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International Journal of Tourism Cities

Destination development and transformation: 50 years of tourism after independence in Singapore


Joan C. Henderson
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To cite this document:
Joan C. Henderson , (2015)," Destination development and transformation: 50 years of tourism after independence in
Singapore ", International Journal of Tourism Cities, Vol. 1 Iss 4 pp. 269 - 281
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http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/IJTC-05-2015-0011
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Destination development and
transformation: 50 years of tourism
after independence in Singapore

Joan C. Henderson
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Dr Joan C. Henderson is Abstract


Associate Professor at Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present a case study of the evolution of Singapore as a destination
Nanyang Business School, for international tourists, comparing contemporary circumstances with those existing 50 years ago when full
Nanyang Technological independence was attained.
University, Singapore. Design/methodology/approach A case study methodology is adopted and findings are derived from the
analysis of materials in the public domain.
Findings Function as a tourist destination cannot be understood without an appreciation of a places
history and evolving general economic, political and socio-cultural conditions. These determine opportunities
and constraints and thus the character and image of the destination from a tourism industry perspective.
Singapore is shown to have undergone transformation as a country and consequently as a tourist centre
under the leadership of a strong government which has brought prosperity to the now highly urbanised and
industrialised city state. Achievements are considerable, although the future is one of some uncertainty as the
wider context continues to change in ways which pose new challenges.
Research limitations/implications The papers core argument is that performance as a destination
cannot be separated from broader circumstances demonstrated by comparisons of Singapores tourism in
1965 and 2015 and the political, economic, socio-cultural and environmental contexts of the two periods.
Originality/value While possessing many unique attributes related to its defining characteristics, the
republics experiences afford valuable insights into the dynamics of destination development and especially in
nations which are young, small and rapidly modernising.
Keywords Development, Tourism, Singapore, History, Destination marketing, Destinations
Paper type Case study

Introduction
Much research focuses on the transformative powers of tourism, but perhaps overlooks the
phenomenon whereby tourism is transformed as a consequence of wider forces and conditions.
The subject of this paper is the development of international tourist destinations and underlying
dynamics with specific reference to the city state of Singapore. Singapore has undergone
dramatic alteration overall and in terms of tourism in the past 50 years and its current position
cannot be appreciated without an awareness of this history. The island, at the southernmost tip
of the Malayan Peninsula, was claimed as a trading post for the British East India Company by
Stamford Raffles in 1819. It was later absorbed into the British Empire and remained a colony
until 1959 when it was granted a degree of self-governance. Singapore joined the Federation of
Malaysia, much of which had also been under colonial rule, in 1963. The alliance was fleeting and
International Tourism Studies
Association relations between the two parties deteriorated in 1964 when the Singapore Tourist Promotion

DOI 10.1108/IJTC-05-2015-0011 VOL. 1 NO. 4 2015, pp. 269-281, Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 2056-5607 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j PAGE 269
Board (STPB) was founded. The expulsion of Singapore occurred in 1965 after Malaysian
complaints of political interference in its affairs by Singapores Peoples Action Party (PAP). The
PAP had been in office since the 1959 elections and was led by Lee Kuan Yew, regarded as the
founding father of modern Singapore. The island thereby acquired independence and the STPB
assumed the status of a National Tourism Organisation.
The years 1964 and 1965 were thus of great significance for the tourism industry in Singapore
and marked by 50th anniversary celebrations on the part of the Tourism Board in 2014 under the
banner of Tourism 50. It is also participating in SG50 events in 2015 commemorating the
republics birth. In view of these landmarks, it seems a suitable time to examine the evolution of
Singapore as a tourist centre and consider any conclusions which can be drawn from its
experience. The emphasis is on arrivals from overseas as domestic activity is curtailed by
constraints of space and resources and easy access to better endowed destinations. The
papers core argument is that performance as a destination cannot be separated from broader
circumstances demonstrated by comparisons of Singapores tourism in 1965 and 2015 and the
political, economic, socio-cultural and environmental contexts of the two periods. Particular
attention is paid to the part played by government which emerges as central to the story of
Singapore where contemporary tourism is an outcome of an effective administration, prosperous
economy, modernising society and urban landscape.
The paper takes the form of a case study which is a methodology advocated by Flyvbjerg (2006)
who maintains that it can be very useful in the social sciences, providing exemplars to help
understand realities and devise explanatory theories. Employing Flyvbjergs classification of
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cases, Singapore might be deemed critical because of a capacity to generate more generally
applicable principles, but it is also an extreme/deviant type (Flyvbjerg, 2006, p. 230) in light of
particularities which are likely to produce rich information. It is also an instance of comparative
success as both a destination and society (Diamond, 2011), another reason for selection as a
case study. The narrative is based on analysis of materials in the public domain assembled from
conventional print and electronic media with a reliance on secondary data from government,
industry and academic sources. Contemporary accounts are more abundant than those from the
1960s, but sufficient documentation and commentaries exists to complete the task. The author
has also drawn on personal observations and anecdotal evidence garnered as a long-term
resident of Singapore.

