Windows To The Ancient World of The Hebrew Bible

Windows to the Ancient World
of the Hebrew Bible

Windows to the Ancient World
of the Hebrew Bible
Essays in Honor of Samuel Greengus
edited by
Bill T. Arnold, Nancy L. Erickson, and John H. Walton
Winona Lake, Indiana

Eisenbrauns
2014
Copyright 2014 Eisenbrauns
All rights reserved.
Printed in the United States of America.
www.eisenbrauns.com
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Windows to the ancient world of the Hebrew Bible : essays in honor of Samuel
Greengus / edited by Bill Arnold, Nancy L. Erickson, and John Walton.
pagescm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-57506-302-7 (hardback : alk. paper)
1. Bible. Old TestamentCriticism, interpretation, etc. 2. Middle
EastCivilizationTo 622. I. Arnold, Bill, editor. II. Erickson, Nancy L.,
editor III. Walton, John, editor. IV. Greengus, Samuel, honoree.
BS1178.H4W452014
221.6dc23
2013048122
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American
National Standard for Information SciencesPermanence of Paper for Printed Library
Materials, ANSI Z39.481984.
Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .vii
A Colleagues Appreciation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii
Nili S. Fox
A Students Appreciation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii
Richard S. Hess
Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
Publications by Dr. Samuel Greengus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xv
Law, Economy, Academia, and Divination in Bronze Age Canaan:

The Value of the Cuneiform Tablets Discovered at Tel Hazor . . . .1
Stephen J. Andrews
The Holiness Redaction of the Flood Narrative (Gen 6:99:29) . . . . .13
Bill T. Arnold
Isaiah 47 and 54: An Investigation into a Case of Intertextuality . . . . .41
Bryan E. Beyer
The Tenth Commandment and the Concept of Inward Liability . . . 51
Aurelian Botica
The Book of Giants and the Greek Gilgamesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .67
Jeffrey L. Cooley
Donning the Right Garb: The Egyptian Ritual of Opening
the Mouth and the Biblical Regulations in Exodus 2829 . . . . . .81
Nancy L. Erickson
Mythologizing Exile: Life, Law, and Justice after the Flood . . . . . . . .95
Angela Roskop Erisman
The Hebrew Syllable: Definition and Practical Application . . . . . . . .111
Russell Fuller
Neither Slave Nor Free: Children Living on the
Edge of a Social Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .121
Kristine Henriksen Garroway
The Administration of Copper Tools at Umma
in the Ur III Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .139
Charles Halton
v
vi Contents
Rabbi Joshua Briskins Tav Yhoshua: Yalkut Derekh Ere,

A Handbook for Busy Jews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .151
Rabbi Barton Lee
The Changing Face of Victory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .161
R. Russell Mack
Zru, to Hate as a Metaphor for Covenant Instability . . . . . . . . . .175
Andrew J. Riley
With Mace in Hand ... and Praise in Throat: Comparisons and
Contrasts in the Bookends of the Psalter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
Tim Undheim
Do Deities Deceive? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .201
Ronald A. Veenker
Toward an Ethic of Liberation for Bible Translation:
A Work in Progress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
Steven Voth
Demons in Mesopotamia and Israel: Exploring the Category of
Non-Divine but Supernatural Entities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .229
John H. Walton
The Literary Structure of Judges Revisited:
Judges as a Ring Composition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247
Kenneth C. Way
The Perfect Verb and the Perfect Woman in Proverbs . . . . . . . . . .261
Brian L. Webster
Index of Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273

Index of Scripture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .278
Preface
Professor Samuel Greengus has had a long and illustrious career as

scholar and mentor at Hebrew Union CollegeJewish Institute of Religion
in Cincinnati. His scholarly contributions are well known through his nu-
merous publications (see pp. xvxvi). Perhaps less well known outside
the immediate HUCJIR family is the influence of Sams teaching and men-
toring career, spanning nearly 50 years. Remarkably, he supervised more
than four dozen doctoral dissertations.
On April 10, 2011, the CollegeInstitute sponsored a symposium on
the Cincinnati campus in Sams honor. Twelve of his former doctoral stu-
dents were invited to present papers related to their current research. Those
papers were the firstfruits of the full harvest presented here. We are happy
to present them together in this volume in honor of Professor Greengus.
Sam has hundreds of former students, colleagues, and admirers around
the world, many of whom wanted to participate in the symposium and later
to contribute to this Festschrift. In order to limit the volume to a manage-
able size, contributions have been invited only from former students who
worked directly with Sam on doctoral dissertations. Countless others could
have written for the volume who were his students or colleagues, but the
project would quickly have become a multivolume work. We have chosen
instead to avoid the weariness of the flesh precipitated by the making of
many books of which there is no end (Qoh 12:12).
We hope these scholarly contributions demonstrate our great esteem
for Samuel Greengus and our appreciation for his influence while we stud-
ied with him at HUCJIR, Cincinnati, if inadequately honoring his contri-
butions to the field of Hebrew Bible and ancient Near Eastern studies.
Bill T. Arnold,
Nancy L. Erickson,
and John H. Walton
vii
viii Preface
A Colleagues Appreciation
Nili S. Fox
Samuel Greengus is one of those rare persons whose academic life re-
flects Wisdom in the truest biblical sense. He is a scholar and a gentleman.
As a member of the Hebrew Union CollegeJewish Institute of Religion
faculty in Cincinnati for nearly five decades, he has modeled the finest attri-
butes of collegiality and leadership.In his multiple roles as professor, dean,
and vice president, his very being was entwined with that of the College
Institute. His actions have always been goal-oriented but fair, his words soft
but strong. To his colleagues, as to his students, Sam served as teacher, ad-
visor, and friend.
In Spring 2012, I taught the Biblical and Ancient Near East Law course
traditionally taught by Sam. His 2011 book, Laws in the Bible and in Ear-
ly Rabbinic Collections: The Legal Legacy of the Ancient Near East, served
as the course core text. It allowed a new generation of students to engage
in Professor Greenguss depth of knowledge and insight of subject matter,
which he researched and studied for a lifetime. This, I hold, is one of the
greatest rewards of teaching.
It has been a blessing working with Sam, and we continue our team-
work on Ph.D. dissertations still in progress. As his successor in the role
of Director of the School of Graduate Studies, I stand on broad shoulders,
continually benefiting from his guidance. This Festschrift, so lovingly pre-
pared and offered to Sam by his students, is truly a fitting gift for one devot-
ed to the ideals of the academy.
A Students Appreciation
Richard S. Hess
It is a pleasure to reflect on my experiences as a student of Sam Green-
gus. Sam was one of those role models who combined scholarly integrity
with a civility that always looked for the best in people, not least in his
students. These qualities contributed to the long line of HUCJIR Ph.D.
students who worked with him and to the great influence he exerted on
them and on many of us who took his classes. I well remember the Sumer-
ian courses I took with Sam during my first year in graduate school. He
had a knack for explaining some of the difficult concepts and a great skill at
including some of the most interesting texts to read. The class of four met
in the Sumerian cuneiform room in the library. Although he was clearly the
master of the language, he sat beside us in the role of a fellow traveler as we
studied and learned. Of course, the fun part was always the stories he would
Preface ix
relate concerning his own teachers and experiences. His obvious respect
for the late Benno Landsberger shone through his words, as did Sams ad-
miration for his many anecdotes. I have yet to put to the test the method by
which Landsberger assured the prompt arrival of a taxi, involving generous
gifts of good whiskey.
There were many insights in the classes of Sam Greengus, and they went
beyond wisdom and other genres of texts that we read. One day, he congrat-
ulated one of the students whose wife had just given birth to a healthy baby.
He then observed how this moved one another generation along the family
line. I have often reflected on that as, like Sam, I have had the opportunity
to move from the role of a child to that of a parent and a grandparent. His
love for and connection with his family always served as an example to his
students of some of the fundamental values of human life.
As doctoral students, we all dreaded the week of doctoral exams. As a
member of my exam committee, Sam was always clear about what I should
study and how I should prepare. When the time came and I was in the
midst of writing the exams, one of the papers contained a question that we
had agreed would not be on the test. At the end of that day, I appeared in
Sams office and made my appeal to him. As a member of my committee
and as a friend, he was able to calm my concerns and proceed to set aright
the matter. I am sure that, like me, many found in Sam their advocate so
that they could have their work fairly evaluated and successfully complete
their programs. Indeed, it was a special role that he had during my years at
HUCJIR. He was one to whom many came to seek guidance and counsel
in their lives. He had the gifts of listening and of empathy that are some-
times rare in the highest levels of scholarship.
One of the great gifts of life is to encounter ones teacher and friend
again and again as one moves through a career. It was always a pleasure to
see and visit with Sam, whether in visits back to the Cincinnati campus, in
academic conferences, or, most recently in the honor he bestowed on Bill
Arnold and me by agreeing to contribute to a history of Israel volume we
have been editing. The joy of this is to see the friendship grow and deepen.
And that was easy with Sam. On each occasion, he expressed genuine in-
terest in his students lives, families, and careers; and this always came with
encouraging words. Sam Greenguss inquisitive mind, sense of humor, and
joy of life combine to make him one of those sure guides along the way.
Sam, blessings with this volume. May you have many more years to
lead your students along the paths that you love.
Abbreviations
General
2 NT Family archive of Ninurta-uball 656 b.c.e.617 b.c.e. (Iraq 17: 6989)
ANM Aleppo Museum
BE Babylonian Expedition, Pennsylvania
BM British Museum
cev Contemporary English Version
Crozer Crozer Theological Seminary
CT Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, London
esv English Standard Version
FLP Free Library of Philadelphia
Ist Um Istanbul Museum
JRL John Rylands Library
kjv King James Version
nasb New American Standard Bible
net New English Translation
niv New International Version
njpsv New Jewish Publication Society Version
nrsv New Revised Standard Version
rsv Revised Standard Version
SH Tell emra (= Shemshara: Kopenhagen/Baghdad), Signatur der Funde
SI Smithsonian Institution
TIM Texts in the Iraqi Museum, Weisbaden
Reference Works
AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research
AB Anchor Bible
ABRL Anchor Bible Reference Library
ABD Anchor Bible Dictionary
AHw von Soden, W. Akkadisches Handwrterbuch. 3 vols. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 196581
AJSL American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literature
AnBib Analecta biblica
ANESSup Ancient Near Eastern Studies Supplements
AnOr Analecta orientalia
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der rmischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im
Spiegel der neueren Forschung
AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament
ARMT Archives royales de Mari, transcrite et traduite
ASM Arizona State Museum
ASOR American Schools of Oriental Research
ATANT Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments
xi
xii Abbreviations
AuOr Aula orientalis

W Hannig, R. ed. gyptisches Wrterbuch. Mainz am Rhein: von Zabern, 2003.
BA Biblical Archaeologist
BAR Biblical Archaeology Review
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BR Biblical Research
BRev Bible Review
BRLAJ Brill Reference Library of Ancient Judaism
BSac Bibliotheca sacra
BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
BTB Biblical Theology Bulletin
BZ Biblische Zeitschrift
BZAW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
CAD Oppenheim, A. L., et al., editors. The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental
Institute of the University of Chicago. 21 vols. (AZ). Chicago: Oriental
Institute, 19562011
Cairo 2000120780 Lang, H., and Schfer, H. Grab- und Denksteine des Mittlern Reiches.
4vols. Berlin: Reichsdruckerei, 1904
Camb. Strassmaier, J. N. Inschriften von Cambyses, Knig von Babylon (529521
v.Chr.). Leipzig: Pfeiffer, 1890.
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CBET Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology
CDME Faulkner, R. O., ed. A Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1962
CH Code of Hammurabi
CSCO Corpus scriptorium christianorum orientalium
Cyr Strassmaier, J. N. Inschriften von Cyrus. Leipzig: Pfeiffer, 1890
DB Vigouroux, F., ed. Dictionnaire de la Bible. 5 vols. 18951912
DCH Clines, D. J. A., ed. Dictionary of Classical Hebrew. Sheffield: Sheffield
Academic Press, 1993
DDD van der Toorn, K.; Becking, B.; and van der Horst, P. W., eds. Dictionary of
Deities and Demons in the Bible. Leiden: Brill, 1995
DOTP Dictionary of the Old Testament Pentateuch
DSD Dead Sea Discoveries
EA El-Amarna tablets. According to the edition of J. A. Knudtzon. Die el-
Amarna-Tafeln. Leipzig, 19081915. Reprint, Aalen, 1964. Continued in A. F.
Rainey, El-Amarna Tablets, 359379. 2d revised ed. Kevelaer, 1978.
ErIsr Eretz-Israel
ExpTim Expository Times
FAT Forschungen zum Alten Testament
FOTL Forms of the Old Testament Literature
GKC Kautzsch, E., ed. Gesenius Hebrew Grammar. Translated by A. E. Cowley.
2nded. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1910
HACL History, Archaeology, and Culture of the Levant
HALOT Koehler, L.; Baumgartner, W.; and Stamm, J. J. The Hebrew and Aramaic
Lexicon of the Old Testament. Translated and edited under supervision of
M. E. J. Richardson. 5 vols. Leiden: Brill, 19942000
HE cole Pratique des Hautes
HSM Harvard Semitic Monographs
Abbreviations xiii
HSS Harvard Semitic Series

HTR Harvard Theological Review
HUCA Hebrw Union College Annual
IDB Buttrick, G. A., ed. Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible. 4 vols. Nashville:
Abingdon, 1962
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
Int Interpretation
ISBE International Standard Bible Encyclopedia
ITL International Theological Library
JAAR Journal of the American Academy of Religion
JANES Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JARCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JBR Journal of Bible and Religion
JDS Judean Desert Studies
JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies
JE Singer, I., ed. The Jewish Encyclopedia. 12 vols. New York: Funk & Wagnalls,
1925
JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
JEN Chiera, E., et al. Joint Expedition with the Iraq Museum at Nuzi. Vols. 56.
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 193439
JETS Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JNSL Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages
Joon Joon, P. A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew. Translated and revised by T.
Muraoka. Subsidia Biblica 27. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 2006
JQR n.s. Jewish Quarterly Review, new series
JSOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
JSOTSup Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements
JSP Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha
JSS Journal of Semitic Studies
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
Kahun Griffith, F. Ll. Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob. London: Quaritch, 1898
LCL Loeb Classical Library
LHBOTS Library Hebrew Bible / Old Testament Series
MAL Middle Assyrian Laws
MC Mesopotamian Civilizations
MDP Mmoires de la delegation en Perse
MHUC Monographs of the Hebrew Union College
NAC New American Commentary
Nbk. J. N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Nabuchodonosor, Knig von Babylon. Leipzig:
Pfeiffer 1889
Nbn. J. N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Nabonidus, Knig von Babylon. Leipzig:
Pfeiffer 1889
NCBC New Cambridge Bible Commentary
NEAEHL Stern, E., ed. New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy
Land. 4 vols. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and Carta / New York:
Simon & Schuster, 1993
xiv Abbreviations
NIDOTTE Van Gemeren, W. A., ed. New International Dictionary of Old Testament
Theology and Exegesis. 5 vols. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1997
NIVAC New International Version Application Commentary
OBO Orbis biblicus et orientalis
BS sterreichische biblische Studien
Or Orientalia
OtSt Oudtestamentische Studin
PBS Publications of the Babylonian Section, University Museum, University of
Pennsylvania,
PRTMS Princeton Theological Monograph Series
RA Revue dassyriologie et darchologie orientale
RB Revue biblique
RlA Ebeling, E., et al., eds. Reallexikon der Assyriologie. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1928
RS Ras Shamra
SAA State Archives of Assyria
SAACT State Archives of Assyria Cuneiform Texts
SBJT Southern Baptist Journal of Theology
SBLABS Society of Biblical Literature Archaeology and Biblical Studies
SBLDS Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series
SBLSymS Society of Biblical Literature Symposium Series
SBLWAW Society of Biblical Literature Writings from the Ancient World
SBS Stuttgarter Bibelstudien
SBT Studies in Biblical Theology
SHANE Studies in the History of the Ancient Near East
SJLA Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity
TCBAI Transactions of the Casco Bay Assyriological Institute
TDNT Kittel, G., and Friedrich, G., eds. Theological Dictionary of the New Testament.
10 vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 196476
TDOT Botterweck, G. J., and Ringgren, H., eds. Theological Dictionary of the Old
Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 19742006
ThTo Theology Today
TP Theologie und Philosophie
TSAJ Texte und Studien zum antiken Judentum
UF Ugarit-Forschungen
VS Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmler der Kniglichen (Staatlichen) Museen zu
Berlin
VT Vetus Testamentum
VTSup Vetus Testamentum Supplements
WS Erman, A., and Grapow, H. Wrterbuch der gyptischen Sprache. 5 vols.
Leipzig: Hinrichs, 192631
WTJ Westminster Theological Journal
YOS Yale Oriental Series: Babylonian Texts
ZA Zeitschrift fr Assyriologie
ZS Zeitschrift fr gyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde
ZAW Zeitschrift fr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
Publications by Dr. Samuel Greengus
1965 The Advantages of Being an Ancient People. Pp.1829 in Jews in a Free

Society: Challenge and Opportunities, ed. E. A. Goldman. Cincinnati: Hebrew
Union College Press.
1966 Old Babylonian Marriage Ceremonies and Rites. Journal of Cuneiform Studies
20: 55-72.
1969 The Old Babylonian Marriage Contract. Journal of the American Oriental
Society 89: 52532.
1970 A Textbook Case of Adultery in Ancient Mesopotamia. Hebrew Union College
Annual 4041: 3344.
1975 Old Babylonian Tablets from Ishchali. Pp.812 in vol. 1 of Actes des XXIXe
Congres International des Orientalistes. 14 vols. Paris: LAsiatheque.
1975 Sisterhood Adoption at Nuzi and the Wife-Sister in Genesis. Hebrew Union
College Annual 46: 531.
1976 Law in the OT. Pp.53337 in Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible, Supplemen-
tary Volume. ed. Keith Crim, et al. Nashville: Abingdon.
1979 Old Babylonian Tablets from Ishchali and Vicinity. Uitgaven van het Neder-
lands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te stanbul 44. Leiden: Nederlands
Historisch Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul.
1981 Review of Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum.
Part 52: Old Babylonia Letters, by C. B. F. Walker and Altbabylonische Briefe
im Umscrift und bersetzung. Heft VII, by R. Kraus. Journal of the American
Oriental Society 101: 25760.
1981 Review of Economic Relations in the Lands of the Bible, by Moshe Elat. Orien-
talia 50: 21315.
1981 Review of Sources for Early Biblical History: The Second Millennium b.c., by
A.Malamat. Orientalia 50: 11112.
1982 Review of Agriculture and the State in Ancient Mesopotamia: An Introduction
to Problems of Land Tenure, by Maria deJ. Ellis. Journal of Cuneiform Studies
34: 99103.
1984 Review of Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians, In
Honor of E. R. Lacheman, ed. M. A. Morrison and D. I. Owen. Journal of the
American Oriental Society 104: 36466.
1986 Studies in Ishchali Documents. Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 19. Malibu: Undena.
1987 The Akkadian Calendar at Sippar. Journal of the American Oriental Society
107: 20929.
1987 Israelite Criminal Law. Pp.47578 in vol. 7 of The Encyclopedia of Religion,
ed. M. Eliade. 16 vols. New York: MacMillan.
1988 Review of Knigliche Verfgungen in Altbabylonischer Zeit, by F. R. Kraus.
Journal of the American Oriental Society 108: 15357.
1990 Bridewealth in Sumerian Sources. Hebrew Union College Annual 61: 2488.
1991 Filling Gaps: Laws Found in Babylonia and in the Mishna but Absent in the
Hebrew Bible. Maarav 7: 14971.
xv
xvi Publications by Dr. Samuel Greengus
1991 Review of Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar, by Robert Whiting, Jr.
Journal of the American Oriental Society 111: 14547.
1991 Training Jewish Studies Teachers. Shofar 9: 11920.
1992 Law: Biblical and ANE Law. Pp.24252 in vol. 4 of The Anchor Bible Dictio-
nary, ed. D. N. Freedman. 6 vols. New York: Doubleday.
1994 Some Issues Relating to the Comparability of Laws and the Coherence of the
Legal Tradition. Pp.6087 in Theory and Method in Biblical and Cuneiform
Law, ed. Bernard M. Levinson. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
Supplement Series 181. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.
1995 Legal and Social Institutions of Ancient Mesopotamia. Pp.46984 in vol. 1
of Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, ed. Jack Sasson, et al. 4 vols. New York:
Scribners.
1997 The Selling of Slaves: Laws Missing from the Hebrew Bible. Zeitschrift fr
Altorientalische und Biblische Rechtsgeschichte 3: 111.
2001 New Evidence on the Old Babylonian Calendar and Real Estate Documents
from Sippar. Journal of the American Oriental Society 121: 25767.
2002 Redefining Inchoate Marriage in Old Babylonian Contexts. Pp.12137 in
Studies in the Ancient Near East in Memory of Thorkild Jacobsen, ed. T. Abusch.
Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
2003 Biblical and Mesopotamian Law: An Amorite Connection? Pp.6381 in
Daily Life in the Ancient Near East, ed. R. Averbeck and D. W. Weisberg. Balti-
more: CDL.
2006 Foreword to Studies in the Book of the Covenant in Light of Cuneiform and Bibli-
cal Law, by Shalom M. Paul. Dover Studies in Bible, Language, and History.
Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock.
2011 Laws in the Bible and in Early Rabbinic Collections: The Legal Legacy of the
Ancient Near East. Eugene, OR: Cascade.
forthcoming Covenant in Ancient Israel: An Historical View. In Ancient Israels
History: An Introduction to Issues and Sources, ed. B. T. Arnold and R. S. Hess.
Grand Rapids: Baker.
Law, Economy, Academia, and Divination
in Bronze Age Canaan
The Value of the Cuneiform Tablets
Discovered at Tel Hazor
Stephen J. Andrews
To date, 18 Akkadian epigraphs have been discovered at Tel Hazor.

While these texts have been published and studied linguistically, a contex-
tual analysis is needed. This brief study will give attention to the legal, so-
cial, and economic issues and genres attested within these artifacts, as well
as their impact on the overall understanding of Bronze Age Canaan. Devel-
oping an appropriate taxonomy for these tablets will also help address the
prospect of finding an archive or archives at the site.
Introduction
Biblical tradition remembers Hazor as formerly the chief of all those
kingdoms (Josh 11:10). Today, several noteworthy pieces of evidence help
to confirm this statement and also illustrate the significance of this well-
known site in antiquity.1 Located about 14 km north of the Sea of Galilee on
a major junction of the great north-south trunk route,2 the ruins of Hazor
Authors note: This essay is gratefully dedicated to my esteemed teacher, Professor Sam-
uel Greengus, who graciously awakened in me a profound love for the study of the Bible
within the context of the ancient Near East. My interest in the Hazor tablets hearken
back to Akkadian classes with Dr. Greengus, more than 25 years ago, and the subsequent
opportunity to excavate there with Professor Amnon Ben Tor.
1. J. L. Porter first suggested that the large Tell el-Qedah was biblical Hazor in
1875. See Y. Yadin, Hazor: The Head of All Those Kingdoms (Schweich Lectures of the
British Academy 1970; London: Oxford University Press, 1972) 13. One cuneiform tab-
let, Hazor 11, discovered in situ in a Late Bronze fill in the 1996 season specifically
mentions the city of Hazor. Cf. Hazor 5. This evidence may confirm the identification
of Tell el-Qedah with biblical Hazor. See W. Horowitz and T. Oshima, Cuneiform in
Canaan: Cuneiform Sources from the Land of Israel in Ancient Times (Jerusalem: Hebrew
University, 2006) 6972, 82.
2. See A. F. Rainey and R. S. Notley, The Sacred Bridge: Cartas Atlas of the Biblical
World (Jerusalem: Carta, 2006) 166.
1
2 Stephen J. Andrews
cover over 200 acres. The upper city (the acropolis) rises about 37 m (120
ft.) above the surrounding valley; the larger lower tell extends northward in
a rectangular shape.
There have been 21 separate levels of occupation found on the acrop-
olis. The earliest settlement dates to the Early Bronze Age (ca. 29002300
b.c.e.). The lower tell, however, was occupied first in the Middle Bronze
Age after 1800 b.c.e. At this time, the upper and lower tells were encircled
by massive stone and mud brick ramparts more than 80 m (270 ft.) wide at
the base and 14 m (45 ft.) high.
At its zenith in the Middle Bronze Age (18001550 b.c.e.), Hazor was
larger than Ebla or Mari. In fact, Yadin somewhat exuberantly estimated
that the lower city alone could accommodate a population of 50,000.3 The
actual figure may be less. According to Garstang, Hazor, occupied the most
strategic position in the land, the real key to Palestine.4 To stand on the
site, much less dig there, is truly impressive.
Ongoing archaeological excavation continues to reveal extraordinary
artifacts and monumental architecture.5 Figurines, scarabs, cylinder seals,
jewelry, and cosmetic containers suggest a high level of prosperity and
trade.6 In addition, the discovery of a number of temples and cultic objects,
such as orthostats carved in the image of crouching lions, decapitated stat-
ues of deities, silver-plated cult standards, decorated ivories, and bronze
snake figurines indicate that the city also functioned as an important Ca-
naanite religious center. The artifacts and architecture of Late Bronze Age
Hazor are decidedly Syrian in influence.7
It is also true that Canaanite Hazor is widely attested in the literature of
the ancient Near East. The earliest historical reference occurs in the Egyp-
3. Yadin, Hazor: The Head of All Those Kingdoms, 106.
4. Quoted in ibid., 15.
5.Y. Yadin, Hazor, in NEAEHL 2:595. The Selz Foundation Excavations in
Memory of Yigael Yadin are a joint project of the Berman Center of Biblical Archaeol-
ogy at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Complutense University of Madrid.
For partial lists of current publications, see A. Ben-Tor and D. Ben-Ami, Hazor and the
Archaeology of the Tenth Century b.c.e, IEJ 48 (1998) 2 n. 6; and S. Zuckerman, The
City, Its Gods Will Return There . . .: Toward an Alternative Interpretation of Hazors
Acropolis in the Late Bronze Age, JNES 69 (2010) 163 n. 2. On-line excavation reports
from the 19912010 seasons may be accessed on the Web site of the Hebrew University
of Jerusalem, at http://unixware.mscc.huji.ac.il/~hatsor/hazor.html.
6. For excellent photographs of many of the finds, see Y. Yadin, Hazor: The Redis-
covery of a Great Citadel of the Bible (New York: Random House, 1975).
7.See Zuckerman, The City, 178; and R. Bonfil and A. Zarzecki-Peleg, The
Palace in the Upper City of Hazor as an Expression of a Syrian Architectural Paradigm,
BASOR 348 (2007) 2547.
Law, Economy, Academia, and Divination 3
tian Execration texts (19th century b.c.e.). Additionally, more than a dozen
cuneiform texts from Mari (18th century b.c.e.) identify Hazor as a major
diplomatic and commercial center. The city became the southern-most stop
on a regular trade route from Babylon to Canaan. Items of trade with Hazor
listed in the Mari tablets include tin, gold, silver, and precious stones.8 In
the Late Bronze Age, Hazor is also mentioned in New Kingdom texts and
the Amarna Tablets.9 In the Amarna archive Hazor is the only southern
Levant city mentioned alongside of northern Syrian cities in the First-Tier
Greetings sphere. This means that in the greeting-formula system Hazor
is ranked with Tunip, Qatna, Irqata, and Ugarit.10 This ranking, along with
the Syrian influence in artifactual and architectural evidence, suggests that
Hazor may have maintained a unique influence as a representative Meso-
potamian metropolis in Bronze Age Canaan. Such an influence may have
extended beyond matters of trade and commerce.
The Bible likewise describes the political and military power of Hazor.
In Joshua 11, Jabin, the King of Hazor, forms a confederation of northern
city-states, complete with infantry, chariots, and horses. Later, in the ac-
count of the judges Deborah and Barak (Judges 45), Jabin, the king of Ca-
naan, and Sisera, the commander of his army, oppress the northern tribes of
Israel for 20 years (Judg 4:23). Jabin, which appears to be a dynastic name,
ruled from Hazor (v.2).11 The military power of Hazor at this time can be
seen in the fact that Jabin and Sisera could field 900 chariots of iron (v.3).
The Corpus of Cuneiform Tablets from Hazor

In the last 50 years, important new cuneiform evidence has arisen at-
testing to another possible role Hazor has played in the cultural heritage
of Canaan. Eighteen cuneiform epigraphs have been discovered at the site,
either by chance or in the course of excavation.12 These texts can be dated
8.A. Malamat, Mari and the Early Israelite Experience (Schweich Lectures of the
British Academy 1984; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989) 6266.
9. Amarna Tablets, 22728. See A. F. Rainey, Hazor, ISBE 2:63638. In tablet
227, the ruler of Hazor dares to call himself king. He is the only Canaanite vassal to
adopt this royal title in correspondence with an Egyptian Pharaoh.
10. E. F. Morris, Bowing and Scraping in the Ancient Near East: An Investigation
into Obsequiousness in the Amarna Letters, JNES 65 (2006) 186 fig. 1 table 4.
11. Hazor 8, a letter written in a hand suitable for royal correspondence, may bear
a part of King Ibni-Addus name. See Horowitz and Oshima, Cuneiform in Canaan, 12,
7778.
12. To the 15 tablets listed in Horowitz and Oshima, Cuneiform in Canaan, add
now W. Horowitz and T. Oshima, Hazor 16: Another Administrative Document from
Hazor, IEJ 60 (2010) 12932; and W. Horowitz, T. Oshima, and A. Wintzer, Hazor
on paleographic and linguistic grounds to three distinct time periods.

