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109,6 Promoting childrens mental,
emotional and social health
through contact with nature:
522
a model
Cecily Jane Maller
The Centre for Design & The Global Cities Institute,
College of Design and Social Context, RMIT University,
Melbourne, Australia
Abstract
Purpose This paper aims to determine educators perceptions about the benefits of contact with
nature for childrens mental, emotional and social health.
Design/methodology/approach The approach was exploratory using qualitative methods.
Face-to-face interviews were conducted with school principals and teachers as well as professionals
from the environmental education industry. Interviews focused on the perceived benefits for childrens
health from school activities involving hands-on contact with nature.
Findings Hands-on contact with nature is perceived by educators to improve self-esteem,
engagement with school and a sense of empowerment, among other benefits. Different types of
activities are perceived to have different outcomes. A model is proposed to illustrate the findings.
Research limitations/implications Activities involving hands-on contact with nature may have
significant health outcomes for children. Further empirical work is needed to determine the extent of
the benefits and provide further evidence.
Practical implications Findings support the value of activities involving nature and provide
further incentive to include such activities in teaching curricula. Activities involving hands-on contact
with nature at school may be a means of promoting childrens mental, emotional and social health at a
crucial time in their development.
Originality/value This paper addresses two gaps in current knowledge: much research on contact
with nature and health and wellbeing has focused on adults not children; despite the popularity of
nature-based activities in schools there has been no investigation into the potential of these activities to
promote childrens mental, emotional and social health.
Keywords Children (age groups), Schools, Personal health, Outdoor training
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
There is a large body of literature indicating substantial benefits for health and
wellbeing are to be derived from contact with nature and exposure to natural
environments generally (e.g. Health Council of the Netherlands, 2004; Maller et al.,
2006; Rohde and Kendle, 1994). The majority of benefits reported relate to mental
This research was undertaken towards completion of a doctorate in public health, generously
Health Education
Vol. 109 No. 6, 2009 funded by the Victorian Health Promotion Foundation in Melbourne, Australia. I would like to
pp. 522-543 sincerely thank the educators who kindly participated in the research for sharing their time,
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
0965-4283
experiences and insights. Thanks also to two anonymous reviewers who provided constructive
DOI 10.1108/09654280911001185 feedback on earlier drafts of this manuscript.
health and wellbeing, and include among other outcomes, stress reduction, improving Contact with
the ability to concentrate, alleviating the effects of depression, and improving
self-esteem (Frumkin, 2001; Prosser et al., 2008; Rohde and Kendle, 1994; Seymour,
nature: a model
2003). To date however, most research on contact with nature has concerned adults
rather than children.
Childrens mental health and wellbeing impacts directly on their ability to learn;
that is, children with poor mental health usually have learning as well as other 523
difficulties. There is evidence that mental health problems in teenagers and young
people are occurring at an unprecedented rate (Sawyer et al., 2001; Weare, 2000;
Zubrick et al., 2000). Weare (2000, p. 3) observes that modern children are part of a
social fabric undergoing an accelerated rate of change where . . . they are increasingly
exposed to adult ways of thinking, experience, problems and pressures in ways that
they may well not be equipped to handle. By identifying ways to promote mental
wellbeing at the primary school level, children may be better able to cope with these
changes, and realise their full potential as young people and adults.
Ecological theory suggests that contact with nature is important for children
because it promotes imagination and creativity, cognitive and intellectual
development, and enhances social relationships (Heerwagen and Orians, 2002;
Kellert, 2002; Kellert, 2005). In addition, educational theory suggests contact with
nature facilitates childrens understanding of their place in the world, their knowledge
of nature, and develops their cognitive, emotional and spiritual connections to the
social and biophysical world around them (Capra, 1999; Cramer, 2008; Green, 2004;
Hart, 1997; Montessori, 1967; Moore, 2000; Moore and Wong, 1997; Steiner, 1970).