Tourism destination development and transformation


A tourist destination can be conceptualised in assorted ways and at multiple levels (Saraniemi and
Kylanen, 2011) and the appellation is regularly applied to a nation, although it obscures likely spatial
imbalances in the distribution of visitors. Destinations are dynamic entities and their development is a
complex phenomenon which has been extensively studied from a range of standpoints and drawing
on different academic disciplines (Gunn, 1997; Viken and Granas, 2014; Walton, 2009; Wanhill,
1996). While linearity is often implied (Butler, 1980), others suggest a more irregular and chaotic
pattern (McKercher, 1999; Pavlovich, 2014). There is a wealth of literature about impacts in assorted
forms (Deery et al., 2012; Song et al., 2012; Tang, 2015) and tourism is seen to have the capacity to
transform physical and socio-economic landscapes (Ashworth and Dietvorst, 1995; Minca and
Wagner, 2014). However, wider processes of change shape the development of tourist destinations
so that a political, economic, socio-cultural and environmental perspective is critical in understanding
their production and representation (Saarinen, 2004). The approach is depicted in Figure 1 which
constitutes an analytical framework for this review. An historical comparison of tourism linked to
these arenas can yield valuable insights into how and why destinations develop, enhancing
knowledge and informing future policy.
Various actors are at work in the above settings, not least governments which have a potentially
leading role in promoting tourism and are responsible for certain aspects of its management
(Bramwell, 2011; Nunkoo, 2015). Decisions in other policy fields additionally have repercussions
for tourism practices and prospects (Hall, 1994). Reasons for official involvement are numerous,
but a compelling motivation is realisation of perceived economic returns (Song et al., 2012). The
degree to which tourism is a stimulus to economic development is debatable (Brida et al., 2014;

PAGE 270 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j VOL. 1 NO. 4 2015


Figure 1 Destination development in context

POLITICS THE ECONOMY

DESTINATION
DEVELOPMENT

THE ENVIRONMENT SOCIETY AND CULTURE

Pablo-Romero and Molina, 2013), yet many administrations seek to employ it as a tool in pursuit
of this strategy (Garcia, 2014) which is increasingly framed within a sustainability agenda. Tourism
may also be valued as an instrument of nation building (Gillen, 2014), assisting in the cultivation of
a national identity and preservation of cultural and natural heritage, sometimes allied with
hegemonic goals (Timothy and Nyaupane, 2009). The manner in which a countrys tourism is a
product of its circumstances and defining characteristics, encompassing governance, is
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exemplified by Singapores industry and general situation past and present as recounted below.

