Table of Contests Weekly Analysis May 4 2017

th

1 Global Issues 28 Transcripts ofTalk Shows 41 FPSC Inspector ASF (Airport

2 UK: General Election 2017
explained
3 Chinas Maritime Disputes
8 Pakistans Domestic Issues
8 12 proposals for electoral reform
in Pakistan
16 Civil Military Relations:
Pakistan and India in Comparison
23 CNNs Amanpour Security Force) Paper 2015)
26 Connect the World
43 BOOK REVIEWS
37 Research Articles for CSS 43. India vs Pakistan: Why cant
Essay Topics we just be friends?
29I. Introduction to Rule of Law 44 Neither a Hawk Nor a Dove-An
31 The Rule of Law Problems in Insiders Account of Pakistans
Pakistan Foreign Relations including Details
of the Kashmir Framework

21 Pakistans External Affairs 45 Solved Pas Papers

5 Iran: a self-inflicted wound?
6 Protracted Afghan Refugee
Situation: Policy Options for
Pakistan
27 Weekly Current Affairs
MCQs
37 Solved MCQs of CSS
Compulsory Papers 2015
39 PMS General Knowledge Paper
2014
40 Solved FPSC Assistant Director
Federal Government Organization
(Intelligence Bureau) Paper 2015
51 Urdu Reports & Transcripts
of Programs
47 Apas Ki Baat I with Najam Sethi
47Apas ki Baat II with Najam Sethi
48 Jirga with SaleemSaaf

Editorial
Each edition of Weekly Analysis tries to bring best of current affairs prevailing in the whole week to its readers especially
students and candidates of competitive exams and it aims at .providing holistic view pertaining to Pakistans domestic, external
and global affairs. Current issue of the magazine will give its in-depth analysis of global issues like Chinas maritime disputes and
UKs upcoming General Election 2017. Pakistans domestic and external affairs cover strains in Pak-Iran relations, 12 proposals for
electoral reforms, repatriation of Afghan refugees and comparison of civil-military relations in Pakistan and India.

Current issue of the Weekly Analysis deals with those global, regional and domestic affairs which are increasingly
affecting the globe militarily, politically, and economically.-As previous edition of this magazine has thoroughly explained Syrias
Crises, North Koreas Problem, Populism and Indo-Pak Water Disputes along with other regional and domestic problems such as
South China Sea Dispute, FATAs Mainstreaming and Nuclear Arm Race in South Asia etc in such a manner that even a person
with no background of national and international affairs can easily comprehend the nature of those issues. These topics are
essential part of CSS and PMS compulsory papers like International Relations, Political Science, Public Administration,
International Law, Governance and Public Policy, Pakistan Affairs and Current Affairs etc.

Similarly, weekly current affairs MCQs, transcripts of weeks best talk shows, research articles for CSS essay on Rule of
Law and solved past papers conducted by FPSC and PPSC are also part of current Weekly Analysis so that readers and candidates
of competitive exams may enrich their knowledge in order to succeed in their lives.

Mian Waqas Haider

0345-4740019 Editorial Board
Mianwhaider@gmail.com Haseeb Hassan, Dawood Gill, Aqsa Batool, Amir Saleem, Farina,
Kamishka Iftikhar, Kinza Qaisar, Maliha Fayyaz, Momel Khan, Laiba
Haq, Rizwan Haider, Faiza Azhar, Naima Batool &.Aliya Arshad

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Global Issues
Global Issues
UK: GENERAL ELECTION
2017 EXPLAINED
HOW DO THEY WORK?
YOU might have heard about the
General Election thats happening on
Thursday 8 June, but why are people
voting? Who for? And who can vote?
A GENERAL Election is the way we
decide which political party is going
to rule the House of Commons, set up
the Government, and run the United
Kingdom for the next five years.
The last General Election was held in
2015, so this one came as a bit of a
surprise when Prime Minister
Theresa May called it three years
early. Two thirds of MPs in the House
of Commons had to agree to run the
election early. The PM said she
thought the election was necessary to
help bring certainty to Britain
following the EU referendum.
What is a snap election?
Under the 2011 Fixed-term
Parliaments Act, passed when David
Cameron was prime minister,
general elections in the UK are
supposed to take place every five
years on the first Thursday in May.
A snap election can be called for two
reasons: if there is a vote of no
confidence in the government or if
MPs vote for an early election by a
two-thirds majority.
What will happen on 8 June?
The UK is split up into 650 areas,
known as constituencies, each
represented by its own Member of
Parliament (MP). On 8 June, people
will go to a local polling station to
vote for the person they want to be
their MP in the constituency where
they live. Voters dont get to pick the
Prime Minister, only their local MP.
Most of the successful candidates are
members of political parties, but
anyone can stand for election. To try
to stop people standing for a joke,
each candidate has to pay 500. If
they dont manage to win 5% of the
votes cast, they lose their 500.
What is a political party?
There are lots of different parties,
with different ideas about how the
nation should be run.
They all make promises to the voters
before the election in their manifesto,
such as their ideas for the NHS
(National Health Service) or the
armed forces, or their plans to get
more people jobs.
Who wins?
If one party wins a majority of the
seats in Parliament (i.e. more than
325), then they will form a
government. The leader of the elected
party will usually become Prime
Minister. Having a majority of MPs
makes it easier for the Government to
bring in new laws or make other
changes to the country, as they have
enough MPs to win any vote that
takes place in Parliament. However,
this doesnt always work out because,
if enough of the Governments MPs
2
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
disagree with what their party is
trying to do, they are still allowed to
vote against them. These MPs are
known as rebels. Theresa May is
hoping for a bigger majority than she
has right now only 17 which will
make her Government stronger. But
she is taking a risk. She could end up
with fewer MPs, or lose the election
altogether.
Whats a hung Parliament?
Things get a bit complicated if no
party gets a majority in the election.
This is known as a hung Parliament
and can make it difficult to govern, as
the other parties can club together to
block any laws that the Government
tries to pass. This is what happened
in 2010 because the party with the
most seats the Conservatives only
won 302 seats. They chose to team up
to form a Government with the
Liberal Democrats, who won 56
seats. This working together is known
as a coalition.
What could General Election
mean for Brexit?
If May wins, it will shore up May's
strategy for Brexit. In voting for the
Conservative party, the British people
will be giving May a mandate to
carry out Brexit the way she sees fit.
The main opposition Labour Party
has also committed to carrying out
the desire of Britons to leave the EU,
expressed in last year's referendum.
Only the Liberal Democrats, a
minority party, opposes Brexit.
 3

Global Issues Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017

In any case, the UK is already bound
by Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty,
which May triggered last month. By
invoking Article 50, the British
government has set the process of
withdrawing from the European
Union in motion.
Legal experts are divided on whether Union and there can be no turning
it can be revoked -- but there's no back."
chance of that being attempted (Sources: Press Reader, CNN,
anyway. Parliament.UK. Wales Today)
As May said in Downing Street:
"Britain is leaving the European

Chinas Maritime Disputes

The East and South China Seas are the scene of escalating

territorial disputes between China and its neighbors, Historical Context

including Japan, Vietnam, and the Philippines. The tensions, Chinas maritime disputes span centuries. The tug-of-war over
shaped by China's growing assertiveness, have fueled sovereignty of the Diaoyu/Senkakus in the East China Sea can be
concerns over armed conflict and raised questions about traced to the Sino-Japanese War of 1894, while Japans defeat in
Washington's security commitments in its strategic rebalance World War II and Cold War geopolitics added complexity to
toward the Asia-Pacific region. claims over the islands. The fight over overlapping exclusive
East-China Sea is basically a political conflict while South economic zones in the South China Sea has an equally complex
China Sea is an economic one chronology of events steeped in the turmoil of Southeast Asian
Mapping the Claims history. Globalizationincluding extensive free trade pacts
Six countries (China, Taiwan, Japan, Vietnam, Philippines, between claimantsand recent developments like the U.S.
Malaysia, Brunei) lay overlapping claims to the East and pivot to Asia have further connected the two disputes. As
South China Seas, an area that is rich in hydrocarbons and Chinas economic ascent facilitates growing military capabilities
natural gas and through which trillions of dollars of global and assertiveness in both seas, other regional players are also
trade flow. As it seeks to expand its maritime presence, China experiencing their own rise in nationalism and military
has been met by
growing
assertiveness from
regional claimants
like Japan,
Vietnam, and the
Philippines.
The increasingly
frequent standoffs
span from the
Diaoyu/Senkaku
Islands, on Chinas
eastern flank, to the
long stretch of
archipelagos in the
South China Sea
that comprise
hundreds of islets. The U.S. pivot to Asia, involving renewed capability, and have exhibited greater willingness to stake
diplomatic activity and military redeployment, could signal territorial claims.
Washingtons heightened role in the disputes, which, if not Power Projection
managed wisely, could turn part of Asias maritime regions In recent years, China has undertaken drastic efforts to dredge
from thriving trade channels into arenas of conflict. and reclaim thousands of square feet in the South China Sea. Its

Global Issues
construction of artificial islands and infrastructure, such as
runways, support buildings, loading piers, and possible
satellite communication antennas, has prompted its
neighbors and the United States to question whether they are
strictly for civilian purposes, as claimed by the government.
Chinas land development has profound security implications.
The potential to deploy aircraft, missiles, and missile defense
systems to any of its constructed islands vastly boosts Chinas
power projection, extending its operational range south and
east by as much as 1,000 kilometers (620 miles).
Chinas Island Building
Chinas highest rate of island development activity is taking
place on the Paracel and Spratly Island
chains. Beijing has reclaimed more than
2,900 acres (PDF) since December
2013, more land than all other
claimants combined in the past "We are strongly committed
forty years, according to a U.S. to safeguarding the
Defense Department report.
Satellite imagery has shown country's sovereignty and
unprecedented activity from security, and defending our
China on Subi Reef and Fiery territorial integrity."-
Cross Reef in the Spratlys,
including the possible CHINESE PRESIDENT XI
construction of helipads, airstrips, JINPING
piers, and radar and surveillance
structures. In addition to China, the
Spratlys are claimed by Malaysia, the
Philippines, Vietnam, and Taiwan. Experts say that Chinas
artificial island building and infrastructure construction are
increasing its potential power projection capabilities in the
region.
Policy Options
Thousands of vessels, from fishing boats to coastal patrols
and naval ships, ply the East and South China Sea waters.
Increased use of the contested waters by China and its
neighbors heighten the risk that miscalculations by sea
captains or political leaders could trigger an armed conflict,
which the United States could be drawn into through its
military commitments to allies Japan and the Philippines.
Policy experts believe that a crisis management system for
the region is crucial.
PREVENTIVE MEASURES
A range of preventive measures could ease regional tensions
and de-escalate the risk of military conflict. Experts including
Elizabeth Economy, Sheila Smith, Joshua Kurlantzick, and
Simon Tay weigh the options.
"Provocations against Japans sovereign
sea and land are continuing, but they must
not be tolerated." JAPANESE PRIME
MINISTER SHINZO ABE
Resource Sharing
Claimants in both the South China Sea and East China Sea
could cooperate on the development of resources (PDF),
including fisheries, petroleum, and gas. A resource-sharing
agreement could include bilateral patrolling mechanisms,
which would deter potential sources of conflict like illegal
fishing and skirmishes arising from oil and gas exploration.
More collaborations in the mold of joint fishery deals like
those between China and Vietnam and Japan and Taiwan
could mitigate risk by sharing economic benefits.
Military-to-Military Communication
Increased dialogue between military forces has the potential
to reduce the risk of conflict escalation. Communication
mechanisms like military hotlines to manage maritime
emergencies, similar to the ones set up by China and Japan,
4
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
China and Vietnam, and China and ASEAN, could be established
among all claimants. These hotline systems would connect
leaders in the event of a crisis that could arise from mishaps,
such as naval maneuvers misinterpreted by captains of
merchant vessels or fishermen. Lastly, joint naval exercises, such
as those proposed by Beijing in October 2015, could support
greater military transparency and help develop shared rules of
the road.
Building a Multilateral Framework
The development of a multilateral, binding code of conduct
between China and ASEAN countries is often cited as a way of
easing territorial disputes in the South China Sea. The parties
have already agreed upon multilateral risk reduction
and confidence-building measures in the 2002
Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the
South China Sea, but none have adhered to its
provisions or implemented its trust-building
proposals. While China has historically
preferred to handle all disputes bilaterally,
ongoing consultations between Beijing
and ASEAN still hold some promise for
reinvigorating a multilateral framework
toward greater cooperation and conflict
resolution. However, given differences
among ASEAN members vis--vis China and
Chinas preference to settle matters bilaterally,
it is uncertain whether progress can be made.
International Arbitration
Bringing territorial disputes to an international legal body
presents another means of conflict mitigation. The International
Court of Justice and the International Tribunal for the Law of the
Sea are two forums where claimants can file submissions for
settlement. In July 2013, a UN tribunal was convened at The
Hague to discuss an arbitration case filed by the Philippine
government contesting the legality of Chinas territorial claims
in the South China Sea. The court ruled in favor (PDF) of the
Philippines in July 2016. The tribunal found that Chinas nine-
dash line had no legal basis for its claims to historic rights to
resources in the South China Sea and that none of the land
features met the requirements of an exclusive economic zone for
China. The Chinese foreign ministry dismissed the courts award,
saying it had no binding force. Alternatively, an outside
organization or mediator could also be called upon to resolve the
disagreement, yet the prospect for success in these cases is slim
given Chinas likely continued opposition.
CRISIS MANAGEMENT
In the event military conflict erupts, policy experts including
Elizabeth Economy, Sheila Smith, and Shen Dingli outline a few
immediate options facing the countries involved.
Diplomatic
Escalatory actions would likely trigger ramped up diplomacy.
The United States could initially serve in a mediation role in the
event of crisis erupting in either sea. In the South China Sea,
mediation could also come from ASEAN or a trusted, neutral
actor within the region like Singapore. Parties could also call for
an emergency session of the UN Security Council to negotiate a
cease-fire, although Chinas permanent seat on the Council could
limit the effectiveness of this option. In the East China Sea,
bilateral management of the dispute is the likely first option,
"Vietnam does not pursue a military buildup, but
Vietnam pursues protecting our sovereignty,
firstly with peaceful measures, diplomatic
measures, and even justice measures."-
VIETNAMESE PRIME MINISTER NGUYEN
XUAN PHUC
with Beijing and Tokyo sitting down to negotiate a common
Keeping a peaceful and predictable maritime
guideline for handling the conflict and preventing its escalation.
order is an international priority." -

Pakistans External Affairs
Chinese and Japanese officials made a breakthrough to ease
tension in November 2014, issuing a joint four-point outline
to improve Beijing-Tokyo relations.
Economic
Despite extensive trade ties, the parties to the dispute could
respond to a rise in tensions by imposing economic sanctions.
In response to a Chinese action, for instance, the United
States could sanction financial transactions, the
movement of some goods and services,
and even travel between the two
countries. In retaliation, Beijing
"The South China Sea issue is not
could bar U.S. exports and cut just about competing claims; its
back on its extensive holdings of about peace and stability in the
U.S. Treasuries. Claimants could region." ASEAN SECRETARY
also manipulate exports and
relaunch boycotts of goods. Signals
GENERAL LE LUONG MINH
of such a response have already been
seen: in 2012 Chinese protesters launched a
wave of boycotts of Japanese-made products. Japan
also accused China of halting exports of rare earth minerals
after a territorial spat in 2010a charge Beijing denied
causing a commodities crisis for resource-dependent Japan.
Military
If confrontation were to involve Japan in the East China Sea
or the Philippines in the South China Sea, the United States
would be obligated to consider military action under defense
treaties. Experts note that Washington's defense
commitments to Tokyo are stronger than those to Manila.
Under its treaty obligations, the United States would have to
defend Japan in the case of an armed attack; the U.S.-
Philippine treaty holds both nations accountable for mutual
support in the event of an armed attack in the Pacific Area
on either of the Parties. Military action would represent a
last resort, and would depend on the scale and circumstances
of the escalation. In the event of armed conflict breaking out
between China and Japan, the United States could also use
crisis communication mechanisms outlined in the U.S.-China
Military Maritime Consultative Agreement (PDF) to
Pakistans External Affairs
Iran: a self-inflicted
wound?
It is true that Iran has mostly been an outlier ever since the
Ayatollahs took control of it. Internationally, it was easy to
understand because an important American partner, the
Shah, had been de-seated, instantly turning Iran from an ally
to a sworn foe.
America thus lost its most strategic location to control the
Persian Gulf and to run its largest CIA station. In 1979, with
the cold war at its height there hadnt been a bigger loss to
American interests ever. Since then, the Gulf has changed
colours from being Persian to Arabian. Interesting?
There was a regional conundrum too. Pakistan a declared
ally of the Western block and Irans friendliest neighbour had
to reorient almost equally instantly, the power of the 1970s
geopolitics so dominantly overwhelming. Tied into Cento,
which was the forebear of the current Centcom a more
militaristic evolution and the RCD (Regional Cooperation
Development) which weaved three major Asian allies of the
5
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
encourage a stand-down of forces and facilitate communication
between Tokyo and Beijing. Verbal declarations that
communicate the seriousness of the dispute and convey support
for an ally, as well as offers of military assistance, can also serve
as essential coercive de-escalation measures during a crisis.
US Concerns
The United States, which maintains important interests in
ensuring freedom of navigation and securing sea lines of
communication, has expressed support for an
agreement on a binding code of conduct
and other confidence-building
measures. The United States has a
role in preventing military
escalation resulting from the
territorial dispute. However,
Washingtons defense treaty with
Manila could draw the United
States into a China-Philippines conflict
over the substantial natural gas deposits in
the disputed Reed Bank or the lucrative fishing
grounds of the Scarborough Shoal. A dispute between China and
Vietnam over territorial claims could also threaten the military
and commercial interests of the United States. The failure of
Chinese and Southeast Asian leaders to resolve the disputes by
diplomatic means could undermine international laws governing
maritime disputes and encourage destabilizing arms buildups.
In the South China Sea, Washington has protested against
Beijings extensive land reclamation efforts, warning that island
development and a military buildup could lead to regional
conflict. The U.S. military deployed surveillance aircraft over the
Chinese-built artificial islands in 2015 and sent warships to sail
within 12 nautical miles of disputed features in the Paracel and
Spratly island chains to emphasize the importance of freedom of
navigation in the contested waters. These operations, intended to
challenge Chinas maritime claims, are expected to expand in
scope and have received support from U.S. regional allies.
(Source: Council on Foreign Relations)
US Turkey, Iran and Pakistan meant that all structures
needed an instant review. Such was the consequence of one
singular event the 1979 Iranian Revolution.
The Iran-Pakistan relationship hasnt recovered much since that
geopolitical cataclysm. With little liberty of action away from its
dominant American leanings, Pakistan never found the space to
reset its ties with Iran. Such has been Pakistans legacy of
dependence on the US for both military and economic assistance
through the years. Now that newer dynamics dictate American
priorities in the region Pakistan may find its moment in
pursuing an independent foreign policy, though it still remains
beholden to a strong American influence. As such, things havent
changed how they should have with Iran.
There are two other underlying causes to this stand-off: old
alliances have kept them locked in opposite camps even in the
new world, and territorial linkages have imposed themselves in
renewed interest in Iran on Balochistan. Once a combined
territory, it had remained dormant while divided into its
Pakistani and Iranian denominations Irans being a sliver in
comparison. But tenuous relations have rekindled a latent
Iranian interest in furthering its territorial ambitions. Iran has
tried hard to mask this latency but Pakistan remains wary of
such intent.
Pakistans inalienable linkages to its interest tied with keeping
the Americans in good humour. Add to it the compulsions of
international finance literally dictated by the US, and its
strangulating sanctions against Iran and anyone else doing
business with it, and Iran effectively became a pariah, once an
axis of evil state. Pakistan could not break beyond what the

Pakistans External Affairs
world together had imposed as the governing regulation of
Iran. But then what is good diplomacy? Getting to do what is
in your interest while keeping all others in good humour.
We have singularly failed on this one critical aspect.
Diplomats must never become warriors and imbibe
sentiments of the militaries. If diplomacy becomes the
supporting arm for war unless it is essential to so act and
loses its own brand of carving space towards additional
pathways to mitigate adversity, nations generally fail to
achieve their interests and end up being sucked into even
more unsavoury consequences.
Under ZAB Pakistan actively developed a support base in the
Middle East. The Shah of Iran, secure under the American
umbrella, had little cause for consternation. The Arab Middle
East and Iran would all happily gather on the same table
which the Americans chaired the Arabs yet to evolve into
more muscled entities. The Islamic Summit in 1974, the OIC
and then the Arab League with the crown jewel the GCC have
evolved over the years to give a sense of identity to the Arabs
and their criticality in international affairs. In 1979, such
identity only found an even sharper delineation. The Gulf was
polarised into its Persian and Arab ends. Choosing sides was
at ones peril. But choose we did.
Pakistan has been indebted to Saudi Arabia for long now. SA
has bailed Pakistan out when it ran out of money which
was more than once. Our rulers have found abode and
succour there when they were in trouble back home. More
than half of the Pakistani Diaspora that is critical to sending
money back in Forex happens to work and live in SA. Other
Gulf countries, especially the UAE, are a second home to
many, both workers and people of means who own properties
there. Most of the informal Pakistani trade to Iran or India is
routed via the UAE. Qatar and other GCC nations continue to
be a favoured haunt for Pakistani labour.
It was in this background that the Saudi request to provide it
active support in their war against Yemen arrived as the first
test to this fraternal relationship. Pakistani public opinion
and its parliament went into an exceptional huddle to
determine what constituted Pakistans prime interest. Having
played to the tune of others for too long, Pakistan finally
found the courage to say no. Except that it happened to be to
its perpetual benefactor, Saudi Arabia. That cut our Arab
Protracted Afghan
Refugee Situation:
Policy Options for
Pakistan
Abstract
Pakistan provided shelter to one of the worlds largest
protracted refugee populations more than five million
Afghan refugees have been living in Pakistan since 1979.
Continued violence and political and economic turmoil in
Afghanistan have discouraged refugees to return and
resulted in the continued influx of Afghan refugees into
Pakistan. Since 2002, 3.8 million (Afghans) have returned to
Afghanistan but many returnees keep trickling back to
Pakistan.1 Over the years, Afghan refugees have become a
serious concern for Pakistan and an irritant in Pakistan-
Afghan relations due to declining donor assistance, domestic
constraints, weak economy, refugee fatigue, and the growing
threat of terrorism. Currently, there are three million
registered and unregistered Afghan refugees, 2 however, the
6
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
allies off badly and they responded by overtly cosying up to
India.
This exceptionalism didnt last long though. Very soon our
leadership was travelling to SA more often and explaining itself
than fighting our own wars in the country. Somewhere along the
way, we agreed to make amends by making Gen (r) Raheel
Sharif available to them to lead a 41-country Muslim military
coalition against terror.
Rewind a little. During the last days of Obama, the Americans
attempted at pushing an Arab coalition to fight against Assad
rather than committing their own boots there. The Saudis were
tasked to elicit support and Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan in
particular were approached to contribute forces. All three,
politely and correctly, warded off direct involvement. That then
gave cause to an indirect formulation of the 34-nation alliance
initially that Pakistan was surprised to learn included it too.
That act done, the ball has been difficult to roll back.
This arrangement was tested the first thing after Raheel Sharif
took over in Riyadh. The Houthis in Yemen have forayed into
contiguous Saudi villages to which Raheel Sharif has had to
respond with forces in the theatre. That pulled in Pakistan into
Yemen; implicit but easily pinned. Also, Saudi-Iran relations
have nosedived with bad rhetoric taking over on both sides.
Pakistan finds its most famous general, and possibly some force,
sucked into this virulent vortex of an unwanted war. I have said
before that, while SA will drive policy to which the coalition
under Raheel Sharif will respond, Pakistan will suffer the
consequences in its neighbourhood. The game has only begun.
All policy will have some con to it but smarter nations use
diplomacy to cover vulnerabilities and mitigate adversity
through aggressive engagement. We did neither, falling short on
all counts. Nawaz Sharif will soon be in Riyadh to attend a US-
Arab Summit which will stamp the American approval to the
arrangement, always known to have been grandfathered by
them. In the meanwhile General Baqeri of Iran has come out all
guns blazing, reminding us brazenly that when you do others
bidding you also carry their trash. Expedience has once again
trumped common sense. Sadly.
(By Shahzad Chaudhary: Published in the News
International, May 12, 2017)
number of unregistered refugees is believed to be far greater
since movement across the Pak-Afghan border has traditionally
taken place under an unregulated and unmonitored system, thus
making it close to impossible to give an accurate number of
unregistered refugees. 3 As a result, Pakistan has been the most
vulnerable country to mass movement, militants, trafficking of
drugs and arms from Afghanistan. Although the UNHCR
provides assistance for only one point five million registered
refugees of the total three million, it is estimated that during the
past 34 years, Pakistan has spent hundreds of billions of dollars
on hosting Afghan refugees. Although, the UNHCR has doubled
the assistance package from US$200 to US$400 per person for
the registered Afghan refugee families opting to return to
Afghanistan, 4 the refugees are reluctant to go back due to the
poor state of affairs in Afghanistan. Hence the aim of this paper
is to focus on the presence of Afghan refugees in Pakistan since
1979, their current status in the light of changing dynamics and
suggest plausible options for the management and honourable
repatriation of Afghan refugees.
History of Afghan Refugees (1979- to present)
Afghanistan continues to face one of the worlds largest refugee
crises and the largest protracted refugee situation under the
UNHCRs mandate. Afghan refugees represent the second
largest refugee group after the Syrians as it is estimated that one
in four Afghans has been a refugee. Even after more than three
decades of prolonged displacement, the Afghan refugee crisis

Pakistans External Affairs
continues to linger on. While Afghan refugees are present in
more than 70 countries, 95 per cent are hosted by Pakistan
and Iran. Continued strife and turmoil in Afghanistan has led
to the continuous flow of individuals fleeing the country as
well as internal displacement of the Afghan population.
The Afghan nationals moved to Pakistan prior to the Soviet
invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Traditionally, Afghans have
migrated across the border for social issues or to meet their
families, trade, in search of work, to escape poverty, drought
and, more recently, conflict and war.
While thousands of Afghans fled to Pakistan after the Saur
Revolution in 1978, the first documented large scale
movement of Afghans into Pakistan began in the aftermath of
the Soviet invasion in 1979. It is estimated that during the
invasion, there were more than six million Afghan refugees.
Although, a non-signatory to the Geneva Convention of
Refugees, Pakistan welcomed the incoming refugees which at
one point numbered five million, thus making Pakistan the
second largest refugee hosting nation , hosting 21 per cent of
the worlds refugees. In 1981, there were 1.5 million Afghan
refugees but by 1986, this number had risen to around five
million, with majority of the refugees based in Pakistan.
Majority of the Afghan refugees that came to Pakistan were
ethnic Pashtun but also included Tajiks, Uzbeks and Hazaras.
Due to cultural, ethnic, linguistic and religious affinities,
Afghan refugees easily integrated into the society and lived in
relative peace.
The movement of refugees in Pakistan was not restricted to
the camps. They moved around freely throughout the country
where they were allowed to work, acquire education, rent
houses, and travel freely within Pakistan like other Pakistani
citizens. It is worth mentioning that a major chunk of the
refugee community in Pakistan became the foundation for the
US-Saudi backed resistance against the Soviet in
Afghanistan. With the passage of time some moved out of the
camps into residential areas in all the major cities of
Pakistan. Although, Pakistans law prohibits the hiring of
unregistered foreigners, the authorities have always
accommodated the Afghan refugees to work in the informal
sector. In the formal sector, refugees officially need Pakistani
partners and cannot hold immovable property or the
requisite documents to own a business. However, more often
than not, this has been ignored. For example in KP, refugees
cannot officially own trucks according to law, yet, they
dominate the entire transport sector in the province.
During the course of the last three decades, the Afghan
community spread to all corners of the country as Afghan
communities have settled in Punjab, Sindh, Gilgit-Baltistan
and Azad Jummu and Kashmir. Currently, 67 per cent of
Afghans live in urban and rural areas, while 33 per cent live
in 54 refugee villages throughout the country.
After the Geneva Accord in 1988, which led to the withdrawal
of the Soviet Union from Afghanistan in February 1989, it
was hoped that refugees would repatriate. The then President
of Afghanistan, Mohammad Najibullah Ahmadzai, appealed
to the 5 million Afghan refugees residing in Pakistan and Iran
to return. However, very few Afghan refugees returned as the
bulk continued to stay in Pakistan and Iran respectively.
After the victory of the mujahideen over Najibullahs
government in April 1992, Afghanistan witnessed the return
of some 1.4 to 1.5 million refugees under the UNHCR assisted
repatriation programme. However, continued political
instability and turmoil as a result of the failure of the
mujahideen to successfully establish a government led to the
outflow of even more Afghans soon after. Subsequently, as a
result of the ongoing fighting and take over by the Taliban
regime in 1996, further displacement and migration
7
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
continued to take place. This led to the movement of an
additional 700,000 refugees mostly to Pakistan and some to
Iran. Additionally, due to the drought that hit Afghanistan in the
year 2000, an estimated 172,000 refugees came to Pakistan.
After the 2001 US invasion of Afghanistan and the subsequent
ouster of the Taliban, repatriation began to take place. From
2002 to 2015, more than 3.8 million Afghan refugees returned to
Afghanistan with UNHCR assistance under the formal bilateral
agreement on Afghan refugees, the Tripartite Commission.
Although Afghanistan saw the return of refugees, the
deteriorating state of affairs in Afghanistan did not prevent
masses from fleeing the country. For example, in 2011, an
estimated 160, 000 Afghans fled to Pakistan. Hence, continued
turmoil in Afghanistan has been the sole reason behind the
continued influx of Afghan refugees into Pakistan.
Afghan Refugees in Pakistan
Continued violence, political and economic turmoil and poverty
have discouraged refugees from returning home. Consequently,
it has resulted in a continuous influx of refugees into Pakistan.
The number of unregistered refugees is believed to be far greater
since movement across the Pak-Afghan border has traditionally
taken place under an unregulated and unmonitored system, thus
making it close to impossible to give an accurate number of
unregistered refugees. As a result, Pakistan has been the most
vulnerable country to mass movement, militants, trafficking of
drugs and arms from Afghanistan.
For majority of the Afghan refugees who fled from Afghanistan
in 1979, Pakistan became their permanent home. While many
have attained Pakistani citizenship through illegal means, others
continued to live in Pakistan without facing any form of
discrimination. Pakistan has second and third generation locally
born Afghans who while on paper may be Afghans are Pakistani
in spirit and conduct. According to 2014 statistics, more than 51
per cent of the total Afghan refugee population in Pakistan is
under 18 years of age (with the majority born in Pakistan).
Unlike in Iran, which restricted the movement of refugees to
camps and prevented them from indulging in politics, registered
and unregistered refugees in Pakistan have like all Pakistani
nationals, been given access to education, health and the right to
work.
While many work as labourers, others have found odd jobs and
set up small businesses. Yet others have established themselves
within the countrys business community and working class,
particularly in the transport, carpet and gem stone industry. For
instance, the business of gemstones, which is primarily run by
Afghan traders based in Peshawar, constitute a considerable
part of Pakistans export to other countries and has earned
US$27.562 million in terms of foreign exchange in the last five
years. Similarly, Afghan refugees make up more than 70 per cent
of the work force in the carpet weaving industry in Khyber
Puktunkhwa which is renowned all over the world for its skilful
art and has contributed significantly to Pakistans economy. As
refugees and locals coexist, many of them have married locals
and integrated into the larger society. Majority of the refugees
that came to Pakistan were illiterate and had no finances at all.
However, once settled they were able to find work and earn,
even though at a subsistence level. Pakistan provided them with
a higher quality of life than in Afghanistan. Even after more than
three decades, the same holds true.
On the contrary, the Afghan refugees in Iran have had limited
access to public facilities and have not been able to merge into
the Iranian society so easily. While Afghan refugees were
welcomed in Iran after the Soviet invasion, by 1990 Irans
attitude underwent a significant change from integration to
repatriation and prevention of future flows due to continuing
uncertainty in Afghanistan. Over the years, Iran imposed
several restrictions on the Afghan refugees in an attempt to
compel repatriation. These include increasing the cost of living,
decreasing financial assistance for healthcare, unemployment,
limited access to free education, lawsprohibiting undocumented

