
frustration creep into the mind of the people which find expression in demand for a separate
homeland. Thus, this development imbalance in which some part of the state receives special
attention and other areas are neglected and allowed to rot causing immense suffering and hardship
to the common appeared in the form of Gorkha movement, Bodo movement, Telanganamovement,
etc.There is certainly no denying that social Utopias of leaders like Pandit Jawaharlal Nehruwere
mainly responsible for the lopsided development of the country and the creation of thesociety in
which a few rolled in wealth, the majority of the people yearned for food.This marks the inefficiency
and incapability on the part of the authority concerned-theParliament, the Executive-

to respond to the peoples expectations and efficiently handling

the growing unrest and deepening conflict. Besides, the local leadership is to be held equally
responsible, which fails to reconcile with the aspirations of the people. The mixed economy of India,
consisting of large state sector and corporate sector, miserably failed to generate job opportunities
for majority of people who are forced to live a life of poverty, illiteracy and starvation.

Regional parties have their political existence in regional support, theyarouse it to gain its benefits
to serve their end. It is a well-known strategy of the regional leadership to launch their agenda
against the Centre, i.e. the opposition party for discriminating against the state with political
motives.,

speaking diverse languages and each linked with particular cultural expression, thinking globally,
acting globally and seeing human unity in diversity in practical terms too would

become a distinct possibility .

4.How social empowerment could be achieved with the help of various technology ?on how many
factors social empowerment depends?
5. describe the role of women in ancient india?

Ancient India
According to scholars, women in ancient India enjoyed equal status with men in all aspects
of life.
Works by ancient Indian grammarians such as Patanjali and Katyayana suggest that
women were educated in the early Vedic period.
Rigvedic verses suggest that women married at a mature age and were probably free to
select their own husbands. Scriptures such as the Rig Veda and Upanishads mention
several women sages and seers, notably Gargi and Maitreyi.
Some kingdoms in ancient India had traditions such as nagarvadhu ("bride of the
city"). Women competed to win the coveted title ofnagarvadhu. Amrapali is the most
famous example of a nagarvadhu.
According to studies, women enjoyed equal status and rights during the early Vedic
period.
However in approximately 500 B.C., the status of women began to decline, and with
the Islamic invasion of Babur and the Mughal empire and Christianity later worsened
women's freedom and rights.
Although reform movements such as Jainism allowed women to be admitted to
religious orders, by and large women in India faced confinement and
restrictions. The practice of child marriages is believed to have started around the
sixth century.
Medieval period
Indian women's position in society further deteriorated during the medieval period,
when child marriages and a ban on remarriage by widows became part of social life
in some communities in India.
The Muslim conquest in the Indian subcontinent brought purdah to Indian society.
Among the Rajputs of Rajasthan, the Jauhar was practised. In some parts of India,
some of Devadasis were sexually exploited. Polygamy was practised among Hindu
Kshatriya rulers for some political reasons.. In many Muslim families, women were
restricted to Zenana areas of the house.
In spite of these conditions, women often became prominent in the fields of politics,
literature, education and religion. Razia Sultana became the only woman monarch to
have ever ruled Delhi. The Gond queen Durgavati ruled for fifteen years before
losing her life in a battle with Mughal emperor Akbar's general Asaf Khan in
1564. Chand Bibi defended Ahmednagar against the powerful Mughal forces of
Akbar in the 1590s.Jehangir's wife Nur Jehan effectively wielded imperial power, and
was recognized as the real power behind the Mughal throne. The Mughal princesses
Jahanara and Zebunnissa were well-known poets, and also influenced the ruling
powers. Shivaji's mother, Jijabai, was queen regent because of her ability as a
warrior and an administrator. In South India, many women administered villages,
towns, and divisions, and ushered in new social and religious institutions.
The Bhakti movements tried to restore women's status and questioned certain forms
of oppression. Mirabai, a female saint-poet, was one of the most important Bhakti
movement figures. Other female saint-poets from this period included Akka
Mahadevi, Rami Janabai and Lal Ded. Bhakti sects within Hinduism such as the
 Mahanubhav, Varkari and many others were principle movements within the Hindu
fold openly advocating social justice and equality between men and women.
Immediately following the Bhakti movements, Guru Nanak, the first Guru of Sikhs,
preached equality between men and women. He advocated that women be allowed
to lead religious assemblies; to lead congregational hymn singing
called Kirtan or Bhajan; to become members of religious management committees;
to lead armies on the battlefield; to have equality in marriage, and to have equality
in Amrit (Baptism). Other Sikh Gurus also preached the same, but their practices
were often regarded to be a breach of women rights.

5.Describe about the role of Indian women in independence of india

?
During the British Raj, many reformers such as Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra
Vidyasagar and Jyotirao Phule fought for the betterment of women. Peary Charan Sarkar, a
former student of Hindu College, Calcutta and a member of "Young Bengal", set up the first
free school for girls in India in 1847 in Barasat, a suburb of Calcutta (later the school was
named Kalikrishna Girls' High School).
Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar's crusade for improvement in the situation of widows led to
the Widow Remarriage Act of 1856. Many women reformers such as Pandita Ramabai also
helped the cause of women.
Kittur Chennamma, queen of the princely state Kittur in Karnataka, led an armed rebellion
against the British in response to the Doctrine of lapse. Abbakka Rani, queen of coastal
Karnataka, led the defence against invading European armies, notably the Portuguese in the
16th century. Rani Lakshmi Bai, the Queen of Jhansi, led the Indian Rebellion of
1857 against the British. She is now widely considered as a national hero. Begum Hazrat
Mahal, the co-ruler of Awadh, was another ruler who led the revolt of 1857. She refused
deals with the British and later retreated to Nepal. The Begums of Bhopal were also
considered notable female rulers during this period. They did not observe purdah and were
trained in martial arts.
Chandramukhi Basu, Kadambini Ganguly and Anandi Gopal Joshi were some of the earliest
Indian women to obtain a degree.
In 1917, the first women's delegation met the Secretary of State to demand women's political
rights, supported by the Indian National Congress. The All India Women's Education
Conference was held in Pune in 1927, it became a major organisation in the movement for
social change.
In 1929, the Child Marriage Restraint Act was passed, stipulating fourteen as the minimum
age of marriage for a girl. Though Mahatma Gandhi himself married at the age of thirteen, he
later urged people to boycott child marriages and called upon young men to marry child
widows.
Women played an important part in India's independence struggle. Some famous freedom
fighters include Bhikaji Cama, Dr. Annie Besant, Pritilata Waddedar, Vijayalakshmi
Pandit, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, Aruna Asaf Ali, Sucheta Kriplani and Kasturba Gandhi. Other
notable names include Muthulakshmi Reddy and Durgabai Deshmukh.
The Rani of Jhansi Regiment of Subhas Chandra Bose's Indian National Army consisted
entirely of women, including Captain Lakshmi Sahgal. Sarojini Naidu, a poet and freedom
fighter, was the first Indian woman to become President of the Indian National Congress and
the first woman to become the governor of a state in India.