Despite limited research, some evidence suggests that from five to 12 years of age
children have a particular affinity with nature where they engage in activities such as
den construction and use natural places to retreat from the world of adults (Kylin, 2003;
Powell, 2007; Sobel, 1993; Titman, 1994). However, because modern urban
environments generally limit childrens access to nature (Kellert, 2002; Kellert, 2005;
Louv, 2008; Moore and Wong, 1997; Pyle, 2002; Rivkin, 1995; Rivkin, 1997) it could be
argued that the responsibility to provide children with nature contact is largely placed
on schools, through the physical environment of their grounds and through teaching
activities. Research on childrens contact with nature at school is in its early stages and
little is known about educators perceptions of the mental health benefits children may
gain from nature experiences. This paper seeks to determine the importance of
hands-on contact with nature at school for childrens mental health and wellbeing as
perceived by principals, teachers and other educators in the environmental education
industry in Melbourne, Australia.
Findings
Characteristics of participants
In total, 30 participants were interviewed when data saturation was observed.
Interviews lasted from around 30 minutes to two hours, with most being about an hour
in duration. The principal and a lead teacher from 12 schools participated, except for
one school where the principal was unable to take part. Eleven schools were
government funded schools while the remaining school was a privately funded
Catholic school. To locate industry participants, 15 environmental education
organisations were approached. Seven participants from across these organisations
were interviewed when data saturation occurred. Four industry participants were
managers, including a coordinator of a community garden, two managers of
environmental education organisations, and a senior officer of a sustainability
education organisation. The three remaining participants were practitioners, including
HE a landscape architect of a garden for children, a freelance early childhood
environmental education consultant, and an education coordinator at a childrens
109,6 garden. Six industry participants had teaching qualifications and had worked as
teachers, or were currently working in some capacity as a teacher.
Findings are presented below according to the research questions this paper seeks
to address. Quotes from participants are used to illustrate key points.
526
(1) Educators perceptions about the types of hands-on contact with nature in schools
When asked about the types of activities involving hands-on contact with nature found
in schools, school and industry participants held different perceptions. Industry
participants clearly differentiated between environmental education and other
activities that might involve nature, whereas school participants did not. For
example, when asked about the difference between nature-based activities and
environmental education, one principal stated:
. . . call it what you might but youre doing the same activity arent you? The content is the
same. Youre developing an appreciation for growing things. No, I cant see that theres a
difference really. Theyre one and the same thing . . . (Principal, School 12).
Industry participants perceived some activities to be more structured while others were
considered unstructured. For example, unstructured activities were described as
experiences children had alone in nature, or with a small group of other children, that
were not directed by adults. While structured activities, usually associated with
environmental education, were about problem-solving, were shared with other
children, and were often directed by adults.
The most commonly provided example of an unstructured activity was free play in
a school garden or nature reserve, with or without other children, where children are
not necessarily supervised by adults or if so, their play is not directed by adults. In this
type of activity children can exercise their will to manipulate and discover the
environment as they wish.
. . . I was in the childrens garden the other day and I found just a little pile of stones, a little
sand and a whole lot of sticks around it . . . I just imagined that child being absorbed in that
. . . I just think thats gotta be healthy for a child (Industry participant 1).
For three industry participants, free-play in nature was seen as an essential part of a
childs development, particularly because they considered childrens lives to be overly
structured:
. . . the philosophy here is that children have to . . . find what they love first . . . I think our
children are far too organised these days particularly in terms of school . . . I think were
institutionalising children too early . . . it can deaden them a bit . . . continually trying to
improve them and improve them and [getting them to] do all these [extra curricular] activities
. . . (Industry participant 1).
Examples participants provided of structured activities included working in a
vegetable garden, restoring native habitat, and building a wetland on the school
grounds. Participants described how children work with other children and adults
towards achieving a common goal.