Pakistans Domestic Affairs
Afghans, denial of citizenship and marriage rights, and
impunity for attacks and violence perpetrated against them
by private actors. Since 2002, Iran has begun to implement
stringent measures restricting the movement of refugees and
has declared no go areas for refugees. They were limited to
border provinces, but they now exist in majority of Irans 31
provinces, the most recent being the Mazandaran province.
16 provinces have a complete ban on Afghans living there and
12 provinces have bans on particular areas and cities.
Tehran, Alborz, and Qom are the only provinces that do not
have residential restrictions on Afghans. Simultaneously, the
number of work permits issued to Afghan refugees has
drastically decreased and the cost for renewing permits has
been substantially increased. This has made them more
vulnerable to deportation. Time and again, the Iranian
authorities have repeatedly associated unemployment, crime
and drug problems in Iran to the presence of these refugees
Over the years, Afghan refugees have become an issue of
concern for Pakistan, too, due to domestic constraints, weak
economy, refugee fatigue, declining donor assistance,
increase in crime and the threat of terrorism. Hence
Islamabad has begun to raise the issue of their honourable
repatriation.
The security impact of the presence of refugees has also
played an important role in altering Islamabads stance
regarding refugees and hence the call for their repatriation.
Afghanistan continues to be the largest producer of opium,
producing about 92 per cent of the worlds opium crop. It is
believed that militants groups fund their insurgencies
through an informal tax they collect when it is smuggled
through Pakistan. There is no doubt that, among other
reasons, the use of drugs in Pakistan is also an unfortunate
consequence of the prolonged conflict in Afghanistan as well
as the presence of the Afghan refugees. This is reflected in the
fact that during the 1980s there were an estimated 50,000
drug users in Pakistan; this number rose to 8.1 million in
2011.
Registered and Unregistered Refugees
The Afghan refugees have been living in Pakistan for more
than 37 years without any form of legal identification since
there has been no comprehensive registration. It was only in
2005 when a survey was conducted to determine the number
of refugees residing in Pakistan. The task was laborious since
many refugees had acquired fake national identity cards and
others refused out of fear of deportation. In 2006, with the
support of UNHCR, some 2.15 million Afghans were
registered and Proof of Registration (PoR) cards were issued
by National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA)
recognizing them as Afghan citizens living in Pakistan who
were entitled to live and work for three years until December
2009. These cards also allowed them to open bank accounts,
Pakistans External Affairs
12 proposals for electoral reform in Pakistan
The preamble of the Constitution of the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan 1973 states the State shall
exercise its powers and authority through the chosen
representatives of the people.
Yet, it was 66 years after independence, on May 11, 2013 that
for the first time, the citizens of Pakistan went to the ballot
8
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
obtain driving licenses and mobile SIM cards, which made life
easier for the refugees.
Additionally, Islamabad decided to close all refugee camps,
starting from FATA, with the closure of a camp in South
Waziristan in 2005. The decision to close the camps was taken
while the repatriation process was ongoing which began in 2002
and had resulted in the repatriation of 2.4 million Afghans to
return. Pakistan also announced the closure of refugee camps in
KP and Balochistan to ensure security as it was believed that
these camps provided a safe-haven to terrorists and criminals as
well as illegal Afghan refugees. This process went on till 2007.
The UNHCR supported Pakistans decision to close the camps
because security issues were posing a challenge to the provision
of humanitarian assistance as well as the fact that those who
were against repatriation had the option of relocating to vacant
camps in other parts of Pakistan.
Hence, residents of the camps were given the choice of voluntary
repatriation with UNHCR assistance of US$100 per person, or
relocation to camps in Dir and Chitral. However, very few opted
for relocation to these government-designated camps due to
their location, lack of basic infrastructure and the limited
possibilities for livelihood. Meanwhile in 2009, due to the
worsening state of affairs in Afghanistan and on the behest of the
Afghan government registered refugees were given an
additional 3 year extension, till December 2015.
In 2010, Pakistan also adopted the Afghan Management and
Repatriation Strategy (AMRS) to find a durable solution for the
protracted refugees population. In December 2012, due to the
deteriorating state of affairs in Afghanistan as well as the
continued challenges impeding the return of refugees, the stay of
the refugees was extended until June 30, 2013 as an interim
measure. In July 2013, a new policy on Afghan refugees was
approved, which included the extension of the Proof of
Registration (PoR) cards and the Tripartite Agreement on
Voluntary Repatriation until December 31, 2015. In July 2013
Islamabad agreed to a new National Policy on Afghan Refugees,
which was drafted in tandem with the Solutions Strategy for
Afghan Refugees (SSAR), which focuses on voluntary
repatriation in safety and dignity, sustainable reintegration
inside Afghanistan, and assistance to refugee host communities.
Since then the government has had to keep on extending the
deadline with the current deadline extended from March 2017
to December 2017.
Since 2001, Pakistan has been facing immense instability and
violence primarily in FATA and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa due to the
US invasion of Afghanistan and the subsequent threat posed by
the Tehreek-
box to transfer power from one democratic government to
another.
The ECP recorded that 55% of Pakistans registered voters
participated in the polling process on 11th May 2013 the
highest number in recent history by some margin.
Given the significance of the milestone and the hopes that it
brought, it is perhaps no wonder that tales and controversies

Pakistans Domestic Affairs
surrounding the elections have continued to dog the headlines
one year on.
The unfortunate aspect of this, however, is that while the
political rhetoric rages on, there has been little constructive
debate. This is regrettable.
If we are to improve our electoral system, the narrative must
be directed towards drawing upon our previous experience
and building for the future.
A large part of this responsibility falls upon the shoulders of
the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) and the Federal
Government and it is their duty to take the lead and strive for
improvement in this process.
At the same time, the role of the Opposition is to ensure that
the debate is focused on making specific improvements in the
electoral system and to maintain the pressure on the Federal
Government and ECP implement them well ahead of the next
general elections.
I assisted the former Chief Election Commissioner from July
2012 to July 2013.
During this time, I acquired invaluable insight, information
and experience into the workings of our electoral system and
draw upon my experience in this study.
I will always defend the sanctity of the 2013 General Elections
and fearlessly maintain that it was a momentous occasion for
our country.
That said, there are undoubtedly improvements that can be
made. This requires gradual and conscientious steps.
Improvements are required to be proposed, debated and
tested before implementation.
1. Electoral rolls
Well in advance of the
general elections in
May 2013, the ECP
published the Final
Electoral Rolls 2013
(FER), which was,
quite simply, a teenage
comprehensive list of
all eligible voters in
Pakistan and their place of voting.
Section 6 of ERA provides that a resident can exercise his vote
wherever he is a resident. Section 7 goes on to clarify that a
voter will be deemed to be a resident wherever he ordinarily
resides, owns immovable property and if he owns more than
one property, he has the right to choose the electoral area
from which he wants to vote.
This proved to be hugely problematic, for it required the ECP
to physically verify that each and every voter was actually
residing in a certain area or that a voter owned a house
elsewhere.
The sheer magnitude of this exercise required the ECP to
appoint employees of local governments to painstakingly
verify whether a given person lived in a certain house or not.
There was thus a critical human element to this entire
process.
Certain parties alleged that the local government employees
in Karachi that were appointed for this task were serving
political interests and transferred unfavorable votes outside
the city or within the city by forging or forcefully obtaining
signatures.
Due to this reason, Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and Pakistan
Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) filed a petition in the Supreme Court of
Pakistan challenging the FER in Karachi on the ground that a
number of residents had been illegally displaced in the FER to
other localities within and outside the city, thereby
disenfranchising them.
9
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
In November 2013, the Supreme Court directed the ECP to re-
verify the FER for Karachi with the assistance of the armed
forces. Karachi is a city of approximately 20 million residents
and the order of the Supreme Court required the ECP to verify
the FER by going door-to-door through the entire city.
The only difference this time was that the ECP was to call upon
the Pakistan Army to provide assistance, presumably in an
effort to ensure that the exercise was done fairly and free of any
mischief.
Given that the prime responsibility of the Pakistan Army is to
defend Pakistan from an external threat, it was entirely
unreasonable to expect army personnel to accompany ECP staff
and verify the residents of each household in Karachi. This
predictable failing led to further protests by political parties in
Karachi and a rejection of the FER for the second time.
It needs to be remembered that Pakistan roughly has a
population of 180 million the suggestion that the ECP should
verify each and every household is nothing short of absurd.
The solution to this is quite simple: voters should simply be
registered in the FER at the present address which appears on
their CNIC issued by NADRA.
The advantage of this is primarily three-fold:
1. There is no possibility of transferring the voting place of
a voter in the FER for political gain prior to the general
elections
2. On the assumption that the CNIC actually reflect a
persons correct present address, voters are voting for a
representative in their own constituency
3. A voter can always correct the present address in his
CNIC through NADRA rather than a convoluted process
through the ECP.
2. Separate polling days
Some of the lasting
images of the 2013
general elections were
those of endless queues
in the scorching sun,
boys
threatening voters
outside polling stations
and videos of human
rigging machines
mechanically stamping ballot papers.
The ECP cannot defend these allegations.
To date, election tribunals are hearing some of these electoral
disputes and one expects that the results will be declared to be
void wherever there is evidence of rigging.
One week after 11th May 2013, the ECP had the opportunity to
put things in right in NA-250 due to the earlier suspension of
polling at 43 polling stations. Thus, foolproof measures were
adopted to ensure that such events do not take place again.
Presiding officers and polling staff were transported from
Balochistan and Interior Sindh to ensure impartiality.
Simultaneously, the Pakistan Army assured the presence of army
officers inside the polling stations. These measures led to a
hugely successful and peaceful by-election on 19th May 2013.
Part of this was due to the presence of at least 30-40 armed
personnel manning each polling station. The only reason this
was possible was that polling was conducted in only 43 polling
stations on 19th May 2013.
Such deployment is downright impossible when elections are
held in approximately 69,000 polling stations throughout the
country. It will also be a logistical nightmare if an effort is made
to transport polling staff from one province to another to ensure
impartiality all across Pakistan.
This is admittedly only anecdotal evidence to prove that a
smaller election will always be fairer than a larger one. That
said, logic dictates that if all of the ECPs resources are

Pakistans Domestic Affairs
concentrated in one area at a given time rather than spread
over the entire country, the likelihood of success is that much
higher.
Thus, one plausible alternative is to conduct elections for each
province separately.
In 2014, India held its 16th general elections over a period of
six weeks to vote for their Parliamentarians. The polling was
done in nine phases. Whereas there were obviously a number
of disputes pertaining to some of these elections, the complete
and utter disregard for fairness that Pakistan suffered in
some constituencies in 2013 was nowhere to be found.
Needless to say, this proposal is not without its drawbacks.
One major source of concern is that an earlier elected
government in one province may use its clout to influence the
elections in another.
It will also mean that our National Assembly will not be
formed for a number of weeks until polling is conducted
throughout the country.
It will also undoubtedly encourage horse-trading. All these
issues will inevitably cause some instability and uncertainty.
There are however ways and means to guard against such
concerns. For instance, given that general elections in
Pakistan are now conducted under a Caretaker Government
in the centre and in all the provinces, perhaps one possibility
is to give the Caretaker Government an extended term, right
until the last election results are announced.
More importantly, from a practical point of view, controlling
political parties and government officials is bound to be
easier than an infinite number of criminals bent upon
harassing voters, creating violence and jeopardising the
sanctity of the electoral process.
3. Nomination and Scrutiny
Prior to the 2013
general
elections in
Pakistan, there
was a very
public and
widespread
effort to ensure
that the
elections bring a
group of honest, hardworking and effective
Parliamentarians to our Assemblies.
A portion of this can perhaps be attributed to Dr Tahir-ul-
Qadri, who had come from Canada to Pakistan in late 2012 to
ostensibly spearhead a campaign for this purpose.
Whatever the motive of Qadri and notwithstanding his
limited success to stir an effective public movement, the need
to elect honest politicians with clean track records became a
national obsession following the medias coverage of his
campaign.
The scrutiny of candidates is conducted by Returning Officers
appointed by the ECP under Section 7 of ROPA. For the 2013
general elections, the ECP appointed sitting District Judges as
Returning Officers throughout the country on the demand of
the political parties.
This was done in an attempt to ensure impartiality through
the entire process.
Under Section 14 of ROPA, Returning Officers may reject a
nomination paper inter alia if a candidate is not qualified to
be elected as a member or if a candidate makes a false
statement in his nomination form.
These provisions proved to be a Damocles sword in the
scrutiny process leading up to the 2013 general elections in
light of the qualifications for Parliamentarians listed in the
Constitution.
10
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
Article 62 of the Constitution specifies the qualifications that a
prospective Parliamentarian must meet before he can be elected
to the National or Provincial Assemblies in Pakistan whereas
Article 63 lists the disqualifications.
In amongst this list are a number of vague, lofty and
unenforceable qualifications that proved extremely problematic
in 2013.
Article 62(1)(d) states that a candidate shall be of good
character and is not commonly known as one who
violates Islamic Injunctions.
Article 62(1)(e) of the Constitution provides that a
candidate must be one who has adequate knowledge of
Islamic teachings and practices obligatory duties
prescribed by Islam as well as abstains from major
sins.
Article 62(1)(f) requires a candidate to be sagacious,
righteous and non-profligate, honest and ameen, there
being no declaration to the contrary by a court of law.
Shortly before the commencement of the scrutiny period in April
2013, the then Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Muhammad
Chaudhry, also weighed into the publics demand for clean and
honest politicians and reinforced the message to the Returning
Officers to ensure that the scrutiny process is stringent and
effective.
It is arguable that this did not merely amount to a symbolic
gesture, for the Returning Officers were subordinate Judges and
the Chief Justice is very much their chief.
Thrust into the limelight and emboldened by public sentiment,
the District Judges in their capacity as Returning Officers turned
the scrutiny period into a farce.
Candidates were humiliated and ridiculed in front of live
cameras. Nomination papers of some of Pakistans most
distinguished politicians were rejected.
The Returning Officers asked some of the most absurd questions:
How many wives do you have, and how many nights do
you spend with each of them?
Do you believe in honeymoon?
Have you been circumcised properly?
Have you stood in front of a girls college ever in your
life?
Have you ever seen any censored movie?
Have you ever eaten pork?
The scrutiny process and Returning Officers quite rightly
received serious criticism due to their conduct.
The Lahore High Court finally put things in place after a number
of days of the scrutiny circus when it passed an order restraining
the Returning Officers from embarking upon a subjective
inquisition by asking random and intrusive questions.
In doing so, the Lahore High Court stressed that the real and
unforgiving test of the candidate is yet to come, in the court of
the people of Pakistan in the national elections and, therefore, the
RO must not over step the law and exceed his limits, lest the
scrutiny appears to be a witch-hunt, tarnishing the neutrality
and independence of the judiciary
This leads us to an important consideration. How effective is the
scrutiny process and what is the purpose of the qualifications
and disqualifications listed in Articles 62 and 63 of the
Constitution?
While it is difficult to argue against the requirement that only
honest politicians should represent the people of Pakistan in our
Assemblies, the subjective elements in Articles 62 and 63 of the
Constitution inevitably lead to questions such as those raised by
the Returning Officers leading up to the 2013 general elections.
Ideally, Parliament should have a serious and meaningful debate
in relation to the scope and utility of Articles 62 and 63 of the
Constitution. After all, it is possible to argue that having
qualifications and disqualifications for candidates is in itself
anti-democratic, for the electorate should be able to vote for

Pakistans Domestic Affairs
whosoever it pleases, whether he be a criminal, defaulter or
dishonest. However, given the endless national obsession for
new, clean and honest politicians, it is highly unlikely that
anything of the sort will take place.
In these circumstances, it is a relief that the High Courts in
Pakistan have now laid down certain judicial principles so
that Returning Officers do not repeat their conduct in 2013.
However, to ensure certainty and clarity, at the very least,
the ECP may consider enacting rules to specify how the
scrutiny process should proceed under Section 14 of the
ROPA, the powers and limitations of the Returning Officers in
this process and the scope and use of Articles 62 and 63 when
considering the nominations of candidates.
4. Overseas voting
Shortly before the
2013 general
elections, the Supreme
Court was hearing
two petitions filed a
group of expatriate
Pakistanis and PTI to
implement voting for
overseas Pakistanis
ahead of the 2013 general elections.
Ultimately, the Supreme Court disposed off the petitions
directing the ECP to make all possible efforts so the
expatriates may also participate in the 2013 general election.
This proposal could not however be implemented in 2013 due
to paucity of time. That said, there appears to be a general
consensus amongst the mainstream political parties that
overseas Pakistanis should be allowed to vote in the general
elections and therefore this issue deserves serious attention.
The 2013 general elections exposed the failures that can
plague the sanctity of the poll if effective and foolproof
safeguards are not in place.
The risk increases manifold with the prospects of overseas
voting.
There are a number of basic questions:
How will the voting take place?
Will the host country allow political activity?
What measures can be taken to guard against
rigging?
A taste of the logistical issues begin to surface when one
considers the oft-touted option of establishing polling stations
in embassies abroad.
In such a case, all the election material will have to be
securely transported to Pakistani missions across the world
well in advance of polling day. This will inevitably entail
costs and a substantial amount of risk.
Polling stations will have to be staffed with Presiding
Officers, polling staff and security personnel, who will have to
be specifically trained for this purpose and then sent from
Pakistan.
Once polling is complete, all the ballot papers will have to be
securely transported back to a centralised location for
counting and verification. This will need to be done
expeditiously so as not to jeopardise the election results in the
rest of the country.
Bear in mind that this entire exercise will have to be repeated
for each polling station established around the world and
there are close to 7 million Pakistanis who are residents
abroad across several countries. Thus, multiple polling
stations may even need to be established in some countries in
which Pakistanis are residents in sizeable numbers.
Then there is also the question as to what numbers of
overseas Pakistanis are required in a given country to justify
establishing a polling station as the ECP cannot be
11
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
reasonably expected to establish polling stations in each country
where Pakistanis reside.
In addition to these procedural issues, there is perhaps another
fundamental question - should Pakistanis living abroad have the
right to vote in a constituency in which they do not presently
reside?
It is arguable that overseas Pakistanis themselves form a
separate constituency and should therefore have their own
representation in the National Assembly to look after their
interests.
A special committee was constituted by the ECP to consider these
very questions as far back as 2009. In 2011, the ECP arrived at
the conclusion that the only viable way to give overseas
Pakistanis a right to vote was through a postal ballot.
Given the passing of the Supreme Court order mentioned above
as well as the renewed interest on the subject, it appears
reasonable that the ECP may give serious consideration to this
issue once again.
In this regard, one needs to be conscious of the fact that the ECP
is entrusted to ensure free and fair elections under the
Constitution and has the expertise to do so. Thus, it is only after
the ECP is entirely confident that it has arrived at a fair and
secure mechanism to implement this exercise that this proposal
may move forward in Parliament for necessary debate and
legislation.
5. Formation of the ECP
Under the Constitution, the CEC
may only be a person who is, or
has been, a Judge of the Supreme
Court or is, or has been, a Judge
of a High Court and is qualified
to be a Judge of the Supreme
Court whereas the Members of the ECP must each be a
retired High Court Judge from each province.
When Justice (Retd.) Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim was appointed the
CEC in July 2013, his appointment was met with widespread
approval. In hindsight, this was indeed a momentous occasion.
Political parties in Pakistan rarely agree on issues when faced
with competing interests. Yet in this instance, the Pakistani
Peoples Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz
(PML-N) remarkably agreed on one person to oversee a process
which was going to determine their political future for the next
five years.
Thus, Justice (Retd.) Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim had credibility
across the political spectrum, which the CEC and indeed, the
Members of the ECP, necessarily must possess.
That said, there are a number of other attributes that are
required from the CEC and Members of the ECP. It is important
to appreciate that conducting the general elections is largely an
administrative task. There are a plethora of tasks that need to be
meticulously researched, planned, tested and implemented.
Take for instance, the responsibility of establishing polling
stations throughout the country to allow the electorate to
conveniently cast their votes.
The ECP is required to identify government buildings in each of
the 272 constituencies in Pakistan. The government buildings
have to be sufficiently large to accommodate voters, accessible,
connected to the electricity grid, located in areas which are
relatively free from political interference and be within two
kilometres of its closest polling station.
The 2013 general elections saw the ECP establish 69,801 polling
stations. Thus, together with the Returning Officers, the ECP is
required to examine the suitability of over 69,000 buildings
across the length and breadth of the country. This exercise, like
most others in the election process, requires a great amount of
organisation, planning, experience and cooperation with
government departments.

Admittedly, there are also judicial functions carried out by
the CEC and Members of the ECP. However, the judicial role
is undeniably limited.
It is worth mentioning that the CEC and the Members of the
ECP do not adjudicate upon the two most significant judicial
functions in the election process, i.e., deciding the fate of a
candidates nomination papers and election disputes, which
are performed by either Returning Officers, sitting High
Court Judges or retired Judges under ROPA.
In these circumstances, the qualification in the Constitution
that the CEC and the Members of the ECP can only be selected
from persons with a judicial background needs to be
revisited.
There is no such restriction in any democracy in the South
Asian region.
Removing such a qualification from Article 218 of the
Constitution will immediately open a much larger pool of
eminent persons, who may be selected in these key
constitutional positions.
Additionally and more importantly, such a change will allow
the possibility of appointing more qualified and suitable
individuals to these positions notwithstanding whether they
have a judicial background or not.
6. Electronic voting
Most people in
Pakistan are fairly
convinced that the only
answer to prevent wide
scale rigging on polling
day is electronic
voting.
Indeed, the successful
implementation of electronic voting may ultimately prove to
be the tipping point in our election process. However, this
answer is far too simplistic. Before electronic voting becomes
a reality, there are a number of considerations that require
serious attention.
Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) are utilised for polling in
India. This is a commendable feat given the sheer scale of
elections in India. However, the implementation of EVMs in
India has not been without its skeptics.
In 2010, a group of professors, scientists, students and
professionals across India, the United States of America and
the Netherlands authored a study examining the security
features of the EVMs used in India.
India had previously used EVMs that are classified as
paperless direct-recording electronic (DRE) voting
machines. These DREs do not leave a paper trail and thus
once a voter presses a button to vote for a candidate, there is
no way to verify the vote except the reading on the EVM.
After examining the features of the EVM, the authors of the
study concluded that Indias EVMs do not provide
transparency, so voters and election officials have no reason
to be confident that the machines are behaving honestly.
These are some of the concerns raised by the experts at the
ECP when the proposal to implement electronic voting has
been debated.
Two presentations were made to the ECP during the tenure of
the former CEC and quite apart from the paucity of time to
implement the EVMs ahead of the 2013 general elections,
there were several other issues that will need to be addressed
in the future.
Firstly, there is the often publicised issue of literacy and
whether our electorate is capable of using EVMs. There is
absolutely no question however that the ECP will have to
conduct extensive training over many years to educate the
electorate how to use an EVM.
12
The time and effort needed in this regard can be gauged from the
fact that EVMs were first developed in India in the 1980s and
adopted nationwide for the time first time in 2004. This is a long,
drawn out process and will only succeed if done with a suitable
amount of testing and training.
Secondly, and another important issue raised by the ECP has
been that of credibility and security.
Manufacturers of EVMs are not responsible for conducting free
and fair elections in Pakistan. They are companies who
manufacture and supply EVMs for profit and the Government of
Pakistan has no control over them.
In India, EVMs are manufactured by two public sector
companies. Perhaps, Pakistan needs to follow a similar example
to ensure a level of accountability.
This also leads us to the all-important question of security. Can
the manufacturer and the ECP guarantee that the EVMs are
completely secure?
It is worth recalling that the ECP website was hacked in 2013
shortly before the general elections. Hundreds of thousands of
EVMs across the country is an entirely different proposition
altogether.
Thirdly, there is the issue of the infrastructure of our polling
stations. EVMs require an uninterrupted supply of electricity.
Many of the 69,000 polling stations established by the ECP in
2013 were located in remote areas which have no access to
electricity supply lines.
Fourthly, Pakistanis may recall that the typical instance of
rigging in the 2013 general elections was that a polling station
was ransacked by criminals, voters and polling staff were
threatened and ballot boxes were stuffed.
If Pakistan is unable to effectively deter such criminal behaviour
on polling day, the successful implementation of EVMs will make
no difference in any case.
There is unarguably a compelling case for introducing the use of
EVMs in Pakistan. However, one needs to appreciate that there
are also significant risks associated with such a drastic step if the
proper measures are not in place.
The ECP needs to make a serious, coherent and long-term
strategy to work towards this tall order.
7. Election expenses
Section 49 of ROPA places
restrictions on the amount
of expenses that a
candidate may incur for
his election campaign. A
candidate for a National
Assembly is only
permitted to incur Rs1.5
million whereas the expense for a candidate for the
Provincial Assembly is capped at Rs1 million.
On the face of it, these appear fair, just and desirable provisions.
One can certainly laud the Parliaments intention to ensure that
all candidates contest elections on a level playing field,
regardless of their financial background. This is perhaps all the
more important in Pakistan, where political and financial muscle
has historically played a vital role on the outcome of elections.
In reality however, the implementation of these provisions is
much more complex.
It is all well having well-meaning provisions in the statute books,
but they should also be enforceable. The restriction wholly fails
in this respect.
Section 49 of ROPA provides that election expense incurred by
any person on behalf of a candidate shall be deemed to be
election expenditure of the candidate for any other item
whatsoever. Thus, the ECP is legally required to monitor every
expense incurred by any person in relation to the election
campaign of each candidate.