Eight date from the Old Babylonian period (MB) at the time of the Mari
archives.13 Three come from the Old Babylonian period but after the time
of the Hazor-Mari contacts (later MB).14 Six are clearly from the Middle
Babylonian period (LB) and consistent with the Amarna archives.15 The
date of one epigraph (two seals on a jug handle) is uncertain.16 The corpus
of 18 texts from Hazor is now the largest group of texts discovered from one
site in modern Israel. It is one more than the 17 Late Bronze tablets found
at Taanach.17
The 8 Old Babylonian tablets from Hazor are so far the oldest attested
in ancient Canaan. These texts can be directly linked with the archives of
Mari and the Middle Bronze II cities of Syria. In fact, Hazor 12 specifically
mentions the cities of Mari and Ekallatum.18 So while these 8 represent a
very small corpus, this connection may suggest that cuneiform script, and
the Mesopotamian culture affiliated with it, did not effectively arrive in the
Canaanite west until late in the Middle Bronze Age, and that it possibly
entered the southwest through the portal of Hazor.19
This essay proposes to classify and briefly examine the Hazor corpus
according to several archival subgroups and to offer brief introductory re-
17: Another Clay Liver Model, IEJ 60 (2010) 13345. Hazor 15 was published in
W.Horowitz and T. Oshima, Hazor 15: A Letter Fragment from Hazor, IEJ 57 (2007)
3440. What is called Hazor 18 herein was discovered on the surface of the site in
the 2010 season but remains unpublished (see Strata: On the Trail of Hazors Royal
Archive, BAR 36/6 [Nov.Dec. 2010] 16). This tablet as well as one discovered recently
in the Ophel excavations in Jerusalem should be added to the overall number listed in
Horowitz and Oshima, Cuneiform in Canaan. For the Jerusalem tablet, see E. Mazar,
W. Horowitz, T. Oshima, and Y. Goren, A Cuneiform Tablet from the Ophel in Jerusa-
lem, IEJ 60 (2010) 421. For a provenance study of the tablets discovered up to 2000,
including the two Amarna Tablets from Hazor (22728), see Y. Goren, Provenance
Study of the Cuneiform Texts from Hazor, IEJ 50 (2000) 2943. Reference here to the
Hazor tablets will follow the numbering system of Horowitz and Oshima, Cuneiform in
Canaan, with the addition of tablets 1518 listed above.
13. Hazor 1, 79, 12, 15, 1718(?).
14. Hazor 23, 5.
15. Hazor 6, 1011, 1314, 16.
16. Hazor 4.
17. Horowitz and Oshima, Cuneiform in Canaan, 12751.
18. Ibid., 7.
19. Ibid., 19. See also W. Horowitz, Old Babylonian Period Tablets at Hazor: The
Earliest Writings of the Cuneiform Southwest (paper presented at the Origins of Ear-
ly Writing Systems International Conference, Peking University, Beijing, 57 October
2007), 1. Cited 7 April 2011. On-line (with audio presentation): http://www.caeno.org/
origins/index.htm.
marks on the impact that Hazor may have played in Bronze Age Canaan.
The Hazor tablets point directly to the same style of Mesopotamian culture
practiced at Mari and its contemporary Syrian counterparts. Consequently,
Bronze Age Hazor may be regarded as the southwestern outpost of that cul-
ture. This conclusion, if confirmed by further discoveries, will undoubtedly
have a significant affect on the current understanding of ancient Canaanite
history. In addition, suggesting a preliminary taxonomy for these tablets
will also address the prospect of finding an archive or archives at Hazor.
The 18 tablets from Hazor can be categorized broadly in several archi-
val subgroups: administrative, divinatory, economic, legal, religious, and
scribal. The texts are discussed below, beginning in each category with the
oldest datable tablets first. Due to the fragmentary nature of the tablets,
texts may fit well in several subgroups. Some tablets are also multipurpose.
Consequently, the taxonomy offered here must be tentative.
Administrative Texts
Hazor 4. A jug handle with two seal impressions was found in Area H
in 195758.20 The seal stamped on the clay handles was carelessly made.
For this reason, the text is difficult to read. Horowitz and Oshima suggest
reading either a personal or royal name: x a-ba LUGAL. If the name is of
a king, then the seal may be an Akkadian version of the Judean Iron Age
lmelek stamped jar handles.21 The date of this text is uncertain.
Hazor 11. Uncovered in the 1996 excavation season, this Late Bronze
docket lists a geographic name (GN) followed by a personal name (PN) on
each of three successive lines. The formula ana (to/for) GN PN is unique to
Hazor.22 One of the names listed is Hazor; another may be a writing for Naz-
areth: URU Na-A[S]-SUR-[r]a. The personal names represent widespread
types: western peripheral Akkadian, West Semitic, and possibly Kassite.23
Divinatory Texts
Hazor 23. Two clay liver models written in different hands dating from
the later part of the Old Babylonian period (late MB) were discovered near
20.Y. Yadin, Hazor IIIIV (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1961) pl. 316. Basic information,
such as primary publication, further studies, find information, and so on, is also listed
in Horowitz and Oshima, Cuneiform in Canaan.
21.A. Mazar, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible 10,000586 b.c.e. (New York:
Doubleday, 1992) 45558.
22.R. Hess, Typology of a Late Bronze Age Administrative Tablet from Hazor,
UF 33 (2001) 242.
23.W. Horowitz, Two Late Bronze Age Tablets from Hazor, IEJ 50 (2000) 2528.
the larger altar in the temple excavated in stratum 2 of Area H in 1958.24

These two fragments are of a particular type used for instruction in extis-
picy. They preserve apodoses of omens without written protases. They may
have been imported from Mari and were apparently employed as visual aids
to teach the br priests the fine art of divination by examining the entrails
of sacrificed animals. If an obtrusion or perforation on the liver of sacrificial
sheep matches that on one of the models, a future event is predicted. Those
on the Hazor liver models are general in nature, as can be attested from
fragment A:
One king will subjugate a king.
An enemy will ri[se] against my land.
Joyful/sinful ... of a god on earth.
A gods forgive[n]ess for a man.
A slav[e] will rebel against his master.
From fragment B:
Itar will devour the land.
Nergal will give out a name.
The city, its gods will return there.25
Hazor 17. A third clay liver model was discovered in Area A2 in 2007.
It possesses the same format, genre, and script as Hazor 23 and should be
dated along with them to the end of the Middle Bronze Age. Parallels to all
three of the Hazor liver models may be found in contemporary examples
from Syria and Mesopotamia.26 These three models, plus the three nonin-
scribed fragments of liver models also found at Hazor,27 strongly suggest
that divination was being practiced and studied in Canaan in the Middle
Bronze period. 28 Specific details on Hazor 17 confirm that this tablet be-
longs to the mainstream of the extispicy tradition in Mesopotamia. The
translation of Hazor 17 is given by Horowitz, Oshima, and Winitzer as
follows:
24. Yadin, Hazor: The Head of All Those Kingdoms, 8283. See B. Landsberger and
H. Tadmor, Fragments of Clay Liver Models from Hazor, IEJ 14 (1964) 20118.
25. The translations of fragments A and B are taken from Horowitz and Oshima,
Cuneiform in Canaan, 6768, except that the first person in the second line of fragment
A is restored without emendation following W. Horowitz, T Oshima, and A. Winitzer,
Hazor 17, 136.
26. Ibid., 133.
27. See B. Landsberger and H. Tadmor, Fragments of Clay Liver Models, 208
n.16.
28. Cf. the cylinder seal belonging to Ma-a-nu-um, the diviner (br) discov-
ered at Beth Shean. See A. Rowe, The Topography and History of Beth-Shan (Philadel-
phia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1930) 23 pl. 34 no. 3.
In the afternoon, it will become dark, the enemy I will kill

In the evening, it will become dark, the enemy I will kill
Like the start (opening) of a rebellion
A man will reach the realm of wisdom
A god received the prayer of a man.29
Economic Texts
Hazor 7. An administrative tablet came to light in Area M in 1991. This
text contains a payroll list for unspecified work, perhaps harvesting, and
dates to the Old Babylonian (MB) period.30 The individuals listed on the
tablet received wages of either 1/2 or 1/3 shekel of silver. One smithy is list-
ed (napphum). Of the 19 names surviving on the fragment, 11 are clearly
Amorite. Addu, the storm God, predominates as the divine element in the
theophoric names. This tablet was found in an Iron Age wall in the excava-
tion of Area M. Area M contains the basalt steps that connect the lower city
with the upper acropolis.
Hazor 12. Part of the obverse and reverse of an Old Babylonian (MB)
letter tablet was discovered within a fill layer of Area A in 1996.31 The con-
tents of this letter concern an extensive list of textiles, luxury goods, and
metal to be sent from Hazor to Mari! It provides a complement to the texts
excavated at Mari that mention Hazor and sheds light on the close com-
mercial and cultural ties between the two Middle Bronze Age cities.32 Per-
haps as a sign of the political responsibilities of a vassal, the king of Hazor,
or some other high official, was expected to contribute to the festivals and
religious ceremonies at Mari. Unfortunately, the beginning of the text is
broken, so the sender and recipient are unknown. Horowitz and Wasser-
man have proposed that the letter may refer to the diplomatic gifts required
from Hazor for the marriage of Yasmah-Addu of Mari, son of Samsi-Addu,
to a princess of Qatna. This list of goods testifies to the economy of Hazor.33
Hazor 10. This Late Bronze letter shares many affinities with the Am-
arna Tablets including a pair of West Semitic glosses (lines 19, 21) and
was found along with Hazor 11 in the same locus in Area A in 1996.34 It
concerns a complex communication between Adduapdi and Puratpurta
29.W. Horowitz, T Oshima, and A. Winitzer, Hazor 17, 134.

30.W. Horowitz and A. Shaffer, An Administrative Tablet from Hazor: A Prelim-
inary Edition, IEJ 42 (1992) 2133.
31.W. Horowitz and N. Wasserman, An Old Babylonian Letter from Hazor with
Mention of Mari and Ekallatum, IEJ 50 (2000) 169 n. 1.
32. Yadin, Hazor: The Head of All Those Kingdoms, 26.
33. Horowitz and Oshima, Cuneiform in Canaan, 83.
34. Horowitz, Two Late Bronze Age Tablets, 19.
(perhaps a Kassite name) through an intermediary, Yarima. The tablet con-

cerns the dispatch of a group of women belonging to a group of young men
(TUR.ME = ur). Apparently, the women deserted their work, and Ad-
duapdi gives an excuse and appeals to the gods to judge what took place.
Hazor 14. This small Late Bronze text refers to nine linen textiles. While
the reading of the type of linen textiles is uncertain, the tablet probably re-
cords the transfer of the same. The tablet was found in 2000 in Area A.35
Hazor 16. Like Hazor 14, Hazor 16 is a Late Bronze text referring to
a possible transfer of linens. It was discovered in the 2006 excavations in
Area A. Hazor 16 lists a total of eight textiles: seven fine quality garments;
one linen (garment). The noun identifying the seven garments here is the
same describing the nine garments in Hazor 14. Both texts point to a textile
industry at Hazor. Hazor 12 points to over 9,000 pieces of cloth, clothing, or
textiles sent from Hazor to Mari.36
Legal
Hazor 5. In 1962, a half-tablet fragment of an Old Babylonian lawsuit
was discovered by a visitor to the site somewhere in a debris dump near
Area A.37 Three young men (ur) come before the king in litigation
against a woman, Sumulailum, over a house and an orchard in Hazor and
the nearby city of Giladima (Gilead?). Apparently, the young men lost the
case as the king adjudicated a penalty payment of 200 shekels of silver to
dissuade any future litigants. Of particular interest in this tablet is the ren-
dering of several of the personal names, two of which may reflect early evi-
dence of the /a/ to /o/ sound shift in West Semitic.38
Hazor 8. A very small flake from an Old Babylonian (MB) letter was
discovered in 1992 in area A. This letter, written in a very fine hand, con-
cerns the transfer of a young woman and the report of objections raised to
the transfer.39 This text may have been addressed to Ibni-Addu, the king of
Hazor known from the Mari tablets. One of the names mentioned in the
Hazor 5 lawsuit might also be restored on this tablet.
35.W. Horowitz and T. Oshima, Two More Cuneiform Finds from Hazor, IEJ
52 (2002) 18384.
36. Idem, Hazor 16: Another Administrative Docket from Hazor, IEJ 60 (2010)
12932.
37.W. Hallo and H. Tadmor, A Lawsuit from Hazor, IEJ 27 (1977) 2.
38. Ibid., 5. See also Josh 15:59 and compare Mar-anuta and Sum-anuta.
39.W. Horowitz and A. Shaffer, A Fragment of a Letter from Hazor, IEJ 42 (1992)
16567.
Hazor 15. A poorly preserved tablet discovered in Area A in the 2004

excavations, this text appears to date to the latter part of the Middle Bronze
Age.40 The tablet concerns the settlement of a debt, perhaps involving a
state of tenancy, or a type of antichretic debt in which family members are
pledged as security for the loan. Apparently, the son repays the loan and the
debtor family is released.
Hazor 18. Hazor 18 was discovered on the surface of the tell and is yet
unpublished. The initial report by Horowitz indicates that the tablet dates
to the Old Babylonian period (MB). The small fragment (or possibly two
fragments of the same tablet) contains about 20 words (master, slave,
tooth, and other body parts). Close parallels to legalistic language of the
lex talionis (for example, eye for an eye) may also be present, suggesting
comparisons with the Code of Hammurapi and biblical law codes.41
Religious Texts
Hazor 1. In Area C in 1956 an inscribed bowl was recovered.42 The tri-
dent/lightning symbol of Addu, the Canaanite storm-god, was cut into the
bowl while it was wet, while the personal name, Ime-dAdad was scratched
on the surface after firing. The bowl may have been used in a libation cer-
emony of some sort. The name is common to the Old Babylonian period
(MB).
Hazor 13. During the 2000 excavation season a fragment of an in-
scribed stone bowl was discovered in an installation in the podium complex
of Area M.43 The cuneiform script is dated to the Late Bronze Age based
on paleographic evidence. The text reflects a dedicatory inscription for an
agannu, large vessel or bowl. The find spot suggests that the bowl may
have been used in ritual activities.44
Scribal Texts
Hazor 6. A Late Bronze fragment of the lexigraphical series Urra =
ubullu was found accidently in Area A on the acropolis in 1968.45 The six
preserved lines correspond roughly to lines 13035 of the second tablet in
40. Horowitz and Oshima, Hazor 15, 35.

41. Strata: On the Trail of Hazors Royal Archive, 16.
42.Y. Yadin, Hazor II (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1960) 11517.
43. Horowitz and Oshima, Two More Cuneiform Finds, 17982.
44.S. Zuckerman, Where Is the Hazor Archive Buried? BAR 32/2 (MarchApril
2006) 36.
45.H. Tadmor, A Lexicographical Text from Hazor, IEJ 27 (1977) 98102 pl. 13.
the series. This section itemizes the terminology of mahruthe rate of ex-
change, market rate, or price. The didactic importance of this word list for
scribal schools is well known.46 Along with the liver models and the lawsuit
fragment, Yadin regarded this text as proof of the existence of experienced
scribes at the court of Hazor.47
Hazor 9. A fragment of a prism containing the standard Old Babylo-
nian series of combined multiplication tables was found in a fill layer just
outside the so-called treasure room in the palace.48 Mathematical tablets
are attested elsewhere in the ancient Near East, and they often combine
several multiplication tables in a fixed canonical order. The Hazor fragment
starts with reciprocal pairs (X.Y = 60) in the sexagesimal (Base 60) sys-
tem utilized in Mesopotamia. Multiplication tables for principal numbers
and fractions are also given. Only a small portion of the original four-sided
prism remains. A petrographic analysis of the prism shows that the clay
of the tablet is identical to EA 228, the letter of Abdi-Tiri of Hazor.49 This
means the prism was written locally at Hazor and used as a school text
there. Students would have been expected to study and copy the calcula-
tions found on the tablet.50
The Cuneiform Archive at Hazor

Yigael Yadin believed that a royal archive of cuneiform texts of the
Kings of Hazor existed at Hazor.51 Amnon Ben-Tor holds this belief just as
firmly.52 For Amnon Ben-Tor, the existence of a cuneiform archive at Hazor
is only logical. Archives have been discovered at sites in Syria, Egypt, and
Iraq; but none has ever been found in Israel. Archives have been found in
capital cities; Hazor was a capital city. Archives were found in temples or
palaces; Hazor has a temple and a palace. These temples and palaces can
be dated to the 2nd millennium b.c.e.; Hazors palace/temple dates to the
same period.
46. A. L. Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization (Chi-
cago: University of Chicago Press, 1974) 24445.
47. Yadin, Hazor: The Head of All Those Kingdoms, 201. Horowitz and Oshima
suggest that the format seems to identify this tablet as a school text. See Cuneiform in
Canaan, 73.
48.W. Horowitz, A Combined Multiplication Table on a Prism Fragment from
Hazor, IEJ 47 (1997) 190 n. 1.
49. Goren, Provenance Study, 3435.
50. On the establishment of a scribal school at Hazor, see Horowitz, Old Babylo-
nian Period Tablets at Hazor, 7.
51. Yadin, Hazor: The Head of All Those Kingdoms, 124, 201.
52.A. Ben-Tor, The Hazor Tablet: Forward, IEJ 42 (1992) 17.
Now, Sharon Zuckerman, the co-director of the Hazor excavations also

agrees. She believes that the long-sought archive will be found inside the
podium or entrance complex of Area M.53 The discovery of a royal archive
at Hazor would be a major breakthrough, rivaling the discovery of the Am-
arna Tablets and the Dead Sea Scrolls.
However, the 18 tablets discovered at Hazor suggest that more than one
archive existed there. Chronologically, the tablets point to a Middle Bronze
and a Late Bronze archive, but archives were not primarily created based
on the time the contents were written. In the ancient Near East an archive
represented a repository of cuneiform tablets created for a specific reason
or need. Consequently, archives spanned several subgroups: royal, admin-
istrative, scribal, temple, and even family or household.
In addition, different types of texts would be included within one ar-
chive. Hence, an archive could contain religious literature, school texts,
legal proceedings, records of past administration action, financial and ac-
counting records, deeds, wills, tax records, census lists for military service,
corve labor, business transactions, and other kinds of genres or types.54
The genre of a tablet included in an archive depended on the need or pur-
pose of the owner or compiler. Studies of cuneiform tablets following an
archival approach have proven to be very fruitful.55
Therefore, any number of archives could be found at Hazor. Akkadi-
an epigraphs were unearthed in the lower city as well as the upper acropolis.
A repository of cuneiform tablets is just as likely to be found at the podium
complex in Area M as anywhere else on the site. A cache of tablets found
together would represent one archive. The random discovery of tablets on
the surface of the site or within its archaeological fill suggests that several
specialized archives did exist but were afterwards completely or partially
scattered. The turn of the archaeological spade may never uncover a com-
plete archive, but the 18 tablets already discovered there clearly point to the
reality of a southwest cuneiform culture at Hazor.56
When properly deciphered and studied, these epigraphs humanize the
archaeological data. Because they are historical texts, the material remains
of Hazor come alive with personal names, vocations, and wages. The re-
searcher learns of political loyalties, exchange rates, and trades. In addition,
53. Zuckerman, Where Is the Hazor Archive Buried?, 3637.

54.E. Posner, Archives in the Ancient World (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 1972) 3.
55. Ibid., 15; and I. J. Gelb, Approaches to the Study of Ancient Society, JAOS 87
(1967) 18.
56. Horowitz, Old Babylonian Period Tablets at Hazor, 14, 10.
litigation, travel, future worries, divine pantheons, and other issues of life
are described. In short, abstract socioeconomic institutions become real
when it is remembered that the individuals who wrote the tablets lived,
worked, and died at Hazor more than 3,000 years ago.
For the student of the Bible, the value of these texts must not be under-
estimated. Obviously, none of the biblical writings are directly confirmed
by the archival data offered by the cuneiform tablets discovered at Hazor,
but much of the material gives valuable background information on the
customs of the inhabitants of Hazor in the Middle and Late Bronze Ages.
Cuneiform writing brought to Hazor Sumerian-Akkadian culture. The Ak-
kadian epigraphs of Hazor closely resemble the same text types as Mari
and Mesopotamia because they were part of the same tradition. Hence, the
tablets establish the presence of Mesopotamian culture on Canaanite soil.
Indeed, at least in the Middle Bronze period, Hazor was the furthest south-
west extension of the system of Amorite ruled states that included Mari,
Qatna, and Eshnunna in Syria, and Hammurapis Babylon.57
Consequently, what would be the value of finding substantial archives
at Hazor? Archival material is a primary source for the historian, the so-
cial scientist, and for background information for the biblical interpreter.
Hopefully, more tablets like these will help us better understand the deeds
of the land of Canaan (Lev 18:3).
57. Ibid., 10.
The Holiness Redaction of the
Flood Narrative (Genesis 6:99:29)
Bill T. Arnold
The amount of scholarly effort over the last two centuries investigating
the literary unity of the biblical account of the flood is staggering. What
may seem at first like a disproportionate amount of attention becomes more
understandable when we acknowledge, with almost every scholar who has
worked on these chapters, that the account in Genesis 691 is the best ex-
ample of the composite nature of the book of Genesis, and that Genesis
itself is the key to investigating the sources behind our current Pentateuch.
In this investigation, I step onto this much trodden path yet again be-
cause I believe recent research on the Priestly materials of the Pentateuch
offers a fresh way of understanding what has happened in these chapters.
In a recent commentary, I proposed the view that Genesis was compiled
by a Holiness redactor using P and non-P materials, whose purpose was to
bring together all of Israels traditions on the primeval and ancestral ages
in a unified whole.2 In that venue, I could do little more than stake out a
position, noting that the nature and provenance of the Priestly materials in
Genesis have been much discussed since the mid-1990s. Currently, there
is general consensus on the existence of P and H, although much debate
surrounds questions on the limits of each and especially the relative dating
of each.3 This last issue is especially pertinent to the research question I
Authors note: I am delighted to offer this essay in honor of Professor Greengus, whose
knowledge of the ancient Near East is encyclopedic. Sam is also a wise and patient men-
tor, and this modest offering is a small token of my esteem and appreciation.
1. The precise parameters of the flood narrative are a matter of interpretation.
While I may occasionally use Genesis 69 for convenience, I have in mind specifically
Gen 6:99:29, clearly marked in the final redaction of the book by the structur-
ing device.
2. B. T. Arnold, Genesis (NCBC; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009)
1218.
3. As illustrated recently by the diverse views in the studies collected in The Strata
of the Priestly Writings: Contemporary Debate and Future Directions (ed. S. Shectman
and J. S. Baden; ATANT 95; Zrich: Theologischer Verlag, 2009). I will use the siglum
H here for chapters traditionally identified as the Holiness Code (Leviticus 1726),
13
14 Bill T. Arnold
am addressing here; that is, to what extent was the earlier of these Priestly
sources redacted by the later? In other words, assuming that recent work
on the sequential priority of P to H is correct, to what extent has a tradent
of the Holiness school redacted P?4 I return to this topic here in order to
offer details specific to the flood narrative, especially in order to explore the
possibility that an author of the Holiness legislation is responsible for its
literary unity.5
The Flood Narrative in Pentateuchal Research

The history of research on the flood narrative is well known and need
not detain us here.6 For our purposes, it will be enough to state succinctly
that two conclusions have emerged after nearly two centuries of research.
These conclusionsthat the flood narrative is a composite account and that
it also has a certain literary unitymay appear paradoxical. But as we shall
see, they are nevertheless logical corollaries.
First, the flood narrative has been identified as the most compelling ex-
ample in the Pentateuch of the composite nature of the text, especially as it
reveals two originally independent narratives. We have in this conclusion a
century-long consensus that has enabled scholars to divide and analyze the
two sources in great detail, typically accepting them as P and J, or perhaps P
and non-P. The extent and nature of the consensus becomes apparent when
one compares the assessment of S. R. Driver in 1891 with similar results of
the investigation of William Propp in 1996.7 Table 1 illustrates the extent
of P in these chapters according to Driver and Propp. Of course, numerous
even though the term code is strictly inappropriate, as well as for the work of authors and
redactors belonging to the so-called Holiness school of the Priestly legislation.
4. I have recently investigated the implications of this approach for the so-called
Priestly account of creation in Genesis 1; B. T. Arnold, Genesis 1 as Holiness Preamble,
in Let Us Go Up to Zion: Essays in Honour of H. G. M. Williamson on the Occasion of
His Sixty-Fifth Birthday (ed. I. Provan and M. J. Boda;VTSup 153; Leiden: Brill, 2012)
33143.
5.For my use of Holiness legislation rather than Holiness Code, see B. J.
Schwartz, The Strata of the Priestly Writings and the Revised Relative Dating of P and
H, in The Strata of the Priestly Writings: Contemporary Debate and Future Directions
(ed. S. Shectman and J. S. Baden; ATANT 95; Zrich: Theologischer Verlag, 2009) 112,
esp. pp.67; J. Stackert, Rewriting the Torah: Literary Revision in Deuteronomy and the
Holiness Legislation (FAT 52; Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007) 2.
6. The history of research on the flood narrative is often summarized: e.g., E. W.
Nicholson, The Pentateuch in the Twentieth Century: The Legacy of Julius Wellhausen
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1998) 2057; D. M. Carr, Reading the Fractures of Genesis: His-
torical and Literary Approaches (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1996) 4862.
7. S. R. Driver, An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament (9th ed.;
The Holiness Redaction of the Flood Narrative 15
Table 1. The Extent of P in the Flood Narrative

Driver Propp
Gen 6:922 Gen 6:922
Gen 7:6, 11, 1316a, 17a (except forty Gen 7:89, 11, 1316a, 21, 24
days), 1821, 24
Gen 8:12a, 3b5, 13a, 1419 Gen 8:12a, 3b5, 7, 13a, 1419
Gen 9:117, 2829 Gen 9:117
methodologies appeared in the century between Driver and Propp, and it

must be acknowledged that many scholars investigated the flood narrative
from perspectives that did not assume source analysis. But for those who
did, precious little changed.
Second, investigation of the flood narrative has concluded, with some-
what less confidence, that whatever degree of unity we have in the present
account of the flood is the result of editorial work. If one believes the two
sources were originally independent, then ex hypothesi, one also believes
they have been combined by a redactor. On the other hand, some scholars
have argued instead that one of the original sources depended on the other
and was responsible for expansions and interpolations of the older account,
most assuming the P account is dependent on the J material. In either case,
redactional activityeither by a third hand or by the hand of P or Jwas
responsible for the unity we now have. Numerous attempts have been made
to refute the hypothesis that the present flood narrative is the result of the
combination by a redactor of material from J and P, informed by newer lit-
erary or linguistic methodologies or by ideological conservatism. But none
of these approaches have successfully dislodged the two-source hypothesis
as the best explanation currently available.8
Of the more serious attempts to refute the hypothesis assumed here,
special mention is required on the views of John Van Seters, who has argued
instead that the flood narrative is essentially the work of the Yahwist, em-
bellished by and supplemented with P interpolations having to do mostly
with the chronology of the flood and the number of animals taken into
ITL; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1961) 11; W. H. C. Propp, The Priestly Source Recovered
Intact? VT 46 (1996) 45878,esp. p.477.
8. Examination of five such attemptsthose of Umberto Cassuto, Eduard Niel-
sen, Francis I. Andersen, Gordon J. Wenham, and Yehuda T. Raddayby Emerton
remains an important study of this topic; J. A. Emerton, An Examination of Some At-
tempts to Defend the Unity of the Flood Narrative in Genesis: Part I, VT 37 (1987)
40120; J. A. Emerton, An Examination of Some Attempts to Defend the Unity of the
Flood Narrative in Genesis: Part II, VT 38 (1988) 121.
16 Bill T. Arnold
the ark.9 No further editorial work was needed, in his view. This approach,
however, is inextricably connected to (a) Van Seterss denial of redactional
or editorial activity altogether and (b) his late dating of the J document,
which relies heavily on the assumption that the Priestly law can only be a
product of Second Temple Judaism.10 In addition, his redefinition of the
basic criteria for source analysis, especially the use of by the Yahwist,
needs to be reexamined carefully. While Van Seters has found adherents
among some, most notably Erhard Blum and Christoph Levin, his opening
assumptions are open to serious critique.11
Before turning to a reassessment of the text, it may be helpful to state
clearly my working hypothesis about the relation between the flood ac-
counts of the two sources, J and P. Although not necessarily a consensus
view, I think the approach that best matches the evidence we have before us
is to assume that these two flood accounts developed independently of each
other. That is to say, they were composed independently of each other and
preserved for a period of time impossible for us to determine, before being
edited and combined in our current account. I grant that a strong case has
been made to the contrary by David M. Carr that the P account is depen-
dent on an older J account, based (a) on alleged expansions of P to match
Js general framework and (b) on Ps dating system, which is said to imitate
the older J account.12 However, I believe these features may just as easily be
9.J. Van Seters, Prologue to History: The Yahwist as Historian in Genesis (Louis-
ville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1992) 16065.
10. On his first assumption regarding editorial activity in the Hebrew Bible, see
J. Van Seters, The Redactor in Biblical Studies: A Nineteenth Century Anachronism,
JNSL 29 (2000) 1219; J. Van Seters, The Edited Bible: The Curious History of the Editor
in Biblical Criticism (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2006). On the second assumption
regarding the postexilic origins of pentateuchal laws, see J. Van Seters, A Law Book for
the Diaspora: Revision in the Study of the Covenant Code (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2003), in which even the Covenant Code, long considered critical to our under-
standing of preexilic Israelite religion, is described as an exilic composition, a monu-
ment of Diaspora Judaism. For critique of Van Seterss approach on this last point, see
B. M. Levinson, Is the Covenant Code an Exilic Composition? A Response to John Van
Seters, in In Search of Pre-Exilic Israel: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar
(ed. J. Day; JSOTSup 406; London: T. & T. Clark, 2004) 272325, esp. pp.27588.
11. For summary, see G. J. Wenham, Pondering the Pentateuch: The Search for
a New Paradigm, in The Face of Old Testament Studies: A Survey of Contemporary Ap-
proaches (ed. D. W. Baker and B. T. Arnold; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1999) 11644, (esp.
pp. 12129). The best statement on the role of the law in ancient Israels religion is
M.Weinfeld, The Place of the Law in the Religion of Ancient Israel (VTSup 100; Leiden:
Brill, 2004), see esp. pp.315.
12. Carr, Reading the Fractures, 6061.
explained, and perhaps more economically be explained, as the result of

redactional activity in the process of conflating the two sources. I will draw
attention to these cases in the analysis of the text below.
One additional disclosure about my methodological assumptions is
needed before proceeding. In recent years, I have been much impressed
by the arguments that (a) P predates D, and in fact may be contemporary
with J, and that (b) much of P has been edited by H. Although a number of
scholars moved in this direction earlier, pride of place must now be given to
Israel Knohl for his work The Sanctuary of Silence, which I consider a tour
de force not only challenging long-held assumptions, but establishing a new
paradigm.13 Among other important contributions, Knohl has argued that
the Holiness School, which of course produced the Holiness Code (Levit-
icus 1726), edited certain P materials in its own composition, and there-
fore is later than P.14 Ultimately, Knohl identfied the authors and editors
of the Holiness School not only as a pentateuchal source but as the last
redactors of the Pentateuch. Once the literary and ideological distinctives
of the Holiness School became clearer along the lines of Knohl, scholars
began to discern additional passages elsewhere in the Pentateuch beyond
Leviticus1726 that were identified as Holiness compositions or editorial
links.15 Focusing in particular on the idea of holiness and instances of the
phrase I am Yhwh (your God), scholars reexamined passages such as
Exod 6:68 and Leviticus 11, exploring the role of H in the final redaction
of these important texts. Knohl eventually credits H for much of the books
of Exodus and Numbers.16 He allows much less H activity in the book of
Genesis, although he attributes certain expressions in the covenant with
13.I. Knohl, The Sanctuary of Silence: The Priestly Torah and the Holiness School
(Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995). An early version of ch. 1 of this book detailed Knohls
views in English in 1987: The Priestly Torah Versus the Holiness School: Sabbath and
the Festivals, HUCA 58 (1987) 65117. His predecessors included, of course, Yehezkel
Kaufmann, but also Menahem Haran, Jacob Milgrom, and Moshe Weinfeld, and from
a linguistic approach, Avi Hurvitz. These had diverse emphases and their arguments
cannot be said to be monolithic.
14. So, for example, the composition of Leviticus 23 reflects the Holiness Schools
expansion and reinforcement of earlier Priestly instructions for the Day of Atonement
and illustrates that Holiness editors have used P materials reworked according to the
distinctive ideas and style of the Holiness School (Knohl, Sanctuary of Silence, 814). By
contrast, Knohl argues P never edits or incorporates H.
15. Earlier, a variety of approaches were used to explain H passages outside Levit-
icus 1726; ibid., 23.
16. On the Holiness Schools contributions to the final form of Exodus, see ibid.,
6068; and on Numbers, see 71101. In general, Hs editorial intrusions in Js legal ma-
terials are more modest, whereas H freely revises and rewrites P, accepting P as its
18 Bill T. Arnold
Abraham in Genesis 17 to the Holiness School.17 In light of renewed explo-

rations of Hs redactional activity in the Pentateuch, Jacob Milgrom argued
initially that the sabbath etiology of Gen 2:23 was a Holiness insertion in
an older P composition but eventually concluded that all of Genesis 1 is to
be attributed to a Holiness redactor.18 I am in agreement that the Holiness
authors and editors are more present in Genesis than we often imagine, and
turn now to the flood narrative with this question in view.19
Observations on the Priestly Traditions

of the Flood Narrative
The beginning of the flood narrative is itself an interesting dilemma.
For the sake of convenience, I have chosen to begin this survey with the
passage at 6:9 as the official beginning of the unit. Yet the two para-
graphs before it, the account of divine-human marriages (6:14) and divine
motivation for the flood (6:58), each raise interesting questions. Both are
non-P materials, with the possible exception of the list of animals at 6:7b.
The official explanation for the flood in J (6:58) appears to have been cut
away from the flood narrative proper by the editor of Genesis in order to
introduce the flood account formally by the clause, which is so cen-
tral to the overall structure of Genesis.20
guiding spiritual source, so that H editors saw themselves as innovators of the basic
platform of the Priestly code (ibid., 102).
17. Ibid., 60 and 102, and esp. n.145.
18.Although Milgrom did not investigate this possibility beyond passing refer-
ences; J. Milgrom, The Case for the Pre-Exilic and Exilic Provenance of the Books of
Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers, in Reading the Law: Studies in Honour of Gordon J.
Wenham (ed. J. G. McConville and K. Mller; LHBOTS 461; New York: T.&T. Clark,
2007) 4856, esp. p.56. Earlier, Yairah Amit had proposed something similar for Gen-
esis 1, as had Edwin Firmage; Y. Amit, Creation and the Calendar of Holiness, in Te-
hillah le-Moshe: Biblical and Judaic Studies in Honor of Moshe Greenberg (ed. M. Cogan,
B. L. Eichler and J. H. Tigay; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1997) 1329 (Heb., with
English summary, pp.31516); E. Firmage, Genesis 1 and the Priestly Agenda, JSOT
82 (1999) 97114. Cooper and Goldstein largely followed Amit and Firmage; A. Cooper
and B. R. Goldstein, The Development of the Priestly Calendars (I): The Daily Sacrifice
and the Sabbath, HUCA 74 (2003) 120 (esp. pp.5 and 1314). My own research has
argued on the basis of several observations that Genesis 1 is entirely a new composition;
Arnold, Genesis 1.
19. For a different approach to the flood narrative, see the contribution in this
volume by Angela Roskop Erisman (Mythologizing the Exile: Life, Law, and Justice af-
ter the Flood, pp. 95110), who also concludes independently that redactors of the
Holiness School may have had a larger role than we previously thought.
20. Arnold, Genesis, 89, and see the introduction to this commentary for the argu-
ment that H is responsible for the redactional device, pp.47 and 1617.
(1) Genesis 6:910: The Holiness Introduction