That notion of being actively involved in a collective way with others . . . Addressing
challenges or problems that [the children] see as significant to others in addition to
themselves. Working for the community I suppose, for their friends . . . And linked to that,
actually feeling that you are a functioning part of . . . a big wide community (Industry Contact with
participant 4).
nature: a model
Four industry participants perceived that structured activities were more beneficial for
children than unstructured activities because they were about problem-solving,
teamwork and contributing to society. . . . they had to do research, they had to use
maths, they had to build things . . . they had to [give] a presentation which [brings in]
their communication skills . . . The kids . . . designed a garden, a herb and flower 527
garden, which has a pond and it has water tanks, and it has a yabbie farm and it has a
solar powered pump . . . the children designed it all. And they now link the products
that they sell or they make in the garden, back to the food in the canteen . . . So what
theyre doing is fostering creativity, and innovation and enterprise (Industry
participant 5).The contrasting viewpoints of industry participants can be explained by
their professional roles: managers favoured structured activities, whereas practitioners
favoured unstructured activities. Managers held a strategic view of environmental
education and were largely removed from daily educational encounters with children.
Furthermore, managers considered themselves responsible for promoting best-practice
and were acutely aware of the history of environmental education in Melbourne:
. . . environmental education tended to start off with a nature-studies approach . . . If you go
back to the long history of organisations like the Gould League and the School Forestry
Branch and so on, it was very much a lets go out and observe nature and appreciate its
beauty, and know the names of the creatures and . . . draw pictures of them. But not really try
to get involved in actually addressing conservation issues . . . That whole notion of learning
through action . . . and really trying to address environmental problems rather than just learn
about them, has really started to be picked up much more widely and we [currently] see some
fantastic projects and programs that really build that dimension into it (Industry
participant 4).
This focus explains their readiness to distinguish between types of activities involving
contact with nature and also explained their preferences for structured activities that
are goal-oriented and focussed on positive environmental outcomes to benefit society
as a whole.
Practitioners engaged with children on a regular basis and were more interested in
enhancing childrens personal development. They distinguished between types of
activities because of their particular belief in the importance of unstructured
experiences. This preference was explained by their desire to provide an alternative to
current environmental education practice by giving children opportunities for free-play
in natural environments.
In the childrens garden . . . we wanted children to play . . . What we wanted to do was create a
whole series of plant environments . . . [that] have an openness like nature does where it
actually allows the children to come in and do what they want to do in those spaces (Industry
participant 1).
Despite these distinctions, the views of managers and practitioners were not regarded
as mutually exclusive and furthermore, it is likely that some participants had changed
roles from a practitioner to a manager, and vice versa, during their career.
Conversely, ten out of eleven principals did not distinguish between activities: they
perceived all activities involving hands-on contact with nature as interwoven.
HE . . . I think you integrate things together . . . you might have a different focus . . . but generally
you try to integrate things so that it flows and you dont say, thats environmental studies,
109,6 thats gardening . . . It overlaps and youve got to see it as being an overlapping of, maybe
different concepts, but similar skills . . . (Principal, School 10).
Not surprisingly, all twelve teachers held a similar view.
I think because we have our integrated programs . . . everywhere we look around the school
528 something has come from either an integrated unit, or a whole school activity . . . Its
integrated into the school curriculum and its integrated into being a student [here] (Teacher,
School 7).
School participants did not differentiate between types of activities involving hands-on
contact with nature because they saw simpler nature or environmental educational
activities as opposite ends of a contact with nature spectrum. In practice, the
activities were integrated across schools curricula and were utilised for different
purposes. For example, some school participants spoke of simpler activities as being
appropriate for younger children and complex activities as more suitable for older
children.
I think its probably more [determined by] the age group . . . if the Preps look at butterflies, its
manageable for them, mainly because of the developmental stage that [the children are] at.
Whereas if a year 5-6 [child] was doing that, you could expect them to actually build the
[butterfly] habitat . . . (Principal, School 2).
(2) Educators perceptions of the benefits of hands-on contact with nature for childrens
mental, emotional and social health
Due to the differences in participants perceptions about types of contact with nature,
industry and school participants views about the potential benefits are examined
separately in this section. However, the views of different participants are not
considered mutually exclusive; rather they are seen as complementary interpretations
of the potential benefits arising from different types of activities involving hands-on
contact with nature.
531
Figure 1.