6. Describe about the role of Indian women in science and

technology?
7.Describe about the role of Indian women in making of modern
india?

Independent India
Women in India now participate fully in areas such as education, sports, politics, media, art
and culture, service sectors, science and technology, etc. Indira Gandhi, who served
as Prime Minister of India for an aggregate period of fifteen years, is the world's longest
serving woman Prime Minister.
The Constitution of India guarantees to all Indian women equality (Article 14), no
discrimination by the State (Article 15(1)), equality of opportunity (Article 16), and equal pay
for equal work (Article 39(d)). In addition, it allows special provisions to be made by the State
in favour of women and children (Article 15(3)), renounces practices derogatory to the dignity
of women (Article 51(A) (e)), and also allows for provisions to be made by the State for
securing just and humane conditions of work and for maternity relief. (Article 42).
Feminist activism in India gained momentum in the late 1970s. One of the first national-level
issues that brought women's groups together was the Mathura rape case. The acquittal of
policemen accused of raping a young girl Mathura in a police station led to country-wide
protests in 1979-1980. The protests, widely covered by the national media, forced the
Government to amend the Evidence Act, the Criminal Procedure Code, and the Indian Penal
Code; and created a new offence, custodial rape. Female activists also united over issues
such as female infanticide, gender bias, women's health, women's safety, and women's
literacy.
Since alcoholism is often associated with violence against women in India,[36] many women
groups launched anti-liquor campaigns in Andhra Pradesh, Himachal
Pradesh, Haryana, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh and other states. Many Indian Muslim women
have questioned the fundamental leaders' interpretation of women's rights under the Shariat
law and have criticized the triple talaq system.
In 1990s, grants from foreign donor agencies enabled the formation of new women-oriented
NGOs. Self-help groups and NGOs such as Self Employed Women's Association (SEWA)
have played a major role in the advancement of women's rights in India. Many women have
emerged as leaders of local movements; for example, Medha Patkar of the Narmada
Bachao Andolan.
The Government of India declared 2001 as the Year of Women's Empowerment
(Swashakti). The National Policy For The Empowerment Of Women came was passed in
2001.
In 2006, the case of Imrana, a Muslim rape victim, was highlighted by the media. Imrana was
raped by her father-in-law. The pronouncement of some Muslim clerics that Imrana should
marry her father-in-law led to widespread protests, and finally Imrana's father-in-law was
sentenced to 10 years in prison. The verdict was welcomed by many women's groups and
the All India Muslim Personal Law Board.
In 2010 March 9, one day after International Women's day, Rajya Sabha passed the
Women's Reservation Bill requiring that 33% of seats in India's Parliament and state
legislative bodies be reserved for women.
Notable Indian women
Education
Savitribai Phule was a social reformer. Along with her husband, Mahatma Jotiba Phule, she
played an important role in improving women's rights in India during British Rule. Savitribai
was the first female teacher of the first women's school in India and also considered to be
the pioneer of modern Marathi poetry. In 1852 she opened a school for Untouchable caste
girls.
Arts and entertainment
Singers and vocalists such as M.S. Subbulakshmi, Gangubai Hangal, Lata
Mangeshkar, Asha Bhosle and others are widely revered in India. Anjolie Ela Menon is a
famous painter.
Sports
Although in general the women's sports scenario in India is not very good, some Indian
women have made notable achievements in the field. Some famous female sportspersons in
Indian include P. T. Usha (athletics), J. J. Shobha (athletics), Kunjarani
Devi(weightlifting), Diana Edulji (cricket), Saina Nehwal (badminton), Koneru Hampi (chess)
and Sania Mirza (tennis). Female Olympic medalists from India include weightlifter Karnam
Malleswari (bronze, 2000), Saina Nehwal (bronze, 2012), and boxer Mary Kom (bronze,
2012).
Politics
Through the Panchayat Raj institutions, over a million women have actively entered political
life in India. As per the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts, all local elected
bodies reserve one-third of their seats for women. Although the percentages of women in
various levels of political activity has risen considerably, women are still under-represented
in governance and decisionmaking positions.
Literature
Many women writers are prominent in Indian literature as poets and story writers, such as
Sarojini Naidu, Kamala Surayya, Shobha De, Arundhati Roy, and Anita Desai. Sarojini
Naidu is called the nightingale of India. Arundhati Roy won the Booker Prize (Man Booker
Prize) for her novel The God of Small Things.
8.Describe about the role of Indian women in industrialisation of
india?
9.Describe about the role of Indian women in politics and policy and
decision making of india?

Factors Affecting Decision-making by Women

Poverty, lack of access to basic resources, lack of access to political party lists, low salaries,
anddiscrimination in the workplace are considered as root causes of women's under-representation
ineconomic and political decision-making. If women have to be concerned with survival, there islittle
time left for assuming positions of leadership and economic power. Recognition of womens unpaid
work and the need for sharing of family and household responsibilities, alongwith training in non-
traditional skills, are key factors to help explain why so few womenworldwide have actual decision-
making power in the households, community and economy.

Role of Voluntary Organizations, Self-help Groups

Women's participation in preventive diplomacy and negotiations at the peace table wereconsidered
to be essential to achieving peace and development and for diverting militaryexpenditures for
peaceful purposes. It was suggested that decision-making processes, involving both women and
men, including in situations of intrastate conflict, could help to create a more peaceful approach.The
importance of creating national machineries, inter-ministerial bodies, national committeesand
women's bureaus to ensure women's equal participation in all aspects of decision-making,with
adequate levels of staffing and funding, and located at the center of political power, wascited as
critical. In addition, the mainstreaming of gender issues in institutions was noted asanother means
to promote the advancement of women in decision-making. The need for effectivemonitoring
mechanisms was emphasized, with time-bound targets and measurable indicators toevaluate
progress.In keeping women in

power, greater harmonization between professional work and familyresponsibilities for both men
and women was considered essential. Greater sharing of parentaland household responsibilities
between women and men was deemed to be paramount.Recognition of women's unpaid work,
need for flexible working hours and sharing of familyresponsibilities with men, and the need for
women to participate in decision-making at thehousehold level, were also cited.

The importance of education and training to enable women to have greater control over their lives
was emphasized. Training women candidates in the conduct of electoral campaigns andfund raising
had proved to be important for effecting the election of women to public office.Once in office,
women often need training in parliamentary procedures and budgetary matters.Leadership training
was considered essential for women at all levels.The revision of education curricula and textbooks
remains an important means of eliminatinggender-based stereotypes. Attitudinal change was
considered to be especially important at theearliest stages of life when boys and girls have not yet
internalized sex stereotypes. The role of the media in perpetuating sex stereotypes and the need to
ensure a positive view of women and portrayal of girls in non-traditional roles [were] noted.
Continued stereotyping of women andtheir negative portrayal as sex objects on television and in
films undermines the struggle for women's equality. The value of stimulating public debate on the
diverse roles of women, particularly in public life and in the family was emphasized. Despite the
growing presence of professional women in the media, decisions about editorial content and
production issues are stilllargely controlled by men.An urgent need was identified for case studies on
"women making a difference" and for thecreation of a database to monitor women's participation in
government, corporations, political parties, trade unions, international organizations and the
military.Women need to seek greater partnership with men to build coalitions and strengthen
alliances toadvocate for -women's political empowerment and representation. Women leaders and
older women and men represent a valuable resource for mentoring young women as future leaders.
National and regional women's parliamentary caucuses should also include women from the private
sector and the civil service.International organizations, governments, non-governmental
organizations and women parliamentarians should join efforts to support the development of
women leaders throughtraining, so as to facilitate their entry into the political arena. An enabling
environment should beestablished for women's full participation and equal representation in power
and decision-making.

