Documente Academic
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Documente Cultură
Cities
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a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t
Article history: Taking the dynamics of second tier city of Galway as a case study, this paper sets out to answer two sim-
Received 13 August 2009 ple and related questions: How important has culture been to the citys economic and social develop-
Received in revised form 23 July 2010 ment, and how integral is culture in maintaining the citys economic and social sustainability? In order
Accepted 31 July 2010
to provide answers, we look at the citys development in relation to an emerging body of literature con-
Available online 9 September 2010
cerning creative cities. We focus on production of culture and gauge its assimilation into the economic
life of the city by looking at various facets of the citys economic structure, including the technology sec-
Keywords:
tor.
Creative cities
Economic development
The aim of this paper is to look at cultural policy in Ireland under three interrelated domains: Technol-
Cultural policy ogy; Institutions; and Spatial Culture (encompassing the place of public performance in urban morphol-
Galway City ogy). The case study of a second tier city provides interesting insights for policy and practice as well as
Ireland cultural/creative activity arising out of place specic circumstances. The paper explores the changing role
of culture and concludes by drawing attention to the tensions surrounding the perceptions of ownership
of culture and questions to what impact this will have regarding the citys sustainability into the future.
2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction Developments around the globe are re-dening media, arts and
other related sectors as creative industries which are being recog-
The proliferation of academic research in the area of creative nized for their potential impact on local and national economies.
cities and the rate at which it has reached policy making tables Cities are making more use of cultural events to attract investors
is worthy of note. Indeed, a number of recent issues of this journal as well as visitors. Throughout this paper, we contend that artistic
have concerned themselves with this topic (see for example Long, and cultural activities are not simple by-products of a developed
2009; Vanolo, 2008). For many, the literature of the creative cities economy but essential elements of economic success and sustain-
rhetoric has been consumed as the panacea of urban woes (see ability. Such activities represent alternate forms of expression of
Miles & Paddison, 2005). Recent research has elucidated a number human creativity that encourage lateral thinking and thus comple-
of fundamental ways in which the presence of creative activity can ment scientic and technological innovation (Udo-Ernst, 2005).
contribute to the competitiveness of urban economies (Florida, Additionally, artistic and cultural activities lie at the core of a num-
2002; Gertler, 2004). Successful cities are no longer judged solely ber of growing industrial sectors (including tourism, publishing
by their protability or rate of economic growth, rather sustain- and entertainment), and contribute directly to employment
ability, quality of life, economic development and distributional is- growth. Indeed, creative activities are increasingly being viewed
sues rank as key factors for assessing success (Lever, 1999). The as alternative development paths for some second-tier cities (see
role of culture in creating lively cities and communities where peo- for example; Markusen & King, 2003).
ple want to live, work, visit and its subsequent role in supporting More dissenting voices have pointed out the ease with which
social and economic health and development are amongst the cen- the Creative city rhetoric ts with the neo-liberal regime. Creativ-
tral tenants of creative cities literature (see Florida, 2002, 2005). ity has been reduced to a dependent variable in the demand func-
tions of urban/regional attractiveness. It is thereby linked to the
primacy of global markets and is positioned as a central determi-
Corresponding author. Tel.: +353 (0) 91 493326. nant of economic success (Gibson & Klocker, 2005; Peck, 2005).
E-mail addresses: p.collins@nuigalway.ie (P. Collins), frances.fahy@nuigalway.ie The concept of creativity has been appropriated by governments
(F. Fahy).