Conceptual map of
industry participants
perceptions of
unstructured and
structured hands-on
contact with nature and
the perceived benefits for
childrens mental,
emotional and social
health according to their
roles as either
practitioners or managers
down the end of the building here, and they nurtured it, and they were out there at lunch
times, watering their plants. Oh, you couldnt go near their garden! (Teacher, School 2).
Like industry participants, school participants also believed that activities involving
hands-on contact with nature give children with different learning abilities or who may
have behavioural difficulties, an opportunity to experience a sense of achievement.
And a lot of kids . . . that are seen with behavioural problems in the classroom, you get them
outside doing activities and they just shine (Teacher, School 5).
Importantly, this outcome was interpreted as resulting in a level playing field where
all children involved in the activity had an equal chance of success a situation that
may be rare in the context of their normal academic learning environment.
Gardening or outdoor education is just one [activity] where a child doesnt necessarily have to
have superb listening, language acquisition, reading, [or] maths. Its a wonderful activity for a
child to succeed in, and [these activities create] a level playing field (Principal, School 12).
HE Again, similar to industry participants, some school participants recognised the link
109,6 between mental and physical health, for example when childrens self-confidence is
boosted from overcoming a physical challenge. Several school participants commented
that because some children have limited opportunities to experience nature they can be
reluctant to get their hands dirty. Hence, experiential activities involving nature were
believed to provide important opportunities for children to be challenged in this way.
532 . . . you get the kids out there for the first time . . . [and they] hardly want to touch the dirt, and
they dont want to get their hands dirty . . . But once [they] get their hands in the dirt and put a
seedling in . . . then they dont worry so much. Same with our worm farm [and] kids picking
up worms . . . They go out there, and first of all they go, Urrr, Im not going to touch that, but
when you next see them . . . They love . . . it. And I think thats almost therapeutic for them to
be able to do that (Principal, School 10).
Further to this, enjoyment resulting in deeper engagement with school was a frequent
benefit mentioned by school participants, either from the perspective that universally
children enjoy outdoor experiences, or from the point of view that these activities
provide them with an alternative learning environment to the classroom.
The kids love it . . . theres no doubt about that . . . and I dont think any teacher needs to be
convinced about what hands on-learning does for kids, how it engages kids. The engagement
that the program has . . . brought about in the student learning in this school is fantastic, and
that alone . . . is probably the most valuable thing that it has [done] (Principal, School 5).
Apart from enjoyment, the development of skills in care and nurturing of plants and
animals were described by many school participants as important outcomes. One
teacher described how he believed that these skills transfer to the care and nurturing of
people.
The idea of growing something and looking after it, or having rabbits in the classroom and
looking after them, or the goldfish . . . Those ideas I believe are transferred [to people]. And
kids who are happy to do those types of things are also happy to look after each other. So if
you can instil the importance of looking after a plant or looking after an animal, then the idea
of looking after each other and not putting each other down, and thinking of the feelings of
other people, can be made that much easier as well (Teacher, School 11).
Participants also described connectedness to other people as a major outcome,
particularly for middle- and upper-primary school children aged from around 8 to 12
years. Additionally, teachers and principals believed that activities that connect
children with their school can result in students at-risk of becoming disengaged from
school, continuing to be engaged with their learning and their school community.
And again projects like this [are] . . . a way of helping kids remain engaged in schools.
Because schools are often the last social bastion to help these kids . . . if [their] families have
broken down. Something critical has happened in their lives and theyre not connected in the
school . . . (Principal, School 11).
Related to this, teachers and principals described how they believed children obtained
stress relief from having contact with plants, animals, or other elements of nature and
that having access to quiet natural spaces in the school grounds had a calming effect.
For many children sitting and patting an animal can make a significant difference to them
either in terms of their capacity to come in here, but also for kids that lose it Im able to
watch the anger or anxiety dissipated by patting. So, its genuine, I can see it everyday with Contact with
the kids (Principal, School 1).
nature: a model
Lastly, around one third of school participants believed that activities based around
hands-on contact with nature allowed children to experience freedom and creativity,
and that these activities also lend themselves to exploration and the opportunity for
children to engage in play.