Review of Legislation for Womens Entitlements, Protection of Property Rights and SocialSecurity.

In 1994, the 73

rd

and 74th Constitutonal Amenadments brought 10 lakh women as electedrepresentatives in the local
self government bodies due to reservation of seats for women in thevillage councils, tehsil councils
and district councils as well as municipal councils andcorporations. Eleven years of governance has
made them confident to deal with publiceconomics, area development agenda and gender audit of
budgets. Quotas and targets in jobs,legislatures and political parties are suggested as necessary to
accelerate the equal representationof women in all areas of governance. Looking at the
controversial nature of quotas, it should beseen only as a temporary solution. Those who oppose
affirmative action by the state in favour of women believe that women should still enter into power-
structures strictly on the basis of competition, laissez faire in the labour, factor and product markets.

To put forward womens economic agenda, their leaders need to have agenda setting
power.Electoral reform, specifically in the adoption of proportional representation in place of
pluralitysystems, is a possible means for increasing the percentage of women in parliaments. The bill
on33 % reservation of seats in the parliament has already been introduced. For past two
decades,the issue has remained extremely controversial. Those who support the bill suggest that
thereshould be no less than 30-40% and no more than 60-70% of either sex in decision-making
positions.Women Empowerment Policy, 2001 of Government of India can be effective only when its
principles and programmes get translated into a plan of action.*For implementation of the plan,
there has to be an efficient resource management by electedrepresentatives and motivated civil
servants, sincere financial commitments for womensschemes & programmes and consistent
monitoring by womens bodies within the state apparatusand civil society.

Schemes for Safety-net for Women

.The tenth five year plan has demanded that each and every ministry of the state and
uniongovernments are bound to channelise 30% of funds/benefits from development sector to
Women.Recommendations for Employment

A policy for women's employment has to include strategies for challenging the sexual division of
labour and gender ideology inside as well as outside the workplace.Policies for access- include access
to employment, education, training, credit etc.1.Policies to improve the quality of employment,
including her position in the household.2.Policies to preserve employment and to protect material
and human resources and assets.

A. Proper Implementation of Laws, Schemes

1.The existing labour legislation, i.e. the Industrial Disputes Act, the Factories Act, the E.S.I.S. Actand
the Minimum Wages Act, should not be withdrawn but strengthened to cover allworkers.

. 2.Some mechanism is required to evaluate the value of work under ERA.3.Minimum wages need to
be strictly implemented with ward level committees of workers.4.Employment Guarantee

Scheme-The central and state government has to ensure macro policiesthat will absorb workers in
labour intensive units and occupations. The EmploymentGuarantee Scheme needs to be expanded
and improved for urban workers. The focus of suchemployment schemes can be on building
infrastructure, slum development and housing. The National Renewal Fund should be extended to
cover the unorganised sector and a substantial part should go into the retraining of workers.

B.

Law Reform

i. Maternity Benefit

for ALL working Mothers irrespective of the number of employees.

Crches

should be provided for children of all workers and not merely women workers irrespective of
thenumber of employees. There could be a common fund for each industry.

ii. Family Leave:

The minimum paid maternity leave period to be applicable to ALL workingmothers irrespective of
the necessary length of continuous service or the number of employees,irrespective whether
married or un married and whether the child is natural born or adopted. Birth or adoptive fathers of
a new child entitled to paid paternity leave on the birth or adoption of a childEmployees to have a
right to take time off to care for children, disabled or sick dependants. Theoptions available include:
unpaid leave

with automatic re-entry to an equivalent post in terms of grade, type of work etc., Part time
working, Temporary re-arrangement of working pattern, Flexi-time Request

Right available to working parents with young children (below 5 years of age or employees who have
to care for disabled or sick dependants. The request can cover: the employeewill have a right to
return to work following availing of any of the above leave. The staff member must undertake in
writing to return to work. No employee will suffer a detriment, be unfairlydismissed or be
discriminated against for a reason connected, with pregnancy, childbirth, maternity, paternity,
adoption, dependant care leave or the right to request flexible working, or time off to takecare for a
dependant. There shall be no loss of seniority, sick leave entitlements and incremental progression.

iii. The Sexual Harassment Of Women At The Workplace (Prevention And Redressal) Bill,2004.

The Bill provides for the prevention and redressal of sexual harassment of women atworkplaces, or
arising during and out of the course of their employment and matters connectedthereto, in keeping
with the principles of equality, freedom, life and liberty as enshrined in theConstitution of India and
as upheld by the Supreme Court in

Vishakha vs. State of Rajashthan

[1997(7) SCC.323] and as reflected in the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) which has been ratified by the Government of India.

Scenario in the post- Vishakha guidelines period

:Sophia Centre for Womens Studies and Development study shows that awareness
andimplementation of the Supreme Courts guidelines is very low and there is need to
spreadawareness on the same. Study of

Samhita
(Kolkata) throwing light on the processual dimensionsof Bhanvari Devi Case has alarmed the state
and civil society of the enormity and gravity of themenace called SHW.

Recently The Times Foundation organized a workshop for the corporateworld on SHW. Testimonies
of several participants of the workshop revealed that SHW is prevalent even in the companies where
the victims are highly educated and have considerableeconomic leverage. Similar views have been
expressed in the business journals. (BusinessToday, 1-9-2002)To address Sexual harassment in the
informal and small-scale industries, free trade zones, specialeconomic zones, the labour
departments may be directed to set up complaints committees and givethem publicity or it could be
made mandatory for every industrial estate and export zone to have itsgoverning body set up a
grievance cell for complaints.

his will require co-operation between womens groups, official bodies, trade unions and
employers.Womens groups can play an active role in disseminating information about sexual
harassment andredressal procedures in industrial zones and estates. They can also raise the issue of
the definition of skills and equal pay for comparable work so as to tackle gender inequality at the
workplace.

TheSexual Harassment at Workplace (Prevention) Act must be enacted by the nation states
toprovide

remedy within the criminal justice system

. This is to provide for prevention of sexualharassment of women and women employees that is
work related.

iv. Legal Protection for Informal Sector

Legal protection has to be given to the informal sector worker in the form of regular
employment,notice period, compensatory pay or some form of unemployment insurance.

It has been a long-standing demand of the representatives of the informal sector workers, trade
unions and NGOs (NonGovernmental Organisations) that workers should be registered as daily or
piece rated workers withan identity card. This single act would provide information on the number
of irregular workers andaccess to them for welfare measures. Social welfare for the informal sector
workers can beimplemented by levying a cess on employers in industrial estates. Social services can
be dispensed tothe workers through existing government infrastructure and tripartite boards.