Most critical scholars have attributed the structuring clause in
Genesis to P.21 In a departure from this consensus approach, I have argued
elsewhere that it has been derived as a rhetorical device (for metaphor and
narrative uses) from the more narrow genealogical function, as illustrated
at Gen 5:1, This is the list of the descendants of Adam.22 This appearance
is different from the others in Genesis by the addition of the word list
(document, scroll, ), which is probably the most ancient title for gene-
alogies. The other clauses in Genesis appear derived from this one,
which I consider older than the rest and attributable to P. In fact, I think it
likely that 5:1 is the opening clause of a document that we may identify as
P itself.
It may at first glance appear a safe conclusion to take 6:9b, the assess-
ment of Noahs moral character, as P, in light of the shared terminology with
5:22 and 24. I think it unlikely, however, that a P source has interrupted
itself, after the clause, to resume the narrative about Noah with new
information omitted at 5:29. That verse inserts a quote in the genealogy
of Noahs father, Lamech, using an epic narrative Yahwistic-like birth an-
nouncement to introduce Noah at the tenth generation as an important
character who would somehow reverse the curse of humanity (compare the
terminology of 5:29 with 3:1719). Yet the author of 6:9 felt that Lamechs
characterization was insufficient to explain Noahs favored role in the flood
narrative. Moreover, this editor was likely aware of Js characterization as
righteous before Yahweh among all his generation (7:1). The interpolation
of 6:9 is aware of the preceding Priestly text in Genesis 5 and anticipates the
Yahwistic text in Genesis 7. This author is tying together the previous P
material with the J narrative to come. And he has done so by borrowing
terminology from both. He merges the righteous assessment of J (7:1)
with Noahs God-walking character from P (5:22, 24).23
The recurrence of Noahs three sons seems superfluous in this context
(6:10). They have been introduced at 5:32, and will appear later in the flood
narrative at 7:13, 9:18, and of course will play central roles in the story of
Noahs drunkenness (9:2027). Yet the author of 6:10 is anticipating the
21. E. A. Speiser, Genesis: A New Translation with Introduction, Notes, and Com-
mentary (AB 1; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1964) xxiv; C. Westermann, Genesis 111:
A Commentary (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1984) 8.
22. Arnold, Genesis, 47 and 1618.
23. The function of Genesis 1 as a preparation for other materials in the Torah,
especially as a supplement and slight corrective to the J creation account in Gen 23
illustrates how the Holiness redactor often functioned; Arnold, Genesis 1.
20 Bill T. Arnold
divine speech of 6:18 in the familiar words you, your sons, your wife,
and your sons wives with you. Consequently, I take the repetition of the
three sons at 6:10 as a case of Wiederaufnahme, or repetitive resumption
following the interlude of 6:18, preparing the reader for the rest of the
narrative.24 The reuse of Ps language in 6:10, as well as the reuse of walked
with God in 6:9, is understandable once we fully appreciate the extent to
which H was inspired by Ps terminology and wished to continue Ps ideo-
logical agenda.25 Although beyond the scope of this essay, it might also be
worth exploring how Hs interpolation at 6:9, highlighting the character of
Noah, fits into Hs mission as identifed by Knohl as attempting to move the
Priestly agenda beyond the purely cultic interests of the Priestly elites to a
more ethical perception.
(2) Genesis 6:1122: The Holiness Justification
of and Instructions for the Flood
Admittedly, language, vocabulary, and literary style are not consistent-
ly reliable indicators for source distinction. Yet the distinctions between
Priestly style and the Pentateuchs epic narrative, conventionally identified
as the Yahwist, are undeniable, as are the linguistic and phraseological dis-
tinctives of the Holiness Code (Leviticus 1726).26 Beyond these we move
into a less-certain realm. Knohls investigation has established certain con-
tributions of the Holiness authors in the composition of the Pentateuch
extending beyond the Holiness Code (especially in Exodus and Numbers),
and he has convincingly distinguished between characteristics of the code
proper from Hs literary activity elsewhere in an editorial stratum.27 Thus,
we may speak of Hs characteristics in the Holiness Code itself, and be-
yond it in editorial interpolations elsewhere in the Pentateuch. The ques-
tion becomes, of course, what is the extent of Hs literary activity. Previous
scholarship failed to consider this possibility at all because the extent of the
Holiness School was restricted to Leviticus 1726; no further literary cre-
ativity was even considered. Hs style is similar to P, and is even dependent
on it in many ways, especially as distinct from J and D characteristics. But
the language of H also shares similarities with that of J, especially in its edi-
24. A rhetorical feature that is almost always editorial; B. M. Levinson, Deuter-

onomy and the Hermeneutics of Legal Innovation (New York: Oxford University Press,
1997) 18.
25. At least to an extent; Knohl, Sanctuary of Silence, 102.
26. Ibid., 12 n. 3.
27. For more on the literary characteristics discussed in this paragraph, see ibid.,
5658 and 10110.
torial stratum (and in Ezekiel, as Knohl has shown).28 Beyond phraseology,

H also exhibits a moralizing tone lacking in P, and evident, again, in the
editorial layers. If I am right about my assessment of Hs introduction to the
flood narrative, this moralizing ideology appears already in the characteri-
zation of Noah in 6:9.
In general, my proposal is that Knohl and subsequent scholars who
follow his approach have not given enough consideration to the possibility
that much of the narrative material in Genesis is a result of Hs editorial
activity and creativity instead of P, as is most often assumed.29 These open-
ing paragraphs of the Priestly narration of the flood present an interesting
question. What style, language, or theology requires a P identification over
and against that of H? Is there compelling reason to continue to assign this
text to P, or do we now have reason to consider it Hs contribution to the
flood account?
The justification for the flood in 6:1112 matches that of J in 6:58.
Rather than being satisfied with Js focus on the wickedness of the human
heart, this text emphasizes the corruption of the land (). Defilement
of the land is a central concern of the Holiness Code, and while the specific
phraseology is different here ( in both H- and N-stems, and extensive
presence of violence, , in the land), the thematic focus on land may be
instructive.30 Perhaps this justification of the flood prepares for and builds
support for Hs emphasis on the land in the Holiness Code itself.
A more direct clue occurs in Gods speech in 6:17, in the declaration
For my part, I am going to bring a flood of waters upon the earth (
28. Although not stated as such in Knohls analysis, one can detect a principle that
we might call editorial attraction in the redactional stratum of H, in which the au-
thors/editors of the H school were drawn to the phraseology and style of the sources
before them.
29. Thomas J. King raises once again the clear distinctions between Priestly legal
material in ExodusNumbers, on the one hand, and the Priestly narrative in Genesis
(extending to Exodus 6). However, his proposal that the Priestly materials of Genesis,
which are traditionally thought of as P, originally comprised a distinct document with a
northern provenience of the 8th century b.c.e., his PN, is unconvincing. T. J. King, The
Realignment of the Priestly Literature: The Priestly Narrative in Genesis and Its Relation
to Priestly Legislation and the Holiness School (PRTMS 102; Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock,
2009).
30. For phraseological specifics in the Holiness Code, see J. Joosten, People and
Land in the Holiness Code: An Exegetical Study of the Ideational Framework of the Law
in Leviticus 1726 (VTSup 67; Leiden: Brill, 1996) 13792. In our passage, divine pun-
ishment matches perfectly the crime (H-stem of in both cases, cf. 6:13), which may
reflect Js literary influence on H at this point.
22 Bill T. Arnold
) .31 The use of the divine ( I), the first

independent personal pronoun in Gods direct address has long been iden-
tified as characteristic of the Holiness code itself, especially in the phrase,
I am Yhwh, but also in expressions of divine anger and punishment in
the Holiness editorial stratum of the Pentateuch.32 The striking fact is that
never appears in divine speech in P materials in ExodusNumbers,
and only five times in the book of Genesis (6:17; 9:9, 12; 17:1, 4).33 Rather
than consider these exceptional cases, as Knohl is forced to do, perhaps we
should consider these as genuine Holiness compositions, which would bet-
ter explain the linguistic evidence.
At 6:18, we come to the covenant that God establishes with Noah.34
As has been widely discussed, P has no covenant ceremony or use of the
term in its description of the revelation at Sinai.35 Rather than a -
covenant, P prefers instead to identify the relationship as an , testimo-
ny, witness, treaty.36 I will reserve further comment until my treatment of
9:817. Suffice to say here that it may be simpler to accept this description
of the Noah covenant as a Holiness composition rather than to attempt to
explain why P eschews the -covenant so assiduously in ExodusNum-
bers, but embraces it so thoroughly (twice) in the flood account.
As additional preparation for the flood, God instructs Noah to bring
two of every kind of animalmale and femaleinto the ark: birds, cattle,
and animals that creep along the ground, all according to their kinds
( / ;6:1920). We have in the Hebrew Bible a threefold primary-
level taxa for the animal kingdom: aquatic animals, aerial animals, and land
animals. However, this threefold schema is complicated by two simple facts.
First, the Bible reflects no uniformity of terms for animal types between
passages, which leads second to the observation that several taxonomic
schemas are possible and in fact are used variously throughout the text. So,
31. The use of casus pendens here may also be a characteristic of Hs style.
32. Knohl, Sanctuary of Silence, 1078.
33. Knohl takes these to be exceptional cases of the pronoun in Ps divine speech
and attributes their use in Genesis to the differences in divine revelation before and after
the revelation of the name of Yahweh (ibid., 86 n. 78 and pp.12528).
34. On the assumption that 6:1122 is a Holiness composition, the command for
Noah to enter the ark with his sons, his wife, and his sons wives with him (6:18) would
necessarily be preparatory for 7:7, which I take to be original with P.
35. The sole exception is often cited as Exod 31:16, although Knohl has identified
this passage as of JE origin and edited by HS; ibid., 1045.
36. DCH6:279; H. Simian-Yofre, , TDOT 10:495515 (esp.51215). The
term is routinely said to imply a unilateral demand as opposed to the bilateral agree-
ment implicit in ;see Knohl, Sanctuary of Silence, 144.
for example, here we have a fourfold primary-level division of the animal

kingdom, which is truncated by the absence of aquatic animals (for obvi-
ous reasons in a flood narrative): aerial animals, high-carriage land animals
(), and low-carriage land animals ().37 We shall return to this top-
ic as we encounter further animal lists below.
(3) Genesis 7:67:
Ps Account of the Beginning of the Flood, Part 1
The genealogical details are continued from 5:32. The age of Noah is
a characteristic of Ps account, carried over from Genesis 5, and reflects
an original P account with minimal narration. The Holiness redactor, who
often functions as much as an author here as an editor, has broken apart
the brief genealogical note on Noah and expanded it considerably in order
to supplement the J account and prepare the reader for details important
to the Holiness agenda elsewhere in the Pentateuch. The simple narration
including Noahs familysons, wife, and sons wiveshas been anticipated
by Hs narrative in 6:18.
(4) Genesis 7:810:
Hs Supplement to the Beginning of the Flood
The Holiness redactor considered Ps brief narrative inadequate, and
thus added this note on the animals (7:89). Like the previous list in 6:19
20, the redactor has used a fourfold primary-level division of the animal
kingdom, truncated by the absence of aquatic animals: aerial animals,
high-carriage land animals, and low-carriage land animals. New here is Hs
adoption of Js clean/unclean dichotomy introduced at 7:2. No such distinc-
tion was included at 6:1920, but after folding Js instructions to Noah into
the overall account, H has adopted this additional descriptorclean and
uncleanas a means of merging the two older accounts, J and P. The final
notation about the arrival of the flood waters after seven days (7:10) also
lifts a detail from the J account (7:4) in order to bring Hs revised P version
closer to the older J account.
(5) Genesis 7:11:
Ps Account of the Beginning of the Flood, Part 2
Ps account of the beginning of the flood was interrupted by H interpo-
lations (7:810). The voice of P returns in the genealogical details, especially
37. See R. Whitekettle, Where the Wild Things Are: Primary Level Taxa in Is-
raelite Zoological Thought, JSOT 93 (2001) 1737, esp. pp.2427, for this truncated
fourfold division. The appearance of the same truncated fourfold schema at 6:7 may be
a Holiness redactors preparatory interpolation.
24 Bill T. Arnold
in the age of Noah, which is given in the so-called long form.38 Many have
commented on the precision of Ps dating system, which will continue at
8:3b5 below.39
(6) Genesis 7:1316:
Hs Clarification of the Beginning of the Flood
After Js notation about the length of the flood40 days and 40 nights
(7:12) the Holiness redactor returns to record the entrance into the ark of
Noah, his family, and the animals. The editor takes pains to show it was on
the very same day ( , 7:13), presumably the 17th day of the
second month of Noahs 600th year (on that day, , 7:11). The edi-
tor overburdened the text in this way presumably because Js 40 days and
40 nights in 7:12 introduced the possibility of ambiguity. Again, we see that
Hs interpolations are secondary to both Js and Ps accounts.
A phenomenon for which I have no explanation is the variation of
animals listed in 7:14. Instead of the truncated fourfold taxonomy used at
6:1920 and 7:89, we have here a fivefold division with three land animal
classes, truncated again by the absence of aquatic animals: high carriage
wild land animals (), domesticated land animals (), low carriage
wild land animals (), and aerial animals.40 The inclusion of wild land
animals ( )may be a simple variation of Hs animal taxonomy. Otherwise,
we can detect no unlinear development in the use of various taxonomic
schemas, and we have no evidence for isolated or competing schemas re-
flected in diverse sources. Simpler schemas were not abandoned once more
advanced and sophisticated ones were developed.41
The tagline at 7:16b, the Lord shut him in, may be a J fragment in-
cluded here as part of the continuation of Js account in 7:1724.
(7) Genesis 7:1724: Hs Expansion of Js Account of the Flood
Following the tagline at 7:16b (perhaps J), the next extended portion
of narrative appears to be the Holiness editors adaptation and expansion
of Js original account of the flood. Opinions vary about the sources in this
paragraph, with most researchers concluding we have here a conflation of
38. That is, with written instead of omitted in a simple prepositional phrase,
the so-called short form. For these definitions and examples, see Knohl, Sanctuary of
Silence, 19 (esp.n. 29). The short form also appears occasionally in P (e.g., 8:13), mean-
ing this variation in the dating system is less than a consistent foundation for further
source distinction.
39. For discussion and bibliography, see Westermann, Genesis 111, 43233.
40. Whitekettle, Wild Things, 2930.
41. Ibid., 34.
J and P materials. I propose here instead that the strands we detect as J in

these verses have been elaborated systematically by H. The mention of 40
days in 7:17 identifies it as J. The next statements revise the extent and
nature of the rising flood-waters, in order to show that every peak of the
land was covered by the water (7:1820), which is likely Hs expansion. An-
other J excerpt is found in 7:22, in the assertion that everything on dry land
expired, everything in whose nostrils was the breath of life. The Holiness
redactor no doubt considered this inadequate, and prefaced the statement
with another list of animals that died in the flood (7:21). The same truncat-
ed fivefold schema occurs here as we saw in 7:14: high-carriage wild land
animals, domesticated land animals, low-carriage wild land animals, and
aerial animals.42
The list of animals at 7:23 reverts to Js account, using the general term
, living form, stock (of living beings).43 The return to the simple
version (without according to their kinds) of the fourfold primary level
taxonomy, again truncated (high-carriage land animals, low-carriage land
animals, and aerials animals) may be Hs interpolation or may be Js ori
ginal. I favor the latter option because the list of animals in 7:24 contains
the simpler threefold taxonomy of land animals (clean or unclean), aerial
animals, and aquatic animals (truncated). Tentatively, we may suggest this
simpler notation in 7:24 was Js understanding of the animal kingdom, and
the fuller fourfold schema was Hs.
The closing reference to 150 days is Hs contribution to the chronol-
ogy of the flood (7:24). It seems likely the editor has offered this calculation
based on Ps original notations centering on Noahs life, tracing five months
from the coming of the flood (7:11) to the resting of the ark on mount Ar-
arat (8:4). Both of these benchmarks are original to P, so that H has simply
attempted to clarify the chronology.
(8) Genesis 8:15: Hs Announcement That the Flood Ends,
Using J and P Fragments44
The consensus opinion has it that 8:12a is P, interrupted by a J frag-
ment in 8:2b and 8:3a, and then resumed in 8:3b5. The J fragment would
then be as follows:
42. This approach assumes that and are synonymous, both indicating
low-carriage wild animals; ibid., 27 n. 17.
43. DCH 4:273; HALOT 2:430; a term appearing only three times in the Bible,
here, 7:4, and Deut 11:6.
44. Atomistic distinctions between J and P within half- or quarter-verses or smaller
phrases in these portions of the flood narrative are entirely possible, but I consider them
26 Bill T. Arnold
the rain from the heavens was restrained, and the waters gradually
receded from the earth. (8:2b3a)
We have precise phraseological reasons for accepting this admittedly con-

torted theory, and it has longstanding acceptance. The reference to rain
( )is Js storyline picked up from 7:12, and the rest of the line (8:3b) is Js
account of the receding waters. If correct, this is precisely the sort of intri-
cate editorial work that must be accredited to someone with an overarching
agenda.
Elsewhere in the paragraph, the doubly truncated list of only wild ani-
mals and domesticated animals at 8:1 (omitting both aerial and aquatic an-
imals) strikes one as underdeveloped in light of other lists in the flood nar-
rative, and makes sense as part of Ps attenuated account. This would also
explain Hs multiple other lists, as a means of supplementing Ps account,
which he would have taken as inadequately stated although unassailable in
authority. H is also likely responsible for inserting again the chronological
reference to 150 days in 8:3b, prefacing as it does Ps original dating system
in 8:4.45
(9) Genesis 8:1314:
Ps Announcement of the End of the Flood
The voice of P returns in its precise dating system.46 Unlike the elabo-
rate avian testing system of Js account (8:612), P simply notes that Noah
was able to uncover the ark and observe the dry ground on the first day of
the first month of year 601. Falling as it does on New Years Day, the day on
which the flood waters disappeared marks a new world era, the postdiluvial
age.47 On the 27th day of the next month, the drying process was complete
(8:14).
(10) Genesis 8:1517:
Hs Supplement to the Departure from the Ark
In this reconstruction, the Holiness editor was relying on an older
Priestly source that recorded Noahs departure from the ark with his family
beyond our reach for analysis. As an example, see Westermann, Genesis 111, 44143
and 44950. In this brief survey, I limit my observations to the broadest assessment pos-
sible, while acknowledging certain distinctions that I consider undeniable.
45. In this instance in 8:4, P has again used the so-called long form of its dating
system.
46. Js account in 8:612 has the most extensive parallels with the Gilgamesh flood
account.
47. Ibid., 450.
and the animals (8:1819). The distinctives of the H redactor return here in
vv.1517 to supplement and respond to that older source. As we have seen,
the Israelites taxonomic system for the animal kingdom was complex and
fluid. I fully recognize that any observation linking these differences with
source analysis must necessarily remain tentative. Nevertheless, the dis-
tinctives of Gods command to Noah at 8:17 seem to support other criteria
at work, and may be suggestive. The Holiness editor anticipates the Priest-
ly narration at 8:19, in which a truncated division of the animals (again,
lacking the aquatic category) lists only high-carriage land animals (),
low-carriage land animals (), and aerial animals (). It has been sug-
gested that this represents a twofold primary level division into terrestrial
animals and aquatic animals.48
Such a twofold taxonomy would have been considered inadequate
from the point of view of a later Holiness redactor. Assuming Leviticus 11
is in view, this editor is preparing for that important text.49 In order to make
this point, I must digress only for a comment about the taxonomic sche-
mas of Leviticus 11. The final form of the chapter juxtaposes two distinct
fourfold divisions of the animal kingdom.50 But an important distinction is
discernible in that chapter. The first section (11:2b23) has a fourfold divi-
sion oddly with two aerial taxa (two-legged aerial animals and six-legged
aerial animals). The rest of the chapter also has a fourfold division, but al-
ways with at least two land animal categories. One explanation is that a final
Holiness editor has adopted older Priestly material (11:2b23), but added
his own instructions thereafter, using a slightly different taxonomy. If we
are right about a Holiness redactor stepping in at Gen 8:1517, the purpose
is to clarify the twofold taxonomic schema used in 8:19. God directs Noah
to bring out the animals using a fourfold division with two land animals,
which appears to be Hs preferred taxonomy (as illustrated in Leviticus 11).
This proposal may also find support in the opening phrase, every living
thing that is with you of all flesh (8:17). The inclusion of all flesh (
)may subtly correct the lack of a full-bodied animal taxonomy in Ps
closing statement in 8:19.51
48. Whitekettle, Wild Things, 3536.

49. As we shall see, the move from vegetarianism to meat eating was likely also a
move made by the Holiness author (9:17).
50. See ibid., 3133, for this assessment.
51. Because I have argued elsewhere that Genesis 1 is a Holiness composition, the
be fruitful and multiply phraseology here may also indicate Holiness themes, as
below at 9:1.
28 Bill T. Arnold
(11) Genesis 8:1819: Ps Conclusion of the Flood Narrative

The voice of P returns to narrate Noahs departure from the ark, to-
gether with his family and the animals. This statement flows naturally from
the last statement of P at 8:14: In the second month, on the 27th day of the
month, the earth was dry. We have seen how Ps twofold primary animal
taxonomy at 8:19 was considered insufficient by the Holiness editor and
expanded at 8:17. We note here only the additional observation, also char-
acteristic of P, that the animals disembarked by families ().
While absent thus far in the flood narrative, it is entirely fitting in Ps con-
clusion and leads naturally to the recurring use of that phrase in Genesis 10
when detailing the descendants of Noah according to their families (10:5,
18, 20, 31, 32; compare also recurrences in the book of Numbers, especially
chs. 1, 3, 4, and 26).
We should also note that Ps conclusion is quite logically and naturally
juxtaposed here with Js own conclusion in 8:2022. The two accounts are
parallel in that P concludes by associating the end of the flood with a fixed
temporal cycle in the observation of New Years Day (8:13), while J asso-
ciates it with the fixing of the natural cycle of the seasons, seedtime and
harvest, cold and heat, summer and winter, day and night (8:22).52
(12) Genesis 9:17: Hs Post-flood Blessing and
Changes of the Dietary Law
I have identified Gen 8:1314, together with its continuation in 8:18
19 as Ps conclusion to the flood narrative generally. While Gen 9:117 is
nearly universally accepted as P, I propose here taking these paragraphs as
contributions of a Holiness redactional stratum.
Gods blessing of Noah, with its distinctive terminology of fecundity
(be fruitful and multiply, 9:1 and 7) likely has a genetic relationship with
Gen 1:22 and 28, as well as 8:17 (which I have categorized above as H). I
have argued elsewhere that an H redactorfunctioning more as an author
in this casewrote Genesis 1 essentially as we have it now as a new compo-
sition to serve as a prologue for Js account of creation in Genesis 2.53 If cor-
rect, the use of this style and phraseology is not surprising in Hs narration
in 9:17. While routinely assigned to P, this phraseology and style appear to
be more characteristic of Hs redactional stratum.54
The move from vegetarianism to meat-eating is also attributable to Hs
editorial activity. In previous research on Genesis 1, I concluded its Ho-
52. Westermann, Genesis 111, 45051.
53. Arnold, Genesis 1.
54. True also for the image of God statement in 9:6.
liness author felt a particular need to prepare the reader for the dietary
restrictions of Leviticus 11, which Js creation account of Genesis 2 had not
properly done. The J account assumed a vegetarian diet for the first human
couple (2:16), while animals were created for the sole purpose of human
companionship (2:1819). The Holiness correction in Genesis 1 perceived
the J approach as inadequate primarily because of its failure to distinguish
properly among the various sorts of animals, which would of course provide
for the proper distinctions between acceptable and unacceptable animals for
consumption. And yet the older J creation account was perceived as unas-
sailable in authority both for the editor and his audience. Therefore, Genesis
1 uses a more complex animal taxonomy in preparation for Leviticus 11.
A similar motive is behind the Holiness redactional stratum here. Thus
far, the creation accounts and flood narrative have not established a reason-
able explanation for meat consumption, especially in light of Js vegetari-
anism. Our author prepares the reader for subsequent dietary laws, espe-
cially as presented in Leviticus 11, and the Holiness Code proper. Without
a specific concession to meat consumption, readers of the Pentateuch have
not been adequately prepared for the instruction, among all the land ani-
mals, these are the creatures that you may eat (Lev 11:2). In Hs post-flood
new world order, God grants permission to eat anything alive (or at least,
anything that moves , 9:3), which is followed by two simple restric-
tions. First, animal flesh cannot be consumed together with its lifeblood,
and second, God will require a reckoning of any lifeblood, especially that
of human life.55 The Holiness redactors concession for meat consumption
appears to be motivated by concerns in later Holiness texts, especially the
Holiness Codes prohibition against eating blood (Lev 17:1013; 19:26), and
of course its restrictions on the shedding of innocent blood (17:34, and
compare. 19:16).56 Thus, by incremental steps, the Holiness authors and
editors establish dietary law that bring humans from vegetarianism (Gen-
esis1), to near unrestricted meat-eating (Gen 9:36), and finally, to a di-
etary law that distinguishes Israelites from their neighbors (Leviticus 11).
As such, this development of the dietary law represents the culmination of
a progression in holiness, by which God had brought a people by steps to
enjoy unprecedented proximity to himself.57
55.See Westermann, Genesis 111, 46465; Arnold, Genesis, 10910.