533
. . . its an experience that a lot of kids dont have. Watching a calf being born next door . . .
finding out about the farmers anger when theyve patted a horse they shouldnt have patted.
All that sort of stuff . . . Kids learn something about themselves when they go away on a
camp . . . They learn some degree or capacity for a level of independence . . . its because
theyre in a natural environment they learn about simply using it to explore and make play
(Principal, School 1).
School participants perceptions about activities involving hands-on contact with
nature are illustrated in Figure 2.
Discussion
The differences detected in the perceptions of industry and school participants about
the benefits of childrens hands-on contact with nature demonstrate considerable
overlap which can be explained by the application of some ecological theory.
Kellert (2005, 2002) reflects on the role of experience and contact with nature in
childhood development. He distinguished three kinds of contact children have with
nature:
(1) direct;
(2) indirect; and
(3) vicarious experiences (Kellert, 2005, 2002).
Direct experiences are defined as actual physical contact with plants and animals
and physically being in natural settings. However, Kellert (2002) restricts direct
encounters to animals, plants and environments occurring mostly outside and
independent of the human built environment, where organisms and ecosystems
function without continuous human intervention and control. Furthermore, he
considers direct contact with nature as an unplanned experience, for example, when a
child engages in spontaneous play in their backyard, a neighbourhood park or an
abandoned lot and they encounter native species of plants and animals (Kellert, 2002).
Kellert (2002, p. 119) defines a childs indirect experience of nature as involving
actual physical contact with plants and animals but in more restricted, programmed
and managed contexts where . . . the experience of natural habitats and nonhuman
creatures is typically the result of regulated and contrived human activity. For
example, included are experiences with animals, plants and habitats encountered in
zoos, aquariums and botanical gardens, and domesticated species and habitats such as
farm and companion animals, vegetable gardens and cultivated crops (Kellert, 2002).
The final type of experience with nature described by Kellert (2002; 2005) is a
vicarious or symbolic experience which . . . does not involve contact with actual
living organisms and environments but rather, with the image, representation, or
metaphorical expression of nature (Kellert, 2005, p. 66). Vicarious experiences have
become more predominant in childrens lives through various means such as books
and other print media, radio, television, film and computers (Kellert, 2002). Hence direct
HE
109,6
534
Figure 2.
Conceptual map of school
participants perceptions
of activities with hands-on
contact with nature and
the perceived benefits for
childrens mental,
emotional and social
health
and indirect experiences of nature are those experiences that involve hands-on contact
with plants, animals and other elements of nature, while vicarious experiences do not
(Kellert, 2002, 2005).
The theory of biophilia argues that owing to our evolutionary history, where
humans lived entirely in and were dependent on nature, people today still have an
innate affinity for nature that is beneficial for health and wellbeing (Wilson, 1984;
2001). Early in human history there was an evolutionary advantage in knowing about
the natural world, particularly information concerning plants and animals, and this
knowledge contributed to survival (Kellert, 1997). Kellert (2002) suggests that
according to biophilia, hands-on contact with nature becomes paramount in
middle-childhood. As evidence Kellert (2002) discusses den construction, an activity
particularly associated with this developmental stage (Kirkby, 1989; Kylin, 2003;
Moore, 1986; Sobel, 1990; Sobel, 1993; Titman, 1994). By using their hands to construct
secret hiding places out of natural elements outside of, but near to, the home, children
create and construct quasi-habitations gaining autonomy and self-confidence in Contact with
the process (Kellert, 2002).
Direct and indirect experiences can be considered equivalent to the unstructured
nature: a model
and structured types of contact described by industry participants in the present study.
Direct experiences are equal to unstructured activities in nature, described by
participants as facilitating childrens exploration, discovery of, and immersion in
nature through which they negotiate their own identity and their place in the world. 535
Indirect experiences are equal to structured hands-on activities in nature, which
participants described as beneficial for meaningful learning, problem-solving skills,
empowerment and connecting with local community members, teachers and other
adults. Indirect activities occur in more programmed contexts (Kellert, 2002) which in
the current context can be interpreted as the school environment.