Pakistans Domestic Affairs
The mechanism for this specified in ROPA is that each
successful candidate is required to submit a statement of
expenses along with copies of all bills, receipts and his
personal affidavit 30 days after his election.
After observing the futility of controlling elections expenses
through this method however, the Supreme Court directed the
ECP to monitor the election expense of each candidate as
follows:
1. Establish monitoring cells
2. Hold weekly meeting with candidates
3. Conduct random inspections
4. Ensure that candidates only transact with entities
having valid National Tax Numbers (NTNs).
The impracticality of the Supreme Courts directions can be
gauged from the fact that there were 15,629 contesting
candidates in 2013 general elections spread across 272
constituencies, all the way from Badin in Sindh to Bannu in
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
It is completely unreasonable to expect the ECP to undertake
these tasks for such a large number of candidates imminently
before polling day.
Moreover, the inability of the ECP to effectively carry out
these directions inevitably leads to a slipshod exercise, where
some candidates face the full wrath of the restrictions
whereas others manage to escape it.
Another relevant consideration, which was raised by the ECP
staff prior to the 2013 general elections, was that candidates
frequently conduct transactions with persons who do not
possess NTNs. This makes it impossible to verify the accuracy
of a certain election expense.
The reason for this is not necessarily to deviously circumvent
the restriction on election expenses. Some candidates are left
with no option but to transact with unregistered businessmen
in certain constituencies.
Anyone living in Pakistan will appreciate that vendors,
especially in remote localities, often conduct business outside
the net of the tax authorities. Therefore, it is not always
possible for candidates to find persons with NTNs to provide,
say, tents, chairs or microphones, for an election rally.
The ECP staff is then faced with the impossible option of
whether to disallow a candidate to conduct an election rally,
which is arguably a violation of his fundamental rights, or
allow a candidate to incur an expense, which it cannot verify.
The inability of the ECP to enforce these provisions leads to
criticism of the ECPs failure to perform its legal duties
properly and unfairly casts doubts over its competence and
integrity. It also makes a mockery of the legal restriction in
ROPA.
For example, media outlets informed the ECP that one month
prior to polling day in the previous general elections, PTI had
spent over Rs58 million, whereas PML-N and PPP had spent
approximately Rs20 million and Rs5 million respectively on
their electronic media campaigns.
These concerns unfairly burden and inevitably damage the
ECPs reputation.
Even though removing the restrictions on election expenses
from ROPA may prove to be a largely unpopular move,
Parliamentarians need to give attention to this issue.
Even if the restrictions are to be
preserved in the statute, the ECP
should be given a clear, coherent and
realistic mandate to perform and
Parliament needs to establish a forum
to continuously review the sums
specified in Section 49(2) of ROPA so
as to ensure that the law can be effectively implemented.
13
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
8. Appointment and accountability of District
Returning Officers and Returning Officers
District Returning Officers (DRO) and Returning
Officers (RO) became household names in the 2013
general elections in Pakistan. This is no coincidence
and reflects the significance and variety of functions
that such officers perform in the election process.
DROs and ROs are inter alia responsible for identifying polling
stations, appointing polling staff, supplying electoral rolls to the
polling staff, scrutinising nomination papers, consolidating
election results from each polling station and declaring the
successful candidate.
The only difference between the two officers is that while DROs
are responsible for the conduct of elections in each district, ROs
are responsible for their constituencies. It is therefore fair to say
that DROs and ROs are the lynchpin of the election process in
Pakistan.
Given this central role, there was a great deal of discussion
within the ECP and amongst political parties about who the
DROs and ROs were to be in the lead up to the 2013 general
elections.
Section 7 of ROPA states that DROs and ROs are to be appointed
by the ECP from amongst the officers of the Federal
Government, Provincial Governments, corporations controlled
by any such Government and local authorities.
Notwithstanding this legal requirement, in 2013 all political
parties were in agreement that DROs and ROs should be drawn
from the members of Judiciary to ensure impartiality.
The experience in 2013 has shown that appointing DROs and
ROs from the Judiciary does not guarantee fairness or strict
application of the law.
One additional aspect to examine is the influence that the
superior Judiciary exercises over the DROs and ROs. If the ROs
and DROs are Judges from the Subordinate Judiciary, it is in
their personal interest to please their supervisors, who are High
Court and Supreme Court Judges, rather than members of the
ECP. This contradiction leads to uncertainty and questions over
leadership.
ROs in the United Kingdom and India are also appointed from
Government and local authorities. However, Pakistan has a
unique predicament in that employees of the Federal or
Provincial Government in Pakistan are often political appointees
or have political affiliations. This has been a constant source of
trouble, which was highlighted in Karachi in the previous
general elections.
Shortly before the general elections, the JI raised grievances that
a vast portion of the polling staff appointed in Karachi who were
drawn from the Karachi Water and Sewerage Board, a
government body, were affiliated with the Muttahida Qaumi
Movement (MQM).
The ECP directed all DROs and ROs to counter this difficulty by
appointing as many polling staff as possible from the Federal
Government and to ensure that all Presiding Officers were senior
government officials.
These complexities pose a serious challenge to the ECP. If DROs,
ROs or polling staff are incapable or unwilling to perform their
election duties free of any influence, the entire election process
may be jeopardised.
Indeed, this issue has been a central theme taken by political
parties to discredit the 2013 election results in their entirety.
One solution offered by political parties is that DROs and ROs
should face criminal prosecution if they fail to conduct their
responsibilities properly. The rationale behind this suggestion
appears to be that the threat of a sanction will deter such officers
from acting unlawfully.
The obvious hurdle in this proposal however is that in the recent
past, judges themselves have been appointed as DROs and ROs.
It is absurd to even consider that a sitting Judge will ever face a

Pakistans Domestic Affairs
criminal prosecution in relation to his election duties.
Therefore, this proposal will only be enforceable if there is a
specific bar from appointing Judges as DROs and ROs.
Another important consideration is that there are only a
maximum of 272 ROs and even fewer DROs required to be
appointed for election duty throughout Pakistan. That is not a
large number considering the adult population of the country.
It is thus perhaps worthwhile to consider removing the
restriction in ROPA that DROs and ROs can only be
appointed from government departments. This will allow any
person, whether working in the public or private sector, who
satisfies a given criteria specified by the ECP in terms of
experience, credibility and competence, to be appointed to
perform these critical functions.
9. Timelines
The ECP, its partners in the
election process and the
judiciary come under
immense pressure to
complete a substantial
number of tasks within a
very stringent time frame ahead of polling day.
Stakeholders fail to appreciate the lengths that these
institutions have to go to in order to successfully complete
these assignments and just how catastrophic failure in this
respect can be.
To begin with, the ECP is required to notify the election
schedule within 30 days of the announcement of the date for
polls by the President under Section 11 of ROPA.
Thereafter, Section 11 of ROPA requires compliance with a
timeline, which was translated as follows in 2013:
After the ECP notified its election schedule on 23rd
March, the last date for filing nomination papers for
the candidates was 30th March
The scrutiny process concluded on 6th April
Appeals against the decisions in the scrutiny process
were required to be filed by 10th April
The appeals were to be decided by 17th April
The last date for withdrawals was 18th April
The final list of candidates was to be published by the
ECP on 19th April
A total of 24,094 nomination forms were filed by candidates
for the 2013 general elections, which was the highest
witnessed in Pakistan by some distance. That means on
average the ECP, together with the ROs received and
scrutinised 3,442 nomination forms each day during the
scrutiny period.
Thereafter, Pakistans overburdened and traditionally
languid judicial system had to consider arguments, decide
appeals and write judgments within seven days for each
appeal filed against the decision of the ROs.
There were a total of 1,649 appeals filed by candidates
against the decisions of the ROs, and therefore, on average,
the four High Courts in Pakistan had to cumulatively decide
235 appeals, and each High Court close to 60 appeals, each
day.
Given the sheer impracticality of meeting this disposal rate, it
was no surprise that despite their best efforts, the High
Courts were deciding appeals after the expiry of the deadline
specified in Section 11 of ROPA. This further burdened the
ECP to expedite the publication of the final list of candidates
and printing of ballot papers.
The ECP engaged two government organisations, the
Printing Corporation of Pakistan (PCP) and the Pakistan
Printing Press (Pakistan Press), to print the ballot papers for
polling day.
14
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
The ECP published the final list of candidates on 19th April, 2013
and therefore, as the ECP also required a number of days to
transport the ballot papers to all the polling stations across the
country, the printing organisations had approximately two
weeks to print all the ballot papers.
At one stage, the PCP and Pakistan Press expressed their
inability to complete this task and suggested that private
contractors be engaged to assist them. Due to the security,
sensitivity and confidentiality required for printing ballot
papers, the ECP could not afford to take this risk and the only
alternative was for the ECP to take the drastic step of changing
the date for polling day.
However, with the extensive assistance of the Pakistan Army,
which used its aircraft to swiftly transport ballot papers to the
more remote areas of the country, and with the PCP and
Pakistan Press working overtime, these challenging deadlines
were fortunately met.
Placing such acute demands on the ECP and other institutions
involved in the election process is unfair and unrealistic.
The previous general elections saw an unprecedented number of
candidates and the increasing interest may become a trend for
the foreseeable future with further democratic progress.
In such circumstances, the timelines in Section 11 of ROPA
certainly require a reassessment. This is more so the case in the
event that Parliament desires to retain and make the scrutiny
process more effective.
10. Supplementary list on the FER
In 2002, the government of
General (Retd.) Pervez
Musharraf passed the
Conduct of General
Elections Order 2002 (the
2002 Order), which stated
that the elections for
members of the National
Assembly and the Provincial Assemblies shall be on the
basis of a joint electorate.
However, Section 7C of the 2002 Order provides that if an
objection is taken against a voter that he is not a Muslim and the
voter subsequently refuses to confirm that he believes in the
absolute and unqualified finality of the Prophethood of
Muhammad, his name will be deleted from the joint electoral
rolls and be placed in a supplementary list.
Thus, although a non-Muslim may vote from the joint electorate,
his name may potentially be placed in a supplementary list in the
FER.
The FER does not specify the religion of any person. It only states
the name, fathers name, CNIC number, age and the address of
the voter. These details of each voter simply appear below one
another, regardless of which religion a voter may belong to.
Therefore, the only way of identifying whether a particular voter
is a non-Muslim is by the name.
In such an instance, the non-Muslim voters name can potentially
be removed from the FER and placed in the supplementary voter
list by following the procedure in Section 7C of the 2002 Order.
This procedure requires:
1. A person to raise an objection that a voter is non-
Muslim
2. The said voters refusal to sign a declaration confirming
his belief in the finality of Prophethood.`
It is important to bear in mind that the ECP cannot remove a
voters name from the FER and place it in the supplementary list
on its own accord without the satisfaction of these requirements.
Unfortunately however, the ECP did just that in 2007 and
members of the Ahmadi community exclusively find themselves
in a supplementary list in the FER. This clearly amounts to
discrimination, for no other persons belonging to any other
religious group are placed in the supplementary list.

Pakistans Domestic Affairs
There is also a complaint in the Supreme Court pending in
relation to this issue. However, to date the Supreme Court has
not directed the ECP to place voters belonging to the Ahmadi
community back in the FER along with other voters of
different faiths.
There is no complexity in relation to this issue. There is no
need for legal amendments or Supreme Court judgments. The
ECP merely needs to reverse its decision of 2007. This would
not only reflect a step towards greater equality and respect
for basic human rights, but is also mandated by law and the
Constitution.
11. None-of-the-above (NOTA) option on the Ballot
paper
Many people consider that having a NOTA option on
the ballot paper is a voters fundamental right.
In Pakistan, where voters
argue that they are often
compelled to vote for the
lesser of evils, this is perhaps
particularly significant.
The ECP considered whether
to include a NOTA option in the ballot paper for the 2013
general elections. However, given the paucity of time to
examine the issue at length and preoccupation with more
pressing issues, little headway was made.
The major concern raised against this step during the course
of debate however was the possibility of having a majority
number of NOTA votes.
What if the electorate in a constituency voted overwhelmingly
in favour of NOTA?
The natural consequence of such a vote would be to conduct
elections in that constituency again. However, there is always
the possibility that another election may well bring a similar
result once again.
This problem will become even more acute if NOTA wins the
election in a number of constituencies, in which case the ECP
would have to conduct elections twice over in multiple places,
making the entire original exercise redundant.
Whether these are realistic concerns is something which
needs to be assessed by the ECP.
Whatever the outcome of that debate, it is undeniably
consistent with democratic norms to provide for a NOTA
option on the ballot paper. After all, elections should allow a
voter to vote or not to vote for anyone.
This will also defeat the arguments of citizens who refuse to
cast votes on the ground that there is no viable option and
also perhaps ultimately encourage candidates to serve the
electorate better, knowing full well that voters now have the
option to vote for NOTA.
These considerations have led a number of countries to
provide a NOTA option on the ballot paper, such as France,
Spain and even Bangladesh.
In 2013, the Supreme Court of India ordered the Election
Commission of India (ECI) that it should make necessary
provision for a NOTA option in the EVMs.
It is interesting to note that only 1.1 per cent of the Indian
electorate voted for NOTA in the 2014 general elections when
the option was made available for the first time.
The legalities surrounding this proposal require thoughtful
consideration.
Foremost, the stakeholders need to consider the extreme
scenario - how to deal with an election result where most
votes are cast in favour of NOTA.
The Indian example is enlightening and perhaps exposes
Indias failure to fully embrace the NOTA initiative. Although
the NOTA option was provided in the EVMs for the 2014
Indian general elections, the ECI clarified that even if NOTA
had the highest number of votes cast in its favour, the
15
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
candidate securing the highest number of votes would still be
declared elected.
This renders the entire exercise superficial and essentially makes
the NOTA option toothless.
Perhaps this is a starting point. However, if the ECP and the
Federal Government decide to adopt a more meaningful
approach, the NOTA option will undoubtedly strengthen
Pakistans democratic credentials in the long term and empower
the electorate.
12. One constituency per candidate
The 2013 general elections
in Pakistan witnessed an
unprecedented number of
candidates. Additionally,
several candidates filed
their nomination forms in
multiple constituencies.
Consequently, the number of
nomination forms which required scrutiny was exceptionally
high.
Whereas it is heartening to see increased participation in the
election process, the right to simultaneously contest elections in
different constituencies is a matter which requires debate.
One of the recommendations in the Final Report of the European
Union Election Observation Mission for Pakistan was that
Candidates be limited to running in only one constituency in
any election, for clarity to voters and to remove the need for
subsequent by-elections.
The ECP had to conduct by-elections in 41 constituencies only
three months after the 2013 general elections due to the number
of successful candidates who won elections in multiple
constituencies.
Not only does this place further demands on the ECP to organise
and administer a fairly extensive election for the second time
within a short time frame, but it also unnecessarily burdens the
public exchequer.
It is noteworthy that the ECPs proposed budget for the 2013
general elections was approximately Rs6 billion for all 272
constituencies; it is thus safe to assume that the repeated exercise
for 41 constituencies would have also entailed substantial
expenses.
In so far as the ECP is concerned, it requires training and
appointing polling staff, securing polling stations, receiving and
scrutinising nominations forms, printing and transporting ballot
papers and adopting security measures in coordination with
government departments to ensure a free and fair election all
over again.
The second concern in this respect is that if by-elections are
required in a large number of constituencies and the result of the
general elections does not allow for a clear majority in the
assemblies, by-elections for vacated seats will delay the
formation of a government and prolong political uncertainty.
This will also extend the electoral cycle by a number of months,
which will inevitably cause inconvenience and disturbance to the
general public due to a tense political climate.
Third, when candidates file nomination forms in different
constituencies, it can potentially lead to contradictory decisions
by the ROs or the High Courts.
Take for example the case of General (Retd.) Pervez Musharraf
in the 2013 general elections; he filed nomination papers in four
constituencies, Karachi (NA-250), Islamabad (NA-48), Chitral
(NA-32) and Kasur (NA-139) and whereas the ROs in Karachi,
Islamabad and Kasur rejected his nomination form on the
ground that he did not meet the qualifications under Article 62 of
the Constitution, the RO in Chitral accepted his nomination.
This rather peculiar contradiction meant that while General
(Retd.) Musharraf was qualified to contest elections in one part

Pakistans Domestic Affairs
of Pakistan, he had been disqualified to contest elections in
others.
This practice will encourage candidates to pick and choose
constituencies from where to contest elections depending on
whether they expect a favorable outcome from a particular
RO.
Fourth, it is also arguable that a candidate will serve the
electorate better if he is restricted to only contest elections in
one constituency for there will be a sense of commitment and
loyalty.
Against this, there is the obvious argument that curtailing a
candidates right to contest elections to a single constituency
Some electoral reforms
THE Parliamentary Committee on Electoral Reforms (PCER)
deserves credit for finalising its proposals for reform of the
election system before next years polls.
One part of PCERs proposals, relating to appointment of the
chief election commissioner and members of the Election
Commission, has taken the form of the 22nd Amendment to
the Constitution that the National Assembly has already
adopted. The amendment has received favourable comments
for making besides judges former civil servants and
experts eligible for appointment as chief election
commissioner and ECP members.
The more important improvements suggested in the
election system include greater financial and administrative
powers for the ECP, provision of voting by overseas
Pakistanis, better system for publication of results data,
opening of district returning officers posts for ECP staff,
greater use of Nadra data for preparation and revision of
electoral rolls and delimitation of constituencies, grant of
more time for making representation to the ECP and filing of
objections/ complaints, regulation of local government
elections, and special measures to secure womens voting
rights. The unwelcome proposals include grant of rule-
making power to the government, which hits the principle of
the ECPs independence from the executive.
That the PCER recommendations still need a critical
appraisal can be gauged from the measures proposed to
secure womens due
participation in elections. The
Election Commission has been
empowered to declare polling
at one or more polling
stations, or election in the
whole constituency, void, if
the turnout of women voters is
less than 10pc of the total votes
polled in a constituency. The
ECP will act in the matter
after presuming that the
women voters have been
restrained through an
Civil-Military Relations: Pakistan and Indian in
Comparison
Plot twists, accusations and 25,000 pages of evidence a snapshot of the case that resulted in the formation of a
JIT
Abstract
Having drawn the inheritance of colonialism, both Pakistan
and India have adopted very different course of Civil Military
16
411ththth2017
Weekly Analysis May 11 2017
2017
is a violation of his fundamental right to engage in political
activity. Politicians may well challenge any such restriction
given that it has the potential of seriously affecting their political
prospects.
This is a moot point for now. If and when Parliament decides to
take the step by placing a restriction in ROPA that a candidate
may only file nomination papers in one constituency, it will be
for Pakistans Judiciary to decide the legality of such measures.
(By FURKAN ALI: Published in the Dawn)
The writer is a lawyer at Ebrahim Hosain. He was an advisor to
Justice (retd.) Fakhruddin G Ebrahim during his tenure as CEC
from July 2012 to July 2013.
agreement from casting their votes.
A laudable provision obliges the ECP to take note in annual
reports of the difference in the number of registered men and
women voters in each National Assembly constituency, and take
special measures to reduce the gap.
It would have served the cause of democracy better if the
proposed law had included some steps to promote proper
registration of voters belonging to the minorities and ensuring
their maximum possible turnout.
Quite a few issues that the PCER was expected to resolve have
been left unaddressed. These include the eligibility/
disqualification criteria inserted in the Constitution (Articles 62
and 63) by Gen Ziaul Haq that are incompatible with democratic
principles, and the reservation of the electoral field only for the
very rich. The fault lies perhaps in assuming that everybody who
does cast his/ her ballot is capable of making a free choice,
whereas a great number of people bonded workers, tenants,
rural have-nots, poor men and women belonging to minorities
cannot afford to make independent decisions.
Thus, free and democratically acceptable elections demand
demolition of feudal, caste and social stratification of society. Till
such changes take place there is a strong case for reserving seats
for peasants and labour in the Senate as they have a better claim
to this privilege than ulema and technocrats.
The main problem with the present exercise seems to be the
misplaced belief that parliamentarians securing seats through
an elite-friendly system can resist
the pulls of status quo. The
present set of proposals is
welcome, but for mapping out a
genuinely democratic election
system it may be necessary to
create a new commission
comprising besides politicians
and parliamentarians jurists,
academics, and civil society
representatives.
(By I.A. REHMAN: Published in
the Dawn January)
relations. The research attempts to analyze the developmental
pattern of Civil Military relations of both countries through
examination of inter connected roles of both military and

Pakistans Domestic Affairs
political class. Despite their similarities at the time of
partition, these two militaries and civilian institutions took
completely different political trajectories. The argument is
tested with paired-comparison case studies of Indian and
Pakistani Civil-Military relations since independence. Both
cases reveal how structures of domestic politics interact with
military threat perceptions in order to explain civilians
ability to maintain varying levels of control over the military.
This present work is net assessment of Civil Military relations
and influencing events and occurrences in both countries.
Introduction
The threat of military intervention in the political life of a
country has been a recurring feature in history. From ancient
Greece to the end of the twentieth century, military coup or
threat of intervention has been regular phenomenon against
a constituted government. And military was deemed as a
legitimate pressure group, capable of playing a positive role
in the socio-political transformation of the newly created
peripheral states (Janowitz, 1964).In developing countries
particularly those with colonial history, military grew the
knack of intervention in internal politics being the savior of
the country. Finer (1988.p.2) recollected that out of 28
countries created between 1917 and 1955, thirteen countries
suffered military coups and the pattern military intervention
became the norm in the developing countries. Moreover,
according to Koonings and Kruijt (2002, p.10) national
values derived from prevailing religious or ideological
paradigms (Christianity, Islam, nationalism, socialism) are
invoked to lend higher support to the intervention. taking place in those countries which were neither liberal
After World War II, decolonization and national
independence movements witnessed an increase in the role of
the military in the Developing World. More specifically, the
military was generally the strongest institution in a new state
due to the former colonial powers monetary and training
assistance. According to Koonings and Kruijt (2002), amidst
the conduct of national affairs, military often considers
intervention in situation of crisis: failure of governance or
legitimacy of the political regime, severe socio-economic
problems, internal conflicts or violent upheavals.
Civil-military relations can be understood more broadly as
the connection pattern between the Armed Forces of a state as
an institution, the government, and other sectors of society
which has relevance. Immediately after partition, both India
and Pakistan faced the security dilemma and monumental
tasks of internal state building and shared organizational
culture from the same colonial army. Both emerged as poor
multiethnic societies in the wake of a shared experience, but
Civil-Military relations of the two countries took altogether
different paths within a single decade after the 1947 partition.
Since Independence, Pakistans military held control of power
for over 30 years (58 to 71, 1977 to 1988 and 1999 to 2008)
even while not in power it largely dominated the various
strategic decision making bodies. Pakistans military
intervention in domestic politics can be attributed to factors
like the fragility of political base and constant infighting for
power, external and internal threats spectrum and militarys
obsession for power. On the contrary, Indian Army remained
subservient to strong civilian control. Robust Indian
institutional framework had always resisted the Armys
intrusion in Politics by keeping a firm bureaucratic and
political oversight over military affairs. It largely remained
stable with intermittent period of bitterness, rancor and even
antipathy particularly in the episodes of 1962 India China
war, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi regimes. Moreover,
despite multiple protracted insurgencies, India civilian
supremacy has not faltered. Therefore, need arises for
systematic analysis of both the casesto determine the various
causes and contributing factors by drawing comparisons as
17
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
well as ascertaining the theoretical foundation of such
institutional behavior pattern.
Theoretical Perspective
In elaborating Civil Military relations, it is very important how
military mindset perceives the human nature and power
phenomena. The military mindset underscores that man is weak,
evil, and irrational and human nature has inherent greed and
power hungry attitude. Donnelly (2000) argues that for realists,
power is the variable which is understood in the realm of
military prowess, signifying the power can only be preserved
and enhanced through military means. Military culture
emboldens the perceptions of power maximization. It considers
power as source of continuous wrangling amongst states
through military engagements and focusing on either security
maximization or power maximization(Huntington (2005).
Military mind advocates the establishment of strong military
either to protect itself from the threat of external powers by
maintaining a balance of power or by preemptive use of force
against an enemy who is already inclined to attack the former
due to the insecure international environment. It renders
importance to society over individual, and gives preference to
order, hierarchy. It also opines that war is the instrument of
political goals, and military is subservient to civilian control as
long as national integrity and core values are not threatened and
that institutionalized civilian control is essential for military
professionalism.
Regarding the recurring coups in countries, Finers (1976)
highlighted the attention to the fact that military Coups were
democracies nor communists, but were autocracies and
oligarchies. In addition, Huntington (1962) underscores that
soldiers could become the agents of social, political and economic
change in countries where resources are scarce, there is no
strong middle class and entrepreneurial skills. Military is
conceived as modernizing force in those countries which are
deficient in a strong middle class. These explanations carry
relevance to Pakistans case, as Pakistan has failed to develop
into a modern democracy with strong middle class. Alongside,
radicalism, extremism and terrorism undermined Pakistans
chances of becoming a credible moderate Muslim state.
Huntington (2005) describes few different types and pattern of
civil military relations. Anti-Military Ideology, Low Military
Political Power and High Military Professionalism are the
categories in which the ideologies of society are so intensely
pursued that it becomes impossible for military to intervene.
Such structures are found in modern totalitarian regimes or
even democratic regimes like India which has strong civilian
appeal and less military political role with fairly good
professional background. In this category also fall the society
which suffer few external threats. Another category is Pro
Military Ideology, High Military Political Power and High
Military Professional; it occurs in societies with continuous
security threats and ideology sympathetic to military values
may permit a high level of military political power and yet still
maintain military Professionalism. Pakistan Army can fall in
this category because of High external threat from India,
sympathetic public opinion and being the guardian of Pakistan
geographical and ideological frontiers.
The concept of Garrison State was coined by Lasswell
(1976)and he expounded that technological changes within the
military alter the relationship between the military and civilian
institutions. Thus establishing the supremacy of military over
state and society. The garrison states concept links up with
historical roots of Pakistani and India pre-colonial and colonial
states. According to Ahmed (2013, p.12), garrison outposts and
towns are continued to be found in Pakistan and India, with the
aim to keep the centrifugal tendencies in the outlying provinces
and regions in check in particularly to curb secessionism.
However, after partition Pakistan was inadvertently

Pakistans Domestic Affairs
transformed into National Security State (NSS)due to
extreme external threat. This is identical concept like garrison
state, where military is the paramount institution and has the
ability to influence all other institutions. Pakistan has been
deemed as NSS in the historical context. The three key
characteristics that define the NSS; the military institution is
controlling the political landscape of the country, its
objectives are to transform the country economic and
political systems and to remain fully cognizant for external
threat perception. Under the tenure of Indira Gandhi, India
was branded as NSS because of her aggressive posture and
often use of military to pose threat to the neighbors and even
using highly kinetic approach towards dealing with the
insurgencies in India. Even Indian Prime Minister Modis
present government has molded into NSS paradigm to some
extent. In the same vein, General Karamat ( Report:
Roundtable 2012) defined NSS as a state with inordinate
resource allocation towards defense at the cost of social
welfare, and that India was gradually moving away from
being a NSS on that account into social democratic state.
Whereas, Pakistan has retained the NSS status due to many
compulsive variable with external and internal dimensions.
NelsonPallmeyer (1993, pp.35-40)identified seven
characteristics of NSS as following:-
1. The military is the highest authority. It claims the
role of the guardian of national interest and extends its
influence over political, economic, and military affairs.
2. A NSS views democracy with suspicion. Even if a
faade of democracy is maintained formally, real powers
reside with the military.
3. The military wields substantial political and
economic power.
4. Such a state is obsessed with enemies, both external
as well as internal.
5. Enemies are described as cunning and ruthless.
Therefore, all means to crush them are considered legitimate.
6. The NSS restricts public debate and limits popular
participation through secrecy or intimidation.
7. It expects the church to mobilize its financial,
ideological, and theological resources to support the NSS.
Pakistans Civil Military Dynamics and Intervention, 1947
99
Political Institutional Culture
The institutional legacy had a profound effect on post-
partition politics. Ziring(1997, p.146) argues that failure of
the Muslim League to evolve itself from a freedom movement
to a progressive political party caused the upheaval which
damaged the novice political culture. After the demise of
Jinnah and assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan there was no
leadership which could steer the country out of political woes.
Most of the other leaders belonged to areas which became
part of the Indian Union and had no political base in
Pakistan. Moreover, for these leaders, Jinnah had remarked
that he had false coins in his pocket (Khan, 2001). Their
incompetence and constant wrangling for power, instead of
cooperation and mutual accommodation, led to ceaseless
infighting. After partition, Pakistans administrative set up
was in shambles; there was no established parliament, no
civil secretariat, no supreme court, and no central bank.
Armed forces were also not organized.
Pakistan took nine years to finalize its first constitution in
1956, whereas India framed their constitution within two
years of independence in 1949. The delay in framing the
constitution allowed the Governor-General to continue his
authoritarian rule for seven long years (1947-56).From 1947
till 1958 Pakistan had seven prime ministers and eight
cabinets. In 1954, there were nine members of the Prime
Ministers cabinet, who did not have a seat in the Parliament,
including Chief of the Army Staff (COAS) General
18
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
Muhammad Ayub Khan.1 In addition, the first general elections
in the country, which were due in 1951, were held after a lapse of
almost quarter of a century in 1970 (Shafqat, 1997).
In 1970s, under Bhuttos regime, several measures were used to
ensure civilian supremacy; first, the chiefs of the three services
were put under the direct control of the Prime Minister. Second,
their tenure was reduced from four to three years. Third, Bhutto
diluted the individual autonomy of each service, a permanent
post of Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (JCSC)
for matters of planning, coordination and review between the
three services was established (Siddiqa, 2003).However, Bhuttos
failure to respect democratic norms undermined his legitimacy
and gave the army the opportunity to seize power again in
1977(ICG, 2007).
In continuation of the same norm, Nawaz Sharifs second civilian
administration could not maintain a balance institutional
framework of Civil Military relations. He removed a president, a
chief justice and (COAS) General Jehangir Karamat(Asia
Analysis, 1998)and seemed to indicate this and marked a
significant power shift within civil-military relations in
Pakistan. His later showdown with COAS General Musharraf
cost him the government and ensued a massive political
upheaval.
External Threat
The threat which Pakistan faced from India also generated weak
and often-nonexistent civilian control, while on the contrary, the
extensive use of Indian forces in internal missions didnt
undermined civilian control at all. Pakistan Civil Military
relations have mostly been shaped through the prism of Indian
hostility and indeed it is single largest determining factor. The
difference of opinion regarding the magnitude of threat from
India brought the civilian and military leaders at daggers
drawn. Sattar (2001) argues that, Pakistan was born with an
insecurity syndrome. Moreover, India is not the only threat
Pakistan has faced. The Soviet Unions invasion of Afghanistan
and its collapse into civil war had both posed tremendous
challenges for Pakistan. These complex circumstances highlight
the turbulent international security environment within which
Pakistan has been situated. Because of these intricacies of
international systems in South Asia, Pakistan had to perform the
role of Garrison State and NSS; thereby, drawing the larger
role of military in the decision making process of the state.
Militarys Political Disposition
From the very beginning the Pakistan Army remained involved
in civil administration. In 1947, it was the Army which was
asked to establish civil secretariat in Karachi. They vacated their
barracks, renovated these to house the secretariat and the staff
which was coming from Delhi. In 1951, Rawalpindi conspiracy
case surfaced on the national limelight, in which, around 53
officers and some civilians with leftist orientation were accused
of staging a coup to overthrow the civilian regime (Siddiqa,
2006, p.134). This was the first breach of discipline in Civil
Military relations. Moreover, a clash between the leadership of
the Punjab and the central government led to the imposition of
Martial Law in Lahore in 1953. Another, detrimental step which
paved the way for the loss of civilian control in state control, was
the induction of Army Chief Ayub Khan into the federal cabinet.
Although, General Ayub khan voluntarily relinquished his
political role by leaving the cabinet in 1955 but remained
powerful. In the same vein, militarys obsession for power grew
after General Ayub was appointed the Chief Martial Law
Administrator (CMLA), and later became the President.
Thereafter, Ayub regime was challenged by Zulfiiqar Ali Bhutto.
The ensuing protests undermined the legitimacy of the military
regime and enhanced the appeal of an alternative civilian rule.
In the wake of secession of Bangladesh, Pakistan army stepped
aside to make way for an elected government run by Zulfiqar Ali
Bhuttos Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) (Steven, 2000).In highly
demoralized state, military had to endure the autocratic style of