From Instant Asia to Your Singapore: Singapores tourism in 1965 and 2015
International arrivals
In 1965, there were around 100 million international tourists globally (Page and Connell, 2014)
and 98,481 entered Singapore where spending was not recorded (STPB, 1968). The developed
world was then at the forefront of international travel and visitors from the USA, UK and Australia
together made up over half of Singapore arrivals (STPB, 1966a). Many visitors travelled by sea
and disembarked at one of the waterfront quays, but air travel was in the ascendancy and the
airport at Paya Lebar was dealing with more than 30,000 aircraft movements annually by 1960.
It was enlarged in 1964 by a new passenger terminal and arrival hall (Infopedia, 2004). Through
passengers were classified separately and numbered 102,137 by air and 85,326 by sea in 1964
compared to respective figures of 37,757 and 87,459 in 1960 (STPB, 1965), confirming the shift
to flying. Malaysian Airlines Limited predated independence and was renamed Malaysia-
Singapore Airlines in 1966, the company serving as national carrier for both states. The surface
transport infrastructure in Singapore was relatively undeveloped and public transport was largely
in the hands of small and usually inefficient privately owned bus companies (Cahyadi et al., 2004).
A causeway between the island and Malaysia carried road and rail traffic.
Singapores tourist arrivals and receipts have risen steadily since and reached a record 15.6
million and S$23.5 billion, respectively in 2013 when there were over one billion international
tourists worldwide. Expenditure was constant in 2014, but the volume dipped to 15.1 million that
year (STB, 2015). The 2013 figures made Singapore the fourth most visited city in the world
(MasterCard, 2014) and it is ranked one of Asias leading destinations by UNWTO (2014). Most
visitors are Asian with 75 per cent coming from South-East Asia and key markets are China,
Indonesia, India, Australia, Japan and Malaysia (STB, 2014a). Around 75 per cent of tourists
travel by air and Changi Airport which commenced operations in 1981 is the worlds sixth busiest
international airport, handling more than 53.7 million passengers in 2013 (Changi Airport Group,
2014). The airport has won numerous awards as has the national carrier of Singapore Airlines
(SIA), formed after the division of MAS in 1972, which is renowned for its service quality. Air travel
has been stimulated by the burgeoning budget carrier industry (Mintel, 2014) which itself is partly
due to greater regional deregulation. There is now a road bridge, in addition to the causeway,
connecting Singapore to Malaysia and cross-border flows by residents of the two countries are
heavy for work and leisure. The island has an affordable and efficient integrated public transport

VOL. 1 NO. 4 2015 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j PAGE 271


system of buses and light railway and comprehensive road network. It is often lauded for
exemplary urban transport planning (Haque et al., 2013) and has escaped the gridlocks seen
in many Asian cities.

Attractions and amenities


The tropical island of the 1960s was an exotic destination for long haul travellers, but less alien
than many Asian countries where socio-cultural differences might be disturbing. Migrants from
around the world had been attracted to the port of Singapore since the nineteenth century to form
a multicultural society in which indigenous Malays were outnumbered by the Chinese with Indians
making up the third largest group. Colonial associations were a further link for Westerners,
epitomised by the famous Raffles Hotel which drew visitors despite its fading grandeur
(Henderson, 2001). Amongst other venues on tourist itineraries were the colonial era Botanic
Gardens, Haw Par Villa (or Tiger Balm Gardens created by the Haw family and narrating stories
and morality tales from Chinese mythology) and the National Museum. Bargain shopping was
advertised in the city where the tallest structure to be seen on the skyline was the 18 storey Asia
Insurance Building, completed in 1955 and topped by a crown to honour the 1953 coronation of
Britains Queen Elizabeth II. There is no breakdown by purpose, but some travel would have been
for reasons of trade and commerce.
Officials believed that the supply of conventional attractions was inadequate and that investment
was vital (STB, 2014a). There were also warnings of an acute shortage of accommodation in
1965 (STPB, 1966a), even though approval had been given the year before for four new hotels
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which would provide another 1,500 rooms. In total, 16 tourist hotels and 1,148 rooms existed in
1964 with an average occupancy of 70 per cent (STPB, 1965). By 2013, there were 373 hotels
with 54,962 rooms which had an average occupancy rate of 86 per cent (STB, 2014b). All the
major international chains are present and more boutique properties, stressing distinctive design
and decoration, have been launched in recent years (Mintel, 2014). Those travelling for business,
meetings, incentives, conferences and exhibitions constitute around one third of tourists and are
courted because of their spending. Promotion is undertaken by an Exhibition and Conference
Bureau, founded in 1975, and there is an ample supply of modern and well-equipped facilities.
There are two cruise centres, the newest opened in 2013 and capable of accommodating the
latest generation of very large ships. A total of 390 ship calls were made in 2013 when cruise
passengers exceeded one million (STB, 2014b). Endeavours are additionally being made to
expand medical and education tourism.
Multiculturalism remains a leisure tourism resource, epitomised by the traditional enclaves of
Chinatown and Kampong Glam which have seen upgrading as tourist precincts. Colonial
heritage is not entirely forgotten and recalled in the buildings of the Civic District, several
undergoing adaptive reuse, and Raffles Hotel which was revamped in the early 1990s and is both
a National Monument and deluxe property (Henderson, 2001). Cleanness and greenness also
has visitor appeal and the Botanic Gardens was joined by Gardens by the Bay in 2012 which is
labelled a botanical theme park by its National Park Board (NPB) managers (Ee, 2014). In total, 18
super-trees dominate the grounds at the new Marina Bay downtown zone on reclaimed
land, fusing nature and technology in a way which typifies trends in the attractions sector.
Other well-established sites are the Zoo and Night Safari, to which a River Safari was added in
2013 incorporating an Amazon River Quest boat ride in another example of artifice triumphing
over geography. Ethnic culture and nature are thus the basis for a number of attractions,
but the interest of tourists and the tourism industry has turned towards sophisticated city
lifestyle offerings.
Shopping is very popular in an assortment of malls, several specialising in expensive branded
goods. Fine dining at celebrity chef restaurants has extended the already wide choice of eating
options which underlie the portrayal of Singapore as a food paradise (Chaney and Ryan, 2012).
Officials are encouraging a programme of prestigious sporting events, including the Formula One
Grand Prix which is the only such night race and the Womens Tennis Association Finals, and a
new National Stadium opened in 2014. Two integrated resorts combining casinos, hotels,
restaurants and leisure amenities were set up in 2012. One oriented towards the family market is
located on the small offshore island of Sentosa, developed for leisure since the 1970s, and has a