C. Needs of Women Workers in the Informal Sector:

Recognition as workers, Supplementary development programs, Vocational training for skill
upgradation, Provision for maternity benefit and post natal medical facilities, Protection
againstdomestic violence and sexual harassment, Family benefits, Medical reimbursements,
Retirement benefits (old age pension), Insurance schemes and policies, Compulsory savings
schemes, Microfinance schemes and interest free loans, Legal guidance and awareness

D. Emphasis on Education and Skills

A clear emphasis needs to be given to education, type of education of poor and especially of
women.Womens access to employment is limited (amongst other reasons) because of lack of
education andskills. The central and state government has a free education policy for girls but there
is no follow upon the number of dropouts. Girls usually drop out from the high school. Special
attention andincentives should be given to girls and parents for them to return to school.

E.Capacity Building and Training

Extra allocations of funds will be necessary for tying up the training institutions with job
placementorganisations or industries. Trainings for jobs have to be combined with additional inputs
around building other life-skills towards critical awareness about womens status, improvement
innegotiating skills and programs around building and maintaining womens assets including savings.

F. Social Audits

International consumer and workers groups have attempted social audits at the firm level to
ensureworkers rights. They have to be made mandatory not only for export firms but for all
productionunits.

G. Self Help Group Movement

Self Help Groups are organisations of women from the downtrodden section of the society
thatempower the women to be self reliant through capacity and confidence building and by
makingmicro-credit available and accessible to women. The SHG movement has taught women the
value of saving and the strength of working as a group.

Some of the problems faced by the movement are

10

Weak groups being formed.

Delay in gradation of groups by banks

Subsidy seekers have ruined the programme.

Implementation by raw NGOs need for their training.Regarding bank credit to `defaulters

Insensitivity of bankers

Delays in release of money by District Rural Development AuthoritiesGroup activity does not take
placeAll members may not take up economic activities

Recommendations for strengthening the SHGs:

11

Groups should be only formed by NGOs or Women Development Corporations with the
requisiteknowledge and ethos of SHG development and micro-credit movement.

Once an NGO is selected, the nurturing grants should be released every quarter to it, after reviewing
training milestones, group savings and internal lending data and not on the basis of bank gradation.
NGOs should receive nurturing grants for at least five years, during which they shouldsupport the
group.

A state level agency should be appointed to train NGOs and also be permitted to appoint their own
NGOs to implement the programme in addition to implementation through its field workers.

SHG groups are not broken up by the banks insistence to drop the member who is a defaulter or
whose family member is a defaulter of the bank.

Along with initiatives improving the programme delivery mechanism, bankers need to be trainedand
sensitised every three months, because of the high turnover of bankers in rural areas and
theignorance of bankers coming from urban postings to the needs of rural areas.

NGO releases should not be made contingent to the group taking up economic activities.
NGOsshould be evaluated in the basis of group capacity building and training.


This SHG movement is now at the crossroads and is poised for expansion and the problems needto
be addressed immediately.

H. Property and Land Rights

There is much gender bias in our property laws. Everything appears equal on paper and that is
whereit ends.

Recommendations

Testamentary powers that deny the daughters their property rights should be restricted

Allow daughters full right of residence in the parental dwelling houses.

Women must be given the right to residence hence putting private household property in the joint
names of partners. A care however has to be taken that wherever women have property in their
name, men did not appropriate under the pretext of property being in joint name.

12

A woman on being abused in her matrimonial home has little choice but to continue to endure it.
Her natal household is usually unwilling to have her back for fear of the social stigma attached to
singlewomen. These and other considerations restrict a womens reliance on her parents
households intimes of potentially dangerous marital relations.

Bill on Matrimonial property

has been drafted thatneeds to be passed

The matrimonial property bill will give her rights

I. Budget Auditing and Planning

The Budget is an important tool in the hands of state for affirmative action for improvement of
gender relations through reduction of gender gap in the development process. It can help to
reduceeconomic inequalities, between men and women as well as between the rich and the poor.
Hence, the budgetary policies need to keep into considerations the gender dynamics operating in
the economyand in the civil society. There is a need to highlight participatory approaches to pro-
poor budgeting,green budgeting, local and global implications of pro-poor and pro-women
budgeting, alternativemacro scenarios emerging out of alternative budgets and inter-linkages
between gender-sensitive budgeting and womens empowerment. Serious examining of budgets
calls for greater transparencyat the level of international economics to local processes of
empowerment.

13

Womens Component Plan to assure at least 30% of funds/benefits from all development
sectorsflow to women. The Component Plan approach should be executed with a mandated
approach of convergence of services at all levels of governance, through inter-sectoral committees
of allMinistries/Departments at the Centre and the States with specific responsibility given to the
local self government bodies and Municipalities to administer at the grassroots level

Social Structure and Social Security of Women - Entitlements, Access to Control OverEconomic
Resources, Ensuring Economic Independence and Risk Coverage.

Affirmative Action for social security by the state, employers and SHGs need to consider the

Women can be empowered by providing economic rights at workplace, through the SHGmovement
and through giving property rights and land reforms to ensure land rights to women

Women in order to empower themselves must be familiar with banking operations likeopening and
managing their own accounts. Women should be issued bills in their names.

14

Women with income below taxable limit should be exempted from paying stamp duties. Tax benefits
should be extended to women who were only earners in a household. This would be a part of
affirmative action for women

15

No aspect of economic life is gender neutral. Therefore, every ministry at the Centre andState levels
must have a womens division and it should be involved in all decision-making processes like
planning, budgeting, implementing and monitoring.
Women and child development department must be separated. This would helpbreak the
stereotype that women alone were responsible for children.And above all, there is a need to provide
training and capacity building workshopsfor decision-makers in the government structures, village
councils, parliamentariansand audio-visual media

16

Power of Decision-Making at Household Levels, Class and Community Level

Womens self organization only can ensure power of decision-making at the household , Classand
Community Levels. During 1970s and 1980s, the women's movement highlightedmarginalisation of
women from the economy. The efforts of women activists were directed inagitation and propaganda
for women's rights, street fighting against escalating violence againstassertive women and team
building to counter sexual harassment at work place. In the 1990, thewomen's movement is
demanding its legitimate place within the mainstream with its own agendaof empowerment of
women with partnership with men (Martha Nussbaum and Jonathan Glover,1995). It has been able
to identify its allies in all sections of society. Its horizontal and verticalnetworking has created
congenial atmosphere to execute development agenda with the help of effective use of information
technology, communication channels, modern managerial practicesand efficient law and order
machinery. The most difficult areas have been providing educationalopportunities for the poverty
groups, low -cost housing, environmental and occupational safetyand human rights concerns.
Development thinkers and workers need safety nets to operatewithout pressure from the local
bullies and vested interests. Bullies of each and everycommunities are increasingly taking advantage
of development workers/teachers/ academicians because they are non-hierarchical in their
functioning and also because they are not commercialminded in their day-to-day affairs. When
individual women activists sense threat/pressure inadvance, they do change their accommodation
and jobs. This is another form of sati. The state, political parties and beneficiaries of women's groups
too have duty to ensure democratic andmulticultural atmosphere within which the women activists
can take judicious and gender-justdecisions about allocation of developmental resources and
development funding for construction

of schools, community centres, sports-clubs, libraries and reading rooms, low cost hospitals andlow
cost housing for the poverty groups leading settled life.