(regional/urban and national) because of its ability to act as a cat-
URLs: http://www.nuigalway.ie/cisc/people/pcollins.html (P. Collins), http://
www.nuigalway.ie/geography (F. Fahy). alyst in the cultural transition of individuals from citizens to
1
Tel.: +353 (0)91 492315. entrepreneurs and consumers, the idealised companions of
0264-2751/$ - see front matter 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.cities.2010.07.004
P. Collins, F. Fahy / Cities 28 (2011) 2835 29
mentators on the Irish scene as well as the worlds international The most signicant elements of Galways economy during the
nancial institutions. On a national scale, however, the dominance boom years had been the construction and business services sec-
of Dublin was hard to refute (see Collins, 2007; OLeary, 2001). Yet tors. This reected the Irish economy as a whole with both sectors
as one of Irelands second-tier cities, Galway managed to reap the seen as key drivers of the Celtic Tiger success (see Kirby, 2002).
rewards of the national economic turnaround. We argue that the Other growth sectors in Galway City were retail, as well as hotels
structural transformation of the citys economy has enabled it to and restaurants, sectors. The latter is reected in the tourist num-
position itself well in terms of a culture-led development agenda. bers arriving in Galway over the last number of years. For the West
Its focus on culture from the perspective of consumption has, in region as a whole, these passed the three quarters of a million
the line of Florida (2002), seen it create a momentum in attracting mark in 2002, with Galway accounting for 12.2% of tourists to Ire-
a pool of creative people and, with it, the establishment of localized land and 13.4% of the countrys revenue from tourism in 2004 (Fail-
conventions and supporting institutions, facets deemed important te Ireland, 2006).
by theorists like Pratt (1997) and Scott (2001). In highlighting the cultural aspects of a city, the last point is
In this section, our broad theoretical aim is in line with some of important. Cultural events and spaces attract tourists and, as in
the more recent work (Pratt, 2004; Scott, 2001) looking at localities the case of cities across Europe more easily identied as cultural
functioning as economic-cultural entities and the role local culture cities, a strong tourist base is a good indicator of cultural endow-
plays. Here, we attempt to identify local milieu and the competi- ment (see Bianchini, 1993). Cultural Tourism4 as dened by the Ir-
tive advantages which exist in Galway, and the possible outcomes ish Tourist Board is the largest form of tourism in the West. With
of the future pursuit of culture-led policy. nearly 6% of the workforce employed there in the tourist industry
Galways economic success and failure owe much to its geo- and expenditure on tourism at 7% of GVA for the region, a return
graphic location. Situated in the middle of Irelands west coast, Gal- of 1.9 billion per annum demonstrates the productivity of the sector
way is the largest city of one of Europes most peripheral regions. (Irish Tourist Board, 2008).
Galway has acted as a nodal centre for the surrounding region The scale of governance here is also worth noting. The Irish
since its establishment on the North East corner of Galway Bay Tourist Board works according to a national agenda though recent
over 500 years ago. To the west of the city, on the north shore of regional restructuring has occurred with the creation of regional
Galway Bay, lie the rugged desolate hills of Connemara. With its bodies like Ireland West Tourism. Internationally, this is congruent
exceptional scenery and rural, sleepy towns, this region has be- to the devolution of policy concern and interest in the promotion of
come one of the most popular destinations for tourists visiting Ire- culture and heritage from the national to the regional level (Cunn-
land (Failte Ireland, 2006). In many ways, its success as a tourist ingham, 2002). The work of both bodies in promoting the city of
destination owes much to its economic and social failings in the Galway as a vibrant and lively place with a buzzing arts scene
past. Many of the tourists that sustain the regions most viable has beneted the city not solely in terms of tourism revenue but
industry are descendants of those who were forced to leave due in terms of attracting workers to the city (Loowkwest.ie, 2009).
to economic and social adversity in the past. As a gateway to the One representative from a foreign investment services company
West of Ireland, Galway City has been quick to exploit the social that recently located in Galway explained it as the cherry factor:
and cultural attractions in terms of language and traditions of what
The city has a quality of life second to none. . .when our CEO
is termed real Ireland (www.visitthewest.ie), a signicant factor
asked how we would be able to maintain a workforce of 500
in its claim to cultural city status.
from such a small city we persuaded him that we would have
The demographic prole of the city over the last two decades
no problem attracting people here from the whole western sea-
shows it to be a fast-growing, youthful city. Reaching a popula-
board with a population of over 500,000. When he came here to
tion of over 71,000 in 2007, it overtook Limerick city as Irelands
open the plant, he agreed. (Company Representative US-owned
third largest urban centre, behind Dublin and Cork. From 2002 to
MNC Interview September 2006).