PAGE 272 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j VOL. 1 NO. 4 2015


Universal Studios theme park. The other is at Marina Bay and targeted more towards the
business market with exhibition and conference space. Arts and culture are represented by the
Esplanade Theatres on the Bay, a world class complex, and a growing number of performance
venues and festivals together with constantly renovated public museums and galleries. The
modern city skyline, illuminated at night, may also be admired by tourists and symbolises the
countrys progress. The 82 metre Asia Insurance Building, now a conserved structure converted
into serviced apartments, is dwarfed by the Central Business Districts towering skyscrapers
which climb to over 200 metres.

Tourism administration and destination marketing


The necessity for an official body to promote Singapore and supervise the industry in order to try
and ensure visitor satisfaction and maximise potential rewards led to the setting up of the STPB
(STB, 2014a). Marketing in 1965 was directed primarily at the principal markets in America,
Australia and Europe (STPB, 1966a). The focus tended to be on Singapores multiculturalism and
fusion of East and West. An Instant Asia campaign promised visitors a taste of the main cultures
of the region in a single and safe location (Chang, 1997). It was advertised as an ideal holiday
destination for the discerning tourist from the West or distant countries who have neither the time
nor money for extended travel (STPB, 1966b, p. 24). Colourful representations of Chinese,
Malay and Indian communities were prominent, but little mention was made of the historic ethnic
enclaves such as Chinatown (URA, 1995) that were officially perceived as slums awaiting
clearance and redevelopment (Dale, 1999). A ubiquitous image was that of the Merlion, with the
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head of a lion and body of a fish, commissioned as an emblem by the STPB. The creature alludes
to a story in the Malay Annals, a document reputedly from 1612, telling of how a Malay king
encountered a lion on the island of Temasek and renamed it Singapura which is Sanskrit for lion
city (Infopedia, 2011). Its invention can be seen as an attempt at myth making by a young country
in search of its own history and identity.
In addition to promotion, early actions of the Boards 25 staff included the provision of
a mobile information van to cater to those arriving by ship and an airport information desk as well
as a tourist lounge at its offices. Training courses and seminars to enhance professional
standards were held and the Tourist Promotion (Certification and Control of Guides) Regulations
were introduced in 1964 whereby guides had to be formally registered. The Board also
participated in the regulation of taxis at the airport and a bus service from the wharves.
Endeavours were made to educate the public about tourism and its significance, employing
Tourism Benefits Everybody as a slogan in 1964 and producing a short film intended to
afford insights into what tourists typically did in Singapore. A Know Your Singapore Quiz was
organised in cooperation with the Ministry of Education and television and radio stations in 1965
and a Tourist Week and Miss Singapore beauty pageant were inaugurated to raise awareness
(STPB,1965).
Promotion was dropped from the STPBs title in 1997 to acknowledge that activities
encompassed business and industry development and the owning and managing of assets
related to tourism. It reports to the Ministry of Trade and Industry and describes itself as an
economic development agency with a mission of championing tourism and building it into a key
economic driver of Singapore (STB, 2014a). The current brand, Your Singapore, was introduced
in 2010 and makes use of modern information communication technologies to reach out to
tourists who are given the chance to devise personal itineraries matching their individual needs.
Efforts have been made to subvert stereotypical perceptions of a rather dull and overly regulated
destination by positioning Singapore as a vibrant and exciting global city (STB, 2014c). Much
promotion is conducted in Asia, notably China and India, and campaigns are customised to suit
target markets (STB, 2014a). The Merlion is still a logo and the subject of several much
photographed statues, frequently adorning souvenirs. It, together with the sarong kebaya clad
Singapore Girl SIA stewardess, has also been accepted as a national symbol by citizens (Yeoh
and Chang, 2003) whom the Tourism Board seeks to engage in tourism, recognising them as
ambassadors. The Board offers various types of funding and support to industry partners, invests
in schemes to raise professionalism and runs three information centres in the city. There is over
300 staff at its headquarters and 20 regional offices worldwide.