Pakistans Domestic Affairs
Bhutto with continuous interference. General Gul Hassan was
forced to resign after Hamood ur Rehman commission report
as he was the Director General Operations of the military
debacle in East Pakistan.
Another protracted phase of military dictatorship came with
Zia regime. He ousted the populist Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto after
mass mobilizing protests were held by secular and religious
parties against Bhutto on electoral fraud. Zia enforced a
process of constitutional engineering which started with the
suspension of the 1973 constitution and introduction of8th
amendment.
In 1987 again rift was created by General Zia and his
handpicked Prime Minister Mohammad Khan Junejo. There
was also difference of opinions regarding foreign policy
related to Afghanistan. Resultantly, Zia sacked the Junejo
government with the help of infamous and controversial 8th
amendment (Siddiqa, 2006).When General Zia-ul-Haq was
killed in a mysterious plane crash in 1988, the military then
handed power back to civilians, fully cognizant of the
growing resentment of military rule on the streets. However,
military disposition for political interference was not
subsided .COAS General Mirza Aslam Beg and General
Durrani showered loads of money rented out from Mehran
Bank on politicians of various parties to keep the Pakistan
Peoples Party off the political scene (Dawn, 2012).
Civil-Military Bureaucracy
The military rode into preeminence on the shoulder of the
civilian bureaucracy. The first military coup in 1958 was the
result to political alignment between the civil and military
bureaucracy. Pakistans all heads of state from1951-58 came
from the civil bureaucracy. For instance, a civilian
bureaucrat Governor-General of Pakistan, Ghulam
Muhammad (1951-55), dissolved the National Assembly in
1954 and the Federal Court justified and validated his
unconstitutional act on the basis of the Law of Necessity
(McGrath, 1997). Another President of Pakistan from the civil
bureaucracy, Iskander Mirza (1956-1958), relied on the
military to ensure the states integrity when the PML
President, Qayyum Khan, threatened direct action and the
Khan of Kalat declared his secession from Pakistan.
Therefore, the situation was deemed conducive in for
imposition of 1958 Martial Law (Ahmed, 2013).
Civil bureaucrat turned politician Ghulam Mohamamd, the
Governor General formally invited General Ayub to take over
the government, replacing Prime Minister Bogra which Ayub
declined. However, the civilian government decision to grand
extension to General Ayub as Army Chief in 1954, weakened
the institutions and political regimes (Siddiqa, 2006,p. 70).
To ensure Gen Ayub allegiance, Sikanadar Mirza again gave
him extension as Army Chief in 1958. This personal
concession proved to be very costly to the civilian leadership.
The military declined to be treated as a player with lesser
stakes in power politics and refused to accept the
superordinate and subordinate behaviour between the Army
and bureaucracy (Ahmed, 2013).It is ironical that in the two
wars of 1967 and 1971, civilian and military rifts were
observed. Ayub Khan asserted that he headed to the ill
advices and false claims of Bhutto, India would never
broaden and stretch the theater of war to international
borders. He also alleged that Bhutto assured him of full
international diplomatic support and military assistance by
various countries (Ahmed 2013).
Later on, In 1990s bureaucrats-cum Politicians presidents,
Ishaq Khan and his successor President Farooq Leghari
overthrew the governments of Benazir and Nawaz Sharif,
with the tacit approval of military. This highlights the
importance of Bureaucracy in shaping the Civil Military
relations.
19
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
Military Intervention and Civil Military Melieu-1999
Till 2015
In the wake of Nawaz Sharif continuous infringement with other
state institutions, Musharrafs unfortunate intervention was an
expected outcome. Musharraf and the Army were comfortable
with the idea of intervention. Musharraf brought the basic
democracy concept again, emancipated the media from state
control and other economic initiatives. However, Musharrafs
hold on power became increasingly
tenuous during 2007 because its legitimacy amongst key social
constituencies has palpably diminished in the wake of
controversial referendums, rigging and interference in the
judiciary.
Post-Musharraf Current Civil-Military relations are
characterized, as a mixed model where in certain areas the
military has a free hand, in others there is a shared decision-
making and in some areas the civilian government has been free
to make decisions about a number of domestic issues that do not
impinge upon the interests of the military (Siegfried, Wolf;
2013). Moreover, there is a wide prevalent perception that
Pakistan Army internal corporate culture is benefitting the top
hierarchy of Army. However. Imran (2015) cites Gen. Neol
Khokhar that military businesses support the families of poor
soldiers and particularly the Shuhadas families. Military backed
corporations accommodate soldiers who retire at young age at
the same time it provides jobs to deserving civilians. He claimed
that all these businesses pay maximum taxes among other
business organizations of Pakistan and follow rules of the land.
After the Musharraf era, with the resumption of democratic rule
in 2008, there have been several low-intensity disputes between
the civilian government and the military ex-Army Chief General
Kayani, over the Kerry-Lugar Bill, the ISIs role, Memo gate,
and former president Pervaiz Musharrafs trial. Bannerji (2013)
argues that Military top brass is aware that if Army let
Musharraf be tried and punished, a dangerous precedent will be
set.
Presently, Nawaz Sharif abdication of civilian authority in
national security matters may prove to be fatal for nourishment
of democracy. It is becoming clear that the Military is becoming
more assertive due to the growing internal and external
challenges in addition to the sympathetic civilian population
view (Khosa, 2014). According to Pakistan Institute of
Legislative Development and Transparency (2015), growing
International Role of the General Raheel Sharif following his
high profile visits to the United States in November 2014 and to
the United Kingdom and China in January 2015, the
international role of the Army Chief continued to grow as he
undertook a visit to Afghanistan. The credibility of Military has
redeemed as General Sharif launched Operation Zarb-e-Azb to
reclaim the states writ over vast swathes of territory lost to the
Tehreek-e-Talibane- Pakistan (TTP), without any discrimination
between good and bad Taliban (Sharif, 2014), and extended the
anti-terror operation to Karachi. It was only in January 2013
that Pakistani military had a paradigm shift in its doctrine,
which recognized internal insurgency as the bigger national
security threat than India (Mir, 2013) and by June 2014 it was
termed as a War of Survival by the Army.
Indias Military-Civil Nexus, 1947 till To Date
Military Predilections
According to Chibber (1989, p.89), the Indian Army didnt take
part in the freedom movement deliberately and only the political
cadre ran the political movement for freedom, therefore, the
Army remained unaffected by the influences of race and political
affiliations. Though, India was born in war with Pakistan, its
vastly larger size and less strategically vulnerable position led to
much lower perceived external threat until 1962. If anything, the
major threat came from tribal insurgencies in the Indian
northeast, where the military responded with repression(Cline,
2006).

Pakistans
Weekly Current
Domestic
Affairs
Affairs
MCQs
Bimaya, (1997,p.68) argues that when military coup became
a common place in the third world countries, the politicians
suspicions about the military were sagaciously fueled by the
intelligence chief Bhola Nath Mullick. Consequently, the
status and influence of Army was belittled and its legitimacy
was put under doubt by civilian government. In another
instance, General Cariappa persuaded Nehru not to re-admit
to the armed services all the officers and men who had
defected to the Indian Army which was what many
nationalists wanted (Bimaya, 1997).
Even the most senior Army, Navy and Air force officers found
themselves ranking below from their civilian counterparts of
cabinet secretariat, and the various state bureaucracies. The
service chiefs, and other senior Indian officers, were supposed
to interact with the politicians on rare cases only through the
Defense Ministry, which was headed by a civilians.
Between 1958 and 1962, Lieutenant General B.M Kaul, with
political ambitions, appeared on the political limelight. He
had direct contact with Nehru and was also considered the
favourite of Defense minister Krishna Memon. Kaul was
promoted against the advice of then Chief of Staff Gen K.S
Thimaya. Many ambitious officers jumped into Kaul
bandwagon. However, Kaul incompetence was observed in
Sino Indian war. Later on, although Nehru defended both
Krishna Memon and Kaul but both had to resign because of
Indian strong institutional framework.
Another case is Lieutenant General S, K Sinha, who was
superseded to make way for General Vaidya, who had vivid
political ambitions. General Vaidya while commanding
Eastern Division, criticized the non-Congress governments in
Eastern regions by getting attention of Indira Gandhi.
Though, he transgressed the integral boundaries between
Political and Military spheres but was promoted by Indira
Gandhi. However, grave resentment was displayed by many
quarters over Indiras decision, alongside it received silent
disapproval of the large number of officer corps. Later on,
1970s, during the Declaration of Emergency, Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi asked Chief of army staff Gen Sam
Manekshaw (later Field Marshal) whether or not he was
plotting a military coup. Manekshaws reply to Mrs. Gandhis
question was along the lines of You are too pretty to coup
against. I wont (take over). You let me do my job and I will
let you do
yours(Malik, 2014). In another instance, Gen Manekshaw
refused Indira Gandhi, who ordered her to commit ill
prepared troops to action prematurely in Mar/ April 1971. It
was politically uncomfortable for Indira Gandhi. However, it
is abundantly clear that there was no threat to civilian
supremacy even if Indira hadnt accepted the Generals advice
(Bimaya, 1997, p.83).Moreover, Indian military has been
showing its clout and relevance vis--vis disputes with
Pakistan.
Indian military came into quite interventionist mood in 1987.
It was on the verge of overthrowing Rajiv Gandhis
government. In his just book The Untold Truth, lieutenant
General Hoon alleged that Army Chief Gen Krishnaswami
Sundarji and his Vice Chief, Lieutenant General SF
Rodrigues, were involved in the plot. Moreover, startling
revelation was made that Operations Brasstacks, conducted
near the Pakistan border, was no military exercise but a
provocative build up planned by Sundarji and Arun Singh
without the knowledge of Gandhi (Dhaliwal, 2015). It vividly
bespeaks the fact that there has been peaks and troughs in
India Civil Military relation but introspection was always
carried out by the Stakeholders in order to abstain from
crossing the red lines. As far as Indian role in the foreign
security issues, it carried substantive sway on civilian
government. In 2004 Agra summit, Indian government was
quite willing to discuss Siachen Glacier with Pakistan,
20
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
however, it was persuaded by the Indian military to abandon the
idea(Musharraf, 2008).
Internal Security and Civil-Military Relations
Indias Civil-Military relations have taken a radically different
course, despite the significant use of military forces in internal
security campaigns. The Indian army has been active since 1970
at every level of armed conflict, and growing political violence
has periodically brought the armed forces into the political
arena. Out of 17 major Indian Army campaigns between 1947
and 1995, a dozen were within Indias borders. Between 1982
and 1989, the army was deployed to assist the civilian
authorities no less than 721 times (Kohli, 1991).
Civilian leadership appeared comfortable by empowering
generals as state governors and advisors, as long as their forces
stayed in far-flung parts of the country. More severe internal
threats developed in the 1980s. Insurgencies grew in
strategically crucial Kashmir and Punjab along the Pakistani
border. The Army was deployed with increasing frequency to
deal with violent internal threats, often using high-intensity
counterinsurgency operations in response. The army, in addition
to police and paramilitaries, was used extensively for more than
ten years as an internal security/counterinsurgency force
(Bimaya, 1997).
Brass (1994, p.63) argues that in the mid-1980s, a violent Sikh
separatist movement developed in the northwestern province of
Punjab on the Pakistani border. At one point, nine divisions of
the regular Indian Army were stationed in Punjab, nearly one-
quarter of the entire active army. The insurgency was handled
with heavy Indian repression (sparking a conflict that included
the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her own
bodyguards in 1984). Moreover,
Naxalites insurgency has become existential threat for India due
to its protracted nature and ideological attraction
(Epstein,2014). Dasgupta (1991) argues that The militarys
growing internal security role has given rise to concerns about
the future of civilian control over the militaryin modern India,
the politicians, bureaucrats, and the public generally have
become militaristic what we see is civilian militarism. It is
fair to say that notwithstanding the incessant internal security
challenge, Indian military was not allowed to deviate from their
prescribed role enshrined in the Indian constitution. The political
institutions had the depth and maturity to undertake the leading
role in resolution of internal and external threats.
Role of Political Institutions
In 1947, India inherited Delhi and its bureaucracy, the core of the
old colonial state; but no such continuity of centralized political
infrastructure was made available to Pakistan. In Kamtekars
(1988) words: It is an oversimplification with some truth to say
that while in India independence involved restructuring a state,
in Pakistan it involved building a state. India received a much
more favorable institutional heritage from the shared colonial
past, due in part to the very different nature of its dominant pro-
independence party, the Indian Congress Party (Rudolph, 1964;
Jalal, 1985).It is sometimes forgotten that Mohammed Ali Jinnah
was just as ambivalent about the military as Nehru, and believed
in civilian supremacy. But the most unfortunate part in
Pakistans case was the early demise of Jinnah, living only
thirteen months after winning of independence. Nehru, by
contrast, survived until 1964. He allowed the democracy and
electioneering to strengthen and helping these democratic
tendencies become the habits of Indian political culture.
Moreover, regarding the leadership cadre Jalal (2014) argued
that If Gandhi goes, there is always Nehru or Raja Gopal Achari
or Patel or a dozen others. But if Jinnah goes, who is there.
Having said that, it has become evident that the endurance of the
Congress Party and the legitimacy of Prime Minister Jawaharlal
Nehrus rule allowed civilian control to be sharply imposed on
the military in the early days after independence. Nehru
deliberately discouraged the modernization of the armed force .

Weekly Current Affairs MCQs
. . he had suspicions that an excessive emphasis on Army
would lead to the militarization of society (Ganguly, 1996,
Kundu, 1998).
Unlike the collapse of the Muslim League in Pakistan,
Congress and Nehru maintained domestic stability despite
intense poverty and the strains of a multiethnic society
(Kukreja, 1991). While neighboring Pakistan foundered, India
was able to rely on both high legitimacy and high
institutionalization through the bureaucracy and political
party system. As Huntington (1991) vividly states that no
other country attaining independence after World War II was
institutionally as well prepared as India for self-
government.Consequently, the supremacy of civilian
control over the military also was strongly asserted.After
Nehrus death in 1964, Indian politics become more chaotic
and fractured, culminating in the
197577 Emergency, during which Indira Gandhi clamped
down on civil liberties (Bimaya, 1997).
The army, however, did not become involved in this exercise
of raw political repression, as internal paramilitary forces
instead acted as the tool of state power. Even during a period
of decreased legitimacy and growing political contention,
state institutionalization removed a need or opportunity for
military intervention with exception of Sikh secessionist
Khalistan movement in 80S. Moreover, the 1977 elections
created a return to normalcy that highlighted the Indian
political systems resilience. Indias politics are volatile and
complex, but there is an underpinning of broad consensus
about the value and legitimacy of the political system. Cohen
argues (1984) that the structure of the Indian civil-military
Weekly Current Affairs MCQs
(May 4 May 12)
1. Which satellite india has lauched recently? South
Asia Satellite
2. Why did India rename SAARC Satellite as South
Asia Satellite? because Pakistan refused to join it.
3. According to current reports, water level of which
lake in Pakistan fell to 47 feet and may cause water
shortage Karachi? Keejhar Lake, thatta
4. What is another name of Keejhar lake (Pakistans
largest artificial lake)? Kalri Lake
5. Pakistans current advisor for National Security is?
Nasir Khan Janjua
6. Current minister of Defence Production Pakistan is?
Rana Tanveer Hussain
7. Current Indian army chief is? Bipin Rawat
8. How many aliens (and refugees) have been deported
since last 5 years? 40149
9. Who has been made head of JIT (Joint Investigation
Team) to probe Panama Case? Wajid Zia (Additional
DG FIA)
10. JIT will report its findings to Supreme Court within
in? 6o days
11. How many questions asked by SC will be answered
by JIT after 60 days? 15 Questions
12. Which French Presidential candidates election
campaign has been hacked and documents leaked?
Emmanuel Macron
21
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
relationship is fundamentally sound because for most Indian, the
legitimacy of the political system remains high.
Conclusions
Although Military culture of Pakistan and India holds obvious
similarities in professional and ceremonial outlook, as well as
possesses similar Pattern of civilian interactive approach and the
institutional parity that British held between civilian and
military in order to keep the pendulum of power in balance.
However, after partition on the Indian side, the domestic
institutions and political system have resisted the Indian Armys
intrusion into political life, despite many decades long
insurgencies and internal challenges. But it have never
weakened the Indian civil institutions. From Indias case it is
evident that counterinsurgency and political repression do not
inevitably lead to military politicization or intervention in
domestic politics.
In Pakistans case, Pakistan inherited weak political institution
and relatively strong military. Moreover, due the external
threats and internal secessionist movements, military intervened
in domestic politics on numerous occasions. Political institutions
and electioneering process were very weak but these institution
and practices were never allowed to grow. In Pakistan the
institutional growth would only be possible if a gradual and
robust transformation of state from NSS to social welfare state is
carried out and it would demand a massive overall in
governance, economy and social reforms. Military leadership
must shed away the endemic obsession of being the lone savior of
Pakistan geographical virtual and ideological frontier.
(By Shahid Ahmed Afridi: University of Peshawar, Peshawar;
Published in South Asian Studies, A Research Journal of South
Asian Studies)
13. Which political movement (party) was founded by
Macron in 2016: En Marche (Forward)
14. After Khaled Mashal, who has currently been officially
named as senior leader of militant group, Hamas, in
Palestine? Ismail Haniya
15. Capital of Palestine is? Disputed (Each of Israel and
Palestine claimed Jerusalem as its own capital)
16. News agency TASS belongs to? Russia
17. According to Finance minister Pakistan, Ishaq Dar, new
Electronic Micro-computerized system is going to be
implemented for collection of tax from Pakistani
restaurants. This Electronic Micro-computerized system
is based on? Singapore Model
18. Baluchistans current Governor, Muhammad Khan,
belongs to? PukhtunKhwa Milli Awami Party
19. Baluchistans current CM, Sana ullah Zahri belongs to?
Pakistan Muslim League (N)
20. Which Sections of Pakistan Penal Code deals with
blasphemy law? 295-B & 295-C
21. On 7th May, Who has become Frances youngest
president ever? Emmanuel Macron (aged 39)
22. In recent elections, Macron (65.5 % votes) defeated:
Marine Le Pen (34.5 %)
23. Residence of Fraces president is named as? Elysee
Palace

Weekly Current Affairs MCQs
24. Amir Khans film, Dangal, has recently crossed Rs
800 crore and become second highest grossing
Indian movie. Which is the highest grossing Indian
movie? Baahubali 2 (Rs 1000 crore)
25. Who has currently been appointed as Pakistans new
ambassador to Afghanistan? Javed Nasarullah
26. When will screening hepatitis day be celebrated in
Punjab? from 22 to 27 May
27. Current Chairman of PEMRA (Pakistan Electronic
Media Authority) is? Absar Alam
28. Current President of European Commission? Jean
Claude Juncker
29. Current Chief Executive of Afghanistan is? Abdullah
Abdullah
30. Current Head of Iranian armed forces, who recently
threatened Pakistan to hit terrorists in Pakistan?
Mohammad Baqeri
31. When will elections in Iran be held? 19 May
32. Current US ambassador to UN is? Nikki Haley
33. General elections in UK are going to be held in? 8
June
34. Which are two main candidates in upcoming British
General Election? Theresa May (Current PM who
belongs to Conservative Party) & Jeremy Corbyn
(leader of Labour Party)
35. Which day, in Russia, is celebrated as victory day
(against Nazi Germany)? 9th May
36. On Victory Day, in Russia, which march was joined
by over 800000 participants? March of Immortal
Regiment
37. Irans current ambassador to Pakistan is? Mehdi
Hunar Dost
38. World Thalassemia (Genetic blood disease) Day is
celebrated on? 8th May
39. On 9th May, who has been elected as new president of
South Korea? Moon Jae-in (he belongs Democratic
Party)
40. On April 10 (Last month), who was removed from
position of South Koreas President? Park Guen Hye
(she belongs to Conservative Party)
41. What is official name of North Korea? Democratic
Peoples Republic
42. What is official name of South Korea? The Republic
of Korea
43. Christian Governor of Indonesias Capital, Jakarta,
has been sentenced prison (2 years) for blasphemy.
His name is? Basuki Purnama (nicknamed as Ahok)
44. Which Saudi Arabias minister recently met PM
Nawaz in Islamabad? Awwad bin Saleh al-Awwad
(Minister of information & Culture)
22
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
45. India claimed to petition ICJ (International Court of
Justice) against Kulbhushan Yadevs death sentence.
Who is current president of ICJ? Ronny Abraham
(France)
46. To what term an ICJ judge is elected by UN General
Assembly and UN Security Council? 9 years
47. Total number of ICJ judges is? 15
48. Current chairman of CDA (Capital Development
Authority) is? Sheikh Ansar Aziz
49. American President, Donald Trump, has recently fired
Director of FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) whose
name is? James Comey
50. In 2016, Syria remained deadliest country (50, 000
casualties). Which country did remain second deadliest?
Mexico (23,000)
51. Current White House spokesman (Press Secretary) is?
Sean Michael Spicer
52. According to recent HRCP (Human Right Commission
Pakistan), deaths related to terrorism in 2016 dropped
to? 45 % (as compared to 2015)
53. Current Chairperson of HRCP is? Zohra Yousaf
54. Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of Japan, who
recently visited Pakistan, is: Nobuo Kishi
55. International Firefighter Day is celebrated on: 4th May
56. In ICC T20 ranking list, Pakistan ranks: 3rd
57. Governor SBP (State Bank of Pakistan) Ashraf Wathra
has been retired on 29 April, who is Acting Governor of
SBP? Riaz Riazudin (Deputy Governor)
58. Tipu Sultans 218th death anniversary has been
celebrated on? 4th May (died in 1799)
59. When did Karachi Violence or Black Saturday riots
(series of bloody clashes among rival political activists
occurred? 12 May 2007 (10 years ago)
60. Current Deputry chairman of Senate has been injured in
an attack blast by ISIS (Daesh) in Mastung,. His name
is? Abdul Ghafoor Haideri
61. Which country has recently set the Guinness
World Record for the largest water screen projection:
Dubai
62. Foreign Office Spokesman of Pakistan is: Nafees
Zakaria
63. Indian Deputy High Commissioner to Pakistan is: J.P
Singh
64. Pakistans newly appointed High Commissioner to India
is: Sohail Mehmood
65. Secret lines of communication between two opponents
through informal intermediary or 3rd party is called:
Backdoor diplomacy
66. Recently Pakistan has signed MoU of warship and
defence cooperation with: Turkey

Transcripts of Talk Shows
Transcripts of Talk Shows
CNN'S AMANPOUR
(CNN HOST: CHRISTIANE AMANPUR)
Transcript of this CNN talk show covers first major
live interview of Hillary Clinton since the U.S
Election and topics to be discussed in this interview
may help its readers to understand her valuable
views on her loss in election, misogyny and the state
of womens world.
CHRISTIANE AMANPOUR, CNN HOST: Tonight, Hillary
Clinton unplugged. In her first major live TV interview since
the U.S. election, the former presidential candidate lets rip on
her loss, misogyny and the state of our world.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
CLINTON: Women's right is the unfinished business of the
21st century. There is no more important, larger issue that
has to be addressed.
(APPLAUSE)
(END VIDEO CLIP)
AMANPOUR: Good evening, everyone, and welcome to the
special weekend edition of our program. I'm Christiane
Amanpour in New York.
And in her first extensive live conversation since the 2016
election, Hillary Clinton has come out swinging. She was
stunningly candid at the "Women for Women" charity in New
York on Tuesday.
She did take personal responsibility for her loss. But she said
the tide turned against her after the FBI director informed
Congress they were
reopening a probe into her use of a private e-mail server.
And the next day on Wednesday, James Comey fought back
on Capitol Hill, saying that he wouldn't change what he did.
At the event promoting women's roles in peace and security,
Clinton criticized the Trump administration's plans to cut
back at her old office, the State Department.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
HILLARY CLINTON, FORMER PRESIDENTIAL
CANDIDATE: I am going to publicly request that this
administration not end our efforts making women's rights
and opportunities central to American foreign policy and
national security.
(APPLAUSE)
(END VIDEO CLIP)
AMANPOUR: So it was a rarely seen side of Hillary Clinton
as we began our conversation by discussing the lack of
women around Donald Trump's cabinet table.
(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)
CLINTON: Well, I'm hoping that voices like many of yours in
this room, and I would say bipartisan, non-partisan voices,
will speak up for the work of diplomacy and development.
I know that secretary of Defense Mattis understands that. He
has spoken out and said you cut the State Department, the
USAID budget, you're going to have to buy me more
ammunition, because you cannot talk about pursuing
diplomacy and development that will be to the benefit of the
United States, to our security, to our values and interests,
without understanding them that we are left with just one
tool in the toolbox namely the military tool.
That is a necessary tool, but it should only be one of three.
And diplomacy and development should be the first efforts.
And I'm hoping that because of voices like Jim Mattis and
others that that will begin to influence the administration.
23
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
AMANPOUR: I am sure that everybody in this room, everybody
in this country, frankly, everybody in the world is really afraid
of the crisis with North Korea.
So given the right effects, everybody including women, what do
you make of President Trump saying that he would be honored
to meet Kim Jong-un? And I ask you that seriously because the
dirty little secret is, that it will take wanted negotiations with the
North Korean regime to actually come to -- I want your view on
negotiations as a way to forge peace and not as a sign of
weakness and appeasement.
CLINTON: Right.
AMANPOUR: What do you think? Because President Bill Clinton
was the last person to actually negotiate and cause an arms
control agreement that worked with North Korea.
CLINTON: First of all, there has to be a regional effort to
basically incentivize the North Korean regime, to understand
that it will pay a much bigger price regionally, primarily from
China, if it pursues this reckless policy of nuclear weapons
development and very dangerously for us the missiles that can
deliver those nuclear packages to places like Hawaii and
eventually the west coast of the United States.
So I take this threat very seriously. But I don't believe that we
alone are able to really put the pressure on this North Korean
regime that needs to be placed.
Now, the North Koreans are always interested, not just Kim
Jong-un, but his father before him. We're always interested in
trying to get Americans to come to negotiate, to elevate their
status and their position. And we should be very careful about
giving that away. You should not offer that
in the absence of a broader strategic framework to try to get
China, Japan, Russia, South Korea to put the kind of pressure on
the regime that will finally bring them to the negotiating table
with some kind of realistic prospect for change.
As Christiane said, there was a negotiation in the `90s that put
an end to one aspect of their nuclear program. To ways to make
it plutonium, uranium, shut down the plutonium. And then a few
years later, there was evidence that they were cheating. And I
think that there was -- and I have said this publicly before, I
think the Bush administration aired in saying they are cheaters,
now we're not going to do anything with them.
They should have said you're cheating, back to the negotiating
table now, we're going to shut down your uranium program. But
because they withdrew from any kind of negotiations, the
uranium program started up.
So negotiations are critical, but they have to be part of a broader
strategy. Not just thrown out on a tweet some morning that, hey,
let's get together and, you know, see if we can get along. And
maybe we can, you know, come up with some sort of a deal. That
doesn't work.
(APPLAUSE)
AMANPOUR: Did the Syrian strike work?
CLINTON: Well, I think it's too soon to really tell.
AMANPOUR: Did you support it?
CLINTON: Yes, I did support it. I didn't publicly support it,
because that wasn't my role. But I did support it. But I am not
convinced that it really made much of a difference.
And I don't know what kind of potentially, you know, back room
deals were made with the Russians. I mean, we later learned
that the Russians and the Syrians moved jets off the runway.
That the Russians may have been given a heads up even before
our own Congress was.