2005, the city registered an increase of 15%, well above the na-
tional average of 9% (Central Statistics Ofce (CSO), 2008). The
dynamic growth rate is reected in the age prole of the city Examples such as this serve to lend credence to Floridas notion
and county with nearly half the population aged under 24 years of regional development being dependent on the quality of place
old. This gure is skewed due to the presence of two higher edu- (2004). Floridas indicators are referred to as the three Ts (Technol-
cation institutes in the city, the National University of Ireland, ogy, Talent and Tolerance) and the rst two are seen as reciprocal
Galway, and the Galway Mayo Institute of Technology, from in the case of Galway. The technology sector is differentiated from
which 7000 students graduate per annum (Galway Chamber of national trends. Unlike the rest of Ireland, the multinationals pres-
Commerce, 2005). ent in Galway are heavily involved in research and development;
Galways comparative wealth vis--vis the rest of the western with a number of subsidiaries located there winning the global
region is seen in a lower percentage of unemployed and a shifting and regional research remits of their respective corporations (Col-
of those at work towards more highly valued service activities. lins & Grimes, 2008). A dynamic and creative sector attracts talent
Works by theorists including Giblin (2008) have identied the from beyond the city which itself attracts more companies to in-
emergence of clusters of international signicance in both the vest in the city.
technology and biomedical sectors. Galway is home to 100+ high The above analysis of the socio-economic make-up of Galway
technology rms (Pontikakis, Collins, & Cawley, 2007). The two City raises some interesting questions regarding cultural policy.
dominating sectors are led by what Feldman and Francis (2003) Galway City promotes itself as the cultural centre of the west
terms anchor rms: HewlettPackard (Software) and Boston Scien- and while qualitative insights into the nature of smaller urban
tic (Medical Technology) employ in the region of 2000 and 3000, agglomerations and their dening as cultural spaces is generally
respectively. A focus on the direct impacts in terms of employment helpful, they are difcult to dene quantitatively. The economy
and wages would belie the indirect or multiplier effects in how of the city is set apart from the region it serves. With a youthful
both operations have acted as magnets for other industries both
4
indigenous and foreign. National economic transformation along- The Irish Tourist Board denes Cultural Tourists as visitors interested in historical
and cultural attractions, the measurement of which includes visitors to castles/
side international organizational changes have seen Ireland and monuments, museums, art galleries, theatres and heritage and interpretive centres.
Galway move up the value chain to what are deemed higher pro- Cultural Tourism remains distinct from activities-based tourism, which includes
ductivity activities (see Collins & Grimes, 2008). hiking, golf, cycling, etc.
P. Collins, F. Fahy / Cities 28 (2011) 2835 31
population and a shifting of allegiances towards a more productive ees in over 4500 businesses, the sector is a prominent one, with
and sustainable economic base, the city shows a dynamic trajec- over half a billion euros in turnover in the region in 2007 (Western
tory. In a time of economic malaise, it is more important now to fo- Development Commission (WDC), 2009). The most vibrant subsec-
cus on these areas of comparative advantage. tor was Creative Technology (the other two being Creative Expres-
Related to this is the policy dualism of the cultural agenda. The sion and Creative Application) which includes Internet, Software
relationship of cultural production to commodity production and and Digital Media. Of particular relevance to the region was the
wealth creation by commercial means makes for a fuzzy overlap television and lm sector.
between cultural and economic policies. The signicance of cul- The establishment of Irelands fourth television channel, TG4
tural policy to the development of the cultural industries or the (broadcasting wholly in the Irish language), on the outskirts of Gal-
creative industries has been widely noted, as has the need for cul- way in 1997, has acted as an anchor to a burgeoning digital media
tural policy to engage more effectively with the wellsprings of cluster in the Inverin region on the outskirt of Galway City. This has
commercial popular culture in order to be effective (Flew, 2004). seen the establishment of 40 companies in the audio visual sector
In elaborating on the case of Galway we note the tension between employing 220 full time and 180 part time workers (see Table 1).
