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Introduction
On the 10th of July 2016, Portugal were crowned victors over France in the final of the
European footballing championships (EURO 2016) for the first time in their history.
Portugals only goal in the final, coming in the second half of extra-time, was scored by
Eder, a player born in a former colonial possession: Guinea-Bissau. However, Eder was not
the only former colonial link in the final. Contested between two former colonisers, 37% of
the two squads consisted of players with linkages to each countrys former colonial
possessions (Aarons, 2017). Held (1999) provides a description of globalisation as a
widespread perception that the world is rapidly being moulded into a shared social space
by economic and technological forces and that developments in one region of the world can
have profound consequences for the life chances of individuals or communities on the other
side of the globe. Drawing on Held (1999), the essay examines the footballing relationship
between Portugal and one of its former colonial possessions, Mozambique, exploring how
developments in one region of the world (Portugal) can have profound consequences on
individuals on the other side of the globe (Mozambique). Firstly, the relationship is explored
during the colonial period, detailing Portugals cultural influence over Mozambican
traditions and noting the use of cultural technologies, such as football, to sustain their
colonial power. Following, post-independence Mozambique is examined, highlighting their
poor relationship with Portugal and resulting weak economic and footballing infrastructure
caused by years of civil war. Lastly, the essay uses dependent underdevelopment theory
as a theoretical framework to offer critical analysis on the post-independence sporting
relationship between Mozambique and Portugal, placing it within the wider context of
African football migratory patterns/exploitation between European and African teams.
The late 1940s and 1950s saw early forms of modern day academies in Mozambique.
Although the Portuguese possessed no direct ownership over many of the Mozambican
football teams, clubs such as SL Benfica and Sporting Lisbon would often send scouts to
permanently live in Mozambique with the job of sending over promising footballers
(Armstrong, 2008). The success of Lucas Figuereido Matetu, a Mozambique-born footballer
who finished top scorer in the Portuguese league in 1953 and 1955, created a significant
impact on the recruitment of African footballers. Portuguese clubs started sending more
scouts to Mozambique, beginning to understand the potential of African recruits. The
domestic game was greatly affected by African footballers as Benficas first European Cup
(Champions League) winning team in 1961 consisted of 4 African born players. Furthermore,
the international team benefited from African born recruits too. Portuguese dictator
Antnio de Oliveira Salazar introduced the indigenous peoples rule which gifted
assimilated nationality to Mozambicans who were considered exceptional players (Darby,
2007a). Those who possessed enough talent to be exported to Portugal were often
naturalised and called up to the national team.
Eusebio da Silva Ferreira, known universally as Eusebio, is considered one of Portugals
greatest ever players. Born in Mozambique, Eusebio was scouted from a young age by Benfica
and was naturalised soon after he signed in 1961. Not only did Eusebio lead Benfica to two
European Cup wins, he also carried Portugal to a 3rd place finish at the 1966 World Cup,
finishing top scorer of the competition with 9 goals. This process of naturalisation can be
considered as another tool to reinforce the Portuguese cultural hegemony. Darby (2007a,
p.502) describes this process of naturalisation as the enrichment of the developed world
at the expense or impoverishment of the developing world. The regular radio broadcasts
of Portuguese football allowed many Mozambicans to follow Eusebios successful career with
immense pride. However, adopting the thinking of Klein (1991), Darby (2007a) argues the
success that Eusebio received (as well as other Mozambican-born players) after assimilating
Portuguese nationality contributed to a belief among Mozambicans that life and culture
were better in Portugal. Many believed that in order to become a successful footballer, one
needed to become a Portuguese citizen leaving the Mozambican domestic game heavily
under developed. The exportation of gifted Mozambican individuals continued until the
1970s serving to continuously under develop Mozambican football.
Post-independence relationship
The ban preventing local players from leaving the country was lifted in 1987, as the FRELIMO
government saw little results from the Mozambique international team during the years.
The civil war began to come an end in the late 1980s, as talks between the FRELIMO
government and opposing RENAMO movement (Mozambique Resistance Movement) were
held allowing Mozambique to become a multi-party state (Darby, 2007a). The lift on the ban
allowed Portugal to reinstate its historical connection with Mozambique. Many teams
assumed their previous Portuguese-affiliated names and Portuguese clubs began sending
scouts to watch local teams again. The end of the civil war left Mozambique in an
economically weak position, allowing Portugal to take advantage of the newly lifted ban.
Portuguese footballs European success in the late 1980s coupled with Mozambiques weak
economic infrastructure led to a high migration of Mozambicans to Portugal. Portuguese
football clubs utilised their financially stronger position to dictate the terms in which they
bought Mozambican footballers. Players who were shown even a slight interest would put
pressure on their team to sell, and the precarious conditions of Mozambique football forced
many of the teams to sell players at a fraction of their value (Armstrong, 2008). Clubs found
themselves in a position of dependent trading [facilitating] the de-skilling and
underdevelopment of African football on terms and conditions set by recruiting Portuguese
clubs (Darby, 2007a, p.504).