VOL. 1 NO. 4 2015 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j PAGE 273


Summary
The above comparisons reveal marked contrasts in the size, scale and character of the tourism
industries in 1965 and 2015. Already a centre for some tourism in the 1960s, Singapore has
become a leading global and regional hub for leisure and business travellers rated tenth
worldwide for travel and tourism competitiveness (World Travel and Tourism Council, 2014).
It has a high degree of air connectivity with the rest of the world, an ample supply of hotel
accommodation of an international standard and diverse attractions of a sort associated with a
globalising capital city. The industry has grown into a lucrative component of the service sector
which, in turn, is a pillar of the economy (Henderson, 2014b). Travel and tourisms direct and total
contribution to GDP was calculated to be 5.3 and 10.9 per cent, respectively in 2013 when it
provided 8.1 per cent of all jobs directly and indirectly and 19.7 per cent of total investment (World
Travel and Tourism Council, 2014). Attention of Singapores tourism authorities has moved from
mature generators in the West to up-and-coming Asian markets and travellers overall have
become more sophisticated and are better informed. Most product offerings and promotional
messages of the 1960s are obsolete; Instant Asia, for example, with its ersatz connotations is no
longer appropriate and has little meaning for Asians. Although there is some continuity pertaining
to the showcasing of cultural heritage, this has been repackaged for contemporary tourists and
purpose built and modern lifestyle urban attractions are now main selling points. The pattern is
thus one of controlled growth driven by a government which has harnessed tourism to other
policy agendas. The metamorphosis as a destination clearly did not occur in isolation and the
following sections outline the changes in political, economic, socio-cultural and environmental
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background which rendered it possible as Singapore moved from third world to first in the words
of the title of Lees (2000) history of the nation.

From third world to first: Singapore in 1965 and 2015


Political contexts
The republic was admitted to the United Nations (UN) in 1965, but initially there were serious
doubts about its viability (National Heritage Board, 1998) given the absence of resources and land
area, comprising the main island and a number of much smaller islands, of approximately 581.5
square kilometres (Tan et al., 2009). The aforementioned split in the Federation of Malaysia
caused antagonism between the two countries and the relationship with its other neighbour,
Indonesia, was also difficult after a series of attacks by saboteurs from there. Indonesia was
engaged in a struggle with Malaysia, known as Konfrontasi or Confrontation, over territorial rights
on the island of Borneo and a bombing incident in early 1965 in the heart of the city left three dead
and 33 injured. The Philippines and Thailand too were embroiled in border disputes, indicative of
regional instability and fears of Communist agitation were felt across much of South-East Asia.
The Cold War between Communist and Non-Communist blocs was at its height, evidenced by
the Vietnam War and escalating US involvement. China was about to launch the cultural
revolution and the Chinese media regularly berated Singapore as an American imperialist lackey
(Lee, 2009). Inbound tourism was negatively affected by these troubles and demand from within
the region was constrained by economic and political barriers.
Over the last 50 years, Singapore has become active in the international community where it
exercises a soft power disproportionate to its size (Chong, 2010). Relations with Malaysia are still
sometimes tense, but have improved under the second generation leadership and the two are
inextricably bound together by economic and socio-cultural ties. Both were founding members of
the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967 as were Indonesia, the Philippines
and Thailand. The organisation aims to foster cooperation and stability through closer economic
integration and now comprises ten members. The objective of an ASEAN Economic Community
by the end of 2015 has proven unrealistic in light of the protectionist tendencies of some
countries, yet individual and collective economic advances are demonstrated by enlarged
middle classes of enthusiastic consumers (Shiraishi and Phongpaichit, 2008) who increasingly
participate in travel, much of it within the region (Ratanawaraha and Pritchard, 2011). The tourism
industry has also benefitted directly from collaboration as seen in steps towards liberalising
civil aviation. Beyond South-East Asia, the worlds political landscape has been transformed