56. Admitting, of course, that similar concerns are shared elsewhere in the Penta-
teuchs legal material (Lev 3:17; 7:2627; Deut 12:1516, etc.).
57.E. Firmage, The Biblical Dietary Laws and the Concept of Holiness, in Stud-
ies in the Pentateuch (ed. J. A. Emerton; VTSup 41; Leiden: Brill, 1990) 177208 (esp.
p.197).
30 Bill T. Arnold
The taxonomic schema of 9:2 is also illuminating, because it returns to

the fourfold division (with two land animals) we have come to expect for
Hs interpolations: high-carriage land animals, low-carriage land animals,
aerial animals, and aquatic animals.58 As we have seen, this is Hs preference
for sorting out the animal kingdom, which then becomes a subtle corrective
for the less developed P and J taxonomic schemas (Lev 11:46; 20:25; and if
my approach is correct, Gen 1:26, 30; 6:7, 20; 7:8, 23; and 8:17).
(13) Genesis 9:817: Hs Post-flood Covenant
This paragraph, of course, is also assumed by most scholars to be at-
tributable to P. But the presence of Noahs -covenant so prominently
featured in P has always been an unsettling feature of this account, and been
the object of endless speculation (as opposed to Ps preferred nomenclature,
, testimony, witness). For example, Knohl goes to great lengths to
explain that after the revelation of the name Yahweh, the -covenant in
P (used here and in Genesis 17, of course) disappears entirely from P and
is replaced by the -covenant.59 The revelation of the tetragrammaton
to Moses was essentially a Copernican revolution in which Israel learned to
recognize the essence of the divine nature. The nearness of humans to God
found in Priestly portions of Genesis, including personal and anthropo-
morphic descriptions of God, are replaced by impersonal and nonanthro-
pomorphic language focused on majesty. Knohl describes Ps covenants
with Noah and Abraham as bilateral and marked by mutuality, which fea-
ture was then replaced in P after the revelation of the name Yahweh to the
unilateral character of the -pact.
Many other such attempts to explain the prominence of in Ps ac-
count of Noah (and that of Abraham) but its absence in Ps Sinai narrative
have occupied scholars for years. Many explanations are possible. But as
with most such theories in biblical studies, we may appeal to the criterion
whether a theory adequately accounts for the evidence in the most eco-
nomical manner. I propose here that our attempts have been in the wrong
direction because of the assumption that Gen 6:1122 and 9:817 are of the
58. Whitekettle, Wild Things, 2427; finally not truncated here because fish are
included after the flood narration.
59. Knohl, Sanctuary of Silence, 14146. He considers all previous attempts to ex-
plain the absence of a Mosaic in P as unacceptable and summarizes them in three
categories: (1) those focusing on the editorial level, (2) ideological explanations, and
(3) denial that is missing from P; 14344 n. 80. The real problem, I suggest, is not
why it is absent in P elsewhere but why we consider its presence in Genesis 69 and 17
attributable to P in the first place.
same cloth as those of P in Exodus. As with our analysis of 9:17, I propose

here that we reconsider this presumption, and I offer preliminary observa-
tions that nudge us in another direction.
One is struck immediately in this pericope by the use of the first person
singular, independent personal pronoun twice in divine speech to Noah: I
( )am establishing my covenant (9:9), and this is the sign of the cove-
nant that I ( )make (9:12).60 As we saw with a similar pronouncement at
6:17, this pronoun never occurs in divine speech in P materials in Exodus
Numbers, and only five times in the book of Genesis (6:17; 9:9, 12; 17:1, 4),
but is rather a linguistic characteristic of Holiness texts in the Pentateuch.61
Knohl recognizes its use as a feature of H, but is forced to acknowledge
these are exceptional instances of divine diction in P, and attributes their
use in Genesis, once again, to the differences in divine revelation before and
after the giving of the name Yahweh.62 Rather than consider these excep-
tional cases, perhaps we should simply take the use of this pronoun at 6:17
and 9:9, 12 for what it is elsewhere in the Pentateuch, a feature of H.
At 9:10, we encounter once again a list of the animals, this time as par-
ticipants in the covenant with God. And here again we have the fourfold
division with two land animals, as we have seen elsewhere in the Holiness
redactional stratum. The schema used here differs slightly, in that the two
land animals are domesticated land animals and wild land animals rather
than the distinction between high carriage land animals and low carriage
land animals we have seen elsewhere in H.63
With regard to the covenant itself, the motivation for Gods covenant
with Noah and the animals appears to be inspired by the words at the con-
clusion of Js account, where Yahweh, pleased with Noahs sacrifice, vows
never again to destroy every living creature (8:21). H has adopted simi-
lar phraseology in developing Gods motivation for the covenant, showing
dependence, not of P on J, which I have argued were independent of each
other, but of the Holiness editors dependence on both.
The use of the rainbow as a sign of the covenant presents us with sev-
eral interesting features (9:1217). Its appearance here in a clearly etio-
logical context has, once again, generated scholarly efforts at explanation
60. nrsv understandably adds As for me at the beginning of 9:9 to highlight the
casus pendens.
61. Knohl appears to miss the appearance in Gen 35:11; for the same thing in Yah-
wistic contexts, see 15:7 and 28:13; Sanctuary of Silence, 1078.
62. Ibid., 86 n. 78 and pp. 12528.
63. And truncated as before; apparently, aquatic animals live outside the covenant
with God; Whitekettle, Wild Things, 2728.
32 Bill T. Arnold
Fig. 1. The Broken Obelisk; Nineveh. Copyright of the Trustees of the British Museum.
because we do not often ascribe etiologies to P.64 But as Knohl has shown,
the Holiness redaction stratum is more flexible and it would not be sur-
prising to find etiologies here. Another fascinating feature of the bow is its
identification with the warriors bow, which has been a popular interpreta-
tion since the days of Julius Wellhausen, arguing that God in his covenant
hangs the bow in the clouds as a sign hostilities have ceased.65 Although
many have objected to this interpretation, I find the iconographic evidence
64. Arnold, Genesis, 1012. So we have etiologies in traditional-epic literature to

explain marriage (2:24), the motion of serpents (3:14), human hatred of snakes (3:15),
pain in childbirth (3:16), key features in the origins of human civilization (urbanization,
4:17; pastoral nomadism, 4:20; musical arts, 4:21; metallurgy, 4:22; and religion, 4:26),
the origins of viticulture (9:20), the origin of the name Babylon (11:9), the origins of
Moab and Ammon (19:3738), why the plain of Jordan has humanoid pillars of salt
(19:26), and many others. But such etiologies in P are rare, and the occurrence of a sab-
bath etiology at 2:23 is perhaps evidence for Hs composition rather than Ps.
65.J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the History of Israel (trans. G. Reuss; Atlanta:
Scholars Press, 1994) 311; reprint of Prolegomena to the History of Ancient Israel (trans.
J. S. Black and A. Enzies, with preface by W. R. Smith; Edinburgh: Adam & Charles
Black, 1885); translation of Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels (2nd ed.; Berlin: Reimer,
1883). Cf. G. E. Mendenhall, The Tenth Generation: The Origins of the Biblical Tradition
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973) 4348.
Fig. 2. The Broken Obelisk (detail). Copyright of the Trustees of the British Museum.
of the Broken Obelisk of Ashur-bel-kala (10731056 b.c.e.) of Nineveh

convincing (see fig. 1).66 The king appears on the left, holding four pris-
oners with a rope. Divine presence lines the sky in the form of five sche-
matized symbols: a horned headdress, a crescent, a winged disc, a bident,
and perhaps a star. The winged disc at the center, presumably Ashur, is
holding a bow turned in the relaxed or at-rest position (see fig. 2).67 In
66. For objections to this interpretation, see Westermann, Genesis 111, 473. On
the Broken Obelisk, see T. Ornan, Who Is Holding the Lead Rope? The Relief of the
Broken Obelisk, Iraq 69 (2007) 5972; T. Ornan, In the Likeness of Man: Reflections
on the Anthropocentric Perception of the Divine in Mesopotamian Art, in What Is a
God? Anthropomorphic and Non-Anthropomorphic Aspects of Deity in Ancient Mesopo-
tamia (ed. B. N. Porter; TCBAI 2; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2009) 93151 (esp.
pp.11718); T. Ornan, The Triumph of the Symbol: Pictorial Representation of Deities in
Mesopotamia and the Biblical Image Ban (OBO 213; Fribourg: Academic Press / Gt-
tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2005) xxx; and B. F. Batto, The Divine Sovereign:
The Image of God in the Priestly Creation Account, in David and Zion: Biblical Studies
in Honor of J. J. M. Roberts (ed. B. F. Batto and K. L. Roberts; Winona Lake, IN: Eisen-
brauns, 2004) 14386 (esp. pp.15162).
67. The winged disc has been taken as a symbol of Shamash, Ninurta, or Ashur;
J. A. Black and A. R. Green, Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An
Illustrated Dictionary (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1992) 18586.
34 Bill T. Arnold
Fig. 3. Ashurnasirpal II (883859 b.c.e.) riding into battle. Monumental Stone Relief;
Kalhu (Nimrud). British Museum. Photo copyright Lawson G. Stone.
later Neo-Assyrian iconography, the deity accompanies the kings chariot,

with the bow in the firing position when the king is going to battle (Ashur-
nasirpal II, 883859 b.c.e.; see fig. 3). At this time, anthropomorphism was
accepted, and the winged disc was even merged with a humanoid depic-
tion. When returning victorious and in peace, the deity holds the bow hor-
izontally or in the relaxed position (see fig. 4). As far back as Naram-Sin
of Agade (22542218 b.c.e.), we have a depiction of the king bearing the
bow in the relaxed position, indicating his ability to provide peace in the
land (see figs. 5 and 6).
As with the deitys image on the Broken Obelisk, Gods bow of Gen
9:1217 is symbolically curved in the relaxed position from Gods perspec-
tive, indicating God is now at peace with the world; that is, the violence of
the flood is over. God has hung his bow in the clouds as a reminder never
to repeat this destruction by flood waters. Of all theological images in the
Primeval History, I find this one the most anthropomorphic. The icono-
graphic depiction of the Broken Obelisk even has Ashurs hands holding
the bow (see fig.2), despite the tendency in the Middle Assyrian period to
use the winged disc and other such symbols for deity as a device to avoid
anthropomorphic portrayals of deities.68 Yet P, among the sources of the
Pentateuch, is most notable for its avoidance of anthropomorphisms and
anthropopathisms, which has been well established and much discussed
68. Ornan, In the Likeness of Man, 11224.

Fig. 4. Ashurnasirpal returning from battle. Kalhu (Nimrud). British Museum. Photo
copyright Lawson G. Stone.
for more than a century.69 God is routinely portrayed in P as impersonal,

and ideally represented in divine presence, , rather than more personal
forms, and certainly not with human-like characteristics. This makes the
picture of God hanging his warrior bow in the cloud as a reminder of his
perpetual covenant seem out of place for P. We are left once again, with the
argument that P tolerated anthropomorphic expressions and personalized
views of God prior to the revelation of the name Yahweh, including the
rainbow.70 One wonders by now how much weight this argument can bear.
It seems unlikely that P would have been satisfied to make this concession
to popular religion, to portray God with his warrior bow and desiring a
sign as a memory aid of his perpetual commitment to the world. Attribut-
ing the rainbow to H, as with attributing the covenant itself to H, answers
more questions than we currently struggle to answer when we attribute the
whole to P.
(14) Genesis 9:2829: Ps Resumption of Its Genealogy71
The voice of P returns in the formulaic sum total of Noahs lifespan, and
the one-word Hebrew tag and he died (). This signals an official end
69. Driver, Introduction 12829; O. Kaiser, Introduction to the Old Testament: A
Presentation of Its Results and Problems (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1975) 10913.
71. While at first sight, 9:1827 may appear to be Priestly, it serves as Js closure of
the flood narrative and prepares for his version of the Table of Nations in Genesis 10;
Westermann, Genesis 111, 482; Speiser, Genesis, 61.
36 Bill T. Arnold
Fig. 5. Victory Stela of Naram-Sin of Agade (22542218 b.c.e.). Copyright RMN-

Grand Palais / Art Resource, NY.
Fig. 6. Victory Stela of Naram-

Sin of Agade (detail). Copy-
right RMN-Grand Palais / Art
Resource, NY.
of the flood narrative, and a resumption of the Priestly genealogical agen-

da, part of which is resumed in Genesis 10, but in earnest in 11:1026. The
occurrence of in 10:1 picks up the thread.
Conclusions
This reevaluation of the flood narratives Priestly materials leads us to a
few tentative conclusions. Primary among them is the negative assessment
of previous source analysis. The narrative is not composed primarily of P
and J strands lightly edited, with few interpolations and glosses in order to
yield the current unity. Rather, I propose here we have a J account, which
can be reconstructed with relative ease along the lines of the traditional
source-critical approach. Next, we have a P account, which, however, bears
little resemblance to the traditional source-critical reconstruction. Instead,
38 Bill T. Arnold
it consisted of scarcely 18 verses of the current text, and was little more
than an expanded genealogical note on Noah, with a few narratival details
about the flood (see appendix). These two sources were then drawn on and
developed thoroughly by a redactor, who at times wrote freehand whole
stretches of new material at times expanding P and J (editorial expansions),
at other times correcting and nuancing the older account (interpolations).
This redactor/author was motivated almost entirely by a desire to preserve
the authoritative sources before him, but also to prepare the reader for
other materials in the Pentateuch that he considered central to its overall
message. These were the themes of holiness and dietary purity. His expan-
sions and interpolations were solely devoted to consolidating the message
of the existing sources, while providing new materials that set up a trajecto-
ry into the rest of the Pentateuch. This redactor/author is best described as a
member of the Holiness School, and his purposes were most keenly focused
on buttressing themes found elsewhere in the Pentateuch more and more
attributable to the work of the Holiness School.
Beyond this, we can draw a few further observations based on this in-
vestigation. First, when we survey the contents of P as reconstructed in the
appendix and compare that with the expansions and interpolations of H,
we discover that P contains no direct divine speech; God does not speak
in the P account of the flood. Second, this approach explains how F. M.
Cross could argue mistakenly (though understandably) that P was never an
independent narrative source but that 6th century b.c.e. Priestly tradents
conflated the Epic tradition (JE) with disparate Priestly sources, mostly lists
of various kinds.72 Crosss instincts were right, in my opinion, about the
extent of P, which according to this assessment is much more attenuated
than we normally imagine. Yet we still discern a continuous thread running
through this briefer P source, and we have no reason to doubt it had an
independent existence. What is different today from Crosss reconstruction
is the theory that Priestly authors and editors of the Holiness School played
such an important work in the composition of these texts.
Finally, and perhaps most obviously, this reassessment requires a com-
plete reconfiguration of covenant theology in the Torah. I am of the opinion
that all the covenants are binary, and most are asymmetrical.73 By binary
I mean not simply that they are mutual agreements between at least two
72. F. M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic: Essays in the History of the Reli-
gion of Israel (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973) 293325.
73.On symmetry and asymmetry in biblical covenants, see G. N. Knoppers,
Ancient Near Eastern Royal Grants and the Davidic Covenant: A Parallel? JAOS 116
(1996) 67097 (esp. pp.69596).
parties but rather that the agreements themselves consist of two compo-
nents: promise and obligation. Those tilting most toward the promises may
be taken as promissory covenants. By contrast, those where the prom-
issory element is only implicit, are primarily obligatory covenants. But
all covenants are both promissory and obligatory by definition, although
either component may be left entirely implicit in the language describing
the covenant. This leaves me dissatisfied with the explanations for why P
in Exodus has no covenantal ceremony or mention of the term in the
revelation at Sinai. How likely is it that P objected to the bilateral mutuality
of the Sinai covenant, while accepting a covenant for the ancestors in
Genesis? It seems more like P would have proposed a unilateral -pact
for Noah and Abraham rather than articulating an everlasting ancestral
covenant to compete with Sinai.
On the other hand, the -covenant is clearly important in the Ho-
liness Code, which even has one example of an everlasting covenant
(Lev 24:8).74 Perhaps the two promissory covenants of Genesisthe en-
during covenants of Noah and Abraham, promising no more catastrophic
floods, and promising that Abram would become Abraham an exceedingly
great nation, and that Canaan would become a perpetual holding for his
descendants forever (17:58)perhaps these are new Holiness composi-
tions expanding an original P without such covenants. In fact, the phrase
translated everlasting covenant ( ) is used elsewhere in the Pen-
tateuch in Holiness texts (leaving aside for the moment Gen 17:7, 13, 19).75
If the two covenants of Genesis are Holiness compositions, they prepare the
reader specifically for Leviticus 26, where God promises to remember the
-covenants of Jacob, Isaac, and Abraham (Lev 26:42). Perhaps the sim-
plest explanation for these echoes and one that is worthy of more investi-
gation is the possibility that scholars of the Holiness School are responsible
for the Noah covenant, as well as much more of the flood narrative than we
previously realized.
Appendix:
Reconstruction of Ps Flood Narrative
(5:28) When Lamech had lived 182 years, he became the father of a
son; (5:3032) Lamech lived after the birth of Noah 595 years, and had
74. The covenant as appears in Lev 26:9, 15, 25, 42 (3), 44, 45. The fecundity
formula we have identified as H in Genesis 1 and 9 (fruitful and multiply) is also
present in Lev 26:9.
75. The Mosaic sabbath law (Exod 31:16), and the law of table-bread (Lev 24:8).
40 Bill T. Arnold
other sons and daughters. Thus, all the days of Lamech were 777 years; and
he died. After Noah was 500 years old, Noah became the father of Shem,
Ham, and Japheth.
(7:67) Noah was 600 years old when the flood of waters came on the
earth. And Noah with his sons and his wife and his sons wives went into
the ark to escape the waters of the flood. (7:11) In the 600th year of Noahs
life, in the second month, on the 17th day of the month, on that day all the
fountains of the great deep burst forth, and the windows of the heavens
were opened. (8:12a) But God remembered Noah and all the wild animals
and all the domestic animals that were with him in the ark. And God made
a wind blow over the earth, and the waters subsided; the fountains of the
deep and the windows of the heavens were closed, (8:3b5) At the end of
150 days, the waters had abated; and in the 7th month, on the 17th day of
the month, the ark came to rest on the mountains of Ararat. The waters
continued to abate until the 10th month; in the 10th month, on the first day
of the month, the tops of the mountains appeared. (8:1314) In the 601st
year, in the first month, the first day of the month, the waters were dried
up from the earth; and Noah removed the covering of the ark, and looked,
and saw that the face of the ground was drying. In the 2nd month, on the
27th day of the month, the earth was dry. (8:1819) So Noah went out with
his sons and his wife and his sons wives. And every animal, every creeping
thing, and every bird, everything that moves on the earth, went out of the
ark by families. (9:2829) After the flood Noah lived 350 years. All the days
of Noah were 950 years; and he died.
Isaiah 47 and 54
An Investigation into a Case of Intertextuality
Bryan E. Beyer
Introduction
The use of intertextuality by biblical authors is well-established. Lat-
er biblical writers often adapted or expanded on earlier themes. Some-
times they identified their source; at other times, they perhaps assumed
their readers knew the allusion.1 Later biblical writers often made use of
themes expounded by earlier or contemporary writers, and scholars wres-
tle with how this sort of borrowing and adaptation affects meaning and
interpretation.2
One such example of this in the book of Isaiah is Isa 2:14, which
closely parallels Mic 4:13. In this case, because scholars generally agree
Isaiah and Micah were contemporaries, it is difficult to determine the di-
rection of influence. One scholar has even suggested the two prophets drew
on an independent liturgical text.3
A second example from the book of Isaiah is chs. 3639, the so-called
historical interlude, which closely parallels 2 Kings 1820, though with
some minor differences. This example differs from Isa 2:14 in that it is
Authors note: I am grateful for the opportunity to present this paper in honor of Dr.
Samuel Greengus, a professor I continue to love and respect. I have chosen to investigate
a topic I first became aware of over thirty years ago in my first semester at Hebrew Union
Collegethe intertextual relationship between Isaiah 47 and 54.
1. M. Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel (Oxford: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1989); idem, The Hebrew Bible and Exegetical Tradition, in Intertextuality
in Ugarit and Israel (ed. J. C. de Moor; OtSt 40; Leiden: Brill, 1998) 1530; J. Barton,
Intertextuality and the Final Form of the Text, in Congress Volume, Oslo 1998 (ed.
A. Lemaire and M. Saebo; VTSup 80; Leiden: Brill, 2000) 3337; M. Fishbane, Types
of Biblical Intertextuality, in ibid., 3944; K. Nielsen, Intertextuality and the Hebrew
Bible, in ibid., 1731.
2. For a general examination of this concept in the canonical book of Isaiah from
a Christian perspective, see B. E. Beyer, Encountering the Book of Isaiah: A Historical and
Theological Survey (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2007) 24361.
3.J. Gray, The Kingship of God in the Prophets and Psalms, VT 11 (1961) 15.
41
42 Bryan E. Beyer
quite lengthy. In view of the overwhelming correspondence between the

two texts, few if any would deny a connection at some level. Scholars gen-
erally believe the events in Isaiah 3839 historically preceded the events
of Isaiah 3637, a fact that suggests Isaianic priority, because the writer
of Kings maintained the sequence. Indeed, the inverting of the accounts
makes thematic sense within the overall structure of the book of Isaiah,
tying off the Assyrian section and preparing readers for the return from
Babylon announced in Isaiah 40.4
The primary audience for Isaiah 4066 is Jewish exiles in Babylon. The
long years of exile5 had crushed many a spirit; a mood of discouragement
and even hopelessness pervaded the community of the faithful (40:7, 27).
In response to this melancholy mood, the prophet announces his threefold
message. First, Gods people are in exile because of their sin. Jerusalem had
not fallen due to Babylons superior strength; rather, a moral basis underlay
the captivity. Just as 2Kings 17s theological editorial placed the blame for
the Assyrian conquest of Samaria squarely on Israels sin, so here the proph-
et attributes Jerusalems fall to Judahs sin.
Second, the exile actually proves Yahweh is God, for he and he alone
predicted it and brought it to pass. On more than one occasion, the prophet
challenges the gods of the other nations to make their respective cases for
greatness (Isa 41:2124; 44:78). How have they ever demonstrated their
sovereignty? What have they ever done that others have documented? Did
they defeat Yahweh during the days of the exile? The verdict is resounding-
ly negative; Yahweh orchestrated the exile for the purpose of judging his
people.
Third, Yahweh now graciously plans to redeem his peoplefrom exile
and forever. In Isaiah 4048, the focus is largely, though not exclusively, on
redemption from exile through Cyrus, Persias ruler and the conqueror of
Babylon.6 However, the prophets proclamations grow bolder and bolder
as his message continues, until he heralds a new heaven and a new earth,
4. J. H. Walton, New Observations on the Date of Isaiah, JETS 28 (1985) 12932.

5. Scholars have generally viewed Judahs history as including three deportations.
The first exiles were taken in 605 b.c.e., the fourth year of Jehoiakim, if we take Dan
1:12 at face value. The exile of Jehoiachin and others occurred in 597 b.c.e. (2 Kgs
24:1016), and Jerusalems final destruction took place in 586 b.c.e. (2 Kgs 25:121). Jer
52:30 appears to indicate a fourth deportation around 581 b.c.e.perhaps a Chaldean
response to the assassination of Gedaliah the governor (Jer 40:5; 41:13). Thus, by any
count, a minimum of 40 years of exile had been experienced by those who read the
prophets words at the time of Cyruss ascension in 539 b.c.e.
6. Most interpreters would understand Isaiah 4048 in this light. For another
perspective, however, see G. V. Smith, Isaiah 4066 (NAC 15B; Nashville: B&H, 2009)
An Investigation into a Case of Intertextuality 43
and an age that features universal peace (65:1718). In that day, he affirms,
Yahwehs glory will reach even the earths coastlands and islands (66:19).
Ironically, it is an earlier chapter in which Yahweh, though his prophetic
messenger, issues a universal invitation: Turn to me and be saved, all the
ends of the earth, for I am God, and there is no other (45:22).
Isaiah 47 presents a taunt against Babylon, whereas Isaiah 54 announc-
es Israels future hope. The themes appear unrelated at first sight; yet, the
language and structure of the two passages demand a literary connection.
This essay will highlight the common features of Isaiah 47 and 54, docu-
menting a clear literary connection. Indeed, the two chapters portray much
evidence for intertextuality, though in this case, the evidence is subtler than
with either 2:14 or chs. 3639, and many other examples of intertextuality.
Common Features of Isaiah 47 and 54:

Vocabulary/Phrases
Common vocabulary and phrases, in and of themselves, are no proof
of intentional intertextuality, especially between passages of the same pro-
phetic book. However, when documents contain a high degree of common
vocabulary, common themes, and/or common phrases, the likelihood of
intertextuality increases. The case is particularly strong when those com-
mon features occur in the same order in each text. In Isaiah 47 and 54, the
common items do not appear in the exact order; nonetheless, the number
of common occurrences is large enough to suggest intentionality. I high-
light 12 key vocabulary items in table 1, which I will follow with elaboration
on each item. I use ch. 47 as my frame of reference.
(1) ( 47:1, 5; 54:5, 6): At first, may seem a bit too common a
word to draw a parallel, but it is the particular usage that stands out. In
47:1, 5, an unnamed theyperhaps people of the world in generalcall
Babylon refined and delicate7 and queen of the kingdoms. (This latter
term appears only here in the Hebrew Bible.) In contrast, Yahweh has called
Judah, an abandoned woman, one pained of spirit, back to himself (54:5, 6).
The world designated Babylon with terms she could not maintain, but God
saw Judah for what she could bean object of his redemption.
12526. Smith argues (with the support of a few others) that an Assyrian threat lies
behind some of the oracles in these chapters.
7. The Hebrew words rendered refined and delicate (, )also appear
in Deut 28:56 in a similarly ironic twist. There, the text describes a most refined and
delicate woman who, in view of her desperate situation, acts wickedly toward her own
family. Here, Babylons former position of apparent refinement is contrasted with her
imminent calamity.
44 Bryan E. Beyer
Table 1. Common Features of Isaiah 47 and 54: Vocabulary/Themes/Phrases

Isaiah 47 Isaiah 54
Word Meaning Reference Reference
cry out, call 47:1, 5 54:5, 6
reproach, disgrace 47:3 54:4
redeem(er) 47:4 54:5, 8
Yhwh of hosts is his name 47:4 54:5
Holy One of Israel 47:4 54:5
wrath, to be angry 47:6 54:8, 9
inheritance 47:6 54:17
, compassion, have compassion 47:6 54:7, 8, 10
remember 47:7 54:4
, , widowhood 47:8, 9 54:4
moment 47:9 54:7, 8
youth 47:12, 15 54:6
(2) ( 47:3; 54:4): The concept of shame or reproach applies to both

Babylon and Judah. It appears 73 times in the Hebrew Bible and often des-
ignates the experience of those on whom Gods judgment falls (for example,
see 4:1; 25:8). However, 47:3 describes Babylon as one whose reproach will
be seen, whereas 54:4 describes Judahs reproach as being remembered no
more. Babylons reproach will testify to its judgment, whereas Judahs re-
proach will vanish in the day of redemption.
(3) ( 47:4; 54:5, 8): The term appears 25 times in Isaiah, 24 of which
are in Isaiah 4066. As highlighted in the introduction, Yahwehs redemp-
tion of Judah forms a key theme of these chapters. Chapter 47 highlights
how Babylons humiliation comprises the necessary prerequisite to Judahs
redemption. Once Yahweh removes the oppressor, he may redeem his
people (54:5, 8). Gods redemption is marked by the disappearance of his
peoples shame and reproach, accompanied by his compassion and loving
kindness.
(4) ( 47:4; 54:5): This expression appears 14 times in
the Hebrew Bible, all in the prophetic literature, including 4 times in Isaiah
4066.8 It does not appear in chs. 139. It commonly forms a doxology of
sorts that highlights Yahwehs power and/or his imminent action. In 47:4,
8. Isa 47:4; 48:2; 51:15; 54:5; Jer 10:16; 31:35; 32:18; 46:18; 48:15; 50:34; 51:19, 57;
Amos 4:13; 5:27 (the abbreviated expression also appears in Amos 5:8; 9:6).
the expression our redeemer, Yahweh of hosts is his name, the Holy One
of Israel, is inserted into the midst of words about Babylons imminent
judgment. In 54:5, the prophet announces to Judah, For your master, your
maker, Yahweh of hosts is his name, and he will be called your redeemer,
the Holy One of Israel, the God of all the earth. As with the parallel use of
, cited above, Babylons humiliation comprises the necessary prerequi-
site to Judahs redemption. Gods name fittingly describes him who has the
power to judge his enemies and save his own.
(5) ( 47:4; 54:5): The book of Isaiah contains 25 usages of
. Twelve are in the first half, 13 in the second half, with one
in 37:23, part of the historical interlude (chs. 3639) that joins 135 with
4066. Only 7 other uses of the term appear in the Bible.9 The Holy One of
Israel acts both in judgment and in salvation; he is the one who will humble
Babylon (47:4) just as he did Sennacherib, king of Assyria, in the days of
Hezekiah (37:23). However, he demonstrates his relationship to his people
by redeeming them from exile (54:5, 8).
(6) ( 47:6; 54:8, 9): The root appears in its verbal form in 47:6
and 54:9; the noun form also occurs in 54:8. In these usages, the proph-
et uses the outpouring of Yahwehs wrath in similar fashion, but with dif-
ferent application. In 47:6, he explains why Babylon temporarily gained
the upper hand: I was angry with my people ... and I gave them into your
hand. In 54:8, the prophet explains how Yahweh, in a flood of wrath,
hid his face from his people temporarily. In both texts, the prophet de-
scribes Gods wrath against his people as something past and on the verge
of disappearing.
(7) ( 47:6; 54:17): The term appears once in 19:25 and three other
times in Isaiah 4066 besides these two (49:8; 58:14; 63:17). The prophet, in
describing Yahwehs judgment through his agent Babylon (47:6), identifies
Judah as , my inheritance, which whom God was temporarily angry.
But the day is coming, assures the prophet, when Judah returns home, her
gates are reestablished (54:12), her children are disciples of Yahweh (54:13),
oppression is far removed (54:14), and no weapon fashioned against her
will prosper (54:17). This day of salvation, he proclaims, is the ultimate
, the inheritance of the servants of Yahweh (54:17). In 54:17, the
term denotes Gods peoples ultimate blessing; in 47:6, the term designates
Gods people.
(8) , ( 47:6; 54:7, 8, 10): The noun , compassion, oc-
curs in 47:6 and 54:7, whereas the related verb form occurs in the Piel stem
9. 2 Kgs 19:22; Jer 50:29; 51:5; Ezek 39:7; Ps 71:22; 78:41; 89:19.
46 Bryan E. Beyer
in 54:8, 10. Compassion is something Babylon failed to extend to captive

Judah (Lam 5:112); Yahweh, however, was about to gather his people with
great compassion. In fact, his temporary anger contrasted sharply with his
soon-to-appear everlasting lovingkindness () . He will bestow his
ultimate compassion on his people.
(9) ( 47:7; 54:4): The prophet contrasts Babylons past failure to
remember with Judahs future failure to remember; however, the first is
negative, whereas the second is positive. Babylon failed to remember (or
consider) the inevitable outcome of its pride as she afflicted Judah, and in
the end would pay a great price. On the other hand, so great would be the
blessing of Judahs redemption that she would not remember the disgrace
of her widowhood anymore.
(10) , , ( 47:8, 9; 54:4): The concept of widowhooda
potentially difficult socioeconomic state in the ancient worldoccurs in
both chapters. Again, the tables are turned. In 47:89, Babylon defiantly
believes she never will sit as a widow nor suffer loss of children, but both of
these tragedies will befall her suddenly, in a single moment. All those who
might have arisen to plead her case are gone. However, 54:4 announces that
the reproach of Judahs widowhood will be forgotten in the day of Gods
lasting blessing. She will know lasting security beyond anything earthly
family members can provide.
(11) ( 47:9; 54:7, 8): The word stresses suddenness and brevity.
Babylons supposed assurance of everlasting security will be cut short
, suddenly, in one day, as she experiences both bereavement and
widowhood in the day of Yahwehs visitation. Her long period of desolation
was imminent. In sharp contrast, Yahwehs hiding his face from and aban-
donment of Judah in the exile was merely , in a brief moment,
compared to the , everlasting lovingkindness, he now would
reveal.
(12) ( 47:12, 15; 54:6): The prophet contrasts Babylons sorceries
and improper activities she has practiced from her youth with the suffering
of Judah , as a wife of youth when she is rejected.
Babylons ultimate rejection looms on the horizon, as does Judahs joyous
renewal.
Common Features of Isaiah 47 and 54: Themes

Beyond the parallel vocabulary, Isaiah 47 and 54 also contain common
themes. However, since the two chapters contrast Judahs restoration with
Babylons destruction, the common themes are developed in contrasting
ways. In Judahs case, the themes have positive applications, because resto-
ration is in view. In the context of Babylons judgment, however, the themes

have negative applications. The presence of these themes appears inten
tional and strengthens the case for intertextuality. One might argue that
the lack of exact common vocabulary within the themes themselves creates
a bit of uncertainty about the level of intertextuality. At the same time, the
presence of common vocabulary overall supports the likelihood of intertex-
tuality. Five common themes especially assert themselves.
Shame. Isa 47:3 and 54:4 contrast Babylons the nakedness and
accompanying shame she will experiencewith Judahs /, the
shame that will soon be gone and forgotten. For Babylon, shame is the final
state; for Judah, a soon distant memory.
Disaster/calamity/oppression/terror. Isa 47:11 highlights the disaster
and calamity (, )that will come upon Babylon, whereas Isa 54:14
proclaims that oppression and terror ( and )will be far removed
from Judah. As with the prior category, the focus is on the disaster falling
on Babylon forever, but about to disappear forever from Judah.
Foundational principles. Isa 47:10 portrays Babylon as trusting in her
own evil ways, thinking no one saw. She stood on her own wisdom and
knowledge, which would prove a poor foundation. In contrast, Isa 54:14
hails righteousness as Judahs future foundation () .
The source of counsel. Isa 47:13 sarcastically calls to Babylons coun-
selorsthe stargazers . Those who gazed at the heavens for
counsel would find them unreliable. In contrast, in the day of redemption,
Judahs children will be taught by God, ( 54:13). The one who
made the stars (40:26) will teach his own.
Future security. The prophet ends his judgment on Babylon in 47:15
with the words , there is none to save you. Gods sovereignty
had empowered Babylons rule; none can save the Chaldeans now. In con-
trast, in 54:17 he affirms with respect to Judah that
, no weapon fashioned against you will succeed. How can it, if Yah-
weh fights for Judah?
Common Structural Features

Isaiah 47 and 54 also display common structural features, particularly
with respect to their opening verses. I will highlight four items:
Isaiah 47:1 and 54:1

The verses begin with groupings of feminine singular imperatives, each
followed by the vocative:
( Go down and sit on the dirt, O virgin daughter of Babylon;
48 Bryan E. Beyer
Table 2. Isaiah 47:1 and 54:1, Phrase by Phrase

Part of Speech Isaiah 47:1 Isaiah 54:1
Imperative
Vocative
Imperative
Vocative
Table 3. Clauses in Isaiah 47:1 and 54:1

Isaiah 47:1 Isaiah 54:1

sit on the ground without a throne, O daughter of the Chaldeans) in 47:1

parallels 54:1, ( Sing out, O barren
one who has not given birth; utter a ringing cry and rejoice, you who have
not travailed). Table 2 highlights the breakdown phrase by phrase.
In the second half of both verses, a clause substantiates the imper-
atives. Why is it that the daughter of Babylon should humble herself? Be-
cause her days of being called refined and delicate are over (see earlier
note on discussion of in 47:1)! Why should the forsaken woman sing
out? Because she will have more children than the married woman does
(see table 3)!
Isaiah 47:2 and 54:2
The second verses of each chapter feature strings of imperatives and/or
jussives6 in ch. 47, 5 in ch. 54. These verbal forms call for action in light
of the announcements of v. 1 (see table 4).
In view of Babylons impending humiliation, she should adopt a humble
posture, grinding meal, putting on clothing more suitable to slavery, even
exposing her legs to some degree to work the millstones.10 Judah, however,
needs to begin making room for all her new children! She must expand her
tents, stretch out her curtains, strengthen the tent pegs in place! Yahweh is
humbling Babylon but exalting his people.
10. B. S. Childs (Isaiah [Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2001] 366) and
C. Westermann (Isaiah 4066: A Commentary [Philadelphia: Westminster, 1969] 190)
understand the reference to exposing the legs as continuing the slave imagery of the
prior verses. Others have suggested the possibility of exile imagery (in connection with
the command cross the rivers!) or even sexual humiliation. The intended meaning is
not crucial to the issue at handthe parallel strings of imperatives in chs. 47 and 54.
Table 4. Imperatives and Jussives in Isaiah 47:2 and 54:2

Isaiah 47:2 Isaiah 54:2

The Negative Particle

The two chapters display a reversal in their usages of the negative par-
ticle. Typically, Judahs formerly negative experience will become positive,
whereas Babylons formerly positive experience will become negative. To
cite one example, we again look to 47:1 and 54:1. Babylon is the woman
with status, ,. However, she will not again be called
refined and delicate; rather, her exalted status is about to be removed.
In contrast, the prophet describes Judah as , ;however, she
will know the blessing of God, with children in abundance. In 47:1b, the
clause is quite negative; in 54:1b, quite positive.
In sum, the 12 instances of in Isaiah 47 appear in order to negate
some good quality or trait that Babylon will no longer experience; the 11 in-
stances of in Isaiah 54 appear alongside some negative quality or threat
that Judah need no longer fear.
Yahweh as the Ultimate Force behind the Exile

In the heart of each indictment (47:6; 54:78), the prophet explains
the real reason behind the exile. As Assyria had merely served Yahwehs
purpose (10:519; 37:2428), so now Babylon had done the same. Judah
had not experienced exile because Babylon was just too strong, but because
of Yahwehs judgment against her. But now, the day of reckoning had come;
Judah would experience restoration, while Babylon would fall.
Some Concluding Suggestions

Clearly, the parallels between Isaiah 47 and 54 are too numerous to
suggest coincidence, but what is the connection? What was the authors
purpose? Placing the two chapters side-by-side in the text might have pro-
duced a more powerful oratorical effect; instead, 109 verses lie between
them! One might suggest the spacing of the oracles comprises some kind of
50 Bryan E. Beyer
inclusio, with chs. 47 and 54 serving as bookends of a prophetic subdrama.