The relationship between Mozambique and Portugal provided a similar narrative among
other African and European football connections. Darby et al. (2007), as well as Darby
(2007b), Poli (2006, 2010), Schokkaert (2014), Bale (2004) and Littlewood et al. (2011) all
provide pieces of literature examining the exploitive relationship between European and
African football clubs, and the reasons for player migrations. The consensus amongst authors
relates to the poor economic conditions, and subsequent weak footballing infrastructure, of
many African countries, contributing as push factors (Darby and Solberg, 2009). Any serious
footballers living in one of these African countries understands the need to travel abroad to
make a living from the sport (Der Meij, 2017; Esson, 2015a), a notable push factor
applicable to many Mozambicans. As of 2007, 69 percent of African footballers plying their
trade in the Portuguese leagues hailed from one of its former colonies. And although there
are relatively few Mozambicans playing professionally in Europe, those that do are based
exclusively in Portugal (Darby, 2007b, p.445). It is difficult to predict the current
numbers/ratio of former colonial links in Portugals domestic league but comparing
Portugals 2006 World Cup squad (2 former colonial linkages) and EURO 2016 squad (7 former
colonial linkages) shows a dramatic increase that could be applicable to the domestic
league. Conversely, the blame should not be solely put on Portugal. Those who possess
enough talent and skill to be rewarded with a move abroad often choose a familiar cultural
environment. Part of why so many Mozambicans (and other former colonies for that matter)
still decide to migrate to Portugal can be down to the fewer linguistic and cultural barriers,
established during Portugals colonial rule (Darby, 2007a). However, this constant migration
of Mozambican footballers almost exclusively to Portugal still serves to under develop their
domestic game.
Critique
Mozambiques post-ban period has demonstrated how Portugal utilise their former colonial
linkages as a neo-colonial resource. The exploitation of the periphery has resulted in the
strengthening of Portuguese teams in European competitions (development) and the
underdevelopment of both domestic and international football in Mozambique. Although
Portugal do not personally benefit from any Mozambican migrants/linkages on their national
team, since the turn of the new millennium, Mozambique have since qualified for the African
Cup of Nations once (and zero for World Cups); having qualified three times during the
1990s alone. Those few Mozambicans that migrate to Portugal often choose to represent
the Portuguese national team rendering them ineligible to participate for Mozambique, thus
leaving them with lesser-skilled players instead. Moreover, Portuguese teams are notorious
for repeatedly finding cheap, unknown footballers from obscure countries (primarily from
Africa and South America) and providing them with the necessary training to turn into a
world class footballer. Most importantly, they often heavily profit from their future sales.
Portugals continued success at the expense of Mozambique serves to further the economic
gap between them, drawing links to broader imperialist and neo-imperialist economic
exploitation in that it involves the sourcing, refinement and export of raw materials, in this
case football talent, for consumption on the European market (Darby, 2007a, p.503). Sepp
Blatter, former president of FIFA, accused those who profit from the sale of African
footballers as neo-colonialists who dont give a damn about heritage and culture, but
engage in social and economic rape by robbing the developing world of its best players
(Darby et al., 2007, p.143).
FIFAs Eurocentric approach to African football during the mid-20th century, coupled with
Portugals exploitive migratory practices once the player-ban was lifted certainly endured
lasting effects on Mozambican football. Ironically, Mozambique saw its most international
success shortly after the ban was lifted appearing in 3 African Cup of Nations during the
1990s. However, lifting the ban allowed the scouting of up and coming Mozambicans to be
naturalised into Portuguese culture and subsequently opt to represent the Portuguese
national team. Mozambique found themselves within a position of dependency, enabling the
underdevelopment of domestic football whereby the terms and conditions were set by the
recruiting Portuguese clubs. Franks theoretical framework captures the way in which
Portugals appropriation of Mozambiques football talent is viewed on a wider scale. Similar
to African migratory exploits in other countries (Darby, 2000a, 2000b, 2007b, 2012; Bale,
2004; Darby et al., 2007; Littlewood et al., 2011), European teams utilise their economic
power to dictate the terms to which African players are purchased. As a result, African
football is undervalued and underdeveloped as most are purchased with the intention of
either bettering the performance as a club, profiting from the talents of the individual and
widening the skill gap between African and European teams, or, in the case of many
Portuguese clubs, selling the player to a more prestigious club and profiting immensely,
further widening the economic gap.
Conclusion
Mozambique still face the trouble of losing their footballing talent to Portugal in todays
football market. Mozambique are still considered one of the poorest countries in the world
(IMF, 2016) and their weak footballing infrastructure renders them unable to provide similar
monetary rewards offered to players by Portuguese clubs. Franks theoretical framework of
dependent underdevelopment places Portugal and Mozambiques relationship within the
wider context of African football migratory practices, positing Portugal as a core nation,
taking advantage of their former colonial history, and wielding their economic power to
exploit the periphery (Mozambique) for cheap footballing labour.
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