PAGE 274 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j VOL. 1 NO. 4 2015


by the ending of the Cold War and opening up and rise to prominence of China which
is an important commercial and trading partner for Singapore (Shee, 2005), not least as a
supplier of tourists.
The PAP has ruled uninterrupted and its current Prime Minister is Lee Kuan Yews son. The
method of government has been termed an illiberal democracy (Yusuf and Nabeshima, 2012) or
liberalising autocracy (Zakaria, 1997) and engendered some criticism abroad and at home for
suppressing opposition, but it has enabled unimpeded and often effective decision making and
policy taking. Strategic planning is conducted and the Urban Redevelopment Authority deals with
physical development over a 40-50 year time span, guided by a periodically revised Concept Plan
started in 1971 (URA, 2014a). Policies are informed by overarching visions corresponding to
official aspirations such as that of being a garden city or city in a garden (Tan et al., 2013). The
idea of a global city has prompted investment in culture and the arts (Kong, 2012) which are
viewed as social capital, instilling artistic appreciation amongst citizens, and as creative industries
with commercial value encompassing their function as tourist attractions. Notions of liveability
and sustainability are now at the forefront and the extant Land Use Plan anticipates a Singapore
which is one of the most liveable cities in the world a city for all ages and a country we are proud
to call home (MND, 2013, p. 1).
Measures taken to further these goals have tangible and intangible results which can yield visitor
satisfaction and allow dissemination of positive images. Many of the tourist products and services
and much of the infrastructure described in previous sections have also depended upon the
backing of government. For example, it took the controversial decision to reverse the ban on
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casino gambling applicable since independence to render possible the integrated resort projects
with the intention of reinventing Singapore as a destination. Very detailed specifications were laid
down as one element of the strict bidding procedures and a comprehensive regulatory system
was put in place (Henderson, 2007). Overall, Singapore was rated first in the world for policy rules
and regulations as well as second for prioritisation of travel and tourism, ground transport
infrastructure and human resources in the aforementioned competitiveness index (World
Economic Forum, 2013). Qualities of efficiency, safety and security help explain why it is amongst
the most preferred cities for conventions and meetings worldwide (STB, 2014a) and a reputation
for good governance and standards has favoured the promotion of education and medical
tourism whilst affording reassurance to vacationers. Advocacy of tourism was observable in
1965, but a lack of resources hindered official action.

Economic context
Prior to full independence, Singapore had already been grappling with economic problems
attendant on unemployment and heavy dependence on hinterland trade. A team of UN advisers
had been consulted in the early 1960s and the approach consequently followed entailed an
export-oriented industrialisation strategy and government intervention by means of a series of
state organisations which were to support the private sector. One such entity was the Economic
Development Board which acted as an investment agency, seeking to boost investment and
employment (National Heritage Board, 1998). In 1965, most foreign direct investment was from
the UK, which kept a number of military bases on the island, and spent mainly on trading
(Siddiqui, 2010). The EDB (2014) writes of 1960s Singapore as a third world country with poor
infrastructure and limited capital where low-end commerce was prevalent and GNP per capita
was under US$320. Economic weaknesses account in part for the founding of the STPB which
was motivated by appreciation of tourisms capacity to generate much needed income and jobs
(STB, 2014a).
The announcement in 1967 of the imminent withdrawal of British troops, which was almost
completed by 1971, was a severe shock as they contributed an estimated 20 per cent of GDP
(Matthews and Yan, 2007). The response to dilemmas was to combine the high investment,
export-led East Asian model with reinforcement of human and knowledge assets thereby
enabling swift diversification into higher-technology manufactures and tradable services (Yusuf
and Nabeshima, 2012, p. 3). Economic growth occurred thereafter and services now make up
almost 70 per cent of GDP compared to manufacturing at 19.5 per cent (Euromonitor, 2014).