Economic Status of women and its Effect on work Participation Rate, Income Level, Healthand
Education in Developing Countries and India.

Important issues for Global and local level Advocacy

a.

Strengthening of Food Security and Right to Food

Top down and bottom up initiatives tostop malnutrition and starvation deaths created by
stabilisation programmes resulting into withdrawalof state from food security commitments. b.

Public Health issues

must be highlighted thro a national network, Peoples HealthAssembly. The Nation States should
follow the UN mandate of 5 % of the GDP for budgetaryallocation on the public health.c.

No to dumping of unsafe contraceptives

for coloured and poor women.d.Ban

sex-selective abortions of female foetuses

in South Asia and China.e.

State Support for Womens Education

not only at the primary school level but also at thesecondary and high school level. Forum for Child
Care has demanded that one room of the schoolshould be converted into crche so that girls who
have to look after their younger siblings can also join the schools. More budgetary allocation and
actual funding for girls education.f.

Free Legal Aid and Peoples Court:

Justice and Peace Commission, a network of community organisations working in Mumbai provides
free legal aid to poor women to deal withmarital disputes, divorce, maintenance, custody of
children, alimony, property, right to stay in the parental or matrimonial homes.g.

Housing Rights

are the most important. The NGOs have demanded that in al1 housingsocieties and state supported
housing schemes, 10 % houses should be reserved for female-headedhouseholds.h.

Sanitation, Public toilets:

There is an urgent need to take up the issues of urban sanitation interms of higher budgetary
provision from the state and municipal funding.i.

Safety nets for women in the subsistence sector

of the economy in terms of loans,infrastructure, storage and transport and state subsidy and
support price for agriculture, animalhusbandry, dairy development, horticulture and floriculture

j.

Environmental Issues:

Natural resources, being humankinds common heritage, must be preserved for the use of actual
and future generation with the perspective each human being has anaccess to water, air, energy,
etc. according to her or his needs. Commercialisation and privatisationof these resources must be
stopped. Biological diversity (flora, fauna, forests, ecosystems) must be preserved and indigenous
womens collective wisdom must be recognised, respected and valued.k.

Occupational Health-
Women scavengers and recycling workers under extremely hazardouscircumstances. They should be
given masks, hand gloves, gum- boots and free and quality medicalcare.l.

Crches:

the state, employers and trade unions should provide more day care centres for thechildren of
working mothers in the community and near the workplace.m.

Implementation of Labour standards:

Erosion of labour standards as a result of globalisation should be fought tooth and nail.

Let the nation states compete to give better wagesand work-conditions to the workers

n.

Global Code Against Commodification of Womens Body as a spare-part for sale,pornography and
obscene portrayal of Women in Media:

Universal standards for decent portrayal of women in media must be evolved.

g. Community Oriented Media:

Social action groups need to interact closely with themainstream media, and also generate their
alternate media to highlight womens rights todignified life.Let us be realistic and accept the fact
that Globalisation is a

Fate accompli.

Then let us makeconcerted efforts so that globalisation has a human face. This can happen only
through the globalsolidarity and sisterhood of the toiling women all over the globe. We have to think
globally andact locally to make all decision-making bodies accept that womens rights to survive are
thehuman rights.

Role of Kinship in Allocation of Domestic and Social Resources

Kinship networks play predominant role in determining age, gender, location-based division of rights
and responsibilities, autonomy and control, restrictions and liberties allocated to women.Hence, to
change the mindset of communities become a major task to enhance decision-making power of
women through investments in social infrastructures such as education, skilldevelopment, public
health and sanitation, environmental and occupational safety.

10.Population issue boon or bane?

India"s population is a boon as it would result in high income which would in turn result in higher
savings, clear indicators of economical growth.
- Our population offers us an absolute force of cheap manpower which is a very useful tool for India.
- People turning up of government services have increased significantly which is a very good sign for
a country like ours as it would mean more social force.
- Our growing population has resulted in an increase of different options in various fields
guaranteeing more jobs.
- India has become a nation of various talents. Larger population means a deeper pool of domestic
intelligence which can be used to good effect.
- Larger skilled population means a natural inclination of foreign companies to offer us newer projects
and yes we can do them more cost effectively.
- Larger population can be a big asset in labour based manufacturing units which can make us a big
exporter of hand made goods - every hand can become an earning hand for the country.

A growing population would be bane for not only India, but also for the rest of the world. Let me
explain why.

1. India is too tiny to handle such a high population. If the United States of America has resource
issues even with all of this land, I am pretty sure that India will suffer worse resource issues.

2. A rising population equals lower sanitation. Take the United State's industrial age. During that
time period, millions of immigrants were moving to America for a better life. This meant that areas
with increasing populations had to be full of tenements to support these people. In the tenements
there were poor living conditions.

3. You say that a growing population is good, but what will happen when these people that are
constantly being born are too old to work? Read one of the articles in my sources for more info.

4. Welfare would be improved if population growth was shorter.

5. India may become desperate for resources. (This may not happen however) If India needed more
resources for a rising population, they may start trying to expand their land. Take what Japan did for
example during World War 2. They did not take land because of a rising population, but they were
using their war forces to expand. What makes you think that with could not happen with India? India
could easily take Nepal, or Sir Lanka.
6. Once India's population reaches the point in which it's too bad, the Indian may panic and pass
laws to control population growth such as what China did.

Indias population is going to provide us with better options in the coming future but will India withstand the
necessities of the ever growing population or will it perish in this process?

For

- Indias population is a boon as it would result in high income which would in turn result in higher savings, clear
indicators of economical growth.
- Our population offers us an absolute force of cheap manpower which is a very useful tool for India.
- People turning up of government services have increased significantly which is a very good sign for a country
like ours as it would mean more social force.
- Our growing population has resulted in an increase of different options in various fields guaranteeing more jobs.
- India has become a nation of various talents. Larger population means a deeper pool of domestic intelligence
which can be used to good effect.
- Larger skilled population means a natural inclination of foreign companies to offer us newer projects and yes we
can do them more cost effectively.
- Larger population can be a big asset in labour based manufacturing units which can make us a big exporter of
hand made goods - every hand can become an earning hand for the country.

Against

- It creates unemployment as the population keeps on increasing the job opportunities keeps on diminishing.
- Indias infrastructure wont be able to withstand the burden of our ever growing population.
- Literacy rates are not in direct relation with the increase in population and this is resulting in people piling up
below the poverty line.
- There is a major dip in the standard of living as well as in health departments as India has a very poorly
administered population policy.
- The existing grain is getting used up at the rate of knots and the rate at which the population is growing it will be
impossible to supply food and water to this increasing population.
- Awareness programs about the disadvantages of overpopulation have failed to make an impact on the societies
as they are very few in number are restricted to few areas only.
- Huge unfed population can lead to criminalization of the society.