In such a scenario, we might expect to find similar parallels between pas-
sages that lie between these chapters. Evidence for this, however, appears
lacking for the meantime but requires further research.
Isaiah 47 and 54 exhibit numerous vocabulary, thematic, and structural
parallels. These parallels clearly establish the presence of a literary connec-
tion. The writer has taken one oracle and turned it on its head, turning the
positives into negatives and the negatives into positives. The tightest paral-
lels are in 47:19 and 54:19, though more occur in the remaining portions
of each chapter.
Many ancient prophetic voices proclaimed the judgment of Israels and
Judahs neighbors. In the face of disaster, Gods people naturally wondered,
What about our enemies? Does God see their injustices, too? The books
of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel all feature lengthy Oracles against the Na-
tions sections, and in the Book of the Twelve, Amos, Obadiah, Nahum, and
Zephaniah also stand out as prime examples. Yahwehs sovereignty does not
end at the borders of Israel and Judah. He is God of the whole world, and
he will judge sin and establish his purposes. The prophets announce what
we might call a Divine Golden Ruleas you have done to Gods people,
so he will do unto you.
The Tenth Commandment and the
Concept of Inward Liability
Aurelian Botica
Cogitationis poenam nemo paitur1

Introduction
Because of its apparent focus on interiority, the tenth commandment
(You shall not covet Exod 20:17; Deut 5:21) has always raised more ques-
tions than each of the first nine commandments of the Decalogue. We know
that in the history recorded in the Bible, as well as in the subsequent history
of Second Temple Judaism, the first nine commandments could beand at
times wereapplied in the court of law or in the wider societal system of
justice. We could even argue that biblical and rabbinic Judaism could pros-
ecute a person for the religious offense described in the first two com-
mands, namely, idol worship.2 One must say, however, that even though
ancient sources show that the first two commandments (against idolatry)
could be used in a court of law, a number of scholars have raised questions
on the possibility of applying capital punishment in Roman Palestine.3
Authors note: As an international student, what helped me to succeed in a tough aca-
demic environment was Dr. Greenguss encouraging personality. As professors, we un-
consciously emulate the style and methods of our own teachers. I bear the label Dr.
Greenguss student as a badge of honor!
This article represents a revised and augmented version of the appendix The
question of the verb from my Ph.D. dissertation, The Concept of Intention in the
Bible, Philo of Alexandria and the Early Rabbinic Literature (Hebrew Union College,
Cincinnati, 2007), which formed the basis of the book with the same name published
in 2011.
1. In Latin: No one is punished for thinking of a crime. In Hebrew: When a
man intends/thinks to sin he is [considered like] faithless before the Place (that is, God;
Num. Rab. 8:5).
2. Even though such punishment was extremely rare, the Scripture records cases
of societal punishment for idolatry in Exod 32:18 (cf. 2 Kgs 23:1920) and the com-
mand for capital punishment for idol worship in Exod 22:20; Deut 17:27 (indirectly
Lev 20:2). For capital cases for idolatry in rabbinic literature, see m. Sanh. 7:4 (
), and the elaboration of the Talmud (b. Sanh 9:4ff.).
3. See my Concept of Intention in the Bible, Philo of Alexandria and the Early
51
52 Aurelian Botica
And yet, when we approach the last commandment it becomes appar-

ent that the Scripture lists an offense, such as coveting, that could hardly be
prosecuted in a court of law. This naturally raises questions not only about
the tenth commandment, but about the nature of the entire Decalogue, and
whether the Ten Commandments were ever intended as a code of actual
criminal and civil law.4 This wider issue, however, requires a separate inves-
tigation, one that falls outside the scope of our intent.
Here I turn to an investigation of the nature of the offense itself. We
will ask whether the legal sources in the Scripture considered coveting
an offense in itself, or whether they treat it exclusively for its practical out-
come. Likewise, we will explore whether the Hebrew Bible lists cases where
this sort of offense might have been prosecuted. In the process, we will also
deal with several contemporary approaches to the notion of coveting and
the idea of the inwardness of offense.5
Rabbinic Literature (New York: Gorgias, 2011) 191ff.; the analysis of A. M. Rabello, Jew-
ish and Roman Jurisdiction, in An Introduction to the Sources and History of Jewish Law
(ed. N. S. Hecht et al; New York: Oxford, 1996) 144; and idem, The Legal Conditions
of the Jews in the Roman Empire, ANRW 2.13:667, for the improbability of the legal
independence of the Sanhedrin vis--vis Roman provincial authority. On the debate
on whether Jews had the jurisdiction over capital punishment, see also P. Juster, Les Juifs
dans lempire romain (2 vols.; Paris: Geuthner, 1914) 1:5; 2:15758; E. R. Goodenough,
The Jurisprudence of Jewish Courts in Egypt (London: Oxford, 1929) 2326.
4. Thus J. W. Marshall, The Decalogue, in DOTP 17879. He argues that this
tenth commandments shift to the interior dimension of human life lessens the probabil-
ity that the Decalogue functioned as an actual set of laws in ancient Israel.
5. The scholarly output on this matter has been immense. Among others, in this
study I have considered the following works: J. J. Stamm and M. E. Andrew, The Ten
Commandments in Recent Research (London: SCM, 1967) 1034; A. Phillips, Ancient
Israels Criminal Law: A New Approach to the Decalogue (Oxford: Blackwell, 1970) 150ff.;
B. Jackson, Liability for Mere Intention in Jewish Law, in Essays in Jewish and Compar-
ative Legal History (Leiden: Brill, 1975) 20234; B. Lang, Du sollst nicht nach der Frau
eines anderen verlangen, ZAW 93 (1981) 21624; H. D. Preuss, Old Testament Theol-
ogy (2 vols.; Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1995) 1:104, 196; A. Rofe, Deuter-
onomy: Issues and Interpretations (London: T.&T. Clark, 2001) 79ff.; P. Achtemeier,
Covetousness, IDB 1:724; W. Evans, Covet, ISBE 1:79798; D. Schunk, Wanting
and Desiring, ABD 6:86667; D. L. Talley, , NIDOTTE 2:16769; E. Otto, The-
ologische Ethik des Alten Testaments (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1994) 169; B. Jacob, The
Decalogue, JQR n.s. 14 (1923) 168ff.; F. Bchsel, , , TDNT 3:16872;
B.Gemsler, The Object of Moral Judgment in the Old Testament, in Adhuc loquitur:
Collected Essays by Dr. B. Gemsler (ed. A. van Selms; Pretoria Oriental Series 7; Leiden:
Brill, 1968) 7895; S. A. Kaufman, The Structure of the Deuteronomic Law, Maarav
1/2 (1979) 10558, esp. pp.143; B. S. Childs, The Book of Exodus (Louisville, KY: West-
minster John Knox, 1974) 425ff.; P. C. Craigie, Deuteronomy (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1994) 16364; G. Wallis, , TDOT 5:457; D. Christensen, Deuteronomy 1:121:9
The Tenth Commandment and Inward Liability 53
The Bible refers to the tenth commandment in two key passages: Exod
20:17 and Deut 5:21:

You shall not covet the house of your neighbor. You shall not covet the
wife of your neighbor, or his [male] servant, or his female servant, or his
ox, or his donkey, or anything that belongs to your neighbor. (Exod 20:17)

And you shall not covet the wife of your neighbor. And you shall not
desire your the house of your neighbor, his field, or his [male] servant, or
his female servant, his ox, or his donkey, or anything that belong to your
neighbor. (Deut 5:21)
As already mentioned, the idea of the culpability of coveting (implied in

the two passages) has given rise to a vigorous scholarly debate.6 In essence,
scholars have asked whether or not the text teaches that God may condemn
the act of , even if coveting will not terminate in a physical offense. In
other words, can one talk about the culpability of mere coveting or not?
Coveting as Physical Misappropriation

The scholars who have answered this question in the negative, have
taken into consideration not only the tenth commandment, but also the
(Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2001) 12629; M. Weinfeld, Deuteronomy 111 (New York:
Doubleday, 1991) 31619; C. Houtman, Exodus IIII (Leeuven: Peeters, 2000) 6671;
D.Daube, Aspects of Roman Law (Edinburgh: The University Press, 1969, 163; B. Cohen,
Jewish and Roman Law: A Comparative Study (2 vols.; New York: Jewish Theological So-
ciety of America, 1966), 1:79; G. Mayer, , TDOT 1:1343; W. C. Williams, ,
NIDOTTE 1:3046; E. Merrill, Deuteronomy (NAC 4; Nashville: Broadman & Holman,
1994), 15557; J. Durham, Exodus (WBC 3; Waco, TX: Wong, 1987), 297300; J. Levine,
Heaven and Earth, Law and Love: Studies in Biblical Thought (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2000),
142ff.; S. A. White Crawford, The All Souls Deuteronomy and the Decalogue, JBL 109
(1990): 193206; G. von Rad, Deuteronomy (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1966), 59; C. H.
Gordon, A Note on the Tenth Commandment, JAAR 31 (1963): 2089; M. Noth, Exo-
dus (London: SCM, 1962), 166; J. W. Marshall, The Decalogue, DOTP 17879; J. H.
Tigay, Deuteronomy (Philadelphia, Jewish Publication Society, 1996), 72; D. Stuart, Exo-
dus (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, 200), 46668; W. L. Moran, The Conclusion
of the Decalogue (Ex 20, 17 = Dt 5, 21), CBQ 29 (1967): 54354.
6. Among others, this has been noticed and analyzed by Jackson, Liability for
Mere Intention, 203; Childs, The Book of Exodus, 425ff.; Durham, Exodus, 297300;
Rofe, Deuteronomy, 79.
54 Aurelian Botica
rest of the instances of throughout the Scripture. They focused on sev-

eral passages in which is followed by verbs of taking/seizing, thereby
implying that in the Bible coveting must have taken a practical/material
dimension.7 Even though the passages of Exod 20:17 and Deut 5:21 make
no reference to seizing or taking anything, it has been argued that they
do not legislate the mere thought of coveting, but the practical implications
of itthat is, the potential physical misappropriation of the wife, house,
servants, and the rest of the property.
According to von Rad, if one interpreted the verb as mere covet-
ing, this would be the only case in which the Decalogue deals not with an
action, but with an inner impulse, hence with a sin of intention.8 Von Rad
considers several of the other appearances of the verb (Josh 7:21; Mic 2:2)
and concludes that the verb has two possible meanings, both to covet and
to take. In other words, it includes outward malpractices, meaning seizing
for oneself. A similar sociological reading is developed by Noth, who
sees in coveting the act of attempt, involving all possible undertakings
which involve gaining power over the goods and possessions of a neigh-
bor.9 Buchanan too takes a similar approach, yet with a different twist,
which is also culturally relevant. He appeals to modern Arabian customs by
which the host feels obligated to present a gift to the guest, if he desires it,
even in a very mild form. That is why in Israel wives are (and were) kept out
of sight.10 Even though this interpretation appears to strain the biblical data
and the overall weight of the argument, the essential idea remains the same:
coveting implies practical machinations by which one seeks to defraud his
neighbor.11
7. See Deut 7:25 for the formula ... . Note also the similarity
of this passage with Josh 7:21, , and Mic 2:2, ( covet and
seize). Finally, Genesis 3 is another example of the verb followed by a second verb with
physical connotations . Exod 34:24 (coveting the land) is another
passage that scholars have usually cited in order to support the argument that implies
necessarily the occurrence of a physical offense.
8.Von Rad, Deuteronomy, 59.
9. Noth, Exodus, 166. He refers to the possibility of theft or all kinds of dis-
honest machinations. Note also the argument of Achtemeier (Covetousness, IDB
1:724), who contends that the object of desire described by is always material.
Accordingly, to deprive a man of his property is thus to deprive him of his God given
inheritance (cf. Mic 2:2).
10. G. W. Buchanan, The Spiritual Commandment, JAAR 36 (1968) 2067.
11. Note M. D. Matlock, Obeying the First Part of the Tenth Commandment:
Applications from the Levirate Marriage Law, JSOT 31 (2007) 300, for the notion that
the prohibition might reflect a higher concern or possible regard for womens rights.
Citing R. I. Vasholz, You Shall Not Covet Your Neighbours Wife, WTJ 49 (1987) 397
Finally, Gordon takes a comparative religions approach, drawing sev-

eral parallels between Ugaritic texts and the passages in Exodus and Deu-
teronomy. In the myths, Baal, the Canaanite god, covets certain objects
like a bull, a field, and possibly a house.12 According to Gordon, the key to
solving the problem posed by is to interpret the biblical passages as a
reaction against Canaanite customs. Regardless of the validity of his inter-
pretation, the gist of Gordons argument remains the same as the others
above: in one reads the unilateral, illegitimate attempt to acquire the
property owned by someone else.
A somewhat lengthier argument was formulated by Rofe, for whom the
commandment forbids not mere thoughts and feelings, but rather practi-
cal schemes and real actions aimed at acquiring the property of someone
else.13 Unlike other scholars, Rofe followed certain trends in later rabbinic
exegesis, which noted that Deuteronomy 5 inserted in the tenth command-
ment the form ( You shall not desire). The rabbis argued that
the texts make a clear distinction in meaning between the verbs and
. In particular, Rofe cited two of the rabbinic passages that play on this
difference:
Perhaps the Commandment forbids coveting in words? Not so; for the
Torah states (Deut 9.25) You shall not covet the silver and gold on them
403, Matlock brings into discussion the possibility that the act of desiring was more
material and less subjective and sexual. What a man would have desired was the
dowry of the wife, which the husband had to return to her in case of divorce. Matlock
also interprets the first part of the 10th commandment in light of the issue of levirate
marriage, that is, when the husband of the wife would have died and his brother would
have had to fulfill the duty of the levir. This scenario falls more within the boundaries
of the materialistic interpretation of the 10th commandment (even though Matlock
raises the possibility that the verb may have touched on the subjective aspect of the
matter as well).
12. Gordon, A Note on the Tenth Commandment, 2089. For a good evaluation
of Gordons argument, see Jackson, Liability for Mere Intention, 20910.
13. Rofe, Deuteronomy, 81. Note also Stuart, Exodus, 466, for the idea that the
passage does not prohibit or legislate desire. Rather, the overall view is that desire
in and of itself is not sinful. What the passage in Exodus prohibits is the desiring of
things that already belong to someone else. See also the arguments of J. R. Coates,
Thou Shalt Not Covet, ZAW 52 (1934) 23839; Moran, The Conclusion of the Dec-
alogue, 543ff.; E. Nielsen, The Ten Commandments in New Perspective (London: SCM,
1968) 43, 1015; and Stamm and Andrew, The Ten Commandments in Recent Research,
104, who propose that the Deuteronomists were attempting with this change to tone
down the objective action implied by , and move the commandment towards ...
mental coveting. While this theory seeks to strike a middle ground, it assumes that
the meaning of is more practical than that of ;thus, the necessity to add !
56 Aurelian Botica
and take it for yourself. Just as in that case one is culpable only on com-
mitting an act, so too in the present instance.14
The commandment here reads You shall not covet, but the text in Deu-
teronomy (5.18) goes on to say nor shall you crave. The purpose is to
make craving a separate offence. For if a person craves he will end up by
coveting. ... Craving is in the heart, as Scripture says if your soul craves
(Deut 12.20), while coveting is an actual deed, as in the verse You shall
not covet the silver and the gold on them and take it for yourselves (Deut
7.25).15
Similarly, Weiss compared the early rabbinic texts with the interpretation
Maimonides places on the tenth commandment. In his view, Maimonides
in effect deals with this problem by the way that he interprets these two
mitsvoth.16 As such,
You shall not covet proscribes hectoring the neighbor to induce him
to sell one of his possessions. ... You shall not desire forbids a man to
scheme in his heart about how to acquire something belonging to the
neighbor, but without putting the plan into action. ...The passion by itself
does not constitute a sin.17
Rofe seems to have relied on this classical and medieval rabbinic distinc-
tion, which he revised according to his own understanding of the formation
of the Decalogue in the book of Deuteronomy. Accordingly, the presence of
the two verbs in the Deuteronomy account may be due to a later revisionist
attempt by an author who was influenced by wisdom literature.18 If fo-
cused primarily on the desire to acquire control of someone elses proper-
ty, strengthened this boundary. The purpose was to insure the overall
protection of property rights on the part of the Israelites, yet by making it
even more idealistic!19 The formulator of the Decalogue thus added to
14. Mekhilta de Rabbi Ishmael (ed. Horovitz-Rabin; Philadelphia: Jewish Publica-
tion Society of America, 1931; repr., Jerusalem: Bamberger & Wahrman, 1960) 235,
quoted by Rofe, Deuteronomy, 79.
15. Mekhilta de Rabbi Simeon bar Yohai (ed. D. Hoffman; Frankfurt am Main:
Kauffmann, 1905) 112. See also the interpretation of Jacob, The Decalogue, 14187, in
that the difference is this, that the occasion for is inspection, for imagination.
16.R. Weiss, Maimonides Ethics: The Encounter of Philosophic and Religious Mo-
rality (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1991) 148.
17. Maimonides, Laws Concerning Robbery and Lost Objects, in The Code of
Maimonides: The Book of Torts (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1949) 1:9.
18.See Rofe, Deuteronomy, 96. Accordingly, the formulator of the Decalogue (in
Deuteronomy) felt hmd was too ambigous and wanted a more precise term. In Rofes
view, the formulation as it now stands in Deuteronomy is idealistic and was added
later, perhaps under influence of wisdom literature (e.g., Prov 22:2628; 23:10; 24:23).
19. Matlock, Obeying the First Part of the Tenth Commandment, 301, takes an
go beyond the original prohibition against coveting, adding even longing

thoughts for the property of ones fellow man.20
Rofe also contended that the more materialistic approach of the tenth
commandment, as found in the Mekhilta and other rabbinic sources, was
adopted by liberal Protestant scholars. On the opposite side, beginning with
the Middle Ages, a number of Jewish scholars preferred the Greek (and im-
plicitly Philonic) interpretation, by which they sought to prove that Gods
concern with the intentions is already found in the Ten Commandments.21
As shown above, a number of ancient and contemporary authors ar-
gued that the key expressions around which the argument for culpability
revolves are the verbs and , and their respective meanings as covet
and desire.
Naturally, this difference has given rise to several interpretations. On
the one hand, a number of scholars have argued that the two verbs are syn-
onyms.22 In other words, in order to underline the gravity of coveting the
interesting approach here by suggesting that, because Deuteronomy 5 introduces

only in relation to the subject of women, it further separates women from the rest of the
property and thus emphasizes the value of the wife.
20. Rofe, Deuteronomy, 85, 96, adds that in all genres of biblical literature ...
connotes desire only without any accompanying action. In support of this view, he lists
the following passages: in law (Deut 12:20; 14:26); narrative (2 Sam 23:15); prophecy
(Amos 5:18; Mic 7:1); poetry (Ps 10:17) and wisdom (Prov 13:12).
21. Ibid., 83. According to Rofe, the reason why some (though not all) Christian
scholars were attracted to this interpretation was to find in the Decalogue those ele-
ments of the legalistic approach which they ascribe to Judaism. As it will become evi-
dent later, the problem with Rofes view is that it fails to take into account a substantial
number of studies by Christian authors who adopt the Greek, rather than the rabbinic,
interpretation. To give him credit, Rofe lists a number of protestant scholars who adopt-
ed this interpretation without looking for proof texts (Alt, Stamm, Nielsen, and Childs).
Now, Rofe may be right that certain protestant authors were guilty of prooftexting, but
incorrect as to what precisely they were seeking to prove. As we will argue, some Chris-
tian scholars may have used the proof text of Exod 20:17 / Deut 5:21, but to support
the view that God sanctions mere coveting, which comes close to what Jesus said in
Matt 5:2728: I say to you that everyone who looks at a woman lustfully has already
committed adultery with her in his heart. It is possible that they may have sought to
link the exegesis of Jesus with the Decalogue. But even so, as we will show later, the
notion that adultery may occur at the level of the heart was not necessarily a Christian
innovation. As I have already shown (The Concept of Intention, 447ff.,) the notion was
familiar at least to a number of rabbinic authors (Pesik. Rab. 24.2; b. Ber. 24a; Num.
Rab. 9:11; b. Yoma 29a). It is conceivable that the more spiritual interpretation flowed
naturally from the Decalogue for both (at least some) Jewish and Christian interpreters.
22. Merrill, Deuteronomy, 15557, showing that very likely Deuteronomy uses
awa as a synonym for hamad only for the sake of literary variety; similarly, see S.R.
Driver, Deuteronomy (New York: Scribners, 1916) 80, for the notion of rhetorical
58 Aurelian Botica
biblical author used an emphatic parallelism. The Scripture appears to sup-

port this view, because it is argued that both and may take similar
meanings.23 Durham has shown that in every biblical passage in which
leads to actual possession, a second verb is supplied to make that ad-
ditional meaning clear. Yet the two passages in Exodus 20 and Deuteron-
omy5 employ no secondary verbs. Durham argues that, if had meant
covet and seize, such a second verb would have been unnecessary.24
A less convincing, but nevertheless relevant, philological argument,
is the fact the LXX translates both and with :25

(Deut 5:21). This evidence is speculative, but whatever it does
or does not prove, it shows that, had the Greek translators felt the need to
supply a secondary (and thus different) meaning, they could have done so.
Coveting as Internal Impulse

At the other end of the spectrum, a number of scholars have contend-
ed that it is the thought, impulse, or the intention, that is guarded against,
not necessarily the material finality of the coveting. They have pointed
to other passages in the Bible that appear to use with a nonphysical
object.26 Or, when the Bible makes a reference to a possible physical object,
the offense does not appear to include the sizing or the taking itself.
Rather, as with the case of Exod 20:17 and Deut 5:21, the focus falls just on
coveting.27
variation as the reason for the synonymity of and . See Craigie, The Book of
Deuteronomy, 16364; and Christensen, Deuteronomy 1:121:9, 12129, for the idea of
poetic parallelism.
23. One may note that the Scripture does use often in a positive sense: thus,
( everything your soul desires, Deut 12:21, etc.). But the following nega-
tive cases may also be considered: Num 11:14, on the craving of the Israelites in the
wilderness, , a reaction that led to their punishment; Prov 21:10,
( The soul of the wicked desires evil); Job 23:13,
(What his soul desires, he shall do); Prov 24:1, ( Do not desire to
be with [evil men]); cf. Jer 17:16.
24. Durham, Exodus, 298ff.
25. Also noted by Bchsel, , , TDNT 3:169.
26.See Ps 19:11, ( ordinances more desirable than); Prov 6:25,
( not desiring a womans beauty in ones heart); Prov 1:22,
(and the scoffers will desire their scoffing).
27. Consider the following passages: Prov 12:12, ( the evil
one covets the spoil of evil doers); Isa 1:29, ( you will be
ashamed of the oaks which you have desired); Isa 53:2,( and no ap-
pearance that we should be attracted by him).
Merrill acknowledges that coveting frequently finds expression in

deed but that here the text raises the issue of sin and disobedience from
the level of mere act to that of attitude, thought, and desire.28 Perhaps a
more persuasive case is made by Craigie, who interprets the final com-
mandment as a prohibition of desire or coveting, without there being any
suggestion of an act. He takes a structural approach, showing that the
last five commandments prohibit a wrong attitude to neighbors; command-
ments 69 prohibit wrong acts toward them and commandment 10 is com-
prehensive in prohibiting desire leading to any such act.29
Taking an intermediate position, Kaufman argues that hmd means to
desire something so strongly that you want to take it, but it neither refers
to nor implies the act of taking itself. With a view toward the potential for
evil, the phrase still means avoid tempting situations.30 For
Wallis, the usage of the verb may in fact allude to taking possession of
a person or an object, but not in all of its occurrences.31 In our passages, sex-
ual lust and stealing property had already been prohibited and sanctioned
in the previous commandments of the Decalogue (Exod 20:14 = Deut 5:18,
Exod 20:15 = Deut 5:19). That is why employing both and must
have had a different purpose. For Wallis, the only remaining possibility,
then, is to interpret chamadh within the framework of an ethics of pure in-
tention. ...If so, desire is sinful in itself. In what appears to be a mediating
position, Wallis concludes that what is forbidden is the desire that marks
the beginning of an attempt, insidious or open, to gain possession of some-
thing that belongs to another.
Perhaps the most comprehensive argument to date has been that of
Jackson. He noted that for scholars like Nielsen and Stamm, connotes
the idea of attempted misappropriation, because the desire is oriented
toward an act with negative consequences.32 The argument stands more on
the philological/semantic dimension of the verb. According to this view, the
sense of the prohibition of was geared toward protecting ones property,
28. Merrill, Deuteronomy, 15557.