Transcripts of Talk Shows
So I think there's a lot that we don't really yet fully know
about, what was part of that strike. And if all it was was a
one-off effort, it's not going to have much of a lasting effect.
AMANPOUR: I'm going to come back to Russia in a moment
because it's obviously vital. But I want to ask you as a woman
and we're dealing obviously with issues that affect women all
over the world.
What do you imagine your election as the first female
president of the United States might have said to the world
and to the women of the world who are looking for
validation, for somebody to shatter that highest and hardest
ceiling?
CLINTON: Oh, I think it would have been a really big deal.
And I think that --
(APPLAUSE)
(LAUGHTER)
And, you know, I am writing a book, and it's a painful
process reliving the campaign, as you might guess. But I
think that partly here at home, there were important
messages that that could have sent to our own daughters,
granddaughters, grandsons and sons. So have we made
progress? Yes, we
have. But have we made enough? No, we haven't. And it's not
a minor issue. It's not a luxury issue you get to after
everything else is
resolved. It is central to the maintenance, stability,
sustainability of democracy, of human rights. It is critical to
our national security.
You look at places where women's rights are being stripped
away. They are the places most likely to either catalyze or
protect terrorism, or
create ideologies that are an antithetical to women's lives and
futures. It's not an accident. And so part of what I really
believe is that women's
rights is the unfinished business of the 21st century. There is
no more important, larger issue than has to be addressed.
(APPLAUSE)
AMANPOUR: Given that I wonder if you could address -- you
have just spoken eloquently about the sexism, the misogyny
and inequity around the world, but do you believe it exists
here still?
(LAUGHTER)
And do you think -- do you think -- were you a victim of
misogyny? And why do you think you lost the majority of the
white female vote -- the security moms, the people who want
to be protected from the kinds of challenges you're talking
about right now?
CLINTON: Right. Well, you know what, the book's coming
out in the fall. Just to give you a tiny little preview, yes, I do
think it played a role.
I think other things did, as well. Every day that goes by, we
learn more about some of the unprecedented interference,
including from a foreign power whose leader is not a member
of my fan club.
And so I think it is -- it is real. It is very much a part of the
landscape politically and socially and economically. You
know, an example that has nothing to do with me personally
is this whole question of equal pay.
You know, we just had equal payday in April, which is how
long women have to work past the first of the year to make
the equivalent of what men made the prior year in
comparable professions.
And we know it's a problem in our country. It's not something
that exists somewhere far away. It exists right here. And it's
really troubling to me that we are still grappling with how to
deal in an economy to ensure that people who do the work
that is expected of them get paid fairly and equally.
24
Weekly Analysis May 11th 2017
So yes, there are many, many representations of that, many
kinds of examples of that. And yes, it was a role in this election,
and I will have a lot to say about it. And I think that it is
something that -- whatever your political party, whatever your
particular idealogical bent, you have a stake as a woman and a
man to go back to your very first comment in ensuring that the
promise of equality that we hold out and the efforts that so many
women and men have made over the decades to secure it don't go
backwards.
And I think we're not just at a stalled point. I think we are
potentially going backwards. For example, real quickly, on equal
pay. A number of cities and states have said, you know, one of
the problems about equal pay is when you hire people, you say
what was your last pay?
So if you're a young woman and you've been underpaid before,
and you say what your pay is, then a slight bump looks fair. But
it's not, because you got built-in inequity.
So what is happening in current times in some places, I think is
quite troubling, because there's a great effort to make sure that
localities don't pass laws that prevent employers from asking
about past pay.
Now, you know, if somebody who has employed a lot of people
over the course of my professional life, a lot of young men and
women, it's always the case when you offer a job to a young
person that is a bump-up in pay and respect and responsibility,
young women almost always say to me, do you think I can do it?
Do you think I'm ready?
Young men basically say what took you so long?
(LAUGHTER)
So this is something we have to clear out the cobwebs and say,
you know what, there shouldn't be differences. And we've seen a
lot of evidence in the last month that the tech industry, you know,
the forefront of our economy, is still mired in pay inequities.
And so how do we get out of it if we don't set some standards,
some metrics. And one of these is don't ask what is the job
supposed to pay. And if the person has the qualifications, pay
that person, man or woman, what the job requires, right?
(APPLAUSE)
AMANPOUR: So just to bring you back to that leader of that
foreign country was not a member of your fan club, what do you
make of a journalist who basically said that, in fact, President
Putin hated you so much that it was personal, that he was
determined to thwart your ambitions.
Do you buy that?
CLINTON: Well, he certainly interfered in our election. And it
was clear he interfered to hurt me and to help my opponent. And
if you chart my opponent and his campaign's statements, they
quite coordinated with the goals that that leader, who shall
remain nameless, had.
So yes, look, I think Russia is a great country. And I think the
Russian people are extraordinarily talented. And I think they are
badly governed.
And I think they have been denied their opportunities to really
join the modern world in a way that will lift them all up. And I
also think that
when their president came back after having taken a time-out to
be prime minister, he rigged the elections for the parliament, and
I was your secretary of state. And we do speak out against
rigged elections.
That kind of goes with the territory, at least it did prior to this
administration. And so I did say it was an illegitimate election
and it had been rigged.
And people -- you know, I wasn't telling hundreds of thousands,
even millions of Russians something they didn't know. So they go
out into the streets in Moscow and St. Petersburg and
demonstrate and Putin blames me, that I'm the one who got all
those people in the streets. So it kind of went downhill from there.
(LAUGHTER)

AMANPOUR: They did.
(END VIDEOTAPE)
AMANPOUR: Relaxed, confident, at times poignant. More of
my conversation with Hillary Clinton coming up.
Now she admits it wasn't a perfect campaign, but she says
had the election been held the very day before the Comey
letter was made public, the result would have been very
different.
AMANPOUR: Welcome back to the program. Continuing my
conversation with Hillary Clinton.
She accepts responsibility for her election loss and tweaks
Trump with her 3 million more popular votes.
(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)
AMANPOUR: Your supporters are sad, they are devastated,
they are disappointed and some are angry. And some say,
you know, could it have been different, could the campaign
have been better? Could you have had a better rationale?
He had one message, your opponent, and it was successful
message. Make America great again. And where was your
message? Do you take any personal responsibility?
[14:20:00] CLINTON: Oh, of course. I take absolute personal
responsibility. I was the candidate. I was the person who was
on the ballot. And I am very aware of, you know, the
challenges, the problems, the shortfalls that we had again. I
will write all this out for you. But I will say this, I've been in a
lot of campaigns and I'm very proud of the campaign we ran
and I'm very proud of the staff and the volunteers and the
people who were out there day after day.
(APPLAUSE)
And it wasn't a perfect campaign. There is no such thing. But
I was on the way to winning until a combination of Jim
Comey's letter on October 28th and Russian WikiLeaks raised
doubts in the minds of people who were inclined to vote for
me, but got scared off. And the evidence for that, intervening
event, is, I think, compelling, persuasive. And so we overcame
a lot in the campaign. We overcame an enormous barrage of
negativity, of false equivalency and so much else.
But as Nate Silver, who doesn't work for me, he's an
independent analyst but one considered to be very reliable,
you know, has concluded, you know, if the election had been
on October 27th, I would be your president. And it wasn't. It
was on October 28th. And there were just a lot of funny
business going on around that.
And ask yourself this, within an hour or two of the
"Hollywood Access" tape being made public, the Russian theft
of John Pedesta's e-mails hit WikiLeaks. What a coincidence.
So, I mean, you just can't make this stuff up. So did we make
mistakes? Of course we did.
Did I make mistakes? Oh, my gosh, yes. You know, you'll read
my confession and my request for absolution.
(LAUGHTER)
But the reason why I believe we lost were the intervening
events in the last ten days. And I think you can see I was
leading in the early vote. I had a very strong -- not just our
polling and data analysis, but a very strong assessment going
on across the country about where I was in terms of, you
know, the necessary votes and electoral votes. And,
remember, I did win more than 3 million votes than my
opponent. So it's like, really -
AMANPOUR: I feel a tweet coming.
CLINTON: Well, fine. You know, better that than interfering
in foreign affairs. If he wants to tweet about me, I'm happy to
be the diversion, because we've got lots of other things to
worry about. And he should worry less about the election and
my winning the popular vote than doing some other things
that would be important for the country.
25
(APPLAUSE)
AMANPOUR: Just briefly to -- we're going to finish on some
other stuff. But once the result was known, did you call President
Obama? What did you say to him?
CLINTON: Yeah, I called President Obama. And I called Donald
Trump -- yes.
(LAUGHTER)
AMANPOUR: Did you have any message for President Obama?
CLINTON: You know, look, I mean, I was very proud to serve in
his administration. And I said ad nauseam during the campaign,
I did not think
President Obama got the credit he deserved for saving our
economy, for passing the Affordable Care Act. I just didn't think
he got that credit.
(APPLAUSE)
And so, look, among the -- you know, again, you can read all
about this excruciating analysis that I'm engaged in right now,
when I'm not in the woods walking.
AMANPOUR: Is it therapy?
(LAUGHTER)
CLINTON: I wouldn't say it's therapy. I would say that it is
cathartic, because, you know, it's very difficult to succeed a two-
term president of your own party. That is a historical fact. I
always knew that it was going to be a hard election, but I
thought that at the end of the day, we had made it clear -- you
know, I wasn't going to appeal to people's emotions in the same
way that my opponent did, which I think is frankly what's
getting him into all kinds of difficulties now in trying to fulfill
these promises that he made because, you know, health care is
complicated.
(LAUGHTER)
[14:25:00] And so is foreign policy and other stuff that lands on
a president's desk. I mean, if it's easy, it doesn't get to the
president's desk.
(END VIDEOTAPE)
AMANPOUR: And coming up, imagine losing the election and
then joining the resistance. Clinton lays down the gauntlet, next.
AMANPOUR: And finally tonight, red meat for the faithful. In a
room full of powerful women, trying to lift up all women,
imagine Hillary Clinton defiant and trending online with this
final reflection about that election.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
CLINTON: In that first debate, my opponent actually made fun
of me for preparing. So I said yes, I did prepare for the debate.
And I'll tell you something else I prepared for, I prepared for
being president.
(APPLAUSE)
And I think, you know, I can't be anything other than who I am.
And I spent decades learning about what it would take to move
our country forward, including people who, you know, clearly
didn't vote for me, to try to make sure that we dealt with a lot of
these hard issues that are right around the corner like robotics
and artificial intelligence, and things that are really going to be
up ending the economy for the vast majority of Americans to say
nothing of the rest of the world. So, you know, I'm now back to
being an activist citizen, and part of the resistance.
(APPLAUSE)
(END VIDEO CLIP)
AMANPOUR: And that is it for our program tonight. Remember,
you can always listen to our podcast, watch us online
@Amanpour.com and follow me on Facebook and Twitter.
Thank you for watching and goodbye from New York.
END
(By Editorial Team, Weekly Analysis)

Transcripts of Talk shows (CNN)
CONNECT THE WORLD
(CNN HOST: BECKY ANDERSON)
Topics to be covered in this talk shows are: Macron Defeats
Le Pen; South Korea's Presidential Election.
Hello and welcome. You're watching "Connect the World." I'm
Becky Anderson for you. Corrupt, too young, out of touch but
now, Emmanuel Macron will be called something very
different -- Monsieur President.
France's incredible election rewriting its entire political
playbook is going to see him become the country's youngest
leader since Napoleon.
Macron, on the left here, looking presidential just hours after
his win, skyrocketing from a virtual unknown to where he is
now all this in just three years.
And check out just how he did it -- winning everywhere that's
in blue here, crushing his right wing and populist rival,
Marine Le Pen, who claimed just two small spots of red. Filled
with triumph, Macron gave an excited victory speech.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
MACRON (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): What we have done
for months and months now has no precedent nor
equivalence. Everybody told us it was impossible.
But they didn't know France.
(APPLAUSE)
(END VIDEO CLIP)
ANDERSON: Well, we are on every side of the story for you
as you would expect. CNN's Isa Soares is out and about in
Paris where there is already a protest against labor reforms
Macron wants to bring in.
Our Jim Bitterman, along the world-famous Champs-Elysees.
Let's start with you, Isa. Macron said he won't be stopped by
any obstacle in his effort to reform France. So what is that
plan? And how much resistance does he face?
ISA SOARES, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Well, it's definitely
not the victory lap he had in mind, Becky. If you look, the
police behind me, the -- the riot police have been -- seen
crowds of as many as a thousand people here or so, majority
of them unionists.
But also, many people like you said who don't see eye-to-eye
when it comes to his reforms, I wanted to give you a sense of
the numbers. We've started at about a thousand or so.
That is, as you can see, significantly reduced many people
dispersing. But what I've heard from people here in Paris but
also in Northern France, where you were mentioning there,
has turned majority (ph) blue, only a couple of -- of towns
that really, the tough ones (ph) that became (ph) Marine Le
Pen.
People still feel that he doesn't represent them. People feel that
-- that they're voiceless. And they feel he belongs to the elite.
So in terms of what we heard from the president-elect is
really making France a bit more open, more open to free
trade, more -- much more globalist vision of -- of France. And
many people here don't believe he is man to do it, one,
because he's never held elected office, two, because they don't
trust him.
And that is the big point that keep -- I'm hearing time and
time again, he belongs to the elite. He doesn't belong to us.
Interestingly, when I spoke to majority people (ph) here,
which way did they vote, they vote Marine Le Pen, of course,
they shook their heads as you'd expect in voting and said no.
Many said they voted white, which was ran almost eight or so
percent, which is quite a significant number, Becky.
26
Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
So there is -- I know it's quite a cliche when you say this is a
divided country.
But you do get a sense that not everyone agrees or thought (ph) -
- agreed on the last two candidates they had to pick from.
ANDERSON: Isa, stand by.
Jim, so western liberal democracy, if you like, trumps a populist
protectionist agenda from Marine Le Pen. What does this
election result mean for the French and indeed for the rest of the
world?
JIM BITTERMAN, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Well, it's
interesting. I mean, some people are declaring this is a victory
for the anti-populist, the ones that were saying that populism
really wasn't there, wasn't really a movement -- a worldwide
movement.
And we've seen elections now in the Netherlands and here, which
seem to back that theory up that populism could be dead if it ever
was there in the first place. But it should be said, too, just to back
up what Isa was saying, Emmanuel Macron has been extremely
lucky getting elected president of the -- of France.
And just analyzing the votes, one of the surveys that came out
yesterday was that 43 percent of French voters voted for
Emmanuel Macron only to stop Marine Le Pen from getting into
office so voting against the populism of Marine Le Pen. So you --
you really have a contradiction here.
You have someone who's been elected president who's coming in
with a lot of enthusiasm and whatnot but who has been
extremely lucky getting to where he is. Some of his opponents in
the election, the first round of the election, self-destructed.
And it's a question as whether that luck is going to continue,
whether it's going to hold, whether -- whether he's making his
own luck. If he's that clever, perhaps he's going to be able to
make his own luck going forward.
Becky?
ANDERSON: Jim, you've probably forgotten more about French
politics than we will ever know. So this is about continuity rather
than change.
How does that, though, improve the lot of the French? What does
he need to do next?
BITTERMAN: Well, for one thing, he's going to have to --
because he says that France needs to be reformed and he knows
the issues. There's no question about that.
We've been reviewing him several times as a -- as a minister and
as a campaigner for the presidency. And he clearly knows what
needs to be done in terms of economic reforms here to get the
economy going again, to get people employed again.
And the question is will he be able to do it? And the thing, kind of
pushback we're seeing even this afternoon out on the streets
where he says that the fact is he's going to face that again and
again and again as he challenges the icons.
There have been a succession of presidents here, starting with
Sarkozy, and then followed by Holland who said they were going
to reform the economy.
And they tried. And they were hit with the kind of strikes and --
and demonstrations that we've seen take place here.
And they've been stopped in their tracks. They've been forced to
stop in their tracks because they could see that it was going
nowhere, that they weren't going to be able to get the legislation
through.
So he's got to be a good salesman. He's got to sell that program
not only to the legislature, which that's going to be hard but also
to the French people so that they're not out on streets. Becky?

Transcripts of Talk shows (CNN)
ANDERSON: Jim Bitterman is, as we said, just above the
famous Champs- Elysees.
Isa, thank you, out on the street of Paris for you today. And
later this hour, we're going to take a look at the very
enthusiastic reaction -- it's got to be said in Europe to this
man's election.
South Koreas Elections
(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)
PAULA HANCOCKS, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Pure
excitement at seeing the presidential frontrunner. Moon Jae-
in has dedicated supporters, old and young.
And he's enjoying a significant lead in the polls. His policy on
North Korea, though, has voters split. A liberal candidate,
Moon is pro-engagement.
He supports dialogue with Pyongyang, even organizing the
last North/South Summit in 2007. A group of North Korean
defectors last week claimed 3,000 of them would leave South
Korea and seek asylum elsewhere if Moon wins.
Defectors traditionally vote conservative for a more hardline
approach to the regime they fled. But also rare defector
support for Moon -- the feeling here is that he's the only one
who can prevent a future war on the peninsula.
"Our parents, brothers and sisters are all in North Korea,"
says this former member of the elite. The second we carry a
rifle to defend South Korea, we'll be pointing a gun towards
them.
Moon declined repeated requests for a television interview
but tried to fight criticism he's too soft on North Korea in a
televised address.
"I will not tolerate any military provocation from North
Korea," he says. "Through crisis management and a solid
alliance with the U.S. I will stop the war from happening."
HANCOCKS: Moon lost in the last presidential race to former
president Park Geun-hye. Park has been impeached and
imprisoned, currently on trial for extortion and bribery.
She denies all charges against her. But Moon is assumed to
have picked up support for being the opposite of her, in policy
and personality.
MICHAEL BREEN, AUTHOR, "THE NEW KOREANS": He
stood very clearly against her. So one big reason for his
support is that he's not her.
HANCOCKS: Former businessman, Ahn Cheol-soo, also
supports negotiations with Pyongyang, even highlighting the
fact he went to the same business school as U.S. President
Donald Trump as a way of connecting with the country's
main ally. Hong Jun-pyo, the conservative candidate from
Park's former party suffered a political body blow from her
impeachment and holds a harder line against Pyongyang.
HANCOCKS: Thirteen candidates in all, vying for the top job,
the results, expected overnight Tuesday. So unless the polls
are horribly wrong, which
to be fair, has happened elsewhere in the world, Moon could
well be the next leader to try and solve the problem of North
Korea and also to try and start to build a relationship with a
U.S. president who had said that he is happy to go it alone on
the issue.
Paula Hancocks, CNN, Seoul.
(END VIDEOTAPE)
ANDERSON: Well, let's get you live on the ground in Seoul,
which is just 200 kilometers, of course, from Pyongyang,
where CNN's very own Ivan Watson is for us now.
Ivan, just set the scene for us, if you will, on what is an
incredibly important election there in South Korea.
IVAN WATSON, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Well, here is one
indicator. Several days before the polls formally open on -- on
Tuesday in -- in the official election, more than a quarter of
the electorate had already cast their ballots in advanced
voting, more than 11 million people, according to the National
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Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
Electoral Commissions. That gives you a sense of some of the
enthusiasm out there.
There is certainly, appears to be a backlash against conservative
politicians in the country after the scandal of the former
president, Park Geun-hye and her impeachment. When it comes
to this frontrunner that Paula was reporting on, Moon Jae-in,
yes, there is considerable talk about him seeking a more
diplomatic approach with Pyongyang if he is elected.
And there is a surprising similarity between him and the position
of the Trump administration, Becky, in that both of them have
said that the past policy from the U.S. and past South Korean
governments of, quote/unquote, "strategic patience" have failed.
That is part of the rationale that this candidate, Moon Jae-in, is
using for seeking, perhaps, a more diplomatic approach to
Pyongyang.
But again, if you talk to ordinary voters on the street, one of the
biggest concerns right now is rising youth unemployment, which
nearly doubled between 2015 and 2016.
That's one of the things that is certainly driving young people to
the polls and driving them early. Becky?
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
JOHN F. KENNEDY, FORMER U.S. PRESIDENT: Ask not what
your country can do for you. Ask what you can do for your
country.
(APPLAUSE)
(END VIDEO CLIP)
ANDERSON: But what if the answer to both of those questions
was simply nothing? What can seem idealistic in some places can
seem outright unrealistic in the Middle East.
And that is being measured by this -- the new Arab Youth
Survey. It gauges what youngsters -- young people aged between
18 and 24 are thinking across much of this region.
Myself and the "Connect the World" team got a first look at this
report. And here is what is in it.
(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)
ANDERSON: War, famine, terrorism, ISIS, even unemployment
-- all threads in the Middle East's brutal mosaic, a warped
reality the Arabs themselves can't escape, even those meant to
have the most hope for it, its young. So almost half of those asked
in this (ph) survey think this region is going in the wrong
direction, the one exception, here in the United Arab Emirates.
For yet another year, many look to it as a beacon of hope. But
still, with so many problems and so many feeling permanent, old
friendships are fading.
DONALD TRUMP, U.S. PRESIDENT: I, Donald John Trump.
ANDERSON: Almost everyone doesn't like America's new
president. And they no longer feel like America is their go-to for
safety.
Instead, stepping in, Russia. So in a region where as many as
seven out of 10 people are under 30, that matters here more than
anywhere.
(END VIDEOTAPE)
ANDERSON: And peaceful, rich, and safe -- that is how many
young people look in the Middle East look at the United Arab
Emirates. And let's stay right here in its capital now.
Of course, we're in Abu Dhabi. I want to speak to the man who
runs the company that carried out this survey, Sunil John.
And even before I started reading this, Sunil, I was fascinated.
And I thought it was a brilliant move to dedicate this to the Arab
world's 200 million youth.
This sort of survey is so important. The age group that you
surveyed is so important because they are this region's
tomorrow.
What struck you most about what they told you?
SUNIL JOHN, CEO, ASDA'A BURSON-MARSTELLER: I mean,
absolutely, Becky. The region is probably one of the youngest
parts in the world. You know, out of 22 different Arab nations
across this vast area, nearly more than 350 million people, but
60 percent below the age 30.

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There is no other part of the world that is as young as the
Middle East. And we've been doing this study over the last
nine years.
So the value of the survey is, you know, how are young people
changing their views? And what we see this year is fairly
different from what we saw in the hey-days (ph) of the Arab
Spring in 2011 when people had a revolutionary trend.
They were speaking of the best days ahead of them. And
things now, they have been tempered with.
ANDERSON: That -- and that -- and that, to a certain extent
(ph), too many of our viewers may seem very disappointed.
You know, there was that sense of revolution.
JOHN: Yes.
ANDERSON: .of change, this can-do attitude by the
youngsters in this region. So what happened?
JOHN: I think clearly, you -- you can see in the last six years
after the Arab Spring, conflicts have risen -- the Syrian
refugee issue, the continuing conflict in Yemen, the Libyan
almost -- the crisis in -- in the country and the Iraq issue as
well. So when you look at that, so many conflicts.
Also in the -- in the rich Arabian Gulf states, there has been an
economic issue where, you know, the largest revenue from
(ph) the (ph) government has nearly halved from all the $700
billion to nearly about $350 billion.
ANDERSON: Talking about oil, of course, yes.
JOHN: .in 16 (ph) oil revenues. So when you look at that,
there's pressure on governments. And again, after the Arab
Spring, more -- the governments are under pressure.
They have to prove their legitimacy to citizens. And that's
actually putting a lot of pressure. There's a lot of positive
energy as well.
So when you look at our top study, top finding, it was nearly
half the population feel optimistic about the future. But young
people in that age group, by default, should be optimistic.
So the other half, who are pessimistic, is -- is -- is a concern.
ANDERSON: The Middle East region divided is how -- is how
you've -- you've worked the formatting of this.
JOHN: Yes.
ANDERSON: If you live in this region, as we do in -- here in
the UAE, in the GCC, it is absolutely no surprise.
JOHN: Yes.
ANDERSON: .to hear that this is a region divided with the
GCC to a certain extent, with the challenges as you have just
described, the level (ph), and then, of course, the kind of wider
Middle Eastern and North Africa. So what do you take --
what do -- what do the governments in this region take from
a survey like this?
And what sort of change should we expect?
JOHN: Yes, I think the team is an important one because
when the outside look at the Middle East, you're looking at
this vast land of 350 million people as I said. But when you
delve a little deeper into the findings, just one finding, for
example, one question we asked young people is that how do
you see -- is your country going in the right direction?
Fifty-two percent said, you know, going in the right direction.
OK. But then you dig a little deeper, 85 percent of that sample
from the Gulf countries said, they are hugely optimistic about
going in the right direction.
But when you look at the sample, which is Levant and Yemen,
you know, or what we call the fertile crescent (ph) in Yemen is
the diametrically the opposite. Eighty-five percent feel that
they are going in the wrong direction.
28
Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
So you know, Middle East can't be seen in a -- with a broad-
brush approach. It's not region. You're distinctively looking at
the Arabian Gulf countries -- yes, secure, and not that affected by
the Arab Spring.
The Levant and Yemen, conflict-ridden (ph) and somewhere in
the middle is North African countries, the populous ones, you
know, Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco. These are -- so you see
very -- three very distinct region.
And that's why while this might seem obvious, but when you look
at the perceptions of these young people, you're looking at a
region that is really divided in -- in how they see their current
and their future.
ANDERSON: It was a pleasure. Thank you, sir.
JOHN: Thank you, Becky.
ANDERSON: Middle East, a Region Divided. It's worth a read.
You're watching CNN. We'll be right back.
ANDERSON: I want to get you back to what -- what is breaking
story this hour. We are learning that the warnings about the
fired U.S. National Security Adviser, Michael Flynn, went all the
way to the top.
Sources say that the former President Barack Obama himself
warned Donald Trump against hiring Flynn. Well, that mate
meeting happened in the oval office back in November, the news
surfacing just hours before what is a Senate panel will hear key
testimony on Flynn as part of its investigation into the Trump
campaign's ties to Russia.
Let's get you straight to Washington. More from Joe Johns,
who's live for you this hour. What more do we know at this point,
Joe?
JOE JOHNS, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Well, I think you hit the
headline right there, Becky. The important new information is,
yes, this went right to the top, apparently, according to our
sources.
Then President Obama delivering a warning to then President-
Elect Trump about the person he was considering hiring as
national security adviser, that would be Michael Flynn, who we
all know now was eventually fired by President Trump not long
after he took the job. So this meeting occurred
two days after the election on November 10, it was.
The meeting lasted about 90 minutes. Both the president, then
Obama, as well as the president-elect emerged from that meeting
with glowing representations, each about the other.
Also President Obama indicating he was going to do everything
he could to help the incoming Trump administration become a
success. So the question that arises here, obviously, and I think
our viewers know very well is if the system was, in fact, blinking
red on the issue of Michael Flynn being the national security
adviser, because other people like Sally Yates had apparently
raised some questions, too, why was it that Michael Flynn ended
up still getting the job, and then getting fired after that?
Why didn't the administration listen to the entreaties of the
Democrats when Trump was coming into office? All of this
against the backdrop of the Russia investigation and questions
about Russia interfering in the last election to the benefit of
Donald Trump.
Becky?
ANDERSON: Joe, with that, we're going to leave you there. We
thank you very much indeed for joining us.
That story is not going away, CNN all over it. I'm Becky
Anderson. That was "Connect the World." Thank you for
watching.
END
(By Editorial Team, Weekly Analysis)