cultural and commercial pursuits. Commercial validation of cul- Including the 75 employees working at the station, the cluster
tural pursuits can be seen in some cases as a paradox. In the case has had a signicant impact on the local economy (the Gaeltacht),
of Galway, the bringing together of commercial and cultural sec- contributing up to 7 million in 2005 (TG4, 2006):
tors has led to contested ownership. For both to succeed, individu-
This is creativity changing the nature of the whole place.
ally and in tandem, a coherent policy has to be put into place,
15 years ago the main employer here had people putting food
which will appeal to the needs of both.
in cans [basic manufacturing] today the biggest employer here
[Inverin] is creative technology. . . it creates a real buzz (Inter-
A cultural Galway? view MD of a TV production company, November 2009).
Fig. 1. Scenes from the 2007 festival parade including preparations. (Organisers of the arts festival parade often use the display as an opportunity for political satire. In this
years festival one of the main themes was the green monster seen here called Crypto. This is an obvious reference to the outbreak of cryptosporidium which infected the
citys water supply in 2007.) (For interpretation of the references to color in this gure legend, the reader is referred to the web version of this article.)
In the case of the latter, cultural development strategies are hailed early 1990s was based on an unused area less than a mile from
as the impetus behind the revitalization of a de-industrialized ur- the city centre: again something similar happened there, people
ban quarter. Though on a different scale, the case of Galway is just needed to see it being used (Interview with Macnas represen-
somewhat similar. The 1986 Arts Festival invited an open-air the- tative, 2006). The area is now home to a multiplex cinema and a
atre company from Spain to perform on the streets of Galway. multi-functional production space called the Black Box. This is
Their act not only inspired the formation of Macnas but the re- the home of Macnas and it is also the venue for various types of
development of a lost quarter of the city. artistic performances.
How well Macnas and other organizations like the Arts Centre
The quays area of Galway was totally run down, that suited
are bound up in the citys identity is another measure of the impor-
their show that was based around death, but what it also did
tance of culture to the city and the image it seeks to portray. OCon-
was bring peoples attention to a forgotten part of the city. . .
nor (1993) identied a number of common themes that continue
later that year the area was re-zoned for development, today
to be reproduced for tourist consumption in the West of Ireland.
it is seen as the arty segment of the city, and a number one des-
These included the imagery of a picturesque, unspoiled, timeless
tination for visitors (Interview with Macnas representative
countryside with a friendly and quaint people, a place where past
2006).
traditions and ways of life still exist, and a pre-modern society.
While positive in terms of urban regeneration, it is also an This is a romantic image of a magical place contrasting indus-
example of what may be seen as the benets accrued from the trial/urban life, a place where the traditional Irish culture and
neo-liberal politics of urban regeneration (Waitt, 2008). This has way of life survives (Kneafsey, 1997).
been writ large by the branding of the Quay Street area as the La- The popular image of the west is being transformed in recogni-
tin Quarter in 2009. Proponents of the branding are the busy pubs, tion of what it can offer in terms of cultural consumption for tour-
restaurants and commercial outlets that populate the area, leaving ists. The images that tourists have of the west are changing to
some of the original inhabitants of the area at a loss: [In reference images of modern art and music. Images of Macnas annual parade
to the Latin Quarter label] What is it? Where did it come from? We abound as Galway City markets its cultural attractiveness to visi-
[a theatre company] have been here for 30 years, this area grew up tors. This is, in part, recognition of what is already in place in Gal-
around us, I cant see what relevance a label like that has, is it just way and, in part, a reaction to the changing needs of travelers from
to attract drinkers? (Interview with a Galway Theatre representa- within and outside Ireland. Irelands tourist market is changing. It
tive, October 2009). is moving away from its original remit in the 1950s which focused
Urban morphology and spatial culture have also had impacts in solely on the North-American market. This shift is inuenced by
other parts of the city. The mission statement of MacTeo (Macnas the impact of budget airlines and the arrival of younger tourists
spinoff production company) reects an attitude to spatial trans- from the rest of Ireland and Europe in the last two decades. The
formation: Give us the space and well use it in a way that has old images of quaint Irish pastures, with peasants huddled around
never been used before (available at http://www.macteo.com/ turf res in thatched cottages, are being replaced by vibrant arts
about.html). Macnas production of Alice in Wonderland in the scenes offering a wide variety of options in cultural pursuits.