29. Craigie, The Book of Deuteronomy, 16364. Note too the argument of Chris-
tensen, Deuteronomy 1:121:9, 12129, who sees in coveting an attitude of self-interest
that may lead to the violation of commandments 6 to 9.
30. Kaufman, Structure of the Deuteronomic Law, 10558, esp. p.143. For a
similar argument, note Tigay, Deuteronomy, 72. In essence, the command here forbids
the attempts on the property of others even at the stage of longing.
31. Wallis, , TDOT 4:454, 45761.
32. Jackson, Liability for Mere Intention, 203. More to the point, the act of cov-
eting was legislated ( ) precisely because of its practical, negative consequences
vis--vis this object.
60 Aurelian Botica
even though it may have had in view the acquisition of something into
ones belongings which is not actually used by its owner.33
On his part, Jackson argued that, first, there is no evidence that li-
ability for mere intention was ever applied in a human court. With this
remark he appeared to have made a concession to the traditionalist view.34
Indirectly he challenged the interpretation, by some, that the notion of lia-
bility for coveting alone is plausible and consistent with the other trends
of biblical thought.35 Finally, however, Jackson based his interpretation on
his analysis of the more relevant passages in which and appear. We
have already reviewed them, but suffice it to say that, based on his reading,
Jackson acknowledged the possibility that the idea did exist that merely to
intend a wrong was itself wrong.36 It was, however, a principle employed in
33. Lang, Du sollst nicht nach der Frau eines anderen verlangen, 21624. Fol-
lowing a similar approach, Stamm and Andrews, The Ten Commandments in Recent
Research, 1034, argued that the Decalogue would not have forbidden the covetous
impulse of the heart. It rather legislated coveting in order to protect the fundamental
right to property of the free Israelite citizen against stealing or robbing. Lang too con-
tended that Ex 20:17 and Deut 5:21 reflect the concern to protect legally the free adult
males marriage and possessions even in a time of crisis (e.g., as a prisoner of war); cf.
Phillips, Ancient Israels Criminal Law, 15051. An intermediate position has been sug-
gested by Preuss, Old Testament Theology, 1:104, 196, who argued that the verb is used
here not simply to point to an interior striving but also to designate the machinations
by which one seeks to acquire the property of others. Similarly , W. A. L. Elmslie, Eth-
ics, in Record and Revelation: Essays on the Old Testament by Members of the Society for
Old Testament Study (ed. H. W. Robinson; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1938) 275
302; Achtemeier, Covetousness, ADB 1:724; Evans, Covet, ISBE 1: 77798; Schunk,
Wanting and Desiring, BD 6:86667; Talley, , NIDOTTE 2:167.
34. Note also the contribution of Otto, Theologische Ethik, 169. In spite of his
practical approach, Otto allowed that the phrase gessinungsethisch (ethics of inten-
tion) may be justified from the wider perspective of the Bible.
35.Thus, Jackson, Liability for Mere Intention, 203ff., and our review of scholar-
ship; cf. also Mayer, , TDOT 1:13437; and Williams, , NIDOTTE 1:3046. Cf.
also Weinfeld, Deuteronomy 111, 318, for as conveying the lust and inner desire
for wealth. W. S. Bruce, The Ethics of the Old Testament (Edinburgh: T.&T. Clark,
1960) 179, traced the progression of the Ten Commandments from the laws against
theft, and slander, to this concluding command which enters the inward province of
desire and motive (outside of civil jurisprudence). It looks ultimately to the cultiva-
tion of a right spirit. An ethical/religious approach was also taken by Daube (Aspects of
Roma, 163), who points out that, while the courts were busy with provable theft, this
commandment is addressed to the conscience; cf. Cohen, Jewish and Roman Law, 1:79,
for the distinction between law and pure morals. K. van der Toorn also points to
an ethical level more profound than the one represented by the behavioral code. In his
view, it is the intention that is of importance here, the disposition that carrie the action
(Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia [Maastricht: van Gorcum, 1985] 3738).
36. For this view, see also Stuart, Exodus, 467, which argues that The command-
Gods justice, but not, at this period, in the jurisprudenceof man.37 Thus,
it is plausible may also be seen as a point of intersection of inner
thoughts with action, possibly a sign of later sophistication antism.
Etan Levine took a similar approach to Jacksons, but one that empha-
sized more the contemporary legal understanding of this issue. He argued
that contemporary juridical thought dismisses ab initio any suggestion
of liability for emotion, including coveting, however intense.38 As such,
coveting or even clear intent cannot ipso facto establish juridical liabil-
ity, though both coveting and intent are significant elements in a wide
variety of biblical literature. Levine analyzed a number of rabbinic and
Greco-Roman texts and concluded that the ancients were sensitive to the
existential question of human liability for coveting, especially when the
acting out of the coveting would have constituted an exceptionally hei-
nous deed. As such, there existed at the very least a philosophical basis
for the notion of the malum in se declared by the injunction You shall
not covet.39 Indeed, a violation does occur once a person covets, but it
cannot be prosecuted in a court of law. The philosophical-theological basis
remains, because Israel was bound by the divine, legal obligation to be
holy, just as God is holy (Lev 19:2). That is why to covet was a malum in se
and a punishable offense in Gods system of justice.40
A more theologico-mystical dimension of this argument has been put
forward by scholars like Schunk, Malina, and Keener, who pointed to the
ancient concept of the evil eye and the inherent power that may bring
unfortunate consequences. Even though their analysis took into account
more primary sources than just the passages from Exodus and Deuteron-
omy, it still remains a creative reading of these texts.41 This interpretation
ment has no penalty attached; improper coveting is hardly enforceable by human be-
ings. Jackson, Liability for Mere Intention, 2045, argues that, just because in some
instances the verb culminates into action does not impose these meanings into all
the contexts where the verb appears. This, especially since also appears in other
contexts where there is no necessity that the desire should culminate into action.
37. Ibid., 213. Jackson denies that the Decalogue is only ethics and that no means
of enforcement was conceived to exist. He merely focuses in this context on the theo-
logical idea of divine justice.
38.E. Levine, Heaven and Earth, Law and Love: Studies in Biblical Thought (BZAW
303; Berlin: de Gruyer, 2000) 14243, emphasis added. Hence the dictum cogitationis
poenam nemo paitur (No one is punished for thinking of a crime).
39. Ibid., 14344.
40. Ibid., 159.
41. Schunk, Wanting and Desiring, ABD 6:867; B. Malina, EnvyThe Most
Grievous of All Evils, in his The New Testament World (Louisville, KY: Westminster
John Knox, 2001) 10833; C. Keener, Matthew (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999) 186
62 Aurelian Botica
recognizes both the importance of the practical outcome of coveting and

the meaning of as a connotation for inner thoughts alone. In a slight-
ly different vein, Marshall argued for a dual theological motif as the setting
of the first, second, and the third commandment. He believes the first (two)
and the last commandments (against idol worship and coveting) are essen-
tially rooted in the heart and mind of the covenant people and encircle
a set of principles that properly order worship and community relations.42
Finally, Kaiser agreed with the thesis that biblical morality is concerned
both with the outward act and the inward response of the person toward
God (piety) or fellow human beings (ethics).43 Kaiser made, however, a dis-
tinction between liability for acts expressing intentions (e.g., the tenth
commandment) and liability for mere intention (Gen 6:5; 1 Kgs 8:18; Job
31:1, 910).
In conclusion, we may say that one must take into account both the
practical concern of the biblical authors as well as the possibility that they
viewed the law as a tool in the hands of the divine, not only, human jus-
tice. Evidently, the Bible considers offenses also from the more theological
perspective of divine justice, at the level of inner attitudes, without yet cir-
cumventing the practical application of the law.44 We may say that it is the
89; A. Cohen, Everymans Talmud (New York: Schocken, 1995) 27074. Malina argues
that the eye served to express the innermost dispositions and desires of the heart.
This phenomenon appears in Jer 22:17, namely, Your eyes and heart are intent only on
dishonest gain, bloodshed, () . Keener too points out
the relationship between the heart (inner coveting) and the eyes (visible coveting) in
Num 15:39; Prov 21:4; Ezek 6:9; Qoh 11:9, or the eyes alone (Ezek 18:6; 20:78; 23:27).
Schunk too understands the optical-mental desire ... as a sin. Finally, Cohen draws a
link between the eye and the inward envy or, as he calls it, an ungenerous disposition
(see Deut 38:54; Prov 38:22; 36:6).
42. Marshall, The Decalogue, 79.
43. W. Kaiser, Toward Old Testament Ethics (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1986) esp.
pp.813. Unlike Jackson, Kaiser extends Gemslers list to include passages from Psalms,
Proverbs, and the Prophets. He then points to several principles: the significance of the
heart, the act versus the type of person, the role of vices like pride, the role of thoughts,
counsels, intentions, outward sacrifice versus inward intent, and the role of intention in
criminal cases.
44.Thus Kaufman, Structure of Deuteronomic Law, 142, who believes that the
Deuteronomic Law was well aware of the impossibility of effectively policing such a
prohibition. Even so, it strongly discouraged even patterns of thought that might lead
a man to commit a crime such as adultery, theft, and false witness. One notices, then,
an approach that enjoins human to divine jurisdiction in the attempt to deal with men-
tal processes that might lead to civil crimes; similarly, Jackson, Liability for Mere In-
tention, 21213, and Weinfeld, Deuteronomy 111, 316ff.
factor of divine calculation that makes pure intent a pressing issue for
the biblical authors.45
Conclusions and Emerging Patterns of Thought in the Bible

In the previous pages, we have examined the spectrum of scholarly
interpretations in the debate over the meaning of the notion of covet-
ing. We have noted that scholars have generally argued for one of three
approaches to this problem. First, some understood coveting as intrins
icly embedded in the act of misappropriating someone elses property. This
approach has been called the traditionalist reading of the text. Second,
others approached the phenomenon of coveting as a unity of the practical
with the mental, the act with the intention of finally obtaining frauduously
another mans property. In this sense, coveting takes on a more emotional/
psychological dimension, but it never results in culpability apart from its
material fulfillment. In the words of Levine, it is never a malum in se (evil
in itself). Third is the approach that reads the tenth commandment more
like a theological principle. This reading does not necessarily exclude the
relation to the act, for the simple reason that entities such as a mans wife,
house, field, and slaves are mentioned in the same passage. But nor does
it dependfor its negative effectivenessexclusively on a possible final
act. In relation to this third interpretation, we raised the question whether
biblical law ever prosecuted offenses of mere coveting in a court of law.
And the answer is very rarely or not likely at all.
However, this same interpretation produced a collateral concept,
namely, divine justice. One of the conclusions that seems to have been
accepted by the majority opinion is the fact that coveting will (at the very
least) come under the punishment of divine justice, or the heavenly court
of law.46 We may confidently say now that that background of this theme
is biblical.47 One may consider the following passages:
45. This is not to say that the Decalogue is only ethics and that no means of en-
forcement was conceived to exist. Rather, the means of enforcement was the power of
God to punish under the terms of the covenant by which Israel accepted the law (Jack-
son, Liability for Mere Intention, 21213). Jackson also refers to 1 Kgs 8:18, 1Sam
16:7, and Gen 6:5 as possible texts that support the notion of liability [or praise] for
mere intention.
46. In my study The Concept of Intention, I developed this theme as it unfolded
in the thought of Philo of Alexandria and the Early Rabbinic Literature (the final two
chapters).
47. For the dictum ( innocent in the judgment
of man, but guilty in the judgment of heavens), see my The Concept of Intention, esp.
pp.380ff.
64 Aurelian Botica

Every way of man is right in his eyes, but the Lord weights the hearts.
(Prov 21:2)

God is seated in the divine assembly, in the midst of the gods He judges.
(Ps 82:1)

But, O Lord of hosts, who judges righteously, who tests the heart and the
mind, let me see your vengeance upon them, for to you have I committed
my cause. (Jer 11:20)

You have tried my heart, you have visited me by night, you have tested me,
and you will find nothing. (Ps 17:3)
The Bible seems to include numerous other texts that reveal the transition
from a legal/material, to a more theological/ethical understanding of the law.
One should not misunderstand this conclusion. One neither cancelled nor
replaced or marginalized the other. They coexisted, and the Philonic and
rabbinic traditions abound in attestations of this phenomenon. In order to
understand the dynamics of this concept, I want to conclude with listing a
number of categories that the Scripture used in order to describe the divine
justice: the searching and testing of the human heart (see table 1).48
Table 1 shows a number of lexemes that the Bible uses in order to ex-
press the entire range of verbs and verb-objects of divine testing (as part
of divine justice). The first three rows list the internal organs and the physi-
ological, spiritual, and the intellectual-emotive functions of the human body.
The biblical authors often used these as objects of verbs of seeing, perceiving,
knowing, testing, searching and visiting.49 Evidently, the majority of these
48. Ibid., 140.

49. For a selective bibliography on the concept of divine testing, see R. Pettazzoni,
The All Knowing God (London: Methuen, 1956) 97114; W. Eichrodt, Theology of the
Old Testament (2 vols.; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1967) 2:14445; H.-J. Kraus, Theol-
ogy of the Psalms (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1986) 14547; C. A. Briggs, A Study of the
Use of and in the Old Testament, in Semitic Studies in Memory of Rev.Dr. Alex-
ander Kohut (ed. G. A. Kohut; Berlin: Calvary, 1897) 94105; H. Lestre, Le Coeur, DB
2:82226; F. Baumgrtel, , TDNT 3:60514; J. Behm, , TDNT 4:96873;
H. Preisker, , TDNT 4:911; T. F. Glasson, Visions of Thy Head, The Heart
and the Head in Bible Psychology, ExpTim 81 (1970) 24748; C. Maurer, ,
Table 1. Categories for Divine Justice

Idioms for heartmind, brain, thoughts
Internal Organs kidneysemotion, thought, feeling
bosom, inwardsthe inward life
wombinmost soul
Physiological soulinward life
and Spiritual/ spirit, breathinward life
Psychological
Functions
Intellectual/ inclination, striving, predisposition in-
Emotive / tention,thought, plan, intention (to think,
Functions // intend)
devise, purpose, intention (to devise, con-
ceive)
to imagine, incline to ... intend
to devise, conceive, scheme
to conceive, devise, give birth to ...
Idioms for to see, look
Divine to perceive, know
Examination to know
to see
to test, examine
to test
to search
to visit, test, search
to search
to probe, evaluate, measure
to search, seek
to try, test
appear in passages that describe the way God surveys the affairs of humans
and also their thoughts and intentions. Divine justice is a key concept in the
world view of the Scripture.
TDNT 7:898919; G. Bertram, , TDNT 8:295307; D. Kelermann, , TDOT

7:17582; R. Chisholm, , NIDOTTE 2:65657; J. E. Currid, Why Did God Hard-
en Pharaohs Heart, BRev 9/6 (1993) 4651; R. C. Dentan, Heart, IDB 2:549550;
idem, Kidneys, IDB 3:910; T. Durant, The Kidneys, Organs of Discernment, Eter-
nity 22/1 (1971) 1718; W. Evans, Covet, ISBE 1:79798; K. Seybold, , ,
TDOT 5:22845; H.-J. Fabry, , TDOT 7:399437; A. Luc, , NIDOTTE 2:74954;
B. Malina, Envythe Most Grievous of All Evils, 10833; T. E. Fretheim, Will of God
in the OT, ABD 6:91420; I. Nowell, The Concept of Purity of Heart in the Old Tes-
tament, in Purity of Heart in Early Ascetic and Monastic Literature (ed. H. A. Luckman
and L. Kulzer; Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1999) 1729.
66 Aurelian Botica
Finally, with the risk of oversimplifying the data, we may attempt to

sketch a possible historical development of the notion of inward culpabil-
ity.50 First, we believe that some of the earliest and most basic statements
on culpability (even inward culpability) in the Bible come from the area
of criminal law.51 Second, the phenomenon of (inward) culpability appears
in the cultic and other legal texts that deal with temple ritual and human
(legal and/or societal) relations. It is mostly at this point that the notion of
divine justice acquires an important status in the everyday life of biblical
men and women. Third, the Hebrew Bible abounds in references to the
importance of inwardness in texts that describe everyday religious devotion
and (attitudes in) human relations; whether one refers to praiseworthiness
or liability, in the eyes of God and/or in the eyes of the community.
50. The (forgivable) temptation would be to view this exclusively as an evolution-
ary process. And it may be so. Yet, a problem appears when some of the texts from the
third stage of the formation of inward culpability show up in some of the earlier texts
in the Bible.
51. See these individual chapters of my Concept of Intention: The Role of Inten-
tion in Criminal Law (ch. 1, pp. 949), The Role of Intention in Cultic/Ritual Law
(ch. 2, pp. 5194), The Role of Intention in Non-Action Cases (ch. 3, pp. 95168),The
Role of Intention in Philo of Alexandria (with all three areas, ch. 4, pp. 169318), and
The Role of Intention in Early Rabbinic Literature (all three areas; ch. 5, pp. 319442).
The Book of Giants and the Greek Gilgamesh
Jeffrey L. Cooley
Introduction
In 1976, Milik published the Aramaic fragments of Enoch from Qum-
ran.1 One of the surprising discoveries of his work was that two fragments
of the Book of Giants contained the name of the Mesopotamian hero Gil-
gamesh. Another fragment, he claimed, referred to the heros dreaded en-
emy from the epic, Humbaba. This was exciting news indeed: everybodys
favorite king of Uruk survived the disappearance of traditional Mesopo-
tamian culture. The discovery reinforced the generally accepted notion
asserted by Milik, among othersthat many themes and motifs found in
Jewish apocalyptic literature in general, and Enochic literature in particu-
lar, had a Mesopotamian background.2
The Book of Giants (BG) is a piece of Jewish Second Temple litera-
ture that largely disappeared from the Jewish and Christian traditions.3 The
book was adopted by members of the Manichean religion, who seem to
have adapted and translated it into a number of languages.4 Milik, who was
Authors note: It is with deep gratitude that I thank Professor Greengus for his years
of kindness, encouragement, and sage counsel. I would like to thank Martin Schwartz
(UC Berkeley), Yonder Gillihan (Boston College), Nancy L. Erickson (Zondervan Aca
demic), and an anonymous reviewer for their outstanding advice on this work. In addi-
tion to this, I am in debt to Matthew Richey for his significant assistance transforming
this from a lecture script to a formal article. Any outstanding errors remain, of course,
my responsibility.
1. J. Milik, The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumrn Cave 4 (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1976).
2.See most recently H. Kvanvig, Primeval History: Babylonian, Biblical, and
Enochic: An Intertextual Reading (Leiden: Brill, 2011).
3. Though significant elements of the storyline have been preserved in the Mid-
rash of Shemhazai and Azael.
4. Middle Persian, Uygur, Parthian, Coptic, Sogdian. The Manichean texts were
published beginning in the mid-20th century; see W. B. Henning, The Book of Gi-
ants, BSOAS 11 (1943) 5274; and later W. Sundermann, Mittelpersiches und parth-
ische kosmogonische und Parabeltexte der Manicher (Schriften zur Geschichte und Kul-
tur des Alten Orients 8. Berliner Turfantexte 4; Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1984); and
67
68 Jeffrey L. Cooley
working on the Enoch fragments from Qumran, noted that some of the bits
that mentioned Enoch did not come from the book of Enoch in any of its
surviving versions. Milik realized, however, that they did correspond with
some of the details of the later Manichean work.
The BG is painfully fragmentary in both the extant Manichean and
Qumran texts. Nonetheless, a general storyline can be reconstructed.5
The story revolves around the giants, who are the children of the watch-
ers, themselves the sons of God who descended from heaven and mated
with the daughters of men (based on Gen 6:14). These giants are really
quite terrible beings; they are guilty of all sorts of violent acts against plants,
animals, and humanity. The antediluvian sage Enoch is informed of their
behavior, and the giants talk among themselves about what they have done.
The giants (it is not clear which ones) experience a pair of dream visions,
and one of them, Mahaway, travels to Enoch for assistance in interpreting
them. The giant is sent back with two tablets, which relate their impending
judgment by God. Of course, this judgment is not good, and the giants
ponder their situation and discuss their fate. It is not clear why, but some-
thing then appears to dissuade them from such a bleak view of their fate.
The giants have another pair of dream visions (again, it is not clear who
has them), and again they send Mahaway to Enoch for interpretation. He
announces the clear and certain punishment of the Flood. The giants will
not escape a soggy-bottomed fate. The story seems to conclude with an an-
nouncement of humanitys impending postdiluvian contentment.
In light of the realization that Enochic literature seems to have been in-
fluenced to some degree by Mesopotamian traditions, several scholars have
since reexamined the Gilgamesh passages with a focus on what the author
of the BG may or may not have known about the original Babylonian epic.
Did he have a copy of the text in Akkadian or even Aramaic? Did he know
about the story through oral tradition? Scholars also question the motiva-
tion for including the Mesopotamian figures among the giants in the Jewish
work. Is the characters inclusion polemical? Satirical? Something else?
Stuckenbruck has argued that the author of the BG borrowed motifs
and themes from the epic, but with no real trace of polemic, while Reeves
has asserted that the author of the BG actually had an Aramaic transla-
tion of the epic and deliberately transformed the hero into a demon for po-
Ein weiteres Fragment aus Manis Gigantenbuch, in Orientalia J. Duchesne-Guillemin

Emerito Oblata (Acta Iranica 23; Leiden: Brill, 1984) 491505.
5. This summary is based on L. T. Stuckenbrucks reconstruction in The Book of
Giants from Qumran: Texts, Translation, and Commentary (TSAJ 63; Tbingen: Mohr
Siebeck, 1997).
The Book of Giants and the Greek Gilgamesh 69
lemical purposes.6 Reevess and Stuckenbrucks studies, which appeared in

the 1990s, preceded Georges monumental edition of Gilgamesh.7 Georges
work initiated a new flurry of articles, once again addressing the issue of the
Mesopotamian hero in the Jewish pseudepigraphon.
Jackson reads Gilgamesh in the BG as anti-language; the Babylonian
hero represents a very specific aspect of Mesopotamian culture, namely,
forbidden foreign knowledge.8 Goff also stresses that the thematic corre-
spondences between the epic and the BG show that the author of the latter
had specific knowledge of the former, though most likely in oral form.9 He
points out, however, that the author of the BG does not employ this knowl-
edge in a polemical manner but instead uses it in his own presentation of
the evil nature, acts, and ultimate punishment of the antediluvian giants. Fi-
nally, in his article on the origins of the watchers, the fathers of the giants in
Enochic literature, Annus casts a characteristically vast net.10 He broadens
the relevant Assyriological data against which the character of the watchers
from Enochic literature is viewed and adds several novel insights. Import-
ant for this discussion is his assertion that Gilgamesh was counted among
the giants for a number of reasons, particularly the fact that, as one who
communicated with Utnapishtim, he was identified as a tradent of antedilu-
vian knowledge. It is this very knowledge that made the watchers and their
children, the giants, so reprehensible. The inclusion of the Mesopotamian
hero is for Annus (as with Reeves and Jackson) a deliberate inversion of the
character by the Jewish author.11
Though several of these scholars attribute inspiration for delving again
into this issue to Georges recent publication of the epic, all of them have
6. Idem, Giant Mythology and Demonology: From the Ancient Near East to
the Dead Sea Scrolls, in Die DmonenDemons. Die Dmonologie der israelitisch-j-
dischen und frhchristlichen Literatur im Kontext ihrer Umwelt (ed. A. Lange, H. Licht-
enberger, and K. F. D. Rmheld; Tbingen: Mohr Seibeck, 2003) 332 and J. C. Reeves,
Jewish Lore in Manichaean Cosmogony: Studies in the Book of Giants Traditions (MHUC
14; Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 1992) 126.
7.A. George, The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic: Introduction, Critical Edition and
Cuneiform Texts (2 vols.; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).
8.D. Jackson, Demonising Gilgame, in Gilgame and the World of Assyria:
Proceedings of the Conference held at Mandelbaum House, The University of Sydney, 21
23 July 2004 (ed. J. Azize and N. Weeks; ANESSup 21; Leuven: Peeters, 2007) 10714.
9. If this is what he means by legends; see M. Goff, Gilgamesh the Giant: The
Qumran Book of Giants Appropriation of Gilgamesh Motifs, DSD 16 (2009) 22153,
esp. p.253.
10.A. Annus, On the Origin of the Watchers: A Comparative Study of the An-
tediluvian Wisdom in Mesopotamian and Jewish Traditions, JSP 19 (2010) 277320.
11. Ibid., 28283.
rejected Georges sage counsel: Gilgamesh references in post-cuneiform

texts recount merely that Gilgamesh was a prominent monarch and a mag-
ic power.12 These two facts would have been preserved via the promulga-
tion of Babylonian technical knowledge (for example, mantic and exorcistic
traditions) rather than through the transmission of the epic itself.13
In the wake of these scholars studies, I would like to readdress two
questions. In the first place, what (if any) knowledge did the author of the
BG have of the epic? Second, why is the author of the BG referring to for-
eign characters at all?
Gilgamesh and Humbaba in the BG:

Technical or Literary Borrowing?
I want to begin by reexamining scholars claims of references to knowl-
edge of specific material derived from the Babylonian epic. For the sake of
brevity, I focus here on the arguments for direct borrowing that appear to
be the strongest.
A number of scholars who argue for the BG authors direct knowl-
edge of the epic point out the prominent place dreams and their interpre-
tations play in both texts. In Stuckenbrucks reconstruction, for example,
Gilgamesh either has one of the ominous dreams or interprets one of the
other giants dreams to mean that the group will not, in fact, suffer a col-
lective punishment.14 For Stuckenbruck, this means that the epics focus on
the illusionary search for immortality ... helped shape the storyline of the
BG.15 To be sure, the Gilgamesh of the epic has a number of dreams which
are ominous in nature. Regardless of who has the dreams in the BG, this
parallel is indeed striking, but is it so profoundly coincidental that it can-
not be explained by reference to native Jewish and Israelite tradition? We
know that oneiromancy was one of the acceptable methods of divination in
ancient Israel (for example, 1 Sam 28:6). We also know that it is in Israelite-
Jewish tradition one of the ways by which the god of Israel communicates
12. George, The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic, 1:69.

13. Ibid. Note, however, that Goff claims that his assertions are consistent with
George, who does admit that there might have been an Aramaic version of the epic, but
that any legacy of plot or themes were transformed by a variety of intermediate stages,
about which we can know almost nothing (ibid., 1:70; Goff, Gilgamesh the Giant,
253). Clearly, though, Goff is rejecting Georges basic conclusion regarding the survival
of the character of Gilgamesh. The characterization of this survival is really the crux of
the issue.
14. Stuckenbruck, Giant Mythology, 32932.
15. Ibid., 332.
his intentions not only to his own people but to foreigners, including his
peoples adversaries (For example, Genesis 20, 3941; Judges 7). In the bib-
lical tradition it is often Gods righteous servant who has to interpret the
dream for the foreign potentate (for example, Joseph and Daniel).16 That
oneiromancy is a native Israelite tradition and one that is not necessarily
adopted in exile is clear from the fact that it occurs as a feature in other
West Semitic works at Ugarit.17 The most parsimonious explanation is that
the use of oneiromancy in the BG has a native rather than a foreign origin.
A Jewish author could have easily composed such a narrative without any
knowledge of the epics themes or individual pericopes. It goes without say-
ing that the use of dreams in the BG would have been wholly understand-
able to an ancient Jewish reader familiar with solely biblical and Jewish tra-
ditions without any recourse to foreign literature.
Several other features of Gilgamesh in the BG are cited as evidence
of direct knowledge of the epic on the part of the author. One potential
connection is Gilgameshs semidivine status; in the epic the king is consid-
ered two-thirds divine, just as the BGs giants are said to be the offspring
of the sons of God, the watchers, and the daughters of men. A second cor-
respondence is Gilgameshs gigantic size. A recently published fragment
of the Standard Babylonian epic from Ugarit now shows that, in the most
widely known tradition in Mesopotamia, the king was considered a giant.18
Third, the Gilgamesh of the epic is considered a tradent of antediluvian
knowledge; this is pointed out in both tablets I and XI of the SB text.19 As
a giant in the Enochic tradition, one of Gilgameshs sins is revealing such
forbidden knowledge to humanity. One possible difficulty involves the BGs
application of all of these characteristics to giants in general, regardless of
the individual characters origins. That is to say: in the Book of Giants, as a
giant, Gilgamesh is a giant. This characterization would still be the case if, as
George maintains, Gilgamesh comes into the BG tradition simply because
16. At Qumran we even see, in Methuselahs trip to Enoch in order to confirm

Noahs parentage, the specific motif found in the BG: travelling to a distant realm to visit
the sage Enoch for advice (1QapGenar, cols. 25).
17. In the Kirta story, for example, El reveals to the king, via a dream, how to
restore his dynasty (E. L. Greenstein, Kirta, in Ugaritic Narrative Poetry [ed. S. B.
Parker; SBLWAW 9; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997] 1213 [Tablet I, i.3343]). See other
examples from Ugarit and discussion of biblical and Ugaritic materials for oneiromancy
in A. Jeffers, Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria (SHANE 8; Leiden:
Brill, 1996) 12543.
18.A. George, The Gilgamesh Epic at Ugarit, AuOr 25 (2007) 24748.
19. Tablet I, lines 78; Tablet XI, lines 810 (cf. lines 28182) (idem, The Babylo-
nian Gilgamesh Epic, 1:53839, 7023, 72021).
of his association with the technical knowledge of exorcistic and mantic

practice with no knowledge of the characters background in Babylonian
literature on the part of the BGs author.
The purported inclusion of Humbaba in the BG further highlights the
problem of deriving Gilgameshs inclusion in the Jewish work on the ba-
sis of his character in the Babylonian epic. As Goff points out, Hobabish
(Humbabas supposed name in the BG) is never in conflict with Gilgamesh,
nor is he related to a forest.20 There are very few specific points by which
one can connect the character in the BG to the epic. He is a monster in the
Babylonian tradition, but he has no relationship with antediluvian knowl-
edge. Since the characters name in the Babylonian epic is consistently writ-
ten with the divine determinative in Akkadian (dum-wa-wa; tablet III 48),
there is little doubt that the author of that work considered him in some
way divine, but there is no indication of mixed divine-human status. Unlike
Gilgamesh, who has a career in the underworld long after his death, Hum-
baba dies and remains dead. Outside of the epic, Humbaba appears pri-
marily in the Babylonian teratological tradition, but not as a living player;
unusual animal and human births are simply said to look like the monster.21
In a similar vein, the monstrous face of the Humbaba was an esthetic anal-
ogy used in Mesopotamia to describe kinds of ornamentation. 22 These uses
of the Humbaba outside of the epic are all technical in nature.
If we are to find both Gilgamesh and Humbaba in the BG and neither
of their characters there can be traced back to the epic, we have to ask: What
do Gilgamesh and Humbaba have in commonbesides their features in
the epicthat might make them appropriate giants in the Jewish tradition?
As George pointed out, they are both featured in technical literature.23 Gil-
gamesh is featured in exorcistic and antiwitchcraft rituals. Humbaba is fea-
tured in artistic terminology and in mantic texts. This implies that, if the
names are found in the BG, they are there because of their foreign techni-
cal associations and are not used in reference to the epic. This aligns quite
well with the sinful nature of the giants in Enochic literature as tradents of
foreign technical knowledge, whether this be magic, divination, or skilled
metallurgy.
20. Goff, Gilgamesh the Giant, 252.