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I. Introduction to Rule of Law
Introducing Rule of Law
It is a political framework which creates a culture that creates
respect for and feels confident about legal system.
Rule of law vs. Rule by law:
Under the rule by law the law serves as a tool for the
government while under the rule of law the law is prominent,
can check against abuse of power.
According to Prof. Diecy, rules of law contains three
principles or it has three meanings as stated below:
Supremacy of Iaw, lack of arbitrariness- the power of the
government is limited
Equality before Law No special treatment for different
people
Predominance of Legal Spirit i.e. constitution as a general
principle of law
Two Functions of the Rule of Law
1. One Function of the Rule of Law is to Impose Legal
Restraints on Government Officials, In Two Different Ways: A)
By Requiring Compliance With Existing Law; and B) By
Imposing Legal Limits on Law-Making Power.
2. A Second Function of the Rule of Law is to Maintain Order
and Coordinate Behavior and Transactions among Citizens.
Primary Benefits of the Rule of Law
1. Enhances Certainty, Predictability, and Security in
Two Arenas: Between Citizens and the Government
(Vertical), and Among Citizens (Horizontal).
2. Restricts Discretion of Government Officials, Reducing
Willfulness and Arbitrariness.
3. A Peaceful Social Order is Maintained Through Legal
Rules
4. Economic Development is Facilitated by Certainty,
Predictability, and Security, For Two Basic Reasons.
5. Fundamental Justice of the Requirement That the
Rules Must be Applied Equally to Everyone According
to Their Terms.
Basic Elements in Establishing the Rule of Law
1. Widely Shared Orientation Within SocietyAmong
Citizens and Government OfficialsThat the Law Does
Rule and Should Rule.
2. Presence of an Institutionalized, Independent
Judiciary.
3. Existence of a Robust Legal Profession and Legal
Tradition Committed to Upholding the Rule of Law.
Lon Fullers view on Rule of Law
1. In his book, The Morality of Law, American legal
scholar Lon Fuller identified eight elements of law
which have been recognized as necessary for a society
aspiring to institute the rule of law. Fuller stated the
following:
2. 1. Laws must exist and those laws should be obeyed by
all, including government officials.
3. 2. Laws must be published.
4. 3. Laws must be prospective in nature so that the effect
of the law may only take place after the law has been
passed. For example, the court cannot convict a person
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Weekly Analysis May 4th
of a crime committed before a criminal statute
prohibiting the conduct was passed.
5. 4. Laws should be written with reasonable clarity to
avoid unfair enforcement. 5. Law must avoid
contradictions.
6. 6. Law must not command the impossible.
7. 7. Law must stay constant through time to allow the
formalization of rules; however, law also must allow
for timely revision when the underlying social and
political circumstances have changed.
8. 8. Official action should be consistent with the declared
rule.
Ideal characteristics of a society governed by the
rule of law
1. The law is superior to all members of society, including
government officials vested with executive, legislative, or
judicial power.
2. The law is known, stable, and predictable. Laws are
applied equally to all persons in like circumstances. Laws
are sufficiently defined and government discretion
sufficiently limited to ensure the law is applied non-
arbitrarily.
3. Members of society have the right to participate in the
creation and refinement of laws that regulate their
behaviors.
4. The law is just and protects the human rights and
dignity of all members of society. Legal processes are
sufficiently robust and accessible to ensure enforcement of
these protections by an independent legal profession.
5. Judicial power is exercised independently of either the
executive or legislative powers and individual judges base
their decisions solely on facts and law of individual cases.
What makes up the rule of law?
No freemen shall be taken or imprisoned or disseised or
exiled or in any way destroyed, nor will we go upon him
nor send upon him, except by the lawful judgment of his
peers or by the law of the land. ARTICLE 39, MAGNA
CARTA (1215)
In 1215, King John of England signed the Magna Carta (or
Great Charter). A group of barons, powerful noblemen who
supported the king in exchange for estates of land, demanded
that the king sign the charter to recognize their rights.
Article 39 of the Magna Carta was written to ensure that the
life, liberty, or property of free subjects of the king could not be
arbitrarily taken away. Instead, the lawful judgment of the
subjects peers or the law of the land had to be followed.
So what does this ancient document have to do with the rule
of law? Quite a lot. It recognizes that a persons fate should not
be in the hands of a single individualhere, the king. It
demands that a judgment against a person be made in
accordance with the law. Magna Carta planted the seeds for
the concept of due process as it developed first in England,
and then in the United States. Due process means that everyone
is entitled to a fair and impartial hearing to determine their
legal rights.
If men were angels, no government would be
necessary. In framing a government which is to be
administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies
in this: you must first enable the government to control

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the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control
itselfJAMES MADISON, FEDERALIST PAPER NO. 51
(1788)
James Madisons quote from the Federalist Papers gets at
the heart of the problem that even a government of law is
ultimately administered by men over men. The framers of the
U.S. Constitution addressed this problem by dividing power
among the different branches of government (legislative,
executive, and judicial). This framework for government,
known as the separation of powers, ensures that no one
person is able to gain absolute power and stand above the law.
Each branch of our government has some level of control or
oversight over the actions of the other branches.
The rule of law does not depend upon a U.S.-style separation
of powers. In a parliamentary system, for example, the powers
of the executive and legislative branches are combined;
procedures such as no confidence votes and regularly
scheduled elections serve as a check on the party that controls
the parliament. The key point is that every form of government
has to have some system to ensure that no one in the
government has so much power that they can act above the
law.
To make laws that man can not and will not obey,
serves to bring all law into contempt. It is very
important in a republic, that the people should respect
the laws, for if we throw them to the winds, what
becomes of civil government? ELIZABETH CADY
STANTON (1860)
It is very difficult for a nation to maintain the rule of law if
its citizens do not respect the law. Assume that people in your
community decided that they didnt want to be bothered by
traffic laws and began to ignore stop signs and traffic
signals. The ability of police officers to enforce the laws
would be overwhelmed and the streets of your community
would quickly become a chaotic and dangerous place. The
rule of law functions because most of us agree that it is
important to observe the law, even if a police officer is not
present to enforce it. Our agreement as citizens to obey the
law to maintain our social order is sometimes described as
an essential part of the social contract. This means that, in
return for the benefits of social order, we agree to live
according to certain laws and rules.
Elizabeth Cady Stantons quote also highlights another
important aspect of the rule of law. People must be asked to
obey laws that they can and will obey. If laws become
impossibleor even difficultto follow, the respect of citizens
for the law will begin to erode.
There can be no free society without law administered
through an independent judiciary. If one man can be
allowed to determine for himself what is law, every
man can. That means first chaos, then tyranny.U.S.
SUPREME COURT JUSTICE FELIX FRANKFURTER,
UNITED STATES V. UNITED MINE WORKERS (1947)
Judicial independence means that judges are
independent from political pressures and influences when
they make their decisions. An independent judiciary is
essential to maintaining the rule of law. Judges should not be
pressured by a political party, a private interest, or popular
opinion when they are called upon to determine what the law
requires. Keeping the judiciary independent of these
influences ensures that everyone has a fair chance to make
their case in court and that judges will be impartial in
making their decisions. Judges also must explain their
decisions in public written opinions,and their decisions can
be appealed to a higher court for review. These elements of
judicial decision-making ensure that judges remain
accountable to the rule of law.
From the very beginning, our state and national
constitutions and laws have laid great emphasis on
procedural and substantive safeguards designed to
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Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
assure fair trials before impartial tribunals in which
every defendant stands equal before the law. This
noble ideal cannot be realized if the poor man charged
with crime has to face his accusers without a lawyer to
assist himJUSTICE HUGO BLACK, GIDEON V.
WAINWRIGHT, 372 U.S. 335 (1963)
The Supreme Courts opinion in Gideon v. Wainwright
secured the right to counsel for indigent criminal
defendants unable to afford legal assistance on their own.
The decision in Gideon was grounded in the Sixth
Amendment to the Constitution, which guarantees criminal
defendants the assistance of counsel. At issue in Gideon
was whether this guarantee of assistance required the state
to provide legal counsel if a defendant could not afford to
exercise his or her constitutional right.
In a criminal trial, the state has many resources at its
disposal, including lawyers who prosecute the states case. As
Justice Black notes, it is difficult to claim that a defendant has
been treated with fairness and impartiality and has been
given equal standing before the law if the defendant must
face the state without a lawyer of his or her own.
I submit that an individual who breaks a law that
conscience tells him is unjust, and who willingly accepts the
penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the conscience of
the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the
highest respect for law. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.,
LETTER FROM BIRMINGHAM JAIL (1963)
The words of Martin Luther King from Birmingham Jail
remind us that there is a distinction between law and justice.
The law, even if it is uniformly applied, does not in itself
guarantee a just result. The rule of law is intended to promote
stability, but a society that operates under the rule of law must
also remain vigilant to ensure the rule of law also serves the
interests of justice. As this quote points out, the continued
strength of the rule of law sometimes depends on individuals
who are willing to risk punishment in pursuit of justice.
[N]either laws nor the procedures used to create or
implement them should be secret; and . . . the laws must not be
arbitrary. U.S. COURT OF APPEALS JUDGE DIANE WOOD,
THE RULE OF LAW IN TIMES OF STRESS (2003)
Judge Woods comments highlight the need for, first, an
open and transparent system of making laws and, second, laws
that are applied predictably and uniformly. Openness and
transparency are essential. If people are unable to know and
understand what the law is, they cannot be expected to follow
it. At the same time, people deserve to know why a particular
law has been passed and why they are being asked to obey it.
The rule of law also requires that people can expect
predictable results from the legal system; this is what Judge
Wood implies when she says that the laws must not be
arbitrary. Predictable results mean that people who act in the
same way can expect the law to treat them in the same way. If
similar actions do not produce similar legal outcomes, people
cannot use the law to guide their actions, and a rule of law
does not exist.
When we [Americans] talk about the rule of law, we assume
that were talking about a law that promotes freedom, that
promotes justice, that promotes equality. U.S. SUPREME
COURT JUSTICE ANTHONY KENNEDY, INTERVIEW WITH
ABA PRESIDENT WILLIAM NEUKOM (2007).
Justice Kennedy suggests that the rule of law has taken on
special meaning for the people of the United States, based on
our history of looking to the law to fulfill the promises of
freedom, justice, and equality set forth in our nations founding
documents. As will be further discussed in Part II of the
Dialogue, our understanding of the rule of law in the United
States did indeed develop around the belief that a primary
purpose of the rule of law is the protection of certain basic
rights. The United States Constitution represented the first
effort by a nation to establish a written constitution of laws
that would bind the government and guarantee particular

rights to its people. Today, the rule of law is often linked to
efforts to promote protection of human rights worldwide.
The Rule of Law Problems in Pakistan: An
Anthropological Perspective of the Daughters
Traditional Share in the Patrimony in the Punjab
(By Azam Chaudhary, Professor, National Institute of Pakistan Study, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.)
Abstract
This article is a contribution to the ongoing debate about
implementing rule of law in Pakistan. Rule of law requires
the unity of law which is mostly in the form of state law.
Pakistan is a legally plural society where completely different
and independent systems of law like the Islamic law, the state
law and the traditional law exist. The state and the state law
though do not acknowledge and accept the non-state laws as
laws but the reality is that the dominant practiced law in
Pakistan is the traditional law. Traditional law is found in a
variety of forms like panchayts, jirgas, informal meetings of
families, is dispensed by pirs, or chaudharys, etc. This is
because people practice law according to their social
structure and value system. This article discusses the
traditional law and uses the case study of daughters
traditional share in her parent patrimony to prove the above
assumption. The daughters do not claim their shares in the
patrimony but have other rights and obligations which in my
view suit the local cultural logic and practices. The state law
does not fit well with the existing cultural values and
practices. If the state wants to implement rule of its law it has
to first implement uniform socialization in the form of
universal formal (school) education.
The active debate about the rule of law is comparatively a
recent phenomenon in Pakistan. It all started with the
dismissal of Chief Justice of Pakistan on Nov. 2007 by the
then military chief/President General Pervaiz Musharaf. The
lawyers launched a movement for the restoration of the Chief
Justice. This movement is often referred to as the movement
for the rule of law. People from all sections of the society
Lawyers, civil-society organizations, human-rights activists,
journalists and academics participated in this movement. The
electronic media played an especially active and dominant
role in making this movement popular and successful. Some
political parties like Muslim League (Nawaz) made the
31
restoration of the independent judiciary (the rule of law) a major
agenda point in the 2007 elections and earned tremendously the
public vote and sympathy as a result. The Chief Justice who
henceforth became a symbol for free judiciary himself in his
several speeches stressed the importance of the rule of law for
Pakistan. The many seminars and talk shows on a number of
mainly news TV channels discussed the issue of the rule of law in
Pakistan. The demand and introduction of Nizam-e-Adal (also
sometimes translated as Sharia or Islamic law) or even
insurgency in Swat is often interpreted as the lack of the rule of
law. What is meant by the rule of law and how to achieve it has
but never been properly discussed.
Introduction
We know from the relevant literature that there are at least three
broad types of laws prevailing in Pakistan: the state law, the
Islamic law and the customary law. The same literature also
reveals that the most prevalent law of the country is customary
law. The rule of law requires the implementation of the national
law or the law of the state (details later). We know that the
official law and the customary law are two different things. The
traditional law is said to functions according to the local
values/culture of the people which is caste/kinship/tribe based.
The official law follows values like individualism which are
imported values/concepts of Western society . The question is;
how could the implementation of the state law be achieved in
such circumstances? The first necessary step for the
implementation of the rule of law is achieving the unity of law.
An important question in this regards is if the unity of law is
achievable? To be able to answer this question we need to know
if customary law is undergoing a change more particularly
whether local culture could be socially engineered to achieve this
unity of law. This article is an attempt to discuss these and some
other questions with the particular focus on the relevance of
culture for the rule of law in Pakistan. Some of the background
questions are: What is meant by the rule of law? Why there is
rule of law in some countries, for instance, Germany and why it
is absent in others, like for example, Pakistan? The final and
important question is if the achievement of the rule of law which
requires fundamental changes in social structure is a desirable
step?

Research Articles for CSS Essay Topics
The daughters share in the patrimony in the Punjab where
the author did his fieldwork has been chosen as a case study
to illustrate the whole debate. Anthropologists are may be
unanimous in their views that: the way a people settle
disputes is part of its social structure and value system. 12
There is a wide gap between the official/Islamic law and the
customary law practices with regards to the share of the
daughter in the property of her father. The overwhelming
majority of the people in the Punjab particularly in the rural
areas follow customary law which is that the daughters do
not claim13 any share in the property of their parents. In my
view the social structure of the Punjabi society in general and
the rural Punjab in particular is such that for the
daughters/sisters not getting a share in the patrimony is
socio-economically more beneficial than the legal half share
(compared to their brothers) they have claim to. The Punjabi
society is a kinship based society. The ideal/kern relationship
is a brother/sister relationship and not a husband wife
relationship. Claiming the share by the sisters would mean
taking away from brother and handing over to the husband
which is said to be a relationship of three words talaq
pronounced three times - whereas the brother-sister
relationship is an ideal of the Punjabi kinship relationship.
My view is that if we want to change, for instance, the
traditional law of daughters patrimony for implementing the
official/Islamic law the social structure particularly its
kinship base has to be changed fundamentally. Because the
rule of law as Krygier and Mason define it is a state of
affairs, with complex, multi-layered elements of various
provenances, rather than any particular set of institutions.
Most aspects of a society its balance of power, economic
structure, family patterns, education, media, as well as legal
institutions are relevant to the degree the rule of law
prevails with it. Having said this, it is important to bear in
mind that the socially engineered changes do not only often
fail in achieving the desired results they may also frequently
lead to totally undesired side effects. In other words
implementing official share of daughter in the patrimony
means changing marriage practices, destruction or at least
replacement of present (joint/extended) family and kinship
system with a nuclear family making individual as supreme
as in the West (discussed in detail in later part of the article).
The question is not only if such changes are instantly possible
the more important question is if these changes are desirable
as destination. I am personally not very sure if the Western
styled individual based contract society with free market
ideology, individualism and capitalism is a preferable
alternative to the status based kinship society. The idea that
change could be brought 56\ one area i.e. law of inheritance
without affecting the other i.e. the nature of social structure
and kinship may not possibly work.
What is the problem for me as an anthropologist with this
state of affairs called the rule of law? Let me start by saying
that anthropologists have no problems if the unity of law (in
the sense that no or at least no major and basic difference
exists between the law of the state and the local culture)
already exists. Having written this it is a fact accepted by all
including jurists that the unity of laws does not exist in the
developing countries like Pakistan. We know that even the
most developed countries in the world are culturally and
legal plural. The difference between the developed countries
like UK, Germany, etc. and the developing countries
particularly those having a colonial past like Pakistan is the
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Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
degree of the gap or difference between the official law and the
local culture or customary law, the gap being largest in the
developing countries. The problem for anthropologist is not only
that the paradigmatic concept of law is one and only law of
the national state but the idea that the unity of law is achievable
and has to be achieved. I would like to present the view below
that the attempts to achieve the unity of law in the name of
science and rationality are actually implementing the customs of
the majority and dominant groups/countries at the cost of the
dominated, weak and minority.
Jurisprudence in my view remains the most conservative of all
the social sciences particularly ideas like the rule of law because
it is based on the same principles of rationality and universality
found in the 18th and 19th century debates of natural law and
positivist principles. This is most evident today in current
arguments about universal human rights The natural law
theory assumes the existence of a universal, underlying system
of justice and right which is distinguishable from mere human
enactments, norms and judgments. Positivist theorists were
disturbed with these ideas of the natural law only for its being
unscientific, that it was grounded on a mythical entity, and that
it confused law with morality. The social sciences are, at least
since the last quarter of the 20th century, very critical of any
ideas of universally valid reality and particularly the view that
this reality could be found out by the so called scientific
methods. The Orientalism related debates have brought forward
the views that texts (laws) exist in contexts i.e. cultural contexts
and that there are no methods discovered for detaching
knowledge, or so called facts from politics and ethnocentrism.
The most problematic aspect of the doable view in the rule of
law is that it is approached in a very what Krygier has called
breathtakingly mechanistic way. It is assumed that Aid
providers know what endpoint they would like to help countries
achieve the Western-style, rule-oriented systems they know
from their countries In-spite of the fact that we know that
law related practices developed over long periods, and with
little deliberate design to produce the results they have. To pluck
out of this dense thicket of institutions, cultures, traditions,
mores and practices, merely the formal rules or architecture of
legal institutions is simply to pick at leaves. We also are aware
that: most of the greatest success stories of the rule of law owed
nothing to professional rule-of-law promoters. The notion is
based on the assumption that a country achieves the rule of law
by reshaping its key institutions to match those that are
considered to have the rule of law. So in short build them and
they will come.
In short in debates about achieving the unity of law for the rule
of law the local cultures especially those of the minority groups
become irrational, unscientific at worst an irritant or an evil
necessity that need to be removed. The attempt to bring about
the unity of law for the rule of law does not end in the national
boundaries. Looking at the transnational impacts including the
colonial past the unity of law is deemed to end up in attempting
to convert all the non-western laws into the Western law. My
basic focus in this paper is not to show how the unity of law is
attempted at the cost of the local cultures but to show that local
culture is not irrational and illogical as it is presented in the
unity of law and the rule of law debates. Being cultural relativist

Research Articles for CSS Essay Topics
2017
I am of the view that customary law as part of culture has its
own logic and that this local cultural logic needs to be
understood in its own cultural context.
Talking about legal pluralism in countries like Pakistan is
acknowledging the existence and relevance of several legal
orders instead of ignoring them as the jurists at least
officially do. The rule of the state law may be taken as an
ideal to be achieved in the long run. Important for achieving
this idea is also realization that the gap between the practice
and official (ideal) should not be so big that it is impossible to
bridge. Therefore a practical approach should start by
accommodating the local culture (legal pluralism) and adopt
a slow and steady long term approach to achieve the ideal
(more details in conclusion). If we want to bridge the gap we
have to learn the logic in the local customs so to say to find
the local wisdom instead of only looking towards the West
and to accommodate it in the reconstruction of the state
system of law.
This is a theory that can account for a situation in which
different value systems of somewhat equal moral validity can
operate together by accepting the norms generated with
multiple centers and by creating semi-autonomous fields for
their implementation.
The logic in traditional practice of daughter
inheritance
There is a wide gap between the theoretical official/Islamic
law of inheritance for the women and the customary law. A
following small selection of verses from the Quran lay down
the foundations of the Islamic/official law of patrimony in
Pakistan.
Allah chargeth you concerning (the provision for) your
children: to the male the equivalent of two females, and if
there be women more than two, then theirs is two-thirds of
the inheritance, and if there be one (only) then the half.
At the end of the same Surah, there is a provision for the
collaterals:
They ask thee for a pronouncement, say: Allah hath
pronounced for you concerning distant kindred. If a man die
childless and he have a sister, hers is half the heritage, and he
would have inherited from her had she died childless. And if
there be two sisters, then theirs are two-thirds of the heritage,
and if they be brethren, men and women, unto the male is the
equivalent of the share of two females.
In order to make these provisions imperative and
enforceable, God promises divine reward for abiding by them
and prescribes divine punishment for disregarding them in
the following words of the Quran:
These are limits (imposed by) Allah. Whoso obeyeth Allah and
His messenger, He will make him enter Gardens underneath
which rivers flow, where such will dwell forever. That will be
the great success. And whoso disobeyeth Allah and His
messenger and transgresseth His limits, He will make him
enter Fire, where such will dwell forever; his will be a shame
full doom.
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Weekly Analysis May 4th
The practice in the Punjab especially in the rural areas is that the
daughters or sisters do not claim any share. The prevalent
practice is that the daughters/ sisters relinquish their patrimony
rights especially landed property rights by signing away their
inheritance to their brothers. I do not want to follow here the
argument that dowry and other gifts to the daughter/sister are
equivalent or not of her share. The village where I did my
fieldwork only two sisters have claimed their inheritance and
both of them were married and lived in the same village and as a
first instance had conflicts with their brothers. This is in-spite of
the fact that all those women who have contacted official courts
for securing their inheritance rights got a sympathetic verdict.
Shaheen Sardar Ali a prominent Pakistani lawyer and activist in
the field of women rights and status in Pakistan provides us very
interesting detailed analysis of inheritance disputes from the
record of the higher courts in Pakistan. She writes: From 1947
to date we find that whenever a woman has approached the
superior courts for protection of her right to inherit, she has met
with a very positive response. She remarks further that: , in
comparison to other areas of family law, the quantum of cases
raising issues of inheritance and succession rights for women is
extremely low. She asks: why in spite of favourable decisions by
the courts there are so few cases for patrimony keeping the fact
in view that almost no women receive their share? Answering
the self raised question she writes that the pressure from both
family and society to forego ones inheritance is so compelling
for women that they are simply unable to raise their voices and
forced to settle oft of court.
My question is why this pressure does not function when the
same women go to courts against their husband for divorce and
custody. I am of the view that women do not want to claim their
share because they will end up as losers. As has already been
mentioned it means that the Punjabi society is a kinship based
society where brother-sister make the kern of the system
compared to husband and wife which is a contract relationship.
Claiming share by the sister would simply mean taking from the
brother and giving it to the husband.
Brother-sisters as kern Relationship in Punjabi kinship
system
The brother sister relationship has to be understood in the light
of the marriage rules and family system of the Punjab. The
central assumption of this paper to state once more is that
because sister-brother and not husband-wife make the core of
the social structure and kinship system of the Punjab the
daughters/sisters do not claim their share. The question is how
this kinship structure influences the not demanding of share in
the patrimony by the sister? First let me explain how it is the
sister and brother and not husband and wife that lie at the centre
of the Punjabi kinship. I want to start with one of the most
famous love epics of the Punjab, Mirza Sahiban.
According to the details relevant for us Mirza came to take
Sahiban away before her family married her of to somebody
else. Sahiban tells Mirza on their way how cruel and strong her
brothers were and that they would kill both of them if they found
them. Mirza proudly told her his marksmanship with his bow
and arrows. As a demonstration he successfully aimed at the
peak of a flying pigeon. During their further journey Mirza got

Research Articles for CSS Essay Topics
2017
tired and they stopped for a rest where Mirza fell asleep. As
soon as Sahiba saw her brothers approaching she broke the
head of all the arrows. Sahibans love for her brothers
overtook her love for Mirza or even love of her own life. I
think this love epic shows the ideals of the Punjabi kinship.
In several M. Sc. classes at the Quid-i-Azam University,
Islamabad I asked female students as to who among them
would demand her share of the patrimony? The response
average ranged between zero and one among ten female
students. The sisters in the Punjab continue to dominate the
houses of their fathers and brothers long after their
marriages. A wife is considered an outsider who comes and
destroys the family which is ideally joint and extended. This is
expressed in proverbs like: Ooan prayan jayan laraon
sakyan bhayan (the alien come into the house and make the
brother fight each other). The relation between the family of
the groom and the family of the bride is of antagonism and
mistrust. This may be observed at the time of marriage
ceremony. The grooms party enters the village of the bride
shooting in the air, using crackers for making noises, beating
drums, riding cars resembling an attack on the village as if it
was a marriage by rob. The groom and his people could be
asked to perform a challenging job that could include things
like shooting at a difficult aim, solving a puzzle, or a
challenge in riding, etc. before they are given the hand of the
bride.
Marriage negotiations that take place before the actual
marriage are also full of mistrust. Both parties exaggerate in
matters, for example, relating to economic status, education,
age, etc. All the social networks are used to reach the truth.
This mistrust continues after the marriage, at least the first
years. The mother-in-law fears that the bride wants to
establish an independent household, i.e. try to disintegrate the
joint family of her sons. She therefore does not want her sons
to be intimate with their wives. Thus, it is a common value in
the village that the men of honour and prestige spend little
time at home with their women folk. They come to their
homes only for short whiles and even eat preferably at mens
places like dera, hawaili and thara. The wife similarly fears
being divorced and robbed of her dowry including the costly
golden jewellery. In the worst case the relation of husband
and wife is said to be a three words relation (divorce, divorce
and divorce) and woman is often compared to shoes which
one wears if they fit. Original Punjabi saying goes: Aurat te
paer de juti ae puri aie te palaie neh te badal laie)
In contrast the relationship of sisters and brothers is of love,
obedience, respect and trust in the Punjab. The most cruel
person turns into wax for daughters and sisters, goes a
saying. Paradoxically though daughters and sisters are called
guests (prouhnian) at the homes of their parents. Thus,
parents start preparations for their daughters departure, i.e.
marriage, right after their birth. The issue of the daughters
departure is so emotionally charged in the Punjab that people
already start crying or at least get moisture in their eyes
when this topic is mentioned, for example, in folk wedding
songs like: Dhian taee dhan praya be bawla tun piayar kiyun
aina paya be bawla (Daughters belong to the others why did
you fell in love them oh father). There are similar songs of
daughters complains of married of to places far away from
the homes of their father and brothers: Bawal da baira shad
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Weekly Analysis May 4th
ke wieran tu door challi (Going for away from the courtyard
of the father and brothers, far away from toys and joys). Much
of these might be ideals but they shape the nature of Punjabi
society. The closest relationship for a woman in the Punjab is
that to her brother. The other most loveable relationship in the
Punjabi kinship system is of mammon i.e. mothers brother. The
maternal grandparents, particularly the grandmothers, are
famous for their love of the children of their daughters, though
parents are more worried if their sons do not get children,
especially male.
The daughters continue affecting the life in the houses of their
brothers at least as long as their parents live. If sisters have
quarrels or difficulties with their husbands, the wives of brothers
face the same. This is most clearly the case in exchange
marriages. Women even after their marriage call their natal
villages and families as their real (sada pend or sada ghar)
villages and houses. From daughters/sisters the women directly
become mothers consanguine relatives - without ever
becoming wives in the Western sense. Only by becoming
mothers, particularly of sons, women get their place in the
household of their husbands.
Now a woman can hardly be divorced. If the husband dies, the
woman will be kept in that household only if she has children,
particularly sons; otherwise she goes back to her parents house.
That the relation of brother and sister decides the nature of the
Punjabi family and society is also evident from the system of gift
exchange called Vartan Bhaji in ethnographic literature on the
Punjab. Vartan Bhaji consists of two words: Bhaji is usually
translated as sweats and Vartan as distribution or dealing,
combined dealing in or distribution of sweats. This is a very
elaborate system of gift exchange that Eglar called dealing in
relationships. Bhaji is not the whole gift exchange but the sweats
only. These are the sweats a woman brings from her parent
house, i.e. actually the house of her brother, for her in-laws.
These sweats are meant for distribution in the sharika, i.e.
patrilineage of her husband, which is actually also her sharika.
Thus women in the Punjab loose their sharika (biradari) after
marriage and become a part of their husbands sharika. This is
why people say that women have no zat, no biradari or sharika
of their own.
One could also argue from a different point of view that the
women actually lay the foundation of the sharika. The one time
brothers, through their wives, become sharik (enemy) in the
form of their sons. The foundations of this new relationship are
laid down by the sisters brother in the form of sweats. This
relationship between sisters brother and her husband is very
ambivalent. Thus, on the one hand, the sisters husband is the
most important guest for any Punjabi family. As a matter of fact,
when Punjabis introduce somebody as our guest (prouhna),
they mean that he is their sisters or daughters husband. In case
of any trouble for the sister or daughter he becomes the worst
enemy. The term for wifes brother is sala which is actually also
an abuse. This is a person who is actually robbing that (sex of the
sister) what the Punjabi brothers protect even at the cost of their
lives. The Bhaji relationships between brothers, patrilateral
parallel cousins, patrilineage at the extreme end i.e. the whole
biradari are of equality, fraternity hence of competition that
eventually turns into enmity. The relation of Vartan Bhaji