34 P. Collins, F. Fahy / Cities 28 (2011) 2835
Home to 99 cultural facilities including seven theatres, seven There is a danger that research can romanticize creative indus-
annual festivals, 19 Art galleries/exhibition spaces, six museums tries. Consequently, it is imperative that more detailed empirical
and writing groups, Galway can be viewed as relatively successful investigations be carried out, so that an informed body of knowl-
on the basis of its cultural status. Yet many cities are replete with edge will be available upon which political practices and policies
examples of physical cultural infrastructure doing little to pro- can be formulated. The central tension between creativity/culture
mote cultural vitality (see Garcia (2005) on Glasgow). The Irish and capital accumulation must be accommodated and striving to
policy obsession with short term physical expenditure when deal- maintain a balance between these two forces will require a more
ing with the Arts needs to be reassessed. Also, the increasing pro- nuanced and grounded understanding of creative industries and
fessionalization of cultural policy is not without its drawbacks cultural spaces.
(Miles, 2005). Galways multitude of arts venues count for little The unique urban form of Galway City has been central to its
in the absence of decent (longer term) funding and a willingness promotion as a centre of cultural activity. The cause and effect of
to nurture local talents for the future. The issue of local and inter- city space in the case of Galway has been an interesting one. We
national involvement in arts festivals is explored in detail by have cited examples of urban renewal inspired by cultural perfor-
Quinn (2006) whose research on the Galway Arts Festival and mance. The involvement of community-led cultural organizations
the Wexford Opera Festival highlighted how the development of in the allocation of new cultural spaces in the city is imperative
an external festival orientation (i.e. relying on international for future sustainability of a cultural Galway.
expertise) can threaten the established relationship between local Yet a key thread running through all of this paper has been the
populations and their festivals. Quinn noted that more than two- ease with which the creative/cultural city mantra has t with the
thirds of the artists participating in the Galway Arts Festival in urban entrepreneurial approach of a city competing in a neo-liber-
the early 1980s originated in the Galway area. However, the fes- al economic climate for investors, visitors and inhabitants. Criti-
tival program became so international during the 1990s that, by cisms of the Floridian method of ranking cities apply to the case
1996, only 23% of the total number of artists participating were of Galway. It has entered a form of urban competition, one that
Irish (Quinn, 2006). sees it compete with other second-tier cities in Ireland and beyond.
During the course of our research in 2006, the Galway Arts Fes- By doing so, it has focused on a set of urban, social and economic
tival was dealt a blow by the local artistic community who with- assets at the expense of others in what can only be a race towards
drew their support for the festival citing the lack of showcasing the bottom of urban attractiveness. The adoption of creative/cul-
of local talent. The organizers of Galways alternative arts festival, tural city model by smaller cities should be treated with a greater
Project 06, accused the incumbents pandering to sponsors at the degree of caution. Larger cities have a greater ability to absorb the
expense of local talent. In this sense, the festival has been a victim narrow focus on the creative class and spatial culture. The risk of
of its own success; as it grew in national and international scope, exclusion is greater in smaller urban centers.
the inevitability was that non-local acts were hired. This has seri- Throughout the case study of Galway, we have highlighted how
ous ramications for the sustainability of culture in Galway. Recent the ownership of culture has been contested. This contestation
work by Pratt (2008) has highlighted the danger of focusing on cul- manifested itself in several ways: in the example of local busi-
tural consumption over cultural production. A continual focus on nesses withdrawing their nancial support of the Galway Arts Fes-
importing culture means the city itself becomes little more than tival, citing the failure to showcase local artists, writers, etc.; in the
a venue. example of the establishment of a new alternative arts festival
The roots of these and other institutions and cultural actors in Project 06; and in relation to the use of Macnas as a marketing
Galway go back to the 1980s. Conceived in a period of economic tool by commercial actors and the state at national and local level.