21. See texts and citations in George, The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic, 1:14546.
22. For examples and references, see ibid., 1:14447. He is also possibly addressed
in a single incantation, but the reading is very uncertain (ibid., 1:147).
23. In contrast to the situation with Gilgamesh, George does not cite Humbabas
location in technical literature as the reason for his survival outside the cuneiform tra-
dition (ibid., 1:147).
The Names of Gilgamesh and Humbaba in the BG Manuscripts

With all of this in mind, it might be helpful to look at the supposed ref-
erences to the Gilgamesh and Humbaba in the scrolls themselves. In 4Q530
2 ii 2, we read the final samek is a bit unusually shaped, but not
so much as to cause concern of any of the editors.24 The real question is
whether one should read the fifth letter as a yod or a waw. Milik and all who
followed him read the letter as a yod, approximating a transliteration of the
vowel as it appears in the Akkadian tradition. However, the letter could just
as well be a waw as indicated by a survey of the other waws in the manu-
script, including those appearing just below the name (lines 3, 4, and5).
An examination of the word in another fragment of the same scroll
(4Q530 3 line 2, which seems to be a different hand) reveals that the two
letters on this particular scroll are indistinguishable, as they are in many
manuscripts from Qumran. Thus, the reading of the name could be either
or .
The second supposed reference to our hero is significantly more diffi-
cult to read. The name in 4Q531 22 is usually reconstructed as ][].25
However, a simple glance at the manuscript indicates that this reading is
far from secure. First (besides the missing gimels) the yod is clear, butas
in the case with the fifth letter of Gilgameshs name in 4Q530 2 ii 2it is
not certain that it is a yod rather than a waw. Second, only the top of the
in/in is preserved, and I suggest it might not be a in/in at all but could
in fact be a samek. Reading this last letter as in/in, of course, would give
a reading closer to our approximation of the Akkadian name. Still, in light
of the clear reading in 4Q530 2 ii 2, I suggest reading the final letter as a
samek. One might compare the samek at the end of line 3 in and note
the crease in the manuscript in line 22 (where the name appears) that could
have caused the closed top of the samek to appear as if it were the two left-
to-right diagonal strokes of a in/in.26 I would propose a reading of 4Q531
22 as /][], ending not with in/in, but rather with waw or yod samek.
How do we decide whether to read yod or samek in these two man-
uscripts? The only other Aramaic attestation of Gilgameshs namein
the commentary on the patriarchal history of Theodore bar Koni, the
24. For 4Q530 2, see E. Puech, Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXXI. Qumrn
Grotte 4 XXII. Textes Aramens. Premire Partie 4Q529549 (Oxford: Clarendon, 2001)
2838 (text, translation, and commentary) and plate 2 (photograph).
25. Ibid., 7478 (text, translation, and commentary) and plate 4 (photograph).
26. In either case, it appears that the sound indicated by the in/in is undoubtedly
an /s/ rather than a //, as per the first attestation of the name in 4Q530 2 ii 2.
8th-century Nestorian church fatheris gmygws, ending in waw-samek.27

While bar Konis attestation is admittedly much later, I suggest that this is
how we read the final two letters in the fragments from Qumran as well:
. Aside from attesting to a consistent Aramaic transcription of the
names ending, what is the relevance of this suggested reading for our dis-
cussion here?
Before answering that question, I would like to reexamine the as-
sumed references to Humbaba in the BG. The first of the two references
(and the only one identified by Milik) occurs in 4Q203 3 3 and is read as
.28 The writing here is crystal clear. But this is, of course, not Humba-
bas nameone must explain the final in/in. Milik suggested that the final
in/in is an appended y, manindicating that the figure is some sort
of Mischwesen.29 I would assert that, had Milik not identified Gilgamesh in
the BG, we would not be reading as Humbaba in 4Q203 3 3 at all.30
Even disregarding the problematic in/in ending, the very form of the first
part of the name itself is curious. In OB texts, the name is usually written
d
u-wa-wa,31 which is the spelling consistently (but not exclusively) seen in
27. A possible variant is gnmgws (R. Hespel and R. Draguet, Thodore bar Koni:
Livre des Scolies [recension de Sert]. I Mimr I-V [CSCO 431, Syr. 187; Louvain: Peeters,
1981] 130); see also George, The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic, 1:89. M. Lewin 2 (line 8),
25 offered gmygmws for this passage (Die Scholien des Theodor bar Kn zur Patriarchen-
geschichte (Genesis XIIL) [Berlin: Itzkowski, 1905] 2 [line 8], 25).
28. L. T. Stuckenbruck, 4QEnoch Giantsa ar, in Discoveries in the Judaean Desert
XXXVI. Qumran Cave 4 XXVI. Cryptic Texts and Miscellanea, Part 1 (ed. Stephen Pfann
et al; Oxford: Clarendon, 2000) 1315 (text, translation and commentary) and plate1
(photograph). Note, Stuckenbruck identifies the fragmentary Gilgamesh citation ap-
pearing in 4Q531 22 12, as appearing instead in 4Q531 17 12, reflecting Stuckenbrucks
alternate numbering of the fragments of that manuscript (Stuckenbruck, DJD XXXVI,
14 n. 31, 15; see also Stuckenbruck, The Book of Giants, 14177).
29. I believe the case for Humbabas name in the second attestation, 4Q530, to be
particularly weak (as I will discuss below). Nonetheless, there are a number of problems
with this first attestation, not the least of which is Puechs reconstruction of the second
attestation of Humbabas name in 4Q530 2 ii 2, which ends with a samek! If the latter
citation is indeed referring to the same character as the former, then Miliks suggestion
cannot stand. Stuckenbruck notes this difficulty and posits another eastern origin for
the final samek, possibly originating with a language spoken by an unidentified people
group settled in Philistia by the Assyrians in the 8th century (Giant Mythology, 328).
On the other hand, M. Schwartz posits that the samek ending was attached because of
the influence of the same ending in Gilgameshs name in 4Q530 2 ii 2 (Qumran, Turfan,
Arabic Magic, and Noahs Name, Res Orientales 14 [2002] 234).
30. Although the same name appears in the Manichean version of the BG (minus
any reference to Gilgamesh in the extant fragments), Henning did not make the connec-
tion to the Babylonian monster (The Book of Giants, 5274).
31. OB Tablet 3:133; see George, The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic, 1:199.
the mantic tradition.32 An early Neo-Assyrian fragment from Assur reads

m
u-ba-ba, the closest approximation of what we see in the BG.33 But in the
SB version, which is the most likely ultimate source from which we would
expect the author of the BG to derive his knowledge, the name is consis-
tently written dum-ba-ba.34 Undoubtedly, one could derive from this
(a mem can assimilate, after all), but given the other problems presented
here, such a derivation becomes increasingly difficult.
The second supposed reference to this name in the BG appears imme-
diately following Gilgamesh in 4Q530 2 ii 2 and is heavily reconstructed
by Puech: [].35 The samek ending poses a significant problem for
understanding the name as a combination of Humbaba and y, as Milik
proposed. In any case, this reconstruction seems to be more the product of
wishful thinking than paleography. Even the final bet and samek are ques-
tionable.36 I offer no alternate reading of this passage.
As for the name itself, is it possible that the name Humbaba is
not the reading in either passage? Is an alternate Hebrew or Aramaic ety-
mology equally as plausible for the name of this giant? I would suggest the
author of the BG invented the name, perhaps combining , debt and
, shame or sickness, or, as is more likely, with , bad, evil, there-
by giving us a moniker that means something like wicked or shameful
debt.
The significance of the name is not as straightforward as the
current consensus represents it to be. Stuckenbrucks rather thorough anal-
ysis of the giants names yielded little other than the possibility that they
were all considered Mischwesen.37 Notably, however, this conclusion did
not reveal much about the actual choice or the forms of names employed
by the author of the BG.38 In light of this, it might be useful to examine the
monikers of the compatriots of .
32. See citations in ibid., 1:14546. There are a few OB variants including u-bi-bi
(A fragment from Harmel; ibid., 1:256 line 48) and du-wa (OB tablet in the Shyen
collection; ibid., 1:234 line 16).
33. Ibid., 1:358 line 19.
34. E.g., Tablet 2:221; ibid., 1:556.
35. Puech, DJD XXXI, 2832.
36. Stuckenbruck does not reconstruct the name here, nor does his reading end
with samek: .] [.( The Book of Giants from Qumran, 205).
37. Stuckenbruck, Giant Mythology, 32032, 33536.
38. Note that the only morphological commonality of some of these names is the
ending y which Milik, as mentioned above, thought indicated the composite animal
nature of . Miliks suggesting has fundamental problems, as discussed (Stucken-
bruck, Giant Mythology, 32728).
The names of the other giants in the BG, Ohyah, Hahyah, Mahaway,
Ahiram, and (only partially preserved) Adk? (, , , , and
)?, show no consistency and have heretofore remained unexplained as a
group. I suggest, however, that most of these names, in addition to ,
are simply invented. Though it could be that was intended to refer
to a king of Byblos, it is more likely that the meaning of the name is trans-
parent and particular to the cast of characters in the BG: My brother is
tall. This is, after all, a perfectly legitimate name for a giant.39 , ,
and are significantly more opaque, but, as Stuckenbruck has pointed
out, it is possible that the three are somehow derived from the verb to be
in either Hebrew ( )or Aramaic (). Perhaps the three names are de-
liberate corruptions of the Tetragrammaton, or even playing on Yahwehs
self-identification to Moses in Exod 3:14 in which the verb is used in
the first-person imperfect three times:
, I am who I am, and he said,
Thus you will say to the Israelites, I am sent me to you. This proposal is,
of course, highly speculative. The name ?is at the edge of the fragment
and the final letter is not entirely preserved, so I will not speculate here as
to what it might have been.40
Reeves further argued that the flood hero himself, Utnapishtim, appears
in a later Manichaean version of the BG; the name is preserved in Middle
Persian as tnby, vocalized as At(a)nab.41 However, this name does not
appear in any of the Aramaic fragments. While the suggestion is appealing,
a flood hero with this particular epithet is not very well-attested even in the
native Mesopotamian tradition.42 Outside the Epic of Gilgamesh and, more
importantly, in the tradition that travelled internationally, it seems the flood
hero was known by his Sumerian name, Ziusudra. This name is attested in
both Berossos as and Abydenus as /.43 It is tell-
39. Compare with similar wordplays in Genesis, such as the name of the first
mighty man in Gen 10:89, , We will rebel, undoubtedly foreshadowing the
Tower of Babel story in Genesis 11; so too the names of the kings of Sodom and Gomor-
rah in Gen 14:2, and , wickedly and evilly, respectively.
40. Stuckenbruck notes that the next letter in the name could be dalet, waw, yod,
or re, (DJD XXXVI, 14). In light of the name , one is tempted to read the dalet
in ?as re, allowing a combination with the root , long (again, appropriate for
a giant). Nonetheless, the ductus in this manuscript is quite clear and the reading of the
dalet seems to be in little doubt.
41. J. C. Reeves, Utnapishtim in the Book of Giants? JBL 112 (1993) 11015. See
also R. V. Huggins, Noah and the Giants: A Response to John Reeves, JBL 114 (1995)
10319; and Stuckenbruck, Giant Mythology, 33334.
42. See discussion in George, The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic, 1:15255.
43.For Berossos, see FGrH 680 F 4 (15); for Abydenus, FGrH 685 F 2b3b.
ing that Berossos chose to use the Sumerian name to relate his story rather
than either of the Akkadian possibilities (that is, Utnapishtim or Atraasis),
and I argue that this, the Sumerian name, was the primary form that was
used popularly and was consequentially the most likely to have been re-
ceived by neighboring cultures.44 The tnby preserved in the Manichaean
texts has nothing to do with the flood hero, and, if it does actually derive
from the Aramaic BG, is most likely an Aramaic name, perhaps incorporat-
ing , you, and , evil, bad. Again, it is an invented name intended
to reveal the insidious nature of the giants.
If my understanding is correct, the names of the giants do not all fall
into a single pattern. They are not all borrowed from foreign literary tra-
ditions, nor are they all the names of the great pagan monarchs of hoary
antiquity, nor do they all follow a single morphological type. Nonetheless,
it is possible that the names represent a single agenda, that is, labeling the
giants as a group whose existence and character are contrary to Gods in-
tentions for humanity. Stuckenbruck, among others, was at least partially
correct in noting that the giants were conceived of as hybrids of a sort, but
they are not necessarily animal-human Mischewesen.45 We must remem-
ber that they are not the offspring of humans and animals, but rather, the
spawn of the daughters of men and the sons of God (Gen 6:14). The giants
are living metaphors, reminding readers of the perils of crossing sacrosanct
boundaries and the ways in which that upsets Gods objective; their names
reflect this. The human-divine boundary is represented by a perversion of
the human form, originally the image of God: ( contra Gen 1:2627).
Similarly, a reversal of Gods declaration of the goodness of humans as an
element of creation (Gen 1:31) is evident in ( and perhaps ).
The divine-human boundary is represented by corruptions of the divine
name , playing on the three-fold repetition at the disclosure of the
Tetragrammaton in Exod 3:14: , , and .
P.Buttmanns emendation of the name of the flood hero in Lucians De Dea Syria (12)
( , Deucalion the Scythian, to ) in
light of the name in Berossus and Abydenus has gained wide acceptance among schol-
ars (Mythologus, oder Gesammelte Abhandlung ber die Sagen des Alterthums [2 vols.;
Berlin: Mylius, 18281829] 1:19192). Nonetheless, as J. L. Lightfoot has argued, Butt-
manns suggestion has fundamental problems that make it rather unlikely (Lucian: On
the Syrian Goddess [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003] 34243). Thus, Lightfoot
maintains the reading which the text preserves though he is admittedly at a loss to fully
explain the epithet.
44. Is it possible that the two forms of the name attested in Berossos and Abydenos
attest to two separate occasions when the flood heros name crossed the Semitic-Greek
linguistic border?
45. Stuckenbruck, Giant Mythology, 33536.
Gilgamesh in the BG:

A Babylonian or Hellenistic Character?
If Gilgameshs name is to be found among the giants in the BG, it fol-
lows, then, that his name should also conform to this agenda. Let us assume
for a moment that the Babylonian Humbaba is not there in the BG. Let us
also assume that the reading of Gilgameshs name in the BG from Qum-
ran is, as it is in bar Koni, ending in waw-samek. What might this
indicate? We know that Greek names ending with - are commonly tran-
scribed in the Aramaic script with waw-samek.46 I propose that this is pre-
cisely what we are looking at when we see Gilgameshs name as it appears
in the BG at Qumrannot a direct borrowing from Akkadian or Aramaic,
but rather the transliteration of the name of the Babylonian hero as it would
appear in Greek. Indeed, in the only actual Greek instance of the namein
writings of the second-century author Aelianthe final in of Gilgameshs
name is interpreted as the typical masculine singular nominative case end-
ing: .47 If we were to transcribe this into Aramaic, we would get
.
What do these conclusions have to bear on our original questions? If
this is indeed the way to understand the Aramaic text of the BG as it appears
at Qumran, what might this indicate regarding the manner in which the
reference made its way to the Jewish author? It supports the suggestion that
the name came to the BG author as part of technical knowledge, as George
maintains, but via a Greek mediator and not, as many others have contend-
ed, through some sort of Aramaic channel that also preserved some knowl-
edge of the Babylonian epic. This is not to deny the general Mesopotamian
influence we undoubtedly see in apocalyptic in general and in Enochic lit-
erature in particular. But we have to remember that the foreign intellectual
challenge faced by Jews in the later Second Temple period was not directly
from Babylon; it came primarily from Hellenism. As such, Gilgameshor
Gilgamos, as the case may bewas not a figure of Babylonian heritage but
a figure of Hellenistic tradition. And in light of the tendencies noted in my
suggested readings of the other giant names in the BG, Gilgameshs name
needs to be taken in a similar vein. The Hellenistic Gilgamos stood along-
side a list of gigantic beings, who were living, perverse metaphors of the
perilous outcome of crossing sacred boundaries. Gilgamos must be seen as
a totem of the Hellenized magical tradition of the ancient Near East. The
46.E.g., : ( 4Q169 34 3); : ( Abot 1:3).

47. De Natura Animalium 12.21. For the most recent edition, see Manuala Garca
Valds et al, Claudius Aelianus: De Natura Animalium (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2009).
other giants names argue that they are corruptions of the human form, of
divine intent for humanity, and of the divine name. As part of this agenda,
Gilgamoss name is representative of forbidden Hellenistic technical wis-
dom (that is, magic, divination, and so on); he represents an aberrancy of
divine wisdom that humans, the Jews in particular, were meant to have.
Donning the Right Garb
The Egyptian Ritual of Opening the Mouth and
the Biblical Regulations in Exodus 2829
Nancy L. Erickson
Introduction
The Egyptian ritual of Opening the Mouth describes the animation of
statuary for use. Throughout the ceremony the priestly participants of the
rite repeatedly put on and take off various garments, signaling a change in
their role and status at distinct points throughout the ceremony. The switch
in clothing rendered the actions that the participants took while wearing
the various garments ritually effective. Special garb also has an essential
role in the biblical prescriptions of priestly garments in Exodus 2829. The
elaborate preparations for donning the vestments include regulations of
fabrication, consecration, and ritual cleansing. The subsequent use of the
articles is essential in order to perform specific priestly responsibilities. The
Egyptian rite and the biblical narrative in Exodus 2829 are distinct texts,
the former specific to a rite of animation. Both examples, however, attest
specific garb necessary for ritual efficacy in a cultic setting. The detailing
of the priestly garb in the Egyptian rite has not been critically addressed
since the work of Otto in 1960 and it has not been considered alongside
recent treatments of ancient Near Eastern dress or the biblical descriptions
of priestly dress and ritual.1
Interest in the study of dress from anthropological and sociological
perspectives has concluded that clothing functions not just to protect the
body but may also indicate gender and status.2 Inquiry into dress specific to
the ancient Near East has been addressed, however briefly. Scholarship has
Authors note: It is my privilege to honor Dr. Samuel Greengus with this paper and my
participation as co-editor of this volume, a still, small offering for such an esteemed
scholar. His careful scholarship, modeled for generations of students, has shaped and
will continue to shape my own work. In pursuit of academic excellence!
1. E. Otto, Das gyptische Mundffnungsritual (2 vols.; gyptologische Abhand-
lungen 3; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1960).
2.R. Barthes, The Language of Fashion (ed. M. Carter and A. Stafford; trans.
81
82 Nancy L. Erickson
proposed three categories or functions of dress attested in the extrabiblical

texts and illustrations of the ancient Near East. (1) Clothing was intended
to transform the wearer. This particular function has been limited to gen-
der studies. Foxs recent study has addressed clothing related to gender.3
She conjectures that the costume of the cross-dressers acts as a proxy of
embodiment. The body is transformed by the clothing, cosmetics or masks,
and other paraphernalia, even if the metamorphosis is only a metaphor.4
Another recent study by Rooke addresses priestly vestments and gender.
Her inquiry focuses primarily on mikns-bd and concludes that the gar-
ments functioned to transform.5 (2) Dress provided the wearer with power
otherwise unavailable to the participant. In an older study, Moret has com-
piled several references to animal skins as clothing in various Egyptian re-
ligious contexts. He concludes that the animal skin was donned specifically
for the purpose of investing the wearer with the powers of the animal.6 (3)
Further inquiry into dress in the ancient Near East has focused on statuary
garb, clothing adorned the statues of deities. The rituals are attested in both
Egyptian and Mesopotamian texts, whether for the purpose of tending the
deity or as a component to animation. The garb seems to have functioned
solely as a means of caring for the deity.7
A.Stafford; London: Berg, 2006); A. de la Haye and E. Wilson, Defining Dress: Dress as
Object, Meaning and Identity (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000).
3. Fox considers the Mesopotamian goddess Inanna-Ishtar, Levantine and Egyp-
tian iconography, and the biblical prohibition in Deut 22:5. N. Fox, Gender Transfor-
mation and Transgression: Contextualizing the Prohibition of Cross-Dressing in Deu-
teronomy 22:5, in Studies in Deuteronomy and Its Cultural Environment in Honor of
Jeffrey H. Tigay (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2009) 4971. See also H. Hoffner, Sym-
bols for Masculinity and Femininity: Their Use in Ancient Near Eastern Sympathetic
Magic Rituals, JBL 85 (1966) 32634.
4. Fox, Gender Transformation and Transgression, 51.
5. Rooke concludes that the breeches transformed the male wearers into a
wifely submission by hiding the phallus. D. Rooke, Gender, Garments and the Priest-
hood, in Embroidered Garments: Priests and Gender in Biblical Israel (ed. D. Rooke;
Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix, 2009) 1937.
6.A. Moret, Le rituel du culte divin journalier en gypte (Paris: Leroux, 1902)
4347, 7476, 22225.
7. Scholarly inquiry into the statuary rituals have focused on the rites themselves
and have not addressed a specific function of the adorned garb other than its role in
tending the deity. While there need not be an alternate function to the clothing, per-
haps further study may reveal continued insight into the perception of ancient dress
specific to the rite. Matsushima does consider two clothing pieces specific to Uruk, the
lubutu-clothing and the kustu-garment: E. Matsushima, Divine Statues in Ancient
Mesopotamia: Their Fashioning and Clothing and Their Interaction with the Society,
in Official Cult and Popular Religion in the Ancient Near East (ed. E. Matsushima; Hei-
Donning the Right Garb 83
The intent of this essay is to contribute to a young and growing conver-

sation regarding ancient dress by first addressing the Egyptian rite noted
here, paying special attention to the descriptions of priestly dress within
the rite and its apparent function. Consideration will be made concerning
the ancient perception of dress specific to the ritual and how/if it may relate
to the previous studies addressed above. Inquiry then will be made into the
biblical prescriptions of priestly clothing in Exodus 2829 and will consider
if the biblical perception of ancient dress shares some or any of the aspects
noted in the Egyptian ritual and how/if it may also relate to the above cate-
gories. I propose here that, like the specialized garb attested in the Egyptian
rite and elsewhere, the consecrated dress described in the biblical texts also
functions to transform.
Egyptian Ritual of Opening the Mouth

The Egyptian ritual is known variously as wpt r, The Opening of the
Mouth, wpt r rt, The Opening of the Mouth and the Eyes, and rt wpt r
n twt n PN Performing the Opening of the Mouth in the workshop for the
statue of PN.8 Though attestations of the rite are almost exclusively from
funerary contexts, Lorton has convincingly proposed the ritual was also
performed on cult statues.9 He confirms, the Opening of the Mouth ritual
delberg: Carl Winter, 1993) 20919. Also of note is a recent study on cult images in Hit-
tite Anatolia and B. J. Collins, A Statue for the Deity: Cult Images in Hittite Anatolia in
Cult Image and Divine Representation in the Ancient Near East (ed. N. H. Walls; Boston:
ASOR, 2005). Collins describes the statuary garb as the new deitys trousseau (com-
posed of garments for both sexes) (7). Her paper does not address the clothing in fur-
ther detail, but the brief comment as it relates to gender yields reason for further inquiry.
8. The varied titles are based on the first line of the extant rituals where PN stands
for the name of the individual for whose statue the ritual is performed. In the Old
Kingdom, the focus of the ritual was on the mouth, as shown by its title in that period.
In New Kingdom Egypt, the concept of opening the eye was added and was connected
with the image of awakening, an element apparent in the daily cult ritual. The texts of
the ritual have been published and studied by Otto, Das gyptische Mundffnungsritual;
E. A. W. Budge, The Book of Opening the Mouth: The Egyptian Texts with English Trans-
lations (Books on Egypt and Chaldaea 2627; London: Keagan Paul, 1909); J.-C. Goyon,
Rituels funraires de lancienne gypte: Le Rituel de louverture de la bouche, les Livres des
respirations (Paris: du Cerf, 1972); D. Lorton, The Theology of Cult Statues in Ancient
Egypt, in Born in Heaven Made on Earth: The Making of the Cult Image in the Ancient
Near East (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1999) 123210; M. Smith, The Liturgy of
Opening the Mouth for Breathing (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1993). Smith addresses the
liturgies associated with the Opening of the Mouth ritual. His work includes plates,
transliterations, translations, and commentary.
9. Lorton highlights the temple fragment of Nyuserre as well as extant New King-
dom examples as evidence for the employment of the ceremony on statues within the
was performed on temple statues just as it was on statues intended for the
funerary realm.10 The earliest textual reference to the Egyptian rite occurs
in the tomb of Metjen, an important official during the 4th dynasty (ap-
proximately 2600 b.c.e.).11 In the 5th dynasty (approximately 2400 b.c.e.)
the words fashioning and opening of the mouth in the workshop are at-
tested on a fragment in the temple of Nyuserre.12 Evidence of the rite from
the Middle Kingdom is almost entirely absent with only brief references
to the ritual, indicating that it had not dropped out of use.13 In New King-
dom Egypt and later, the ceremony is ubiquitous in its attestations: on roy-
al and private tomb walls, temple walls, in papyri, on coffins, ostraca, and
on stelae. Of particular importance is the inscription found on the tomb
of Rekhmire (18th dynasty) attesting the full ritual including 75 episodes
of lustrations, censings, libations, and other magico-religious acts.14 Later
attestations of the rite include inscriptions from the tomb of Seti I (19th
dynasty) the anthropoid coffin lids of Butehai-Amen (21st dynasty) and a
tomb-chapel of Imeniritis (25th-26th dynasties).15
temple context. He also develops the strong relationship and overlap of the Opening of
the Mouth ritual to the Daily Cult ritual employed in the temple. The rites share in
common certain elements including ceremonies involving the tending (i.e., awakening,
washing, feeding, dressing, and anointing) of the god in the form of a statue. Incidental-
ly, some repetition of the Opening of the Mouth ritual may also be found in the Pyra-
mid Texts. Such replication occurs only in portions of the purifications and adornments
of the statue and the various implements employed to open the statues faculties. Lorton,
The Theology of Cult Statues in Ancient Egypt, 131, 14952, 168; T. J. C. Baly, Notes
on the Ritual of Opening the Mouth, JEA 16 (1930) 17386.
10. Lorton, The Theology of Cult Statues in Ancient Egypt, 150.
11. The origins of the Egyptian Opening of the Mouth ritual have been examined
most recently by A. M. Roth, The PS-KF and the Opening of the Mouth Ceremony:
A Ritual of Birth and Rebirth, JEA 78 (1992) 11347. Roth contends that the ceremony
was derived from a ritual sequence of actions and spells ensuring the ability of a new-
born and/or developing child to partake of nourishment. J.-C. Goyon, Rituels funraires
de lancienne gypte, 6; Lepsius, Denkmler 2, PL. 4, 5.
12.W. Helck, Die Weihinschriften aus dem Taltempel des Sonnenheiligtums des
Knigs Neuserre bei Abu Gurob, Studien zur altgyptischen Kultur 5 (1977) 4777, pl.
III line 5; Lorton, The Theology of Cult Statues, 148.
13. Several meager allusions to the Opening of the Mouth occur in the Coffin
Texts from the Middle Kingdom. S. Bjerke, Remarks on the Egyptian Ritual of Open-
ing the Mouth and Its Interpretation, Numen, (1965) 20116; A. de Buck, The Egyptian
Coffin Texts (8 vols.; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 19352006).
14. The Theban Tombs Series (ed. N. de Garis Davies and A. Gardiner; 5 vols.; Lon-
don: Egypt Exploration Fund, 191533).
15. Otto has compiled a list including more than 80 tombs, the majority situated
at Thebes, where the ritual is represented. Only a few of these examples however pro-
The ceremony is confined to the workshop until the very end when the
statue is relocated to its shrine. The entire ritual stated in brief is as follows.
After purifications of the statue and the awakening of the sm-priest, the ar-
tisans are brought before the statue. The sm-priest presents the foreleg and
heart of a slaughtered bull to the statue. The sm-priest then touches the stat-
ues mouth with various implements. During these scenes the loving son
appears and then leaves. The statue is then clothed with various garments,
anointed, given scepters, fumigations, and presented with an elaborate of-
fering.16 Following the ritual removal of footprints, the statue is removed
from the workshop and installed in its shrine.17 The intended result of the
elaborate ritual was to quicken the statue for use. It was a rite of animation.
The ritual was performed by a distinctive group of officiants. The pri-
mary participant in the Egyptian ritual was held foremost by the sm-priest
under the direction of the ry-bt, or ritualist.18 Throughout the cere
mony, the sm-priest repeatedly puts on and takes off the qn garment and in
vide full representations of the rite. These texts, noted above, have been examined and
consulted here. Otto, Das gyptische Mundffnungsritual, 2:17383. Other references
to the ritual that are not considered here occur as late as the Saitic period (the tomb
of Petamonope), the Late Ptolemaic-Early Roman period (Papyrus Cairo 36803,) and
the Roman period (Papyrus of the Hathor Sais). For bibliography of these later texts,
see Bjerke, Remarks on the Egyptian Ritual; Lorton, The Theology of Cult Statues in
Ancient Egypt; A. R. Schulman, The Iconographic Theme: Opening of the Mouth on
Stelae, JARCE 21 (1984) 169196.
16. The final clothing of the statue is described in Scenes 5052 until which the
statue has remained unclothed, intimated in the very first Scene.
17. In the scene the priest is depicted leaving the workshop walking backward and
sweeping away the traces of his footprints as he went with the hdn-plant. The meaning
of the scene is not agreed upon. In light of the Mesopotamian ms p ritual texts, the
action may have been intended to symbolically disassociate the fashioner, in this case
the sm-priest, from the finished project. While the Egyptian Opening of the Mouth
ceremony attests features also apparent in the Mesopotamian ms p ritual, or Opening
of the Mouth, Lorton rejects any possibility that there is a relationship between the
Mesopotamian and Egyptian rites stating that the two rites are merely coincidental.
Lorton, The Theology of Cult Statues in Ancient Egypt, 147 n. 37. Baly and Blackman
have briefly addressed the relationship between the Mesopotamian and Egyptian ritu-
als. Both conclude that the Mesopotamians borrowed the ritual from Egypt. See Baly,
Notes on the Ritual of the Opening the Mouth; A. M. Blackman, The Rite of Opening
the Mouth in Ancient Egypt and Babylonia, JEA 10 (1924) 4759.
18.ry-, W 2:1997; ry-bt, CDME 204. The title sm-priest is best left un-
translated because it is unknown precisely what the appellate indicates. Hannig does
not translate m. sm, W 2:2195196. Erman and Grapow translate m, Priestertitel.
sm, WS 4:119. Faulkner translates, a priest. sm, CDME 225. Also see A. Gardiner,
Ancient Egyptian Onomastica (London: Oxford University Press, 1947) 39.
its stead dons the skin of a panther, ba.19 At no point throughout the cere-
mony is he not wearing one of the special articles of clothing. The clothing
change is described in scenes (a) 11, (b) 1921, and (c) 40.20
(a) The earliest mention of the qn garment occurs at the onset of the rit-
ual in scene 11. Here, the sm-priest plays the role of a sleeping individual,
the sleeping-sm, where, upon his awakening, he is depicted as donning
the qn bib.21 The garb in Egyptian, qn, is left untranslated though Erman
and Grapow render Brustlatz, qualifying its usage as an item adorned
both by the sm-priest and kings attested in the Pyramid Texts.22 Faulkner
translates qn as ceremonial garment.23 Hannig translates Schaulterum-
hang, Latz.24 Likewise, Otto refers to the item as nj-Latz. The material
of the garment is not explicit and the term is limited in its attestations, so
here, qn. The adornment of the clothing in the scene of the sleeping/awak-
ening-sm is associated with the participants new role. As the priest rises
he puts on the appropriate and necessary clothing for his participation in
the rite.
(b) In scenes 1921, the sm-priest lays aside his exiting clothes, the
qn garment, and adorns the skin of a panther, written ba.25 A pun on the
Egyptian term ba is apparent. While the noun refers to a panther, skin of
a panther, the term is more frequently employed to signify the soul or
power. The literary device of punning confirms a correlation between the
panther skin, ba, and the subsequent actions of power, slaughtering a
19.qnj, W 2:2524; n, WS 5:51. K. Sethe, Dramatische Texte zu den altgyp-

tischen Mysterienspielen (Leipzig : Hinrichs, 1928) 211.
20. Otto, Das gyptische Mundffnungsritual, 2:60, 7172, 100.
21. The particular scene occurs just once in the ritual and is of special interest
due to the untiring or sleepless motif apparent in Mesopotamian building accounts.
Scholars have interpreted the intended meaning of the sm-priests symbolic actions var-
iously. Frazer, relying primarily on mortuary texts, suggests the scene indicates a search
for the deceaseds soul and its eventual return. J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough: A Study in
Magic and Religion (New York: Macmillan, 1940) 68. Moret suggests the sleeping-sm
symbolizes resurrection and new life, though Baly rules this outemphasizing rather
a preparation of habitation for the soul, a motif prevalent in African rites regarding
the return of the soul. A. Moret, Le rituel du culte divin journalier en gypte (Paris: Le
roux, 1902) 3235; Baly, Notes on the Ritual of Opening the Mouth, 17779, 18384.
Perhaps the awakening of the sleeping-sm signals that he is a new or revived being,
different perhaps in some manner than he was before.
22. Erman and Grapow do not provide references to the Pyramid Texts. n,
WS 5:51.
23.n, CDME 279.
24.qnj, W 2:2524.
25. Otto cites numerous references to the panther skin worn in Egyptian contexts.
Otto, Das gyptische Mundffnungsritual, 2:7273.
bull and the presentation of its parts to the statue. Accordingly, the ritualist
declares to the sm-priest that he will indeed be manifestly powerful, ba.
The statement, through the punning meaning that you may be a panther,
ba, implies that the priest will specifically manifest the power of the animal
whose skin he is wearing. The illustrations confirm the meaning, depicting
the sm donning the carcass over his shoulders in approach to the statue.
It was mentioned previously that Moret also confirms the interpretation,
based on a study of various Egyptian ritual texts describing the use of an-
imal skins.26 The effectiveness or ability to perform the ritual act then is
derived from the physical power of the panther as the priest dons its skin.
The literary device of punning appears throughout the ritual.27 Perhaps a
secondary pun on the term ba is also intended here. Through a metathesis
of radicals, the verb ab, to postmark, brand, may also take the form aby
panther.28
During scenes 1921, the sm-priest, donning the ba, is identified by the
ry-bt with the deity Horus. From the utterances, the eye of the sm-priest
is re-identified with the eye of Horus, so that the priests eye has become
Horuss. Elsewhere throughout the ritual, the sm-priest also assumes the
role of the deity Thoth. The utterances are explicit, I am Horus, I am
Thoth, and are further explicated by the qualifying deity determinative
preceding the priests title, sm. While identified as Thoth, the sm-priest
proclaims, I have provided myself with your magical powers. I know the
knowledge which is in you. I have taken possession of your strength, and
of your cunning in handicraft, and of the utterances of your mouth.29 The
sm-priest assumes the role of the deity as well as the divine abilities. The role
playing by the sm-priest as Horus and Thoth yields evidence for the rites
mythologization.30
(c) Scene 40 describes the final change of garb in the wpt r ritual and
repeats the elements of the rite attested in the Scenes above, 1921. A dis-
tinction in the scene here is the transferal of the panther skin from the
26. Moret, Le rituel du culte divin journalier en gypte, 4347, 7476, 22225.
27. Note especially a pun between iret, eye and iri, to make, do, also, kephesh
foreleg and kephesh physical strength in the scenes addressed here. Lorton provides
more examples of the literary device employed throughout the ritual. Lorton, The The-
ology of Cult Statues in Ancient Egypt, 15859, 161, 163 n. 61, 164, 17073. His work
relies on the scholarship of Goyon and Helck. Goyon, Rituels funraires de lancienne
gypte, 1972. W. Helck, Einige Bermerkungen zum Mundffnungsritual, Mitteilungen
des Deutschen Archologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 22 (1967) 2741.
28. Otto, Das gyptische Mundffnungsritual, 2:72. b, WS 1:6, by, 1:7.
29. Otto, Das gyptische Mundffnungsritual, 2:14950.
30. The mythologization of the sm-priest has only affected the texts and not the
pictorial representations of the ritual.
sm-priest to the loving son, a participant in the rite whose function is

uncertain.31 Following Scene 40, the loving son leaves the workshop and
the sm-priest is again depicted with the panther skin. The skin is apparently
worn throughout the rest of the rite, through the dressing of the statue and
final installation in its shrine.
Explanations for why the sm-priest dons certain garments throughout
the ritual may be inferred. The brief descriptions and depictions of the sm
clothed in the ba indicated the clothing manifested power for the priest.
The power is directly associated with the garment being donned. In this
instance, the sm wielded the potency of the beast, ba. A second explanation
may be assumed from the recitation of the text, I am Thoth. I have provided
myself with your magical powers. In these scenes, the priest assumes the
role of the deity and so is transformed as such, if only as a metaphor. It was
already mentioned that previous studies on ancient dress concluding the
transformative aspect of clothing have been limited to gender transforma-
tion. Rather, here the sm garb along with the accompanying incantations,
transformed the priest into a deity, though for just a portion of the rite. The
descriptions in the Egyptian rite then broaden the current scope regarding
an ancient perception of dress, that it may possibly transform gender and/
or may transform into the divine. Other explanations for why the sm puts
on and takes off specific clothing are not explicit. The initial donning of the
qn and then the transfer of the ba from the sm to the loving son are not
explicated. It is clear however that in these scenes the switch of garb by the
sm-priest and the loving son signaled a change in their roles and status at
distinct points throughout the ceremony. As the apparel was substituted,
the position transitioned. In this manner, the Egyptian ancient dress iden-
tified the wearer. Clothing functioned; it not only indicated different roles
that the sm-priest played but also empowered (ba) and transformed (into
the divine) the wearer so rendering the actions that he took while wearing
the various garments ritually effective.
Priestly Regulations in Exodus 2829