Research Articles for CSS Essay Topics
between brothers and biradari brothers are dealt with by the
women, i.e. wives, and then transferred to daughter-in-laws.
Here lies the crux: Wives are strangers between the brothers
and due to competition and mistrust the brothers become
enemies in the form of cousins.
Married sisters also get their share of the Bhaji that their
brothers wives bring from their brothers or fathers houses. sometimes strengthen the check), you often hear people shouting
Bhaji with sisters/daughters is, however, not operated by the
wives but is dealt with by their mother, father or brothers
themselves. The gifts which the sisters/daughters get are
called Thehi Tehan, an expression which can be translated as
giving to the daughter. On occasions such as religious
festivals (Eids), marriages of brothers, birth of sons, their
circumcision, or later on the sad occasions of parents deaths,
in short every time the daughter/sister visits her family.
Every time there is a celebration in the family of the married
daughter the parents go loaded with gifts for the whole
family. The most celebrated occasion is the marriage of the
children of the daughter. Her parents and brothers bring
what is known as nankishak and which covers almost the
biggest part of the brides dowry especially the marriage of
first daughter. When the brothers establish their own
independent households or when the parents are dead the
role of father is taken over by the brothers. The sisters are
said to become daughters of the brothers after the death of
the parents. Thus, Punjabis say that brothers are never
younger than their sisters and that the elder brothers are like
fathers to them. Hence all brothers are like fathers and
therefore they give Theh Thehan. This does not mean sisters
do not give gifts. They also bring gifts for their sisters-in-law
and brothers children but they receive many times more.
In my view, the traditional rights of the daughters/sisters in
the Punjab are compatible with their position and role in the
family and society. The State/Islamic law reserves the share
of the daughter in the property of her father. It is my
assumption that the daughters do not claim their
official/Islamic share in the property of their
fathers/brothers because what they have to give up is more
than what they would get. What she has to sacrifice against
her legal share is her relationship to the natal family. In other
words if a women claims her part of inheritance she will have
to do it at the cost of her relationship with her stem family.
This is particularly important for her in a society where
women can be divorced without any claim on the property of
their husbands. The women return to the family of their
parents/brothers in case of the death of their husbands in
case the couple was still childless. There are hardly any
examples and possibilities of women to live alone, i.e. without
men who are her fathers, brothers, husband and sons.
However, a woman who claims her legal/Islamic share of her
parental property decides for such a fate for her. In other
words she becomes a brother instead of a sister.
The next section brings a brief sketch of the prevalence of the
rule of law in Germany from my fieldwork experiences there.
This short introduction and discussion I believe should enable
us to better understand the problems relating to the rule of
law of Pakistan.
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Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
The rule of law in Germany: Some observations
A small group of pedestrians waited on a red traffic signal when
I reached the spot. I looked first right then left and having found
no traffic in sight set my foot to cross the street. Rooot! (Red!),
cried somebody from the group. This was by no means an
exception (in the sense that I was a foreigner though that might
at, for example, smokers in non-smoking zones Nichtraucher
(no smoking), or bicyclists going astray to the pedestrian
portion: Fussgaengerweg! (footpath!). Once I witnessed an old
man walking on a bicycle path. A young lady came riding a
bicycle. She rang the bicycle bell constantly and started shouting
as she approached the old man who could barely hear but
definitely move only at a slow pace. Astonishingly some two
meters free space on the right side was available as well as over
a meter on the left side of the bicycle path. The lady stopped and
insisted upon the privilege of her bicycle lane. The best examples
come from the household waste management. Household
garbage is sorted into different categories like organic,
inorganic, paper, glass, compost, etc. and families living in
different apartments of a building share common garbage
containers. Depositing the garbage into the wrong container or
garbage not sorted out leads to a number of disputes. Shocking
for many will undoubtedly be the revelation that the neighbours
know even minor details about the contents of ones garbage. I
have observed with amusement people washing their plastic
garbage before throwing it into garbage containers.
Gellner provided us a detailed account of how a relative
homogeneity of views or what Geertz has called civil sentiment
is achieved through state run formal education in industrial
societies. In his view:
Men acquire the skills and sensibilities which make them
acceptable to their fellows, which fit them to assume places in
society, and which make them what they are, by being handed
over by their kin groups (normally nowadays, of course their
nuclear family) to an educational machine which alone is
capable of providing the wide range of training required for the
generic cultural base. This educational infrastructure is large,
indispensable and expensive. Its maintenance seems to be quite
beyond the financial powers of even the biggest and richest
organizations within society, such as the big industrial
corporations.
This education that Gellner has named exo-socialization is the
production and reproduction of men outside the local intimate
unit furthermore this exo-socialization is universal,
standardized, and generic and is now the norm in industrial
societies. This, in his views, linked the state and culture which as
a result has made the informal socialisation by the family and
open society identical or insignificant compared to the exo-
socialization that has been mentioned above. The loyalty to the
kinsman is superseded by the loyalty to the state. Gellner called
this state of affairs in the industrial society the Mumluk
conditions becoming universal.
Let us go back to the case of Germany to see the impact of state
socialization. The focus of the socialization here is making
children independent individuals in life. This starts already from

Research Articles for CSS Essay Topics
the birth on. Babies get their own beds, toys, bedrooms, etc.
After reaching 18 years of age the pressure starts growing to
leave the parents house and those who do not manage it in
time may be called Muttershnchen (weaklings), or the like. Pakistan for the reverse in case of the so called love marriages.
One might hear one of the parents, mostly the father, saying
was sucht er hier noch (what is he doing here)? The We know from other enumerable cases that the court verdicts
successful partnerships or marriages now a days in Germany
are considered those where partners have maximum
independence. People learn to live independently and are not
ready to give up their independence. This socialisation
produces individuals, disintegrates the family and destroys
kinship system. This vacuum is filled by the state through
socialization that we called formal socialization (schools,
Universities) that is rational even scientific.
In sharp contrast to industrial societies like Germany, there
are several different forms of socialisations prevailing
simultaneously in post-colonial societies like Pakistan. We
can divide these forms of socialisations in Pakistan into two
main categories, i.e. informal (family, kinship, peer groups,
society as large, etc.), and the formal, i.e. imparted at the
private/public educational institutions {religious schools
(madaris), private and government run school systems}.
There is no universal education in Pakistan. Similarly the
education imparted at the different formal institutions - the
madrasa, private schools, and government schools - is very
diversified in nature. In most of the private schools for
example, the medium of instruction is English and the
syllabus is imported. Most of the government-run schools still
seem to follow the colonial agenda of producing clerks. The
madaris, further, appear to be teaching as if in the middle-
ages, both in terms of style and content. Furthermore, formal
school education is acquired primarily to secure
government/quasi government jobs. The socialisation in the
families, kinships, peers and the society at large - that which
may be considered real socialization - is markedly different
from formal or state socialisation. The informal local
socialisation furthermore differs from group to group and
region to region. As a whole we could say that the main
characteristics of education in Pakistan are cultural
differentiation and cleavage rather than homogeneity, as is
the case in industrial society.
Discussion and Conclusion
This article discussed the rule of law problems in Pakistan
with the help of a case study of daughters patrimony in the
Punjab. The rule of law if defined as dominance of the well
defined and well known laws state law - is almost absent in
Pakistan and if defined as a state of affairs which is almost
never complete and there is always a degree of prevalence
then Pakistan falls in the very low degree of prevalence
category of the rule of law countries. The rule of law requires
unity of law which is achieved in the form of state law.
Pakistan is legally plural having state law, customary law
and Islamic law being practiced here. The dominantly
practiced law in Pakistan could be safely said to be the
customary law. We wrote in the case of daughters share in
the patrimony that the theory of the official law is very
different from the prevalent customary practices. This
phenomenon is not limited to the daughters patrimony alone,
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Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
it is found in many other fields too. Daily newspapers frequently
report stories relating to the marriages where the customary
practices still prevail despite ruling of the Supreme Court of
have almost no validity. The families of the women are ready to
go to any length for acting upon their custom. Many couples
have been killed in-spite of the verdicts of the superior courts.
Another important area to mention is related to honor killings
and blood feuds in Pakistan. According to the report a famous
Jirga (council of village elders) in Sindh met to decide an old
blood feud. In its verdict the jirga ordered some innocent girls to
be given in marriage to the aggrieved family. The interesting
aspect of this case was that a Member of the National Assembly,
the District Mayor and the Tehsil Mayors (all of them are
supposed to represent the state and uphold the state law) were
members of this jirga. This is by no means an exceptional case.
Exceptional is perhaps that the Supreme Court of Pakistan took a
suo motu action, cancelled the verdict of the jirga, and declared
that it was an illegal, parallel system. The next day there was a
province wide crackdown against the jirgas by the police.
The giving of girls in marriage to end blood feuds, usually of
ancient origin, is known as Swara or Vanni and is an age-old
practice in the tribal areas of North West Frontier Province,
Sindh and Balochistan. The panchayats/jirgas are headed by
powerful, influential, aged and respectable personalities. In the
above case the jirga included political leaders from almost the
highest level in the area. The meetings of the Jirgas/Panchayats
are made on the request or by the consent of the parties involved
and most of their decisions are compromises arrived at after
discussion with these parties. The decisions of these
panchayats/jirgas in my view reflect the
values/traditions/culture of the people. The decision of the court
is made keeping in view the laws which have their origin in the
West and which as Moore wrote examine one distinct dispute
under laboratory conditions following the western values of
individualism, universal human rights, women right, etc.
Nothing against them but since they are not according to the
local values hence they remain rather an empty slogan.
The fact is that people do not accept laws, courts, official law if
and where it is against their values. Coming back to the case
study what did the Supreme Court of Pakistan ban, and was its
ban effective? According to the local custom the consent of
women is not sought for their marriages. It is a duty at one level
and a prerogative at another of the family or parents to marry
off their children. Women who arrange their own marriages are
considered almost whores. Such marriages are conducted in
secret, and the families of such women loose all honor and
respect among fellow villagers. They register cases with the
police declaring that their daughters have been abducted. These
couples are hunted down and, when they are found, killed (in so
called honor killings), except when sometimes the women are
ready to go back to their families and declare in the court that
their absence resulted from abduction. In the social context of
such practices, if parents are ready to marry off their daughter
to somebody without her consent, the Supreme Court cannot
prevent it. Moreover, jirgas are constituted informally, without
either fixed permanent members or written proceedings. And
Jirgas/panchayats are everywhere in a literal sense, whenever
five people meet to decide something this is a panchayat/jirga.
Besides that, decisions of the courts very often remain
unimplemented in Pakistan. The government of Pakistan may
want to ban Swara, Vanni, and honor killings, but enjoys the

Solved Past Papers
support of only a small section of the society, primarily NGOs
and some womens organizations. The society at large still
approves the traditional customs.
The important question to conclude the discussion is what
should be done? The views about the lack of the rule of state
law in Pakistan could be summed up in two groups:
First group is of the view that lack of the rule of law is due to
technical reasons. This group consists of mainly the jurists.
They believe main problem is the lack of technical facilities
which includes lack of courts rooms, computers, less than
required personals like judges, police, and their low salaries.
This group considers culture only relevant as a hurdle and
holds culture for old, conservative, anti-development and
anti-modernization therefore at best needs to be removed.
This group prefers continuity of the present state of affairs i.e.
the state law as theoretically the only law in its present
nature following the ideals of the universal values of justice,
equity, fairness, basic human rights, women rights, etc. They
further believe that the state needs to implement laws
forcefully to reach the rule of law.
The second group consists of social scientists mainly
anthropologist who see the main problems of the rule of law
in the difference between the state laws and the local customs.
The lack of technical facilities is important but the main
hurdle is the gap between the state laws and the culture
following the old wisdom where there is a will there is a way.
In the long term we need to change both the official law and
the customary practices to minimize if not totally bridge the
Solved Past Papers
Solved MCQs of CSS Compulsory Papers 2015
MCQs of CSS Islamic Studies Paper 2015
1. The literal meaning of Wahi is? Peghaam Ponhchana
(To deliver message)
2. Who compiled Quran in the era of Abu Bakar Siddique ?
Zaid bin Thabit
3. What is Sahihain? Sahih Muslim and Sahih Bukhari
4. Slatul Istasqa is the prayer for? Rain
5. Masjid Nimrah is located in? Arafat, Makkah
6. Sermon of Hajj is delivered in ? Masjid Nimrah
7. What are WUD , SUA, YAGHOOS, YAUQ, NASR ?
Animals of Hazrat Sulaiman (A.S)
8. Last Ghazwa of the Holy Prophet (P.B.U.H) was?
Ghazwah-e-Tabuk
9. Four Sacred Islamic months? Dhil Qaad, Dhil Hajj,
Muharram and Rajab
10. Hadith-e-Taqriri means? Something done by
Companion in front of The Holy Prophet(P.BU.H),
which he neither displeased nor prohibited
11. Fal Yaboodu means ? They should worship (Surah
Quraish)
12. An-Nafsaat means? Women who blow (Surah
37
Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
gap between the two. For the start the first most important step
is to make the base of the state laws polycentric and plural so
that local culture is accommodated. It is important that the local
culture is treated at par with the official law. My view is that
social engineering is most effective if done in piecemeal manners.
Legal pluralism means acknowledging the plural base, defining
different sub-fields and giving them some autonomy for
following the culturally suitable practices. We have already
shown with the example of the traditional practice relating to
daughters share in the patrimony that there is an internal
cultural logic of this practice. If we want to change this custom
we have to bring about a change in the social and kinship
system. It takes a long time to change the kinship and social
system of a people. In my view this system developed over a long
period of time and is suitable to the prevailing local
circumstances. The change in the kinship and social system can
be achieved if the state takes over responsibilities like
socialization of the people and taking care of their social and
health securities which are at present performed by the kinship
and social system. The change of system is best achieved if the
state takes into her hands the education of it citizen which has to
be uniform and universal as was mentioned by Gellner in the
case of industrially developed societies mostly of the West.
Krygier and Mason wrote that about Germany and Japan:
In post-war Germany and Japan, the occupiers took charge of
education and transformed schools into transmitters of the
attitudes that the Germans and Japanese would need in order to
sustain and give substance to the new institutions being built.
Falaq)
13. Jadul Anbia is the name given to which Prophet?Hazrat
Ibrahim A.S.
14. Amin ul Ummat is the name given to which Sahabi? Hazrat
Abu Ubaidah Bin Jarrah
15. Fee- Jeedahaa means? Around her neck (Surah
Lahab)
16. Banu Thaqeef was located in? Taif
17. The Holy Book bestowed upon Hazrat Essa (A.S)? Injeel
18. Jang-e- Yammah was fought against ? and in the reign of?
Battle against Musailma Kazaab in the reign of Abu
Bakr R.A
19. Surah Ghafiroon is the second name of which Surah ? Surah
Mumin
20. Which wives Hazrat Muhammad (P.B.U.H) fathered
offspring? Hazrat Khadija R.A
MCQs of CSS Pakistan Affairs Paper 2015
1. Sheikh Ahmad Sirhind was born at? Sirhind
2. The total number of Prime Ministers till 1958 ? Seven
3. Ideology means? Science of Ideas
4. Anjuman-e-Himayat Islami was established in? 1884

Solved Past Papers
5. Islam means to? Obey
6. Which country opposed Pakistans membership of UN?
Afghanistan
7. When did the First Constituent Assembly of Pakistan
address?
11th August, 1947
8. Who was presiding the meeting of Muslim League when it
was decided that Muslim League will established? Nawab
Waqar ul Mulk
9. Who was against Luckow Pact? None
10. "The Reconstruction of Religious Thoughts" in Islam is
written by? Allama Iqbal
11. Who wanted to become the joint Governor General of both
India and Pakistan? Lord Mount Batten.
12. Mangla Dam is situated in which province? Azad Kashmir
(Mirpur District)
13. Who was the First Student of Deoband? Maulana
Mahmoodul-Hasan
14. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan retired as a Judge in? 1876
15. Who was the PM of India at the time of Tashkent
Declaration? Lal Bahadur Shastri
16. Altah Hussain Hali has written Hayat-e-Jawaid on? Sir
Syed Ahmed Khan
17. First Martial Law was imposed by? Iskender Mirza
(1958 )
18. Who dissolved the first constituent assembly of Pakistan?
Governor General Malik Ghulam Muhammad(October
24, 1954)
19. The largest concrete dam in the world? Grand Coluee
Dam(It is the Dam on the Columbia River in the U.S. state of
Washington)
20. What was the Capital of Sindh during Mohammad Bin
Qasim invasion ? Alore (the medieval name of the city of
Rohri )
MCQs of CSS Current Affairs Paper 2015
1. Operation Desert Shield was launched by US to defend
Saudi Arabia in year:1990
2. Suez Canal was nationalized by Egypt in: July 1956
3. International Peace Day is celebrated since:1982
4. Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated in the age of: 39
5. Operation Enduring Freedom was launched by US in:
Afghanistan
6. Ozone Layer restricts: Ultraviolet Rays
7. World Water Day is celebrated every year on: 22 March
8. Ecology Deals with: Environment
9. For water purification Alum is used to remove: Mud
Particles
10. Metal used to galvanize iron is called: Zinc
11. Book of Kings commonly known as Shahnama was
written by: Firdaus Tausi
12. Galelio invented: Telescope
13. The concept that a single dominant power can maintain
world peace is called: Hegemonic Stability
14. Rational interests persuaded by individual causing
collective destruction is called tragedy of: Common
15. Humidity depends upon: (Temperature, Weather,
Location, All of these)
16. The largest part of Hydrosphere: Pacific
17. Friction can be reduced by changing from: Sliding to
rolling
38
Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
18. Latitude of a place expresses its regular position relative to:
Equator
19. The infrared radiation from sun are strongly absorbed by:
Water bodies
20. Operation Gibraltar resulted into which war: Pakistan-
India
(Source: CSS Forum)
MCQs of CSS Everyday Science 2015
1. An area of flat, low lying land adjacent to an ocean: Costal
Plane.
2. Galileo discovered that falling bodies have same:
Acceleration.
3. The change in frequency of a wave for an observer moving
relative to its source is called: Dopplers Shift.
4. The source of energy for brain is: Ketones.
5. The ready source of energy for athletes is: Carbohydrates.
6. Arthritis is: (i) A condition that affects joints (ii) Is
more common among adults (iii) A disease that can
impair a persons ability to perform every day. All
7. Dengue is caused by: Family of viruses that are
transmitted by mosquitoes.
8. The solid and liquid can be separated by the process of:
Filtration.
9. The composition of Sun is: 90% Hydrogen and 10%
Helium.
10. Accessory gland of digestive system close to duodenum is:
Pancreas.
11. Fat soluble vitamins are: A, D, E and K.
12. Protein content of edible part of egg is: 12%
13. What is disease? A disorder of structure or function in
a body.
14. How Asthma is provoked? (i) Combination of genetic
and environmental factors (ii) Allergy (iii) Genetics
15. Which material conducts heat and electricity: Metal.
16. The fuel used in rockets is: Liquid Methane.
17. Chemical name of Table Salt is: Sodium Chloride.
18. Milk is pasteurized because: To kill bacteria.
19. Gall bladder is part of which system: Digestive.
20. Genes in higher organism are located in: Chromosome.
21. Which finest filament grows from skin: Hair.
22. The thinking part of brain is: Cerebrum.
MCQs of CSS English Composition & Precis Paper 2015
SYNONYMS:
1. Flagrant: Glaring
2. Imminent: Impending
3. Astute: Shrewd
4. Averse: Reluctant
5. Prognosis: Prediction
6. Pungent: Sharp
7. Fiduciary: Trustee
8. Philandering: None of these (Unfaithful)
9. Poignant: Intense
10. Contingent: Conditional
ANTONYMS:
1. Veteran: Novice
2. Important: Trivial
3. Irregular: Prevailing
4. Spending: Revenue
5. Clumsy: Dexterous
6. Lauded: Disparage

Solved Past Papers
7. Cowardly: Bravely
8. Praise: Censure
9. Confuse: Lucid
PMS General Knowledge Paper 2014
1. Which Article of Constitution 1973 forbids slavery: Article
11
2. Labour Law of Pakistan forbids a work from adult worker
more than: 09 hours per day and 48 hours per week.
3. Mobile phone uses: Radio Waves
4. Longitude zero degree crossing Greenwich : Meridian
5. Sui generis means : Unique
6. Which vitamin is received from sunlight : Vitamin D
7. Rand is the currency of : South Africa
8. The largest ethnic group not having a separate state :kurd
9. According to ILO index, Number of working children in
Developing countries : 250 millions
10. Servile is opposite of : haughty
11.Bastille Day is celebrated in Which country? France
12. Straits of Hormuz : Oman, Iran, UAE
13. East of Eden written by : John Steinbeck
14. Yasser Arafat was died in : 11 November 2004
15. The Biggest city in Great Lakes : Chicago
16. Inca Civilization started in : South America
17. Which statement is false : Legislation is inferior to
judiciary
18. Which statement is false : Constitution conventions
are not binding upon anyone
19. Restitutio ad Integrum : Restoration to original
condition
20. Southern Cross which is a constellation consists of : 5
stars
21. Before independence Sylet was part of : Assam
22. Euphonious is the opposite of : Strident
23. Yangtze River passes from : only China
24. The largest state by electorates in the United States region
is : California
25. Stock Indices of Tokyo are known by : Nikki
26. Annuity is : Fixed payment which is paid after
certain time
27. Hobsons choice : No choice at all
28. From where Arab spring started : Tunisia
29. Hurricane effected eastern USA in 2012 : Sandy
30. Voucher may be : Payment bill, Bank receipt and
Wages list
31. Kyoto Protocol talks about : Pollution
32. Name of Libyan King deposed by Colonel Qadaffi : King
Idris
33. "Where wealth accumulates and men decay is quote by"
: Oliver Goldsmith
34. Baikal Lake is situated in : Russia
35. What is meant by Laissez-faire : Non-interference of
govt. in economic affairs
36. The Arab League was formed in : Cairo
37. Treaty about fragmentation of Ottoman Empire : Sykes-
Picot Agreement
38. The country having highest GDP in the world : USA
39. Brazuca is the name of : Football used in FIFA 2014
40. For how many years did Nelson Mandela remain in
39
Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
10. Neglect: Nourish
prison : 27 years
41. When stock market is going down, it is called : Bearish
42. Decibel is the unit of : Intensity of Sound
43. The element required for solar energy conversion : Silicon
44. Change in individuals behaviour acquired through
information & experience : Learning
45. Action based on the action's adherence to a universal rule or
rules : Deontology
46. Literally the word ethics stands for : Study of Morality
47. The mental act, condition or habit of placing trust or
confidence in another : Belief
48. The hottest planet is : Venus
49. _____ pointer arises when address of a deleted object is used
: Dangling
50. Which event occurred first : American War of
independence
51. The famous painting sunflower was made by : Van Gogh
52. Economic crisis of 1930s originated in : USA
53. The headquarters of APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation) : Singapore
54. Countries included in Horn of Africa : Eritrea, Djibouti,
Ethiopia and Somalia.
55. ASEAN was formed in : 1967
56. Which country is located in Levant Region : Syria
57. Thomas Cup is associated with : Badminton
58. Length of Great Wall of China : 8851.8 km
59. Father of French revolution : Jacques Rousseau
60. Divine Comedy was written by : Dante Alighieri
61. Which scientist is known as father of astronomy
: Copernicus
62. In France, the Bastille Day is celebrated on : 14 July
63. The Swaythling Cup is related to : Table Tennis
64. In 1774 Oxygen was discovered by : Priestley
65. Stone Age is also called : Palaeolithic Period
66. Pedagogy is the science of : Education
67. One Megabyte is equal to : 1000000 bytes
68. Maple Leaf is the national emblem of : Canada
69. Wheel is a symbol of : Progress
70. Parliament of which country is called as Diet : Japan
71. Who invented Bicycle : Kirkpatrick Macmillan
72. TOTAL AREA of Australia? 7,692,024 km
73. Baltic State : Estonia
74. What is meant by EQUINOX : Day and night are equal
75. Which sea is located in Central Asia : Aral Sea
76. What is viticulture: Cultivation of grapes
77. Widows Tears is the name of : Plant
78. Kalahari Desert is situated in : Botswana
79. The Author of New Deal was : president Roosevelt
80. Currency of Portugal : Euro
81. Parliament of Denmark : Folketing
82. First Asian Secretary General of UN : U Thant
83. The Headquarters of EFTA : Geneva
84. Bread for world is organization is located in : Washington
D.C

Solved Past Papers
85. ANSA is the news agency of : Italy
86. Aeroflot is airline of : Russia
87. Tegel is the international Airport of : Germany
88. Broadway Street of US is famous for : Cinema Halls
89. What is new name of Leningrad : Saint Petersburg
90. Cockpit of Europe is : Belgium
91. Land of Seven Hills is : Rome
92. Highest military award of Italy :medal of valour
93. Football World Cup of 2010 won by: Spain
94. In human body where are flat bones: skull and chest
both have flat bones
Solved FPSC Assistant Director Federal Government Organization (Intelligence Bureau)
Paper 2015
English
Fill in the blanks with suitable phrase
1. Although the Rajput army was outnumbered, the brave
general refused to____: Give in.
2. Having earned a lot of money in business Mr. Saeed ____
his poor cousins: Looks down upon.
3. The price of gold as well as silver ____ risen: Has.
4. The building was so old and dilapidated that it was
not____: Habitable.
5. Your Son had promised to call you to USA____: Hadnt
he.
6. A large majority of students ____ absent from the college
yesterday: Was.
7. He is very keen ____ going abroad, for higher studies:
For.
8. You are not justified ____ laying the blame my door: In,
at.
9. What you have done ____ no excuse: Admits
10. Timid by nature, the doctor, who was alone in his house
was frightened ____: At his wits end.
Fill with appropriate preposition
11. He came and sat ____ his wife and son: Between.
12. Please open the book ____ page 10: At.
13. Are you conversant ____ accounts: With.
14. If you persist ____ your views, you will turn everybody
against you: In.
15. Everybody complaining ____ corruption, in public life:
Of.
16. I am sorry I have to go back ____ my promise: On.
17. Send the book ____ my address: To.
18. He is very popular ____ his employees: With.
19. This girl is lost ____ all sense of shame: To.
20. He was warned ____ the danger quite in time: Of.
General Knowledge
21. The president of Iran is: Hassan Rouhani.
22. The Defence Secretary of United States is: James Mattis.
23. The Currency of Latvia is: Euro.
24. The heads of Government of the countries which are
members of Commonwealth meet: Biannually.
25. The headquarter of the International court of Justice
(UNO) are located at: Hague (Netherlands).
26. The headquarter of all the following international
organization are based at Vienna, except: United
Nations Development Programme.
27. The headquarter of European Court of Justice (ECJ) are
situated at: Luxembourg.
28. The host of first Olympics in 1896 was: Athens, Greece.
40
Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
95. If there is no atmosphere then colour of the sky: Black
96. Contours are the line connecting places having : Equal
height
97. Our sweetest songs are those which tell us about sadist
thoughts : Shelly
98. Who created famous character of "Dracula" : Bram Stoker
99. White goods are: Durable materials
100. America's cup is associated with which sport : Yachting
29. The European Parliament granted GSP Plus status to
Pakistan on: December 12, 2013.
30. The headquarters of United Nations Fund for Programmes
Population Activities (UNFA) are at: New York.
31. What is the Parliament of Denmark: Folketing.
32. Bread for the World institute which focuses on problems
of poverty and hunger in the world, is based in:
Washington.
33. What is Viticulture: Cultivation of grapes.
34. Which of the following countrys Parliament is called
Diet: Japan.
35. What is the highest military award of Italy: Medal for
valor.
36. Broadway Street of USA is famous for: Cinema halls.
37. Aeroflot is the airline of: Russia.
38. In the year 1774 Oxygen was discovered by: Priestly.
39. Which country is called the Cockpit of Europe: Belgium.
40. When the post of C-in-C was converted into the post of chief
of staff: 1976.
41. When the post of Chairman Joint Chiefs of staff was
started: 1976.
42. What is the highest official rank in Air Force: Air
Marshal.
43. What is the highest non-operational Military Award:
Sitara-e-basalat.
44. Name the only Chief of Staff who resigned from his post:
Jahangir Karamat.
45. Who is the only Civilian Martial Administrator in the
country: Z.A Bhutto.
46. Name the Captain who received the latest Nishan-e-
Haider: Capt. Kamal Sher Khan.
47. Who heads Pakistan Navy: Admiral.
48. Which one of the following tanks is being produced in
Pakistan: Al-khalid.
49. Who designed Pakistans flag: Amiruddin Kidwai.
50. The tune of National Anthem is based on: Eastern music.
Math
51. In a mixture of 60 litres, the ratio of milk and water 2:1. If
this ratio is to be 1:2, then the quantity of the water to be
further added is: 60 litres.
52. The surface area of cube is 216 sq.m. What is its volume:
216 cu/ m.
53. If Rs. 1000 is invested at 12% interest and interest is
compounded half yearly, what will be the total amount the
end of the year: Rs. 1123.60.