VOL. 1 NO. 4 2015 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j PAGE 275


The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP, 2014) categorises Singapore as being of
very high human development, positioned ninth in the world. According to the World Economic
Forum, it is ranked second globally for national competitiveness due to its market efficiency,
institutional frameworks, infrastructure and education (World Economic Forum, 2014). The
economy is hailed as amongst the most open and business-friendly worldwide and Singapore
is graded + as a very integrated world city (Globalisation and World City Research Network,
2014). This global orientation facilitates international tourism and the countrys wealth, in
combination with political will and administrative competence, has also been advantageous for
the execution of plans and policies which embrace tourism.

Social and environmental contexts


The population on independence was around three million of mixed ethnicity and there were
grave concerns about a repeat of the 1964 race riots between the majority Chinese and Malays
worried about marginalisation (Baker, 2000). Living conditions in the crowded city, where shop-
house architecture was the vernacular style, were poor and dwellers in the rural villages or
kampongs inhabited wooden houses with palm thatched roofs. Villages were also found on the
urban fringe, commonly occupied by the most disadvantaged migrants (Loh, 2010), and there
were high levels of poverty and illiteracy. Constructing a sense of nationhood and a Singaporean
identity transcending ethnic allegiance was a government priority alongside the maintenance of
order and stability. These are still key objectives as racial frictions persist and questions about
what it means to be Singaporean are debated, complicated by the presence of a large group of
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migrant workers. The total population is now approximately 4.5 million, 61 per cent of whom are
citizens and 74 per cent of Chinese origin; Permanent Residents and expatriate workers from
labourers and maids to professionals constitute the remainder. Although present inequalities in
income distribution should not be overlooked, the country is arguably the most prosperous in
Asia with a per capita GDP in 2013 of S$69,050. The literacy rate is 96.5 and 90.5 per cent of
residents own their own homes (Department of Statistics, 2014), most purchased from the
Housing Development Board (HDB). English is the medium of instruction in schools and a well-
educated and English-speaking workforce is an asset to tourism and other industries.
In terms of the environment, the city in 1965 has been delineated by a former planner as a basket
case of urbanisation gone wrong. Overcrowding, traffic congestion, flooding, crime, no proper
sanitation name any urban problem and we had it (Khoo cited in Kang, 2014). Elsewhere on
the island, around 177 square kilometres was devoted to agriculture and 35 square kilometres
was forested. Marsh and tidal waste covered 35 square kilometres and large stretches of
coastline were given over to mangroves (Wong and Yap, 2004). Parks and other planned
recreational space were not abundant, but some heed was given by administrators to
environmental matters and the first tree planting campaign in 1963 foreshadowed subsequent
initiatives. The HDB embarked on a programme of large scale public housing in the 1960s which
was to lead to mass resettlement and the disappearance of kampongs as people were relocated to
a series of suburban satellite towns of high-rise apartment blocks. Much of the vegetation has been
cleared to permit development and parts of the coastline reconfigured by the removal of mangrove
swamps and making of artificial beaches from imported sand (Briffet and Ho, 1999; Waller, 2001).
Farming is confined to 6.75 square kilometres (AVA, 2014) and latter-day Singapore occupies just
over 718 square kilometres because of reclamation which is reaching its limits.
Urbanisation has given rise to the modern landscape previously made reference to; aspects of
this have an appeal for tourists, although building design and density are not always aesthetically
pleasing. Greenery, however, has a softening effect and is central to perceptions of Singaporean
identity at home and abroad. Enactment of the concept of a garden city is spearheaded by the
NPB which oversees a network of parks and connecting corridors, nature reserves and built-up
area and roadside foliage (National Parks, 2013; URA, 2014b). Parkland is a core element of
extant plans and there is a formal pledge to reserve 8 per cent of land for this purpose.
Development needs take precedence, but there is an official commitment to conservation of
natural and built heritage signified by the 2013 nomination of the Botanic Gardens for UNESCO
World Heritage status (Henderson, 2014a). The rationale for the stance is partly social,
safeguarding reminders of the past and green space is heralded as being in the interests of the

PAGE 276 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j VOL. 1 NO. 4 2015


community, but there is an economic argument. Conserved structures, sites and greenery
add variety to the tourist product offering and can augment Singapores attractiveness to
businesses unrelated to tourism.