Our countrys ever growing population is a bane more than a boon as it can devastate our nation and can cause
imbalance in the world. It could lead to instability of world economics and world peace as the population of India
is second highest in the world. Its time that an effort is being made to create awareness among the people, which
might put a halt on the mounting population.
11.Poverty in india?
Poverty in India is widespread; a third of the world's poor live in India.
World bank estimates that 68% of the population live on less than US$ 2 a day.
However latest UNICEF data show that one in three Indian children are malnourished or
underweight with India accounting for half of worlds hungry.
One of the main reasons for record decline in Poverty is India's 7.7 average GDP growth
rate in last decade due to which high foreign investment come to India which helped India to
launch World's two biggest Social Programs like Mahatma Gandhi National Rural
Employment Guarantee Act that aims to guarantee the 'right to work' and ensure livelihood
security in rural areas by providing at least 100 days of guaranteed wage employment in a
financial year to every household whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled manual
workand and Midday Meal Scheme that aims to provide free lunch on working days for
children in Primary and Upper Primary Classes in Government Schools due to which per
capita income has increased at an annual average of nearly 20 per cent during the last
decade.
In 2014,India declared polio free by WHO which is also indicates that living standard of
people has been Increased& people are less poor now.
According to 2010 data from the United Nations Development Programme, an estimated
29.8% of Indians live below the country's national poverty line.
ince the 1950s, the Indian government and non-governmental organisations have initiated
several programmes to alleviate poverty, including subsidising food and other necessities,
increased access to loans, improving agricultural techniques and price supports, and
promoting education and family planning. These measures have helped eliminate famines,
cut absolute poverty levels by more than half, and reduced illiteracy and malnutrition.
The presence of a massive parallel economy in the form of black (hidden) money derived
from foreign aid has also contributed to the slow pace of poverty alleviation in India.[32][33][34]
Although the Indian economy has grown steadily over the last two decades, its growth has
been uneven when comparing social groups, economic groups, geographic regions, and
rural and urban areas.[35][36] Between 1999 and 2008, the annualised growth rates
for Gujarat, Haryana, or Delhi were much higher than for Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, or Madhya
Pradesh.[37] Poverty rates in rural Orissa (43%) and rural Bihar (41%) are among the world's
most extreme.[38]
Despite significant economic progress, one quarter of the nation's population earns less than
the government-specified poverty threshold of 32 per day (approximately US$ 0.6).[39]
According to a 2010 World Bank report, India is on track to meet its poverty reduction goals.
However by 2015, an estimated 53 million people will still live in extreme poverty and 23.6%
of the population will still live under US$1.25 per day. This number is expected to reduce to
20.3% or 268 million people by 2020.[40] However, at the same time, the effects of the
worldwide recession in 2009 have plunged 100 million more Indians into poverty than there
were in 2004, increasing the effective poverty rate from 27.5% to 37.2%.[41]
As per the 2001 census, 35.5% of Indian households availed of banking services, 35.1%
owned a radio or transistor, 31.6% a television, 9.1% a phone, 43.7% a bicycle, 11.7% a
scooter, motorcycle or a moped, and 2.5% a car, jeep or van; 34.5% of the households had
none of these assets.[42] According to Department of Telecommunications of India the phone
density reached 73.34% by December 2012 and has an annual growth decreased by
4.58%.[43] This tallies with the fact that a family of four with an annual income of 137,000
could afford some of these luxury items.

Causes
One cause is a high population growth rate, although demographers generally agree that
this is a symptom rather than cause of poverty. While services and industry have grown at
double-digit figures, agriculture growth rate has dropped from 4.8% to 2%. About 60% of the
population depends on agriculture whereas the contribution of agriculture to the GDP is
about 18%.[44] The surplus of labour in agriculture has caused many people to not have jobs.
Farmers are a large vote bank and use their votes to resist reallocation of land for higher-
income industrial project.
Caste system
Further information: Caste system in India
According to S. M. Michael, Dalits constitute the bulk of poor and unemployed.[45] According
to William A. Haviland, casteism is widespread in rural areas and continues to
segregate Dalits.[46] Others, however, have noted the steady rise and empowerment of the
Dalits through social reforms and the implementation of reservations in employment and
benefits.[47][48]
India's economic policies
In 1947, the average annual income in India was US$619, compared with US$439 for
China, US$770 for South Korea, and US$936 for Taiwan. By 1999, the numbers
were US$1,818 India; US$3,259 China; US$13,317 South Korea ; and US$15,720 Taiwan,
respectively.[49] (Numbers are in 1990 international Maddison dollars.) In other words, the
average income in India was not much different from South Korea in 1947, but South Korea
became a developed country by the 2000s. At the same time, India was left as one of the
world's poorer countries. India had to somehow manage and facilitate its resources and
planning in such a way that the poverty ratio could be reduced.
License Raj refers to the elaborate licenses, regulations and the accompanying red tape that
were required to set up and run a business in India between 1947 and 1990.[50] The License
Raj was a result of India's decision to have a planned economy, where all aspects of the
economy are controlled by the state and licenses were given to a select few. Corruption
flourished under this system.[51]
The labyrinthine bureaucracy often led to absurd restrictions up to 80 agencies had to be
satisfied before a firm could be granted a licence to produce and the state would decide
what was produced, how much, at what price and what sources of capital were used.