Although he argues that indirect and vicarious experiences of nature still play an
important role, Kellert (2002) emphasises that it is childrens direct experience of nature
in middle-childhood that has the most powerful effect on their psychosocial growth and
development. Despite acknowledging that further study is required, Kellert (2002, p.
139) states: . . . direct experience of nature plays a significant, vital and perhaps
irreplaceable role in affective, cognitive and evaluative development. Similarly,
practitioners in the present study believed that unstructured activities were more
beneficial than structured activities for childrens development and mental, emotional
and social health. Both Kellert (2005, 2002) and the practitioners in this study intimate
that childrens time is now more structured than in previous eras, and that
opportunities for autonomous, private play in natural environments have diminished.
Others have also expressed this concern (Louv, 2008; Moore and Wong, 1997; Nabhan
and Trimble, 1994).
Additional potentially interchangeable terms for structured and unstructured
hands-on contact with nature can be found in other studies, although they are not
necessarily used in reference to children. For example, Sempik et al. (2003) explored the
use of gardening to promote health, wellbeing, and social inclusion among vulnerable
adults. The authors constructed a model, based on biophilia, to illustrate the main
activities, processes and outcomes of hands-on contact with nature through gardening.
Similar to the distinction made in the present work between unstructured and
structured hands-on contact with nature, the model distinguishes between quiet
appreciation of nature (passive participation) and active engagement with it through
organised gardening activities (active participation) (Sempik et al., 2003).
Regardless of whether structured and unstructured activities are considered as
direct and indirect experiences of nature, or as passive and active participation, it is
argued here that not only are both activities highly beneficial for childrens mental,
emotional and social health, but that the activities and their associated benefits are in
fact concomitant and complementary to one another.
It is interesting at this point to reflect on the ecological-evolutionary perspective of
Heerwagen and Orians (2002), who predict age-related patterns of behavioural
responses to the natural environment or environmental stimuli. They consider certain
ecological needs or challenges children may encounter, including safety, foraging and
feeding, and finding a place to live, and their influence at different stages of childrens
development (Heerwagen and Orians, 2002). Heerwagen and Orians (2002) contemplate
these challenges and predict at what developmental stage they would have most
influence as evidenced by childrens behaviour. In middle-childhood, they suggest that
as children develop their physical skills (enabling them to move further away from
HE their home base) they would engage in greater exploration of their environment and
participate in self-directed activities such as den construction. As evidence, they cite
109,6 the work of Hart (1979), which demonstrates that den and tree-house construction is a
preferred activity for children aged between seven and 11 years (Heerwagen and
Orians, 2002). It appears therefore, that unstructured activities involving hands-on
contact with nature may fulfil an ecological need of children during middle-childhood
536 that is a natural part of their development.
Where does this leave structured contact with nature, which managers and school
participants perceived as equally, if not more beneficial, for childrens development and
mental, emotional and social health? The answer is in the data. During this research,
school participants (who teach children in middle-childhood ranging in age from five to
12 years of age) did not differentiate between unstructured and structured activities
involving hands-on contact with nature. As explained earlier, this was because they
considered all hands-on contact with nature beneficial for children. Contrary to this
stance however, was the perception that different types of contact with nature were
suitable at different stages of childrens development. School participants described
simpler, less structured contact with nature as being most appropriate for younger
primary-aged children and more complex, problem-solving activities with nature as
appropriate for older primary-aged children. Based on this reasoning, which is
consistent with Piagetian theory, unstructured and structured activities can be placed
on a spectrum based on childrens developmental stage rather than being considered
oppositional or discrete types.
The concept of a spectrum also helps explain the views of managers and
practitioners. It is likely that managers preferred structured activities because they
were focussed on positive environmental outcomes and pro-environmental behaviour,
whereas practitioners favoured unstructured activities because they were focussed on
younger children and their development. In fact, one practitioner was as an early
childhood environmental education consultant, and two other practitioners worked
with children ranging in ages from one to eight years of age. The spectrum of activities
can be combined with earlier diagrams depicting the perceived benefits of hands-on
contact with nature to create a model.