Discussion and conclusion


Interactions amongst political, economic, socio-cultural and environmental factors engendered
markedly different Singapore states and destinations immediately after independence and 50
years later. Tourisms evolution reflects and is an outcome of the countrys general conditions and
progression evidenced by contrasts in transport, accommodation, attractions and promotion
and development strategies. Momentum has been propelled by growth which tourism has both
assisted as a flourishing industry (Katircioglu, 2011; Lee and Chang, 2008) and benefitted from
through the generous spending on infrastructure and amenities of a well-resourced
administration. Economic progress has been apparent in much of Asia Pacific, driving demand
for tourism, and the city states trajectory additionally mirrors the worldwide escalation in activity
and expanding regional share (Winter et al., 2008). Developments in Singapore have been
engineered by a government which has striven to surmount barriers concomitant with small
island status and secure ongoing prosperity while retaining a firm grip on power. Control has
been exerted by way of social and cultural policies and a political system which inhibits dissent,
yet allows effective long-term planning and has endowed citizens with one of the highest
standards of living in Asia.
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The direction taken can be interpreted as an exercise in accelerated globalisation and illustrative
of openness to foreign capital and business, although not always to influences which fail to
conform to formally sanctioned norms of thought and behaviour. While economic imperatives
dominate all policy fields and there are constant reminders that a healthy economy is a
prerequisite to survival as a nation, other agendas are also at work. Tourist promotion and place
branding has been harnessed to socio-cultural and hegemonic ends (Chang and Teo, 2001; Ooi,
2008) by communicating ideas of harmonious multiculturalism, modern efficiency, attainment,
vibrancy and a high-quality environment to domestic and overseas audiences in accordance with
formal visions. Such portrayals may be politically advantageous, as are tourist facilities and
services which broaden resident leisure options (Chang, 2000), by presenting the PAP as the
architect and guardian of the republics achievements and thereby reinforcing its claims to be the
rightful government.
Singapore as a relatively young country is perhaps still on a journey towards full nationhood and
domestic circumstances are changing in ways which are likely to impact tourism. The PAPs
unassailability is being questioned (EIU, 2015) and another party or coalition could take charge,
creating both new opportunities and possible threats to stability and growth. Commentators have
cautioned about over-dependence on international trade and overseas companies and capital
(Siddiqui, 2010) whereby the economy is exposed to the vagaries of external markets and local
firms are disadvantaged (Shin, 2005). Predictions that the population could be between 6.5
and 6.9 million by 2030 have generated alarm about overcrowding and adverse consequences
(Tan, 2013), despite reassurances proffered to the contrary (MND, 2013). There is recognition
that emphasis of tourism strategies should be on maximising value rather than volume (STB,
2013), yet there are risks that Singapore could lose its competitive edge over time as existing
strengths are eroded and weaknesses compounded. Any such outcomes would be in part a
result of forces outside the tourism industry as well as those beyond national borders.
The core thesis of this paper is that political, economic, socio-cultural and environmental worlds
inevitably frame tourism and the author appreciates that this could be challenged. Exceptions
may be cited of enclave resorts which are thrust into communities by outside interests and the
power of commercial forces should not be overlooked; however, the latter are a component of
the economy and circumscribed by exogenous pressures. The central argument is thus not easily
refuted and the case of Singapore illuminates certain aspects of destination development and the
interplay between tourism and wider arenas. It shows how a nation can achieve success and the
contribution of the political system, stage of economic development, socio-cultural assets and
physical environment. The role of a supportive government and thriving economy emerge as

VOL. 1 NO. 4 2015 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j PAGE 277


critical and manifest in a public sector willingness and ability to intervene and invest. Small nations
can thereby surmount barriers of restricted land area and lack of the raw materials which form the
basis of many traditional attractions. Awareness of these processes and relationships can help in
understanding the manner in which destinations have developed in the past and their current
status as well as assist in predicting and planning for the future.
At the same time, development models are not necessarily directly transferable depending
upon place attributes. Singapore is an island city state and there may be parallels with selected
other cities, micro states and small islands. Hong Kong and certain Gulf States share some
characteristics of the republic, but many authorities often have to manage multiple cities and an
urban-rural mix unlike Singapore while island nations such as Fiji, Malta and Mauritius lack its
resources and international connectivity. Not all governments possess the longevity, wealth and
control of that of Singapore where the centralisation of power, averting tensions between
administrative tiers, and confined area of jurisdiction facilitate decision making and policy
execution. Nevertheless, there are lessons to be learned about good practice and possible pitfalls
from the countrys experiences and its story merits monitoring and further analysis.

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Corresponding author
Dr Joan C. Henderson can be contacted at: ahenderson@ntu.edu.sg

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