BBC[52]
India had started out in the 1950s with high growth rates,[53] openness to trade and
investment, a promotional state, social expenditure awareness and macro stability but ended
the 1980s with low growth rates,[53] closure to trade and investment, a license-obsessed,
restrictive state (License Raj), inability to sustain social expenditures and macro instability,
indeed economic crisis.
Liberalisation policies and their effects
Other points of view hold that the economic reforms[clarification needed] initiated in the early 1990s
are responsible for the collapse of rural economies and the agrarian crisis currently
underway. As journalist and the Rural Affairs editor for The Hindu, P Sainath, describes in
his reports on the rural economy in India, the level of inequality has risen to extraordinary
levels, when at the same time, hunger in India has reached its highest level in decades. He
also points out that rural economies across India have collapsed, or are on the verge of
collapse due to the neo-liberal policies of the government of India since the 1990s.[54] The
human cost of the "liberalisation" has been very high.[clarification needed] The huge wave of farm
suicides in Indian rural population from 1997 to 2007 totalled close to 200,000, according to
official statistics.[55] That number remains disputed, with some saying the true number is
much higher. Commentators have faulted the policies pursued by the government which,
according to Sainath, resulted in a very high portion of rural households getting into the debt
cycle, resulting in a very high number of farm suicides. As professor Utsa Patnaik, India's top
economist on agriculture, has pointed out, the average poor family in 2007 has about 100 kg
less food per year than it did in 1997.[55]
Government policies encouraging farmers to switch to cash crops, in place of traditional food
crops, has resulted in an extraordinary increase in farm input costs, while market forces
determined the price of the cash crop.[56] Sainath points out that a disproportionately large
number of affected farm suicides have occurred with cash crops, because with food crops
such as rice, even if the price falls, there is food left to survive on. He points out that
inequality has reached one of the highest rates India has ever seen. In a report byChetan
Ahya, executive director at Morgan Stanley, it is pointed out that there has been a wealth
increase of close to US$1 trillion in the time frame of 20032007 in the Indian stock market,
while only 4%7% of the Indian population hold any equity.[57] During the time when public
investment in agriculture shrank to 2% of the GDP, the nation suffered the worst agrarian
crisis in decades, the same time as India became the nation with the second highest number
of dollar billionaires.[58] Sainath argues that
The per capita food availability has declined every five years without exception from 1992
2010 whereas from 19721991 it had risen every five-year period without exception.
Farm incomes have collapsed. Hunger has grown very fast. Public investment in agriculture
shrank to nothing a long time ago. Employment has collapsed. Non-farm employment has
stagnated. (Only the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act has brought some limited
relief in recent times.) Millions move towards towns and cities where, too, there are few jobs
to be found.
In one estimate, over 85 per cent of rural households are either landless, sub-marginal,
marginal or small farmers. Nothing has happened in 15 years that has changed that situation
for the better. Much has happened to make it a lot worse.
Those who have taken their lives were deep in debtpeasant households in debt doubled in
the first decade of the neoliberal "economic reforms, from 26 per cent of farm households to
48.6 per cent. Meanwhile, all along, India kept reducing investment in agriculture (standard
neoliberal procedure). Life was being made more and more impossible for small farmers.
As of 2006, the government spends less than 0.2% of GDP on agriculture and less than 3%
of GDP on education.[59] However, some government schemes such as the mid-day meal
scheme, and the NREGA have been partially successful in providing a lifeline for the rural
economy and curbing the further rise of poverty.

Reduction in poverty
Despite all the causes, India currently adds 40 million people to its middle class every
year.[citation needed] Analysts such as the founder of Forecasting International, Marvin J. Cetron,
writes that an estimated 300 million Indians now belong to the middle class; one-third of
them having emerged from poverty in the last ten years. However, this has to be seen in
perspective as the population of India has increased by 370 million from 1991 and 190
million from 2001 so the absolute number of poor has increased.
Despite government initiatives, corporate social responsibility (CSR) remains low on the
agenda of corporate sector.[citation needed] Only 10% of funding comes from individuals and
corporates,[citation needed] and "a large part of CSR initiatives are artfully masqueraded and
make it back to the balancesheet."[citation needed] The widening income gap between the rich
and the poor over the years has raised fears of a social backlash.[60]

Efforts to alleviate poverty

Since the early 1950s, govt has initiated, sustained, and refined various planning schemes to
help the poor attain self-sufficiency in food production. Probably the most important initiative
has been the supply of basic commodities, particularly food at controlled prices, available
throughout the country as the poor spend about 80% of their income on food. The schemes
have however not been very successful because the rate of poverty reduction lags behind
the rapid population growth rate.[61]
Outlook for poverty alleviation
Eradication of poverty in India is generally considered only to be a long-term goal. Poverty
alleviation is expected to make better progress in the next 50 years than in the past, as
a trickle-down effect of the growing middle class. Increasing stress on education, reservation
of seats in government jobs and the increasing empowerment of women and the
economically weaker sections of society are also expected to contribute to the alleviation of
poverty. It is incorrect to say that all poverty reduction programmes have failed. The growth
of the middle class (which was virtually non-existent when India became a free nation in
August 1947) indicates that economic prosperity has indeed been very impressive in India,
but the distribution of wealth is not even.
Controversy over extent of poverty reduction
The definition of poverty in India has been called into question by the UN World Food
Programme. In its report on global hunger index, it questioned the government of India's
definition of poverty saying:
The fact that calorie deprivation is increasing during a period when the proportion of rural
population below the poverty line is said to be declining rapidly, highlights the increasing
disconnect between official poverty estimates and calorie deprivation.
While total overall poverty in India has declined, the extent of poverty reduction is often
debated. While there is a consensus that there has not been an increase in poverty between
199394 and 200405, the picture is not so clear if one considers other non-pecuniary
dimensions (such as health, education, crime and access to infrastructure). With the rapid
economic growth that India is experiencing, it is likely that a significant fraction of the rural
population will continue to migrate toward cities, making the issue of urban poverty more
significant in the long run.
Some, like journalist P Sainath, hold the view that while absolute poverty may not have
increased, India remains at an abysmal rank in the UN Human Development Index. India is
positioned at 136th place in the 2012 UN HDI index. It is the lowest rank for the country in
over 10 years. In 1992, India was at 122nd place in the same index. It can even be argued
that the situation has become worse on critical indicators of overall well-being such as the
number of people who are undernourished (India has the highest number of malnourished
people, at 230 million, and is 94th of 119 in the world hunger index), and the number of
malnourished children (43% of India's children under 5 are underweight (BMI<18.5), the
highest in the world) as of 2008.[62]
A 2007 report by the state-run National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised
Sector (NCEUS) found that 77% of Indians, or 836 million people, lived on less than 20 per
day (USD 0.50 nominal, USD 2.0 in PPP), with most working in "informal labour sector with
no job or social security, living in abject poverty. However, a 2010 report from the UN
disputes this, finding that the number of people living on US$1.25 a day is expected to go
down from 435 million or 51.3 percent in 1990 to 295 million or 23.6 percent by 2015 and
268 million or 20.3 percent by 2020.
Persistence of malnutrition among children
According to the New York Times, it is estimated that about 55% of the children in India
suffer from malnutrition.[67] The World Bank, citing estimates made by the World Health
Organisation, states that "About 49 percent of the world's underweight children, 34 percent
of the world's stunted children and 46 percent of the world's wasted children, live in India."
The World Bank also noted that "while poverty is often the underlying cause of malnutrition
in children, the superior economic growth experienced by South Asian countries compared
to those in Sub-Saharan Africa, has not translated into superior nutritional status for the
South Asian child."[68]
A special commission to the Indian Supreme Court has noted that the child malnutrition rate
in India is twice as great as in sub-Saharan Africa.[69]
Data from the World Bank shows that the percentage of underweight children in sub-
Saharan Africa is 24% while India has almost twice the amount at 47%. Out of the 47%, 50%
were from rural areas, 38% from urban areas, 48.9% of the underweight are girls and 45.5%
are boys.[70]
Malnutrition is often associated with diseases like diarrhoea, malaria and measles due to the
lack of access in health care, which is also linked to the problem of poverty. The United
Nations had estimated that "2.1 million Indian children die before reaching the age of 5 every
year four every minute."[71]
The Indian government came up with the Integrated Childhood Development Service (ICDS)
in 1975 to combat the problem of malnutrition in the country. ICDS is the world's largest child
development programme, but its effects on the problem in India are limited.[72] This is
because the programme failed to focus on children under 3, the group that should receive
the most help from the ICDS; most growth retardation would have developed by the age of 2
and is mostly irreversible.[73] With the lack of help, the chances that newborn babies are
unable to develop fully would be higher.
The quality of ICDS centres varies from states to states and often the babies with the most
serious problem of malnutrition have the lowest amount of help given.[72] "Rajasthan, Uttar
Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh, all rank in the bottom ten in terms of ICDS
coverage."[73] Despite the poor distribution of help, the ICDS is still considered to be efficient
in improving the health of the children in the country.[74] Statistics from UNICEF show that the
mortality rate of children under 5 has improved from 118 per 1000 live births in 1990 to 66 in
the year 2009.[75]
However, malnutrition is still a problem for India; it has been found that "micronutrient
deficiencies alone may cost India US$2.5 billion annually."[76] Malnutrition can lead to
children not being able to attend school or perform to their fullest potential, which in turn
leads to a decrease in labour productivity, affecting Indias economic growth as a whole.
Abuse
In 2013 it was reported that women were being coerced into sterilisation in an unhygienic
medical environment, for a week's pay.[77]
In the same year it has been claimed that the Indian poor are subject to clinical tests that
would not be accepted elsewhere.[78]
Slavery, and in particular child slavery[79] and sex slavery,[80] has been shown to exist in the
poverty-stricken regions of India.[81] An NGO has been formed specifically to free slaves in
India, claiming that India has the largest concentration[dubious discuss] of slavery in the world.[82]
A large number of Indian work migrants migrate from the poverty-stricken areas of India to
other countries where they are employed in poor conditions and at low grade jobscalled
3D jobs: Dirty, Dangerous and Degradingand in some cases are held in slavery
conditions. A similar fate awaits migrants inside India itself.
Indian geo(20M)(15Q)
World geography (30M)(10Q)
1. what is el nino effect and describe its effect on indian
agriculture ?
El Nino is a climatic phenomenon which impacts the western coast of South
America, Australia, Indonesia and the monsoon regions of South Asia.
SYMPTOMS OF EL NINO EFFECT:

Weakening of trade winds allowing warm water of western pacific towards

east.
Increase in temperature near Peru and Ecuador due to spreading of warm
water from western pacific towards eastern pacific.
Shift of rainfall from tropical rain forest of Indonesia to deserts of Peru.
Drought in western pacific zone and floods at the coast off the eastern pacific.
Reduced upwelling of nutrient rich cold water off the west coast of South
America

It lasts for a year.

A strong El Nino usually leads to drought-like conditions in the affected areas.
There is no fixed pattern as to when it occurs, but it has a periodicity of eight to
ten years. But its frequency is increasing as a result of global warming. The
year 2014 is supposed to be an El Nino year.
Causes: The trade winds over the Pacific Ocean create a Warm Pacific Pool.
This acts as a low pressure area over the ocean and a high pressure in the upper
Troposphere. This high pressure has a sinking arm at the Mascarene High near
Madagascar. This creates a high pressure over Mascarene, which propels the
South-West Monsoon winds giving rain to India. In El Nino years, there is a high
Sea Surface temperature which prevents the formation of Warm Pacific Pool and
subsequently weakens the South-West Monsoon winds blowing towards India.
This leads to poor rainfall in India.
Indian agri: India is an agrarian country; it contributes to sixteen percent of
India's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and employs more than sixty percent of the
working population. But, agriculture in India is largely rainfed. that is, it is monsoon
dependent.
The erratic nature of Indian monsoon leads to the vagaries in the agricultural
productivity. In order to make Indian agriculture monsoon-proof, irrigation is
required. Even after undertaking large scale irrigation projects, only thirty percent
of India's land has irrigation.
Moreover, India cannot have all its agricultural land under irrigation and fifty million
hectares out of one hundred forty-five million hectares will always be dependent
on monsoon. Hence, poor rainfalls affect agriculture and El Nino years inevitably
lead to poor agricultural productivity.
El Nino is linked to drought, which is an agricultural condition where prolonged
water shortages lead to crop failure. But every El Nino year does not lead to
drought, for example in the year 2002. The drought prone regions of India include
areas with rainfall less than 60 cm of rain like the plateau of peninsular India like
Deccan plateau, the desert areas of Thar and Saurashtra in Western India and the
upland regions of Tamil Nadu. These regions are also poor regions and droughts
affect the people much more than people of other regions.
El nino on agri : The main consequence of El Nino is poor productivity which
affects the poor farmers of peninsular India. Since majority of population is
employed in agriculture, the effects of poor productivity are far reaching. The poor
productivity leads to increased incidence of poverty and famine.
Even the milch animals go hungry and it leads to poor production of milk. Poor
productivity, which causes shortage of food, also leads to high food inflation
throughout the country. High food inflation affects the poor disproportionately. The
poor population, which has to shell more money for food. have less income to
spend on other dietary needs like proteins. In order to curb inflation, RBI increases
the interest rates which affects the common man also. Thus the effects of El Nino
are not just confined to farmers but the whole of India.
As India Meteorological Department (IMD) has predicted the occurrence of El Nino
in 2014, the government should take necessary steps to offset its effects.
Government should promote the production of coarse grains. Coarse grains are
able to meet all the dietary requirements of the people while at the same time
require less water and are drought resistant.
The Minimum Support Price of these grains should be made attractive to promote
its production while that of rice and sugarcane, which are water intensive, should
be reduced. The Public Distribution System for these grains should also be
upgraded. There should be sale of seeds of crops which use less water.
Government should make use of drought funds in case of serious drought and
provide extra days of NREGA in such drought affected areas. It should release the
stock of stored grains so that the food inflation does not rise unexpectedly.
We cannot control the weather phenomenon. The occurrence of El Nino is beyond
our control. But we can take steps to minimize its effects to make sure that the
poor population of the country doesn't go hungry.
.
EL NINO EFFECT: IMPACT ON AGRICULTURE IN INDIA:
CONCLUSION
remedial actions available to face El Nino if we are ready in advance, such as:

Identifying the areas which will be affected and help farmers to understand
which crop to grow during this season.
High quality seeds of alternate crop should be distributed in draught affected
area at a minimum support price.
Educate the farmers on alternate cropping system and prevent hoarding.
 El Nino has negative impact on production of crops such as pearl millet, rice,
food grains and crops like coaster, pigeon pea, Rabi crops remains unaffected
by El Nino.

2.expalin himalayan drainage system ?

3.interlinking of southern river syestem , what are the problems and its significance of turf of war
between southern stats?

4.interlinking of northern rivers and their impication on india bangladesh relations?

5.el nino , la nina , explain most strange things about them ?

6.difference between himalayan and peninsular river systems?

7.mechanism of whether in winter?

8.local storms of india . make a list of it?

9.what is farm forestry , its significance in india ?

10.drought ? if u are a DM of a district , how will u manage that area?

11.flood ? if u are a DM of a district , how will u manage that area?

12.what are types of global winds?

13.maditarian vegetation ?

14.plate tectonics and india ?

15.heat budget of earth?

16.ypes of rainfall?

17.make a table of important ocean currents and list strange things about them ?
18.what is ecological balance?
19.role of biodiversity in economy growth?
Fosssil fuel and energy security questions(20M)(10Q)
1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.