Solved Past Papers
54. Two trailes X and Y are are paid a total of Rs. 650 per
week by their employer. If X is paid 120 percent of the sum
paid to Y, how much is Y paid per week: Rs. 250.
55. Which one of the following figures will generate a cone
when rotated about one of its straight edges: A right
angled- triangle.
56. The ratio of the number of boys and girls in a college is 7:8.
If the percentage increase in the number of boys and girls
be 20% and 10% respectively. What will be the new ratio:
21:22.
57. Rana and Soban work together on a job for four days and
complete 60% of it. Rana takes leave then and Soban work
for eight more days to complete the job. How long would
Rana take to complete the entire job alone: 10 days.
58. The square roof of the cube of this number is the cube of its
square root. It is not 1 and it is less than 6. What is it: 2.
59. In the sequence 462, 420, 380, X, 306, X stands for: 342.
60. Ten per cent of twenty plus twenty per cent of ten equals: 2
per cent of 200.
61. A, B and C can do a work in 2 days. B can do it in 6 days
and C can do it in 5 days. How long would it take A to do
the work: 15/2 days.
62. If 70 men can build 4 houses in 12 months, how many men
would be required to build 6 house in 4 months: 315 men.
63. If 40 men build 4 buildings in 12 months, how many men
would be required to build 6 houses in 4 months: 180
men.
64. If 80 men dug 4 holes in 12 months, how many men would
be required to dig 6 holes in 4 months: 360 men.
65. If 50 men can do a piece of work in 8 days, how many men
will finish it in 10 days: 12 men.
66. The normal temperature of human body on the Kelvin
scale is: 310.
67. If 3 men and 6 boys can do a work in 20 days, then 6 men
and 8 boys shall take: In 6 days.
68. If 20 men can do a piece of work in 8 days, how many men
will finish it in 10 days: 16 men.
69. Pipe A can fill a tank in 5 minutes whereas B can fill it in 6
minutes. How long it will take both pipes, working
together to fill it: 30/11 minutes.
70. 28, 33, 31, 36, 7, 39 : 34
Science
71. Which of the following statements is false about vitamins:
it gives energy.
72. Which of the following groups of compounds constitute
carbohydrates: Starch and sugar.
73. Which of the following human organs is less susceptible to
harmful radiations: Lungs.
FPSC Inspector ASF (Airport Security Force) Paper 2015)
English
What is most suitable phrase?
1. Against ones grain___: against ones nature
2. At ones beck and call___: at ones service
3. Bad blood___: ill feeling
4. A dark house___: an unknown genious
5. To cut the Gordian knot___: to solve difficult problem
in a bold manner
6. To hit below the belt___: to make an unfair attack
7. To pay ducks and drakes with money___: to squander
money
8. On the spur of the moment___: without getting any
time to think
41
Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
74. When there is a decrease in the concentration of oxygen in
the blood, the rate of breathing: Increases.
75. The smallest blood vessel is called: Capillary.
76. Normal blood pressure of a man is: 80/120 mm Hg.
77. The function of pacemaker is: Initiation of heartbeat.
78. Rh factor is related with: blood transfusion.
79. If a patient has blood group AB and needs blood
transfusion, he: Can be given blood of AB, O, A or B
group.
80. Which of the following is body builder: Proteins.
Pakistan Affairs
81. In 1831, Syed Ahmad Shaheed came in to war against Sikh
under command of Sher Singh and was martyred along
with his many companions at: Balakot.
82. Mujahideen captured Peshawar after killing Yar
Muhammad Khan in: 1830.
83. Who sent French general against the Mujahideen:
Ranjeet Singh.
84. Ranjeet Singh tried to create disturbances anomg the
ranks of army of Sayyed Ahmad Shaheed and caused some
leaders to quit his party who were the leader: Pathan
leader.
85. Against whom Titu Mir waged war and succeeded:
Karishana and Kaliprasanna Mukerjee.
86. Hazrat Mujadad Alif Sani was a saint and mystic of the:
Naqshbandi order.
87. Iqbal paid great tribute to a sufi and saint, what was the
name of the sufi and saint: Hazrat Mujadad Alif Sani.
88. The real name of Mujadad Alif Sani was: Sheikh Ahmad
Sarhandi.
89. After Aurangzaibs death the political and religious affairs
of Muslims deteriorated. At this juncture who took the task
of reforming Islamic culture and social order: Shah
Waliullah Dehlvi.
90. Shah Waliullah Muhadis Dhelvi was born in: 1703.
Islamiyat
91. Hazrat Umar Bin Abdul Aziz died on: None (February, 720
AD)
92. When five prayers become farz: 11 Nabvi.
93. Bimirstan means: Hospital.
94. Abu Nasir Muhammad Al Farabi belongs to: Turks.
95. The actual name of Ibne Sina was: Abu Ali Al-Husayn.
96. The actual name of the Akber, the Mughal emperor was:
Jalal-ul-din Muhammad.
97. Al-andulus was conquered by the Arabs in: 711 AD.
98. Gibraitar is named after: Tariq Bin Ziad.
99. Musa Bin Nusair was Governor of: Africa.
100. Berbers belonged to: Morocco.
9. To take bull by the horns___: to face danger
10. To win laurels___: to win an honour
Tick the correct spelling
11. Deceive
12. Receipt
13. Embarrassed
14. Vacuum
15. Satellite
Select the alternative
16. Daunt___: overpower
17. Exorbitant___: Excessive
18. Pertinent___: relevant
19. Voracious___: greedy
 42

Solved Past Papers Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017

20. Remorse___: repentance 54. What Annual payment will discharge a debt of Rs. 1025
General knowledge due in 2 years at the rate of
21. The committee of the Norwegian parliament awards the 5% compound interest? ___: Rs. 551.25
prize for___: peace 55. A sum of money placed at compound interest doubles itself
22. The date of operation of first open heart surgery in India in 5 years .it will amount
was___: July6, 1959 To eight times itself at the same rate of interest in; ___: 15
23. The element of an electric stove made___: nicrome years
24. The blood pressure of a young male human being is ___: 56. A man borrows Rs 12500 at 20% compound interest. At the
120/80 end of every year he
25. The first Winter Olympic Games were held at___: Pays Rs. 2000 as part repayment. How much does he still
Chamonix (France) owe after three such
26. The electron was first identified by___: J.J. Thompson Installment? ___: none of these
27. The conservation hawks and owls is important to mankind 57. If the area of a rectangular plot increases by 30% while its
chiefly because these breadth remains,same
birds eat___: many harmful rodents What will be the ratio of the areas of new and old figures?
28. The best way to tackle local environmental problem is ___: none of these
to___: provide environmental 58. A typist uses a sheet measuring 2ocm by 30cm lengthwise.
education to the local people and create If a margin of 2cm is left
awareness On each side and a 3cm margin on top and bottom, then
29. The first attempt in printing was made in England by___: percent of the page used for
William Caxton Typing is: ___: 64
30. The first foreigner to receive Bharat Ratna was___: 59. What will be the cost of gardening 1 meter broad boundary
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan around a rectangular plot
31 Indian Rebellion of 1857 War of independence on 10th May Having perimeter of 340 meters at the rate of Rs. 10 per
from the town of___: square meter? ___: Rs.
Merruit 3440
Islamiat 60. 2 meters broad pathway is to be constructed around a
32. How many Sahaba were martyred in battle of Badar? rectangular plot on the inside.
___: 7 The area of the plot is 96 sq. m. The rate of construction is
33. Which of the following is the land locked country___: Rs. 50 per square meter.
Uganda Find the total cost of the construction. ___: data
34. Tehrir Square is situated in___: Cairo inadequate
35. Binghazi is a city of___: Libya 61. Which choice supply the missing figure in the following
36. River Nile originates from___: Lake Victoria series? 48, 45, 40, 33, 24.
37. Green which is located in___: England : ___: 13
38. Masjid Zu Qiblatain is situated in___: Madina 62. Akber sold his old gun Rs. 2500 which he was bought for
39. Who was a Historian, Justice, philosopher as well as Rs. 2500. what is his %?
Politician? ___: Abdur Rehman
Bin Khaldun Loss? ___: 64%
40. Which Surah of Quran has Bismillah twice___: Al Namal 63. Ali sold his old car Rs. 43,000. He was bought it for Rs.
41. In France, the Bastille Day is celebrated on___: 14 July 50,000 What is his
42. What is the new name of Leningrad? ___: St. Percentage loss? ___: 14%
Petersburg 64. A boy had twice as many sums wrong as right. If he had 25
43. If there were no atmosphere what would be the colour of suns in all, how many of
the sky___: Black Were wrong. ___: 16
44. White goods are___: Durable consumption goods 65. 100/100000= ? ___: 0.001
45. Our sweetest songs are those that tell us of saddest 66. A boy deposited Rs. 300 in the saving bank which pays an
thoughts. These words are interest of 5 %.
Attributed to.___: Shelley How much interest will be get in one year? ___: 16.5
46. The 1st Asian Secretary General of United Nations was: 67. What is 2% of 400? ___: 8
___: U- Thant 68. Find the positive square root of 2025. ___: 15
47. The author of the New deal was.___: Presidant 69. One side of the rectangle is 22 feet, which of the following
Rooseveit could be the perimeter of
48. What is the total area of Australia? ___: 7,891,000 Sq. The rectangle? ___: 54 feet
km 70. Find the interest on Rs. 300, for 2 years at 4% per year?
49. ASEAN was formed in: ___: 1967 What is the amount at the
50. Decibel is unit used for: ___: Intensity of sound Of 2 years? ___: Rs. 30, Rs. 330
Math Science
51. If a sum on compound interest three times in 4 years, then 71. A hydrophone is: ___: An instrument to detect sound
with the same interest rate, under water
The sum will become 27 times in: ___: 12 years 72. The voice of a mosquito is quite distinct from that of lion
52. The least number of complete years in which a sum of because: ___: The
money put out at 20% Frequencies of two sounds differ widely
compound interest will be more than doubled is: ___: 4 73. The musical notes having frequencies of 300, 400, and
53. A man Borrows Rs. 2550 to be paid back with compound 500are sounded
interest at the rate of 4% Simultaneously. Find the frequencies that will e heard by
Per annum by the end of 2 years in two equal yearly the year: ___: 100
installments, How many will , 200, 300, 400, 500
Each installment be? ___: Rs. 1352

Book Reviews
74. If the intensity of one sound is 10 times the intensty of
another, the two sounds differ
By: ___: 1 bel
75. According to Laplace sound travel in air as: ___:
Logitudinal wave motion
76. Velocity of sound at 0C in air is approximately: ___: 332
meters/second
77. Which of the following does not affect the reverberation
time of a room?
: ___: Frquency
78. A tunning fork having a frequency of 300 has a
wavelength of 4 ft. The Velocity of
Sound in air will be: ___: 1200 ft/second
79. When a stone is dropped into a lake from the top of a tower
400 ft high. The impact
Will be heard after how many seconds? ___: 5
80. No sound can be heard in: ___: Complete vacuum
Pakistan Affairs
81. Who set before Indian Muslims, the National goal which
later came to be known as
Pakistan? ___: Allama Iqbal
82. whose calm in 1930 made the Indian Muslims something
more than a community a
nation? : ___: Allama Iqbal
83. What was the fate of Abdullah bin hiyan? ___: Died in
battle
84. Muhammad bin Qasim on arriving Sindh established and
controlled the Indus
Valley as for north as: ___: Multan
BOOK REVIEWS
I. India vs Pakistan: Why cant we just be
friends?
Husain Haqqani
Juggernaut Books, New Delhi, India, 2016
Apart from the rather melodramatic disclosure of former
Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate (ISI) chief, Lt Gen (Retd)
Ahmed Shuja Pasha admitting that log hamare thay,
operation hamara nahin thha (the people involved in the 26/11
Mumbai attack were ours but the operation wasnt the ISIs),
Husain Haqqanis new book on India-Pakistan relations hardly
contains novel academic research or much anecdotal reflection,
which could satiate the palate of sensation mongering
audiences here.
Starting in promising vein from Muhammad Ali Jinnahs
March 1948 beach-walk confidences shared with then US
ambassador to Pakistan Paul Alling, Haqqani mentions his
founding fathers lament about failure to establish normal
relations with India. His introductory chapter on why we can
either be more than friends or become more than enemies
provides a broad, if somewhat sketchy and selective historical
narrative, of how conflict evolved in both countries.
Moving to Kashmir as Pakistans Jugular Vein, Haqqani talks
of lack of strategic thinking on part of Pakistans soldiers and
military planners, as also their circumscribed knowledge of
history, which made them reject partial solutions when
offered. He also blames India for promising, then putting off,
43
Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
85. The decisive battle between Raja Dahir and Muhammad
Bin Qasim was fought on:
___: 28th Oct 712
86. Which son of Raja Dahir embaraced Islam? ___: Jay
Singh
87. Babul-ul-Islam is celebrated every year in Pakistan on:
___: 24th July
88. The one of trusted commanders of Muhammad Bin Qasim
was: ___: Hakim Shaibani
89. Sultan Muhammad Ghaznavi carried about seventeen
espeditions in India between:
___: 1000 to 1026
90. Muhammad Ghauri stabbed to death in: ___: 1206 A.D.
Islamiat
91. Sulaiman, the Magnificent was an: ___: Ottoman
Caliph
92. The Mongols defeated: ___: The Abbasids
93. Bait-al-Hikam was established by: ___: Harun al-
Rashid
94. Carl Brockeimann is the author of: ___: History of
Islamic People
95. The Ottoman dynasty fell in: ___: 1924
96. Musaliama al Kazzab was: ___: False Prophet
97. Sulyman, he magnificent invaded Vienna in: ___: None
98. History of Medieval Islam was written by: ___:
Sunders
99. Armistics between Turkey and Allies too: ___: 1919
100. Kamal Mustafa was born in the town of: ___: Salonika
and finally cancelling a UN-organised plebiscite in Jammu and
Kashmir sixty years ago, persisting human rights violations
and the extensive militarization there. Since then, Haqqani
believes, Pakistan has been strong in rhetoric without
appearing to have a well-considered plan B, once Kashmir
was engulfed by militancy during the 1990s. Without openly
acknowledging State sponsorship here, Haqqani does
grudgingly admit that moral or legal arguments
notwithstanding, proliferation of Kashmir-oriented jihadi
groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Muhammad have
eaten away support for Pakistans position internationally.
Perhaps his own travails in his short-lived role as Pakistans
ambassador to the US after the `Memogate catastrophe in
May 2011 (a controversy revolving around a memorandum
addressed to Admiral Mike Mullen, ostensibly drafted by
Haqqani, seeking help of the Obama administration in the
wake of the Osama bin Laden raid to avert a military takeover
of the civilian government in Pakistan), lead him to aver that
any Pakistani suggesting normalization of ties with India,
preceding a final settlement over Kashmir, runs the risk of
being dubbed a traitor.

Book Reviews
Talking of Pakistans nuclear quest (Chapter 3), Haqqani
narrates the interesting experience of an American journalist,
Peter Landesman, who came across a slightly depressed Brig
Amanullah, head of Pakistans Military Intelligence in Sindh.
Amanullah not only wanted to nuke Indian cities Delhi,
Bombay, Calcutta (Pages 70-71) but who expected Indias
reprisal, destroying Lahore and Karachi.
This would result in massive deaths but enable children of both
nations to make a fresh start! (Article in The Atlantic: `A
modest proposal from the Brigadier, March: 2002). The
military officer was adamant about using the nuclear option as
he saw India as the font of all Pakistans problems. Haqqani
suggests that a similar mind set still prevails among Pakistans
top security planners. To buttress his argument, he refers to
Pakistans Adviser to the Prime Minister on Foreign Affairs
Sartaj Azizs March 2016 statement averring India, not
terrorism, is the biggest threat to the region and urging India
to reduce its stockpile before Pakistan could reciprocate.
Unlike scientists in other countries who avoid politics, Haqqani
contends, Pakistani nuclear scientists became active
proponents of Islamic and anti-Indian state ideology. While
serving as Adviser to Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 1996,
Haqqani met Dr AQ Khan when the latter was aspiring for
Pakistans highest civilian award, Nishan-e-Imtiaz, which he
was later awarded, in August 1996. Khan told Haqqani he had
not been honoured enough and should have been elevated to
Presidency for life.
Haqqani flags a bit of James Bond stuff wherein Pakistans
Ambassador to Germany Jamshed Marker openly reminisced
about Pakistans well known clandestine nuclear procurement
endeavours to diplomatic correspondent, Mariana Baabar. He
tellingly points out, for Pakistanis, deception and violation of
other countries laws in this nuclear quest to equal India
became a matter of pride.
Haqqani says clearly that serving Pakistani troops crossed the
Line of Control in Kargil in 1999. Benazir once told Haqqani
that Pervez Musharraf had come to her with a similar plan in
1995 when he was Director General, Military Operations
(DGMO), but she had shot it down. Haqqani is less certain
whether, in 1999, Nawaz Sharif mistakenly signed off on the
venture or was never fully informed of its scope.
The chapter on Terrorism = Irregular Warfare narrates old
facts and cites secondary data to recount known positions.
Neither a Hawk Nor a Dove-An Insiders Account
of Pakistans Foreign Relations including Details of
the Kashmir Framework
Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri, Karachi: Oxford University Press
The book is a treatise of Pakistans foreign policy and its
execution by a former Pakistani Foreign Minister, Khurshid
Mahmud Kasuri (2002-07). First person narration throughout
the text reinforces the autobiographic intent of the writer.
President Musharraf appointed Kasuri to head the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs when Pakistan was confronted with crucial
quandaries on multiple foreign policy fronts. During his tenure
as Foreign Minister, besides handling the post-9/11 quagmire,
Kasuri ventured into (re)starting the peace process with India.
The author has, ever since, publically owned this as a flagship
achievement of his tenure, and termed its discontinuation as an
unfortunate event for both the countries as well as for South
Asia.
To set the context, Kasuri summarises Pakistans security
dilemmas and corresponding efforts for peace since the
44
Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
Haqqani does acknowledge though, that ideologically
motivated jihadi militancy is not a tap that can be turned on or
off by governments at will. Throughout the 1990s, Pakistani
official media encouraged discussion of Ghazwa-e-Hind hadith
(practices and interpretations of Koran) as a justified way to
motivate jihadists. Today, Haqqani points out, many
Pakistanis realise that the countrys embrace of terror as
strategy has rebounded, endangering lives of Pakistanis,
engendering lawlessness and making Pakistan a potential
international pariah. Still, Pakistans generals remain
fundamentally wedded to the idea of irregular warfare.
Haqqani notes that in Pakistans case, treating India just as a
neighbour has proved difficult because of Indias centrality to
Pakistans identity as a separate nation. The ISIs view
remains that jihadi terrorism only counters the R&AWs
operations to weaken Pakistans ideology. As long as this belief
exists, that Pakistan must undermine India before India does
the same to Pakistan; it is unlikely that terrorism will stop
being an issue in the subcontinent.
Dwelling on The shrinking space for Friendship in his last
chapter, Haqqani reiterates, the India-Pakistan relationship
has become a victim of two parallel and contending
nationalisms. Under the militarys influence, Pakistani
nationalism has evolved as anti-Indianism. Indians too are to
blame, as they insist on describing Pakistani identity as
inherently communal, and, according to Haqqani, constantly
reiterate the need to dispute the two-nation theory. This puts
Pakistan on the defensive instead of making it feel respected
and self-confident.
Haqqani ends with an evocative reference to Fehmida Riazs
poem, Tum Bilkul Hum Jaise Nikle (you turned out just like
us), though he cites only its English translation, by Shabana
Mir. It is a pity, perhaps, that Haqqani penned this book in
haste. In many ways, it is a disappointing work. One hopes it
will not detract from his standing as an academic of repute,
which was justifiably predicated on his two previous
outstanding works: Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military
(Carnegie Endowment, 2005) and Magnificent Delusions-
Pakistan, the United States, and an Epic History of
Misunderstanding (Public Affairs Books, 2013). Still, for
Pakistan enthusiasts it may be worth a read.
(By Rana Banerji: Published in Institute of Peace and
Conflict Studies, India)
Partition till his assumption of office as Foreign Minister. While
doing so, he, by and large, sticks to the mainstream official
version of historic diplomatic processes (p.77-86). For his
vision of foreign policy, Kasuri is indebted to and inspired by
Henry Kissinger (p.119-120).
According to Kasuri, the objective of foreign policy is not to
provide a shoulder for the people to cry over indignation, or be
joyous over hope. Rather, it is to adapt to actual events as they
happen or are likely to happen. And that in this context, foreign
policy of a typical nation state is directly related to its domestic
political and economic situation; and that no foreign policy can
succeed unless it enjoys the support of the people. The writer is,
rightly, of the view that there needs to be some connection
between foreign policy objectives and ground realities, and
that unless Pakistan and India resolved their differences on the

Book Reviews
basis of a just peace, both countries have developed major fault
lines which could be exploited by others (p.119).
According to the author, Pakistan has been unable to capitalise
on its strategic importance and the gap between public
aspiration and official foreign policy has been a perpetual
inhibitor of bold initiatives by the handlers of foreign policy, be
it Kashmir or Pakistan-U.S. relations. Grand public standing in
Pakistan is emotionally entangled in historic wrangling and
anyone making the effort to cut lose from this is quickly termed
as a sell-out. The Kasuri eras unsuccessful back channel
initiative on Kashmir did not go down well amongst the
Pakistani public, which Kasuri the politician could not afford;
hence, he might have ventured to write this
book in an attempt to clear the dust. If so, he has failed. Details
revealed in the book indicate that Pakistan was well on its way
to appease India without accruing worthwhile reciprocity.
Notwithstanding, Kasuri drives home a pertinent conclusion
that street mood and opposition parties, of both sides, yield
impelling negative influence on forward traction of India-
Pakistan relations; which is a formidable obstacle to
circumvent. He is of the view that excessive partisanship of
political parties, both in Pakistan and India, on core issues
related to Indo-Pak relations has often averted the two
countries from resolving their issues. He suggests that, for the
sake of substantial and sustainable progress, both the
governments should break open the straitjacket imposed by
domestic blow-back effects.
While discussing the pre-normalisation process with India,
Kasuri narrates details about the post-Kargil tensions, the
inconclusive Agra Summit and attack on the Indian Parliament
in 2001 leading to nearly a year-long deployment of over one
million troops on the Pakistan-India borders. At that time, the
BJP government found it expedient to blame Pakistan
government out of domestic and political compulsions. The
objective was to have Pakistan declared a terrorist state
(p.155).
Later, in a departure from its stance of not dealing with a
military ruler, Prime Minister Vajpayee extended an invitation
to President Musharraf for the Agra Summit, mainly on L.K
Advanis urging. The Summit remained inconclusive because
the Indian side had dug its heels that there could not be any
significant movement on the issues that were of concern to
Pakistan unless there was sufficient emphasis on terrorism and
acceptance that it must end. Kasuri blames lack of sufficient
preparation for failure of the summit. This failure highlighted
necessity of bipartisan support for resolving major issues
between the two countries (p.161).
The 12th South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
(SAARC) Summit 2004 held in Islamabad, attended by Prime
Minster Vajpayee, provided an opportunity for holding
bilateral talks that led to the initiation of the Composite
Dialogue (CD) process a month later. The CD framework with
various brand names continues to be foundation stone of
whatever peace process has or has not crawled forward since
then. Kasuri points out, however, that:
When I assumed the Foreign Ministers office, the Americans
were working behind the scenes to ease tension [between India
and Pakistan] because of a nuclearised South Asia and their
interests in Afghanistan (p.181).
The book also details Musharrafs much touted out-of-the box
thinking. His notion of setting aside the UN resolutions on
Kashmir was indeed a faux pas. His four point proposal of (a)
initiating a dialogue; (b)
accepting the centrality of Kashmir; (c) eliminating whatever
is not acceptable to Pakistan, India and the Kashmiris; and (d)
arriving at a solution acceptable to all the three stakeholders
(p.189), were mutually contradictory, and hence non-starters.
Kasuri under the tutelage of President Musharraf followed a
line of action that could have ended up in freezing the status
45
Weekly Analysis May 4th 2017
quo on Kashmir. According to Kasuri, due to sensitivity of the
issue, governments of India and Pakistan decided to add a
preliminary back channel for maintaining confidentiality -
away from media glare to preserve it from derailment
attempts. The idea was to hammer out a draft, acceptable to
the people of both sides. It was good idea as long as it did not
deviate from the well-established parameters. However, the
details of the draft agreement reveal horrific details to the peril
of Pakistan:
It was therefore agreed that the level of self-governance [in
Kashmir] will be same in both sides. With this objective in view,
it was agreed that maximum self-governance would be granted
in legislative, executive, and judicial areas to each of the units
(p.337).
Indians made it clear that any solution would include all areas
including Northern Areas of Pakistan and despite our desire to
separate this region from the rest of J&K, we decided to show
some flexibility on the subject (p.339). The agreement also
stipulated that J&K could not be made independent; borders
could not be redrawn; the Line of Control should be made
irrelevant; and a Joint Mechanism be setup comprising elected
members from each of the two units of Kashmir (p.342). The
writer claims that resolution of the issue of Jammu and
Kashmir was just round the corner. If he is reporting the
matter accurately, then the Indian side was grossly foolish not
to cease the moment and capitalise on the Musharraf-Kasuri
strategic faux pas. The duo giving strategic concessions to
India without accruing a quid pro quo was a gross error of
judgment. In fact, the change of government in India, in 2007,
came as divine intervention and saved the day for Pakistan
since Congress had no interest in carrying forward the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) initiative.
The book also illustrates Pakistans relations with Afghanistan
in a candid way by stating that there is no country in the world
that has greater stake in a peaceful stable and prosperous
Afghanistan. Kasuri is of the view that there is recognition by
all sides that Pakistan has the ability to help ensure a final
settlement or to sabotage one. This imposes a great
responsibility on Pakistan to do all that it can to bring about
conditions of peace and stability in Afghanistan (p.545). He
narrates Pakistans relations with Turkey, Iran, and Saudi
Arabia (pp.713-738) in the context of common religious and
cultural linkages; and nothing previously unknown is
revealed. He also handles relations with Russia (pp.705-712)
and Gulf countries in a cursory manner (pp. 705-733). His
narration of meeting with the Israeli Foreign Minister is
interesting. He terms that encounter as A politically risky
enterprise (p.739). The meeting took place on August 31, 2005,
under the good offices of Turkey. Pakistans relations with the
European Union, Japan, Bangladesh, and Britain (pp.749-775)
also do not disclose anything new. He discusses Pakistans
relationship with China quite elaborately (pp.675-699),
covering topics like provision of nuclear power plants, the silk
route/economic corridor, China-India factor etc.
A chapter has been dedicated to the Pakistan-U.S. relations
under the caption Pakistan and the United States: The Odd
Couple. After charting the chronology and complexities of this
relationship, Kasuri is of the view that whenever the two
countries have engaged with each other meaningfully, they
have benefited; and whenever their relationship has been
strained, the interests of both countries have been hurt. Thus,
despite difficulties Pakistan and the U.S. are likely to find areas
of convergence and the need to maintain a truly robust
bilateral relationship (p.669). This is indeed a realistic
assessment since this relationship is destined to endure, though
in a roller coaster manner.
There is a chapter dedicated to The Foreign Office elaborating
the way diplomacy is conducted by Pakistan has sections on
Media and Public Diplomacy and Role of Personal

Relationship in Diplomacy. This chapter fairly illustrates what
Pakistan has and has not been able to achieve through
diplomacy, how and why. The chapter offers valuable insights
into the ways this institution has evolved since Sir Zafarullah
Khans days.
Kasuri dispels the impression that the Pakistan Army is an
obstacle to peaceful relations with India and reiterates that the
Army wants a just and equitable peace with India (p.470).
About civil-military relations, he concludes that it is the non-
institutional culture prevalent in running the government that
causes irritants. He is of the view that a potent National
Security Council under the Chief Executive could resolve the
issue (p.486).
Kasuri says that the purpose behind writing the book was to
correct perceptions amongst the people of neighbouring
nations. However, the work is mainly focused on Pakistan-
India and Pakistan-U.S. relations; and is an effort to justify
some of the controversial decisions made during the writers
tenure as Foreign Minister. The rest is fill-up material
overshadowed by official narratives on various aspects of
Pakistans diplomatic outreach. The 225 page long obsession-
46
driven account of his pursuit of peace with India amply
indicates his underlying guilt and repentance, which he does
not wish to acknowledge. Unfortunately, instead of apologising
to the nation on taking such a non-serious course on core
national interests vis vis India, the writer remains adamant
that progress achieved through backchannels should not go
waste.
Since the scheme of the book is a collection of compact and
exhaustive essays, and their division into chapters, sections
and sub-sections, repetitions are not infrequent. Quality editing
could have trimmed the volume substantially.
Notwithstanding, the book fills a critical void in the literature
regarding Pakistans foreign policy and conduct of external
affairs. Barring the portions of the text aimed at self-
aggrandisement and absolvement, the book can serve as
reference material for amateur as well as seasoned
researchers.
Reviewed by Air Commodore (retd.) Khalid Iqbal,
Consultant, Islamabad Policy Research Institute
(IPRI), Pakistan
.
47
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