gloom, many of these organizations matured alongside the city The above will serve to inform further work on the exploration
and the intermittent economic boom. In the midst of the current of the place of culture and creativity in the development of Galway
economic downturn, support for these institutions and the citys and other second tier European cities. We do not claim to have
cultural infrastructure has been highlighted as all too brittle (McG- done more than scratch the surface of a number of questions that
reevy, 2009). Cultural institutions have been integral in shaping have emerged during the course of this enquiry. Yet this work has
the citys development overtly and covertly. The ease with which served to raise questions that warrant further investigation. For
these institutions are ignored in times of economic adversity is tes- example, we question whether the new vocabulary of creative
tament to short-sightedness of both the commercial and public industries reects real changes in the economy, or whether it is
sectors. The role that creative and cultural industries play in local simply new cloak in which to wrap traditional goals? Related to
and national innovation systems needs to be recognized, in times this is the question of how much policies on creative cities differ
of adversity more than ever. from traditional urban policies. We note from work carried out
An underlying theme throughout this study of Galway is the no- on the community-based arts organization Macnas and Irelands
tion of a contested ownership of culture. This can be seen as a fourth television channel, very different evolutionary trajectories.
contest among local and state tourist boards, commercial actors in- With the former demonstrative of an organic evolution out of eco-
volved in promoting the city generally, and artists involved in the nomic deprivation and the latter the result of a concerted cultural/
citys cultural development. The entrepreneurial city in terms of language policy, we question the difference between constructed
place promotion does not sit well with many of the citys cultural and non-constructed institutional actors and their relative impacts
actors. Animosity is evident as the following quote demonstrates: on their locale. This area requires more research with impacts not
You pick up the paper and there are jobs advertised by them [large only for Galway and Ireland, but for the development of second-
multinational based in Galway] and half of their ad is a picture of tier cities across Europe.
our work, so you see our work being used by them to market them-
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23rd. sector in the western region. Roscommon, Ireland: WDC.
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Interviews
IDA (2009). Vital statistics: Invest in Ireland, The Industrial Development Agency;
Dublin. December 2009 Report. <http://www.idaireland.com/news-media/ Collins, P. Tech 1 2002 Interview with MD of indigenous technology company
publications/library-publications/ida-ireland-publications/Vital-Statistics-Dec- August.
2009.pdf> Accessed July 2010. Collins, P. Tech 2 2002 Interview with CEO of indigenous technology company
Irish Tourist Board (2008). Overseas holidaymakers 19972008. Dublin: The Irish August.
Tourist Board. Collins, P. Tech 3 2005 Interview with founder of indigenous technology company
Jessop, R., & Sum, N.-L. (2000). An entrepreneurial city in action: Hong Kongs May.
emerging strategies in and for (inter-)urban competition. Urban Studies, 37(12), Collins, P. Tech 4 2004 Interview with HR manager US owned Multinational
22872313. Corporation September.
Keating, M. (2003). The invention of regions: political restructuring and territorial Collins, P. Tech 5 2006 Interview with MD of US owned MNC September.
government in western Europe. In N. Brenner, R. Jessop, M. Jones, & G. Collins, P., & Fahy, F. Cult 1 2006 Interview with Macnas representative June.
Macleod (Eds.), State/space: A reader (pp. 256277). Oxford: Blackwell Collins, P. 2006 Interview with Druid representative September.
Publishing. Collins, P. 2006 Interview with member of the Galway Arts Centre October.
Kirby, P. (2002). The Celtic Tiger in distress: Growth with inequality in Ireland. New Collins, P. 2009 Interview with manager of Civic Theatre October.
York: Palgrave. Collins, P. 2009 Interview with Director of Theatre Company October.
Kneafsey, M. (1997). Tourism and place identity: Change and resistance in the Collins, P. 2009 Interview with Director of TG4 Television Channel.
European Celtic periphery. PhD thesis in Geography, University of Liverpool. Collins, P. 2009 Interview with CEO of TV production company November.