A model of activities involving hands-on contact with nature and the benefits to
childrens mental, emotional and social health
The model devised by Sempik et al. (2003) explaining the benefits of hands-on contact
with nature for adults can be adapted to accommodate the findings of this study. It has
been adapted for the perceived benefits of hands-on contact with nature and childrens
mental, emotional and social health in Figure 3.
The model depicts the influence of biophilia, or innate evolutionary factors (Sempik
et al., 2003) on childrens interest in activities involving hands-on contact with nature.
Based on the perceptions of the participants in this study, the model also incorporates
all of the outcomes described for childrens mental, emotional and social health.
Portrayed as a spectrum, hands-on contact with nature can occur at either extreme as
either unstructured or structured activities, or alternatively, in various forms between
these two types (Figure 3).
Activities occurring at different points along the spectrum result in different, but
often overlapping, benefits for childrens mental, emotional and social health (Figure 3).
For example, outcomes such as stress relief, self-esteem, sensory engagement, physical
Contact with
nature: a model
537
Figure 3.
Hands-on contact with
nature and childrens
mental, emotional and
social health a model
depicting the types of
activities and outcomes
(after Sempik et al., 2003)
Implications
This research has shown principals, teachers and professionals from the
environmental education sector perceive that hands-on contact with nature is
important for childrens mental, emotional and social health on various dimensions. It
also highlights the pivotal role that schools can play in providing children with access
HE to nature. As the majority of opportunities for modern children to experience contact
with nature appear to be occurring at school, the amount of access to nature that school
109,6 settings provide is becoming increasingly important.
Schools are in an ideal position to provide both unstructured and structured
activities involving hands-on contact with nature. Unstructured activities could occur
before and after school, as well as during morning tea or lunch breaks, on school
538 grounds that have high amounts and diverse types, of vegetation and other natural
features (e.g. animals, water features). Children would be able to use their imagination
to discover and play alone, or with other children, in these environments which would
be highly manipulable and reflect natural cycles (i.e. the seasons, growth, birth and
death). Structured hands-on contact with nature is highly suited to the curriculum
where nature can be incorporated into childrens daily lessons. Structured activities
could occur indoors and outdoors (on the school grounds or in another natural area
off-site), involve other children and teachers and/or other adults who could work
together to solve local environmental issues or alternatively to create green spaces on
the school grounds, such as gardens or habitat for wildlife.
Adults largely control most aspects of childrens lives, and school settings are no
different. If schools do not have green grounds, or the school philosophy does not
value the environment, many children who live in urban areas may have limited
opportunities to experience nature and may miss out on the potential benefits
described in this research. With the likelihood of future research contributing to the
growing evidence in this area, reconsideration could be given to the design of schools,
early childhood centres and local neighbourhoods to ensure that children are provided
with opportunities to access nature. In particular, it is recommended that school
grounds are designed to maximise childrens contact with plants and animals.
Conclusion
This exploratory study has demonstrated that adults from the education sector perceive
there are multiple benefits to childrens mental, emotional and social health from activities
involving hands-on contact with nature at school. A valuable next step would be to take
an experimental approach to measure effects on childrens mental, emotional and social
health, building on the groundwork established here. Combined with the impetus of
increasing mental health problems in children reported in the literature, it is evident that
there is greater potential for activities involving hands-on contact with nature to be
introduced into primary schools. Schools appear to be playing an increasingly important
role in providing children with access to nature and are in an ideal position to provide
activities incorporating both unstructured and structured elements.
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Appendix Contact with
Interview schedule for school participants
Topic (A) introducing activities: nature: a model
1. Tell me a little about the nature-based or environmental education activities at your
school?
2. How were you involved in the introduction of the nature-based/env education activity 541
at your school?
3. For what purpose/purposes was the activity introduced?
4. How was the activity introduced? E.g. was it an initiative of one person, or a
group/committee? Or did it just evolve?
5. Briefly, were there any enablers to the introduction of the activity? i.e. What brought
about its introduction?
6. Briefly, were there any barriers to overcome before introducing the activity? i.e. Any
obstacles to overcome?