The building of the tabernacle stands at the heart of the pentateuchal
Priestly source. The manufacture and setting up of the tabernacle is de-
scribed in detail in Exod 24:1231:18 and 34:2940:38, interrupted by the
story of the golden calf, 32:134:28. A significant portion of the tabernacle
31. Scholars have offered different interpretations of the loving son. Lorton pro-
poses the roles of the sm-priest and loving son are blended and so imbedded in issues
of historical origin of the varying texts. Lorton, The Theology of Cult Statues in Ancient
Egypt, 154 n. 47.
narrative is devoted to prescriptions regarding (a) the fabrication of the

priestly vestments, Exod 28:143, and (b) the ritual consecration of both
the wearers of the garb and the dress itself, Exod 29:136. The actual fabri-
cation of the priestly clothing is described in Exod 39:139 and the execu-
tion of the rituals of consecration is described in Leviticus 8.
(a) The individuals responsible for manufacturing the garb include
those wise of heart, akm-lb, whom Yhwh filled with the spirit of
wisdom, ra okmh (28:3). The supremely skilled craftsmen Bezalel
and Oholiab also take responsibility in the worked garments (31:10).32 The
participants expected to don the special garments include Aaron and his
sons, though Aarons garb differs slightly from those of his sons, 28:3 and
28:40.
The vestments to be manufactured by the skilled artisans include the
en, breastpiece, pd, ephod, ml, robe, ktnet tb, worked
tunic, minepet, headdress, and abn, sash. The addition of the ,
rosette, and mikns-bd, undergarments, are described in 28:3638,
4243.33 Prescriptions regarding the manufacture of the breastpiece and
ephod are the lengthiest of the manufactured items. The two pieces are
highly specialized, linked structurally, and adorned with stones engraved
for remembrance with the names of the Israelite tribes. Directions for the
breastpiece introduce the enigmatic rm and tumm, 28:30, ritual appur-
tenances inserted in the breastpiece.34 A robe is worn under the ephod.
Its hem is decorated with multicolored tassels in the shape of pomegran-
ates placed alternately with golden bells. Such decorations are well-known
in iconographic representations of the garments of deities and rulers from
northern Mesopotamia and Syria during the Iron Age. The materials
prescribed for the manufacturing of the priestly garb are those also em-
ployed for the coverings of Yhwhs dwelling, Exod 25:1026:36, a correla-
tion equating the priestly wearers with the divine.35 Instructions for the
priestly materials in 28:5 include zahab, gold, tklet, blue, argmn,
purple, tlaat n, crimson, and , linen. Incorporation of gold
32. The exceptional abilities of the tabernacle craftsmen are highlighted by the
compilation of skills with which they are endowed, especially okmh, bnh, and daat.
33. Houtman has provided a thorough discussion of the terms here. C. Houtman,
Exodus (trans. J. Rebel and S. Woudstra; 3 vols.; Kampen: Kok, 19932000). See also
W.H.C. Propp, Exodus 1940 (AB 2B; New York: Doubleday, 2006).
34. For summary and bibliography on the terms rm and tumm, see B. Arnold,
Necromancy and Cleromancy in 1 and 2Samuel, CBQ 66 (2004) 199213, esp. p.209
n. 34.
35. Propp underscores the significance of the correlation in his analysis. See espe-
cially pages 52227 in Exodus 1940. The relationship will be addressed further below.
into ceremonial garb is known from Mesopotamian texts, where garments

intended for the statues of deities were decorated with the fine metal.36 The
material of the dyes tklet, argmn, and tlaat n is not specified. The
linen, , may be related to Egyptian .37
Explanation for why Aaron and his sons are to don the manufac-
tured garb is indicated from the onset of the narrative, 28:3, and repeated
throughout, for being priest. The garments functioned then as a social
status, to distinguish the wearers as priests, and were essential for the role.
The vestments identified the wearers. The ensuing ritual however further
transformed the garb and its wearers.
(b) The rituals of consecration following the manufacturing of the
special garb include (1) washing of water, (2) dressing, (3) oil anointing,
(4) additional consecration, (5) sacrifices and blood, and (6) the kbd of
Yhwh. (1) Prior to putting on the special vestments, the participants are to
be washed, r, with water, mym (29:4.) The expression r + mym is for-
mulaic describing cultic ablutions and is employed primarily by the priestly
writer.38 (2) The washing is necessary for donning the garb, 28:56 (Aaron)
and 89 (Aarons sons). (3) Aaron is to be clothed first and then anoint-
ed, m, with oil on his head, 28:7. His sons evidently do not receive this
particular head-anointing. (4) While donning the sacred garments, Aaron
and his sons are to be consecrated, Exod 29:9, in the phrase milt yad
ahrn wyad bnyw. The literal sentence, fill the hand of Aaron and the
hand of his sons, figuratively expresses the consecration, ordination of
the participants of the rite.39 The expression appears throughout the bib-
lical narratives in reference to the consecration of priests.40 The phrase is
paralleled by Mari, mull qtam/qat, denoting a divine commissioning or
transfer of authority from a god to a human.41 (5) Prescriptions are given
in Exod 29:1028 for the sacrifices of a bull and two rams. Aaron and his
sons are to lay their hands on the animal prior to its slaughter, 29:10, 15,
and 19, so disassociating themselves from sin and impurity by transference
upon the animal.42 Following the third sacrifice, a blood ritual is prescribed.
36. A. L. Oppenheim, The Golden Garments of the Gods, JNES 8 (1949) 17293;
C. Meyers, Exodus (NCBC; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005) 242.
37., WS 4:53940; Y. Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords in
North-West Semitic (SBLDS 173; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 1999) 25758.
38. Zobel, , ra, TDOT 13:45967.
39. Snijders and Fabry, , ml, TDOT 8:297308.
40. Exod 28:41; 29:29, 33, 35; 32:29; Lev 4:5; 8:33; 16:32; 21:10; Num 3:3; Judg;
17:5, 12; 1 Kgs 13:33; 2 Chr 13:9, 29:31. Snijders and Fabry, , ml, 3016.
41.mal, CAD M/1 187.
42. Explanations for sacrificial hand-laying vary. See J. Milgrom, Leviticus 116
From the second ram, blood is to be placed on Aarons earlobe, tnk

zen, his sons right earlobe, their right hand-thumb, and their right
foot-thumb, 29:20.43 Both the special garments and the individuals don-
ning them are to be consecrated via sprinkling, Hiphil of nzh, 29:21. The
sprinkling is to include blood taken from the altar, min hadm er al
hamizba, and oil, miemen hamih. By this ritual, both the partici-
pants and their special garb are further consecrated, from the Hebrew root
qd. Blood gestures are attested elsewhere in the Priestly material, notably
Leviticus 8, detailing the daubing of blood on the horns of the altar for the
purpose of purification, .44 The employment of both blood and oil in
Exodus 29 is unique in the biblical narratives but is attested in the ritual
texts from Emar describing the zukru festival. The rite, a celebration of Da-
gan acknowledging the deitys superior standing, describes the application
of blood and oil on upright stones. The stones, representing collected dei-
ties, are anointed for the purpose of divine service, not unlike the function
of the priesthood.45 (6) By the deitys glory, kbd, Yhwh consecrates, qd,
(AB 3; New York: Doubleday, 1991); M. Zohar, Repentence and Purification: The Sig-
nificance and Semantics of t in the Pentateuch, JBL 107 (1988) 60918.
43. The translation earlobe is a guess, from tnk. Both the thumb and big
toe are labeled bhen here.
44. Propp addresses the biblical blood ritual here and explains its function in rela-
tion to ancient Near Eastern initiatory ordeals of mutilation. He concludes that the rams
blood represented the priests own blood, symbolizing submission to the deity and so
indicating that the priests themselves had become living sacrificial victims. Propp, Ex-
odus 1940, 52831. Gilder has addressed blood rituals in the Hebrew Bible. His study
primarily addresses descriptions in Leviticus 17. He proposes that blood in the biblical
texts is employed to index relationships between the ritual participants. W. Gilder, Blood
Ritual in the Hebrew Bible: Meaning and Power (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 2004) 7881, 96104.
Elsewhere in the ancient Near East, blood is attested in varying rites. In his article,
Blood in Israel and Mesopotamia, Abusch distinguishes the blood consciousness in
the Israelite cult from the Mesopotamian temple through contrasting forms of social
organization. He concludes that blood rites provided a means of separateness. For the
Israelite cult then, one of the purposes of blood was that of creating and maintaining
bonds of kinship. T. Abusch, Blood in Israel and Mesopotamia, in Emmanuel: Studies
in Hebrew Bible, Septuagint, and Dead Sea Scrolls in Honor of Emmauel Tov (VTSup 94;
Leiden: Brill, 2003) 67584. Feder examines blood use in Hittite ritual. His recent study
focuses primarily on objects that undergo blood rites. Regarding the biblical priestly
individuals described here, Feder concludes that the gesture of sprinkling blood most
closely resembles practices in Mesopotamia and Greece which detail the therapeutic use
of blood. Y. Feder, Blood Expiation in Hittite and Biblical Ritual: Origins, Context, and
Meaning (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2001).
45.D. Fleming, The Biblical Tradition of Anointing Priests, JBL 117 (1998)
40114.
the donned participants of the rite, 29:4344. Yhwhs participation, 40:34,

makes the rituals of consecration efficacious.
Explanation for the ritual is apparent from the onset of the narrative, in
29:1. It is a ritual of qd.46 The Hebrew root qd, copiously repeated through-
out the Priestly narrative, is attested in Akkadian, Ugaritic, and West Se-
mitic inscriptions with meanings similar to those employed in biblical He-
brew, to be clean, holy, to consecrate, sanctify.47 The rite is prescribed
for both the wearers of the garb and the clothing itself, 29:21; both under-
go the ritual. It was noted that the clothing already identified the wearers
as priest. Why then is the ritual of qd necessary? What function on the
dress does the unique rite serve? I propose here that the rite, characterized
by the aforementioned washing, oil, clothing, and blood effectively trans-
formed the wearers into functioning priests, specialized individuals then
able and empowered to go before the deity.48 The transformation attribut-
ed the priests qd. Indeed the participants are labeled as such, whereupon
the is engraved qde layhwh (28:36), and would have been perceived as
such, so as to enter the qde qdm before the deity. The qd extended
to the garb. The clothing is labeled bigd-qde from the beginning of the
prescriptions, 28:2, 4. Its sanctity is further confirmed by prescriptions to
remove the dress when leaving the sacred space, Lev 6:34. Reason for the
regulation may also be found in Ezek 42:14 and 44:19, k qde hnnah. In
its stead, other garments are donned. The putting-on and putting-off of the
garb underscores the transformative function of the ancient dress. When
donned, its wearers clad in the very garments of the tabernacle and ritually
attributed qd, could approach the deity. Without the garb and accompa-
nying ritual, a meeting with the deity could not occur. The biblical percep-
tion of the priestly garb and its wearers was that the ritualized dress, when
donned, necessarily both identified and transformed them.
In his analysis of the priestly garb, Propp underscores the divine as-
pects of the dress.49 He writes, By clothing Aaron in the same fabric that
46.Kornfeld et al., , qd, TDOT 12:52145.
47. For example, a cultic bowl unearthed from Tel Arad attests the incised letters
qd. Y. Aharoni, Arad: Its Inscriptions and Temples, BA 31 (1968) 232; Y. Aharoni,
J.Naveh, and A. F. Rainey, Arad Inscriptions (JDS; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Soci-
ety), 1981. See also Y. Yadin, Excavations at Hazor, 1957, IEJ 8 (1958) 5. Kornfeld et
al., , qd, TDOT 12:52327.
48. The transformation in my opinion goes beyond a mere initiatory ordeal. Not
only is the ritual prescribed as a regular occurrence (Exod 19:3037), but the trans-
formed garb is repeatedly worn and removed, also noted below. Gane disagrees and so
does not address the priestly vestments as they relate to transformation. R. Gane, Ritual
Dynamic Structure (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2004).
49. Propp, Exodus 1940, 45674, 52232.
tents over the divine Presence, by dressing him in a golden Ephod with
possible idolatrous overtones, the Priestly Writer created an implicit equa-
tion between priest and God.50 He further notes the clothing provided the
priest kbd and tiperet, divine attributes received by Yhwh. Propp also
highlights the sumptuous garments adorned divine images in the ancient
Near East and compares the ritual dressing of statuary with the ritualized
priestly garb. He then speculates that the priest, the holiest of all humans,
may have been perceived by some as a quasi-god.51 The mythologization of
the priesthood undoubtedly culminates in the Letter to the Hebrews, which
identifies Jesus as the heavenly Great Priest, one who is not just like Gods
son but is the son of God. In my opinion, Propp rightly perceives in the
priestly clothing and accompanying rite an element of the divine attributed
to the functioning wearer. The perception of the garbed priest was that he,
through ritual transformation, was as the divine, if only metaphorically.52
Concluding Remarks
Previous studies on dress in the ancient Near East have focused on its
function to identify, empower, and transform gender. The Egyptian rite
confirmed the perception that dress not only identifies and empowers but
may transform, through ritual and incantation, its wearer into the divine.
The Egyptian rite broadened previous studies of the function of ancient
dress beyond gender transformation to divine transformation. The bibli-
cal descriptions likewise confirmed that ancient dress served to identify its
wearers as well as transform them. The garbs transformation, specific to the
biblical Priestly material, attributed the participant qd, enabling the wearer
to go before the deity. The ancient perception of the priestly garb and its
wearer further equated the participant with the deity, if only as a metaphor.
While the Egyptian rite symbolically expressed a complete transformation
of the priest as a deity for a portion of the rite, the attestation provides a
backdrop for the biblical perception that, through ritual, garb effectively
may transform its wearer as divine.
50. Ibid., 52526.
51. Propp also highlights a comparison with the Akkadian term melammu, a
seeming divine aura associated with ancient Near Eastern kings (ibid., 525).
52. Kim labels the priestly dress as symbolically divinized. J. H. Kim, The Sig-
nificance of Clothing Imagery in the Pauline Corpus (New York: T.&T. Clark, 2004) 24.
Mythologizing Exile
Life, Law, and Justice after the Flood
Angela Roskop Erisman
The laws prohibiting blood consumption and instituting capital pun-

ishment for homicide in Genesis 9 are usually taken as early human devel-
opments that later become more complex and more specific to Israel. The
warrant for this conclusion is the assumption that the prehistoric narrative
context in which these laws appear reflects the social and historical con-
text in which they originated.1 But Carmichael warns that, although laws
certainly issue from real-life situations with their complex web of social,
religious, political, and economic elements, the narratives with which they
are bound up do not necessarily give us that context.2 Moreover, under-
standing the flood narrative as representative of a primitive stage of culture
is itself problematic. Fishbane penetrates to the heart of this problem in
Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, where he points out that biblical
scholars have often brought to their exegesis a misguided understanding of
myth (as a primitive intellectual form) and how it was employed by Israelite
scribes (who retained vestiges of myth in order to neutralize them in favor
of a higher-order mode of thought).3 Fishbane demonstrates instead that
Authors note: It is my pleasure to offer this essay on the creative use of legal repertoire in
biblical narrative in honor of my teacher and one of the foremost scholars of biblical law,
Samuel Greengus. As a big-picture thinker with a penchant for theory, I am ever grateful
for the way he trained me to ground my observations solidly in careful and detailed
readings of text as well as for the appreciation he gave me for the skill and cleverness
of ancient scribes, which he taught me never to underrate. It is my hope that this essay
illustrates these values and stands as a suitable testimony to his legacy.
1. In some cases, this is because the narrative chronology of the Torah is viewed
as historical (e.g., Z. Falk, Hebrew Law in Biblical Times [Provo: Brigham Young Univer-
sity Press, 2001] 180), while in others it is due to a reconstructed history of sacrifice that
views Genesis 9 as a primitive stage of development (e.g., H. C. Brichto, On Slaughter
and Sacrifice, Blood and Atonement, HUCA 47 [1976] 4244).
2. C. M. Carmichael, Law and Narrative in the Bible: The Evidence of the Deutero-
nomic Laws and the Decalogue (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985) 1821.
3.M. Fishbane, Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking (Oxford: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 2003) 192. A representative example of the approach Fishbane criticizes is
B.S.Childs, Myth and Reality in the Old Testament (SBT 27; Naperville: Allenson, 1960).
95
96 Angela Roskop Erisman
scribes found something evocative about myths that made them extremely
useful in the effort to make meaning of situations that are as timeless as they
are immediate. Israelite scribes did not merely tolerate myths; they actively
made them, and Fishbane notes that [m]ythmaking is also a learned and
literary act that, far from being a feature of degeneration or decreased spon-
taneity, is often a key factor in the revitalization of earlier sources and is a
sign of ongoing cultural creativity.4
This essay will explore what is learned and literary about the flood nar-
rative, especially about its use of law. The flood narrative is learned in that
scribes drew not only on a myth that was well-known throughout the an-
cient world, but also on a specifically Israelite cultural repertoire.5 It is lit-
erary in that scribes made profoundly creative use of these sources to shape
a text that would give compelling voice to ideas they deemed foundational
for the future of Israelite culture. Fishbane limits his discussion of biblical
myth to highly condensed epitomes or evocations of mythic events set
within another (non-mythic) literary context or genre, focusing on uses of
the combat myth throughout the Tanakh.6 The flood narrative, on the other
hand, involves highly condensed evocations of various elements of Israelite
legal and prophetic repertoire set within the context of a fully-dramatized
myth. What I offer here will add to Fishbanes catalog of examples of biblical
mythmaking as well as broaden our understanding of the range of situations
in which Israelite scribes made myth and the techniques they used to do so.
The Flood Narrative and Divine Justice

The non-Priestly version of the flood narrative is a story about human
nature. The flood is viewed as Gods response to human wickedness (
;Gen 6:5); is a stative noun, and humans are said to be in this
state all the time.7 The problem that warrants destruction in the Priestly
version, however, is much more specific. Typically translated violence,
wrong, or lawlessness, ( Gen 6:1113) is not a state of being but a
category of actions that constitute a violation of the social-moral order.8
4. Fishbane, Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 20.
5. On cultural repertoire, see D. H. Aaron, Etched in Stone: The Emergence of the
Decalogue (New York: T.&T. Clark, 2006) 4852.
7.C. Westermann, Genesis 111: A Commentary (trans. J. J. Scullion; Minneap-
olis: Augsburg, 1984) 410; P. J. Harland, The Value of Human Life: A Study of the Story of
the Flood (Genesis 69) (VTSup 64; Leiden: Brill, 1996) 26.
8.I. Knohl, The Sanctuary of Silence: The Priestly Torah and the Holiness School
(Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995) 137 n. 51; see also N. Lohfink, The Priestly Narrative
and History, in Theology of the Pentateuch: Themes of the Priestly Narrative and Deu-
Life, Law, and Justice after the Flood 97
Lawlessness involves deliberately offering fraudulent testimony in court,

using false weights and measures, and theft, especially when these acts are
committed against the disadvantaged (Exod 23:1; Deut 9:16; Mic 6:912; Isa
59:28; Pss 27:12; 35:11). Although accusations of lawlessness are leveled at
Israel generally, they frequently focus on those in power, who either misuse
their power by failing to carry out their duties properly (Ezek 22:2329;
45:912; Zeph 1:49; 3:35) or luxuriate in their wealth and security while
the rest of society suffers (Amos 6:37; Ps 73:612). Offenses of this sort
warrant divine punishment, whether they are perpetrated by Israel (Jer 6:7;
Amos 3:10; Mic 6:12; Zeph 1:9) or other nations (Jer 51:35, 46; Joel 4:19;
Obad 10), and Ezek 7:2327 spells out in horrific terms the punishment
that is about to befall Jerusalem due to her lawlessness.
Fishbane discusses a number of examples that illustrate a complex
fusion of timeless mythic events with specific personal or communal cir-
cumstances.9 Here in the Priestly flood narrative, we see just such a fusion
of myth with a recurrent type of communal crisis, if not a specific and par-
ticularly catastrophic instance of it: the destruction of the temple and exile.10
Through this fusion, what was a story about human nature became a story
about ethics. applies to everyone. Use of the word to charac-
terize humans, on the other hand, prompts an audience familiar with pro-
phetic oracles of judgment such as Ezekiel 7 to see themselves in the antihe-
roes of the flood, especially the leaders among them whose abuse of power
and position was understood to have violent consequences for everyone.
The flood narrative is also a story about justice, although this theme is
not new to the Priestly version; the justice of Enlils decision to deal with the
problem of overpopulation in Atraasis by wiping humans out in a flood
teronomy (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1994) 106; J. Klein, A New Look at the Theological
Background of the Mesopotamian and Biblical Flood Stories, in A Common Cultural
Heritage: Studies on Mesopotamia and the Biblical World in Honor of Barry L. Eichler (ed.
G. Frame et al.; Bethesda: CDL, 2011) 154.
10.J. Blenkinsopp (The Pentateuch: An Introduction to the First Five Books of the
Bible [ABRL; New York: Doubleday, 1992] 97 n. 22) has suggested that the Priestly ver-
sion of the flood narrative has a prophetic subtext, and parallels between the flood story
and Ezekiel have sometimes been noted but never thoroughly explored; cf. L. van den
Wijngaert, Die Snde in der priesterschriftlichen Urgeschichte, TP 43 (1968) 3550;
E. Zenger, Gottes Bogen in den Wolken: Untersuchungen zu Komposition und Theologie
der priesterschriftlichen Urgeschichte (SBS 112; Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1983)
10810; Westermann, Genesis 111, 41718; T. Frymer-Kensky, Pollution, Purifica-
tion, and Purgation in Biblical Israel, in The Word of the Lord Shall Go Forth: Essays in
Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration of His Sixtieth Birthday (ed. C. L. Meyers
and M. OConnor; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1983) 40911.
is called into question by the other gods when they are faced with its un-
desirable effects (III.iiiv).11 Ezekiel is concerned to establish the absolute
justice of Gods punishment of both Israel and other nations and does so by
making creative use of the principle of talion, framed in the legal corpora
by using the same lexical item for crime and punishment:
(Exod 21:2225; Lev 24:1921; Deut 19:1621). In Ezekiel, God meets evil
deeds ( )with evil ( ;Ezek 6:910) and the failure of Israelites to
obey his laws ( ) with judgment ( ;Ezek 11:1112;
cf. 5:78; 7:27).12 He also wreaks vengeance ( ) on the Edomites
because they acted vengefully against Judah ( ; Ezek 25:1214;
see also vv.1517).13 Fishbane notes that these scribes are not applying a
strict principle of legal retribution but rather striving to establish the
nexus between sin and judgment in poetic and highly generalized ways.14
The scribe who wrote the Priestly version of the flood narrative used the
same technique in order to impress on his audience the absolute justice of
divine actions in causing the flood. is used consistently to articulate
not only Gods response to the problem (Gen 6:13, 17) and his promise
never to respond this way again (Gen 9:11, 15), but also the problem itself:
the polluted earth (, ;Gen 6:1112), which God must purge,
and its cause in human corruption ( ; Gen 6:12).15
Whereas Atraasis questions the justice of divine action, Genesis de-
fends it in a learned and literary way through creative use of an element of
Israelite legal repertoire. The resulting myth thus frames the highly abstract
problem of theodicy in such a way as to give it vivid mythic realism, mak-
11. For translation, see S. Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia (Oxford Worlds Clas-
sics; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998) 3233. On overpopulation as a key theme
in Atraasis, see A. Draffkorn Kilmer, The Mesopotamian Concept of Overpopulation
and Its Solution as Reflected in Mythology, Or 41 (1972) 16077.
12.M. Fishbane, Sin and Judgment in the Prophecies of Ezekiel, Int 38 (1984)
149; P. M. Joyce, King and Messiah in Ezekiel, in King and Messiah in Israel and the An-
cient Near East: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar (ed. J. Day; JSOTSup
270; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998) 32325.
13.P. R. Raabe, Transforming the International Status Quo: Ezekiels Oracles
against the Nations, in Transforming Visions: Transformations of Text, Tradition, and
Theology in Ezekiel (ed. W. A. Tooman and M. A. Lyons; PRTMS 120; Eugene, OR: Pick-
wick, 2010) 199200.
14. Fishbane, Sin and Judgment, 149. The use of talion in narrative contexts is
also fairly common; see B. S. Jackson, Studies in the Semiotics of Biblical Law (JSOTSup
314; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000) 29091.
15. B. T. Arnold (Genesis [NCBC; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009]
99) notes, [i]n a way difficult to express in English, the use of this Hebrew verb illus-
trates that Gods actions are both unavoidable and just.
ing it compelling in its concreteness.16 Using the flood myth as a vehicle for
this reflection on theodicy also provided the scribe with a means of further
exploring the complexities of that theme. The flood narrative in Genesis
affirms the ideal of divine justice even as it explores the limits of idealism.
Absolute justice is a problematic ideal because its consequences are as un-
desirable for God as they are for humans. When he smells Noahs sacrifice
in Gen 8:2022, as the gods do in Atraasis III.v, God promises never again
to destroy the earth so that the seasonal cycles of life might be preserved.
While the flood was warranted and purged the earth of its corruption, it
also nearly deprived God of his relationship with creation. Were it not for
Noah, this deprivation might have been thorough.
The dnouement of Atraasis provides a more sustainable solution
to the problem of overpopulation than wiping out humanity in the form
of various checks on human fertility that serve as essential prerequisites
for the continued existence of creation (III.vivii).17 This element of the
myths plot structure, like the sacrifice offered after the vessel has come to
rest and the hero has disembarked, became a vehicle for the Israelite scribe
to develop an alternative way to conceptualize justice, one that establishes
a foundation for a future beyond the catastrophe without abandoning the
ideal of perfect justice. Ezekiel 18 shares this concern. Although old social
institutions have been disrupted by exile, the legal tradition is treated as a
source of future stability, a resource for reconstituting the community as
much as for justifying its present circumstances.18 Future existence depends
on the Israelites renewing their dedication to law and maintaining a stan-
dard of holiness necessary to prevent the thorough demise of the communi-
ty (Ezek 18:3132). The dnouement of the Priestly flood narrative also es-
tablishes a new world order after the flood through creative use of Israelite
legal tradition. As in Ezekiel 18, this new era is one in which God and the
human community are interdependent actors.19 Having established that
the promise and blessing to humans at creation stands (Gen 9:1; com-
pare Gen 1:28), God, for his part, accepts human inadequacies (Gen 9:23)
and promises to avoid acts of total destruction in the future (Gen 9:817),
just as he does in the non-Priestly version (Gen 8:2022).20 But between
17.T. Frymer-Kensky, The Atraasis Epic and Its Significance for Our Under-
standing of Genesis 19, BA 40 (1977) 150.
18. G. H. Matties, Ezekiel 18 and the Rhetoric of Moral Discourse (SBLDS 126;
Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990) 18695, 211.
19. Matties, Ezekiel 18, 214.
20.A. Phillips, Essays on Biblical Law (JSOTSup 344; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic
Press, 2002) 136.
the concession and the promise, he establishes laws for humans designed
to tame and control the appetites which resulted in a corrupt earth in
need of cleansing.21 Continued existence depends not only on a blessing
and Gods promise to stay his hand, but also on human management of a
reasonably just world according to divine law.
The Prohibition against Blood Consumption

The first law prohibits consumption of blood and is modeled directly
on Israelite legal tradition, evident in the form of Gen 9:4, which imitates
other instances of the blood prohibition and its motive clauses quite closely
(see Lev 3:17; 7:26; 17:11, 14; Deut 12:16, 23). It is not immediately clear
how this particular prohibition serves as a corrective to the lack of ethics
among humans or how it would mitigate the effects of rampant corruption,
although it is generally understood to be ethical in nature insofar as con-
suming blood is viewed as an egregious violation of life. As Milgrom puts
it, The human being must never lose sight of the fundamental tenet for a
viable human societylife is inviolable and may not be treated lightly.22
This value is rooted not in a view about the inherent value of blood, as some
have argued, but in an association between blood and life in the context of
death, and this association is used in Leviticus 17 as part of an integrated
rationale for the expiatory function of blood in the cult.23
Deuteronomy 12 also prohibits consuming meat with blood still in it,
but offers a different rationale for the ethical nature of the prohibition, one
that forms the basis for its use in Gen 9:4. The issue with which the passage
begins is craving for meat (Deut 12:20). A desire for meat is accompanied
21.F. Crsemann, The Torah: Theology and Social History of Old Testament Law
(trans. A. W. Mahnke; Edinburgh: T.&T. Clark, 1996) 292.
22.J. Milgrom, Ethics and Ritual: The Foundations of the Biblical Dietary Laws,
in Religion and Law: Biblical-Judaic and Islamic Perspectives (ed. E. B. Firmage, B. G.
Weiss, and J. W. Welch; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1990) 169. This is a point of
agreement in the response offered by D. P. Wright, Observations on the Ethical Foun-
dations of the Dietary Laws: A Response to Jacob Milgrom, in Religion and Law:
Biblical-Judaic and Islamic Perspectives, 196. See also Leviticus 3, where the blood (that
is, the life) is allotted to Yahweh along with the fat.
23. B. J. Schwartz, The Prohibitions Concerning the Eating of Blood in Levit-
icus 17, in Priesthood and Cult in Ancient Israel (ed. G. A. Anderson and S. M. Oly-
an; JSOTSup 125; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1991) 4749. See also L. Morris, The Biblical
Use of the Term Blood, JTS 3 (1952): 21620; Westermann, Genesis 111, 465; and
especially H. Eilberg-Schwartz, The Savage in Judaism: An Anthropology of Israelite Re-
ligion and Ancient Judaism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990) 179 on the
context-specific nature of concepts about blood (menstruation, circumcision, slaughter,
murder).
by a need to kill to get it. Appetite for meat, as Plato famously discussed in
Laws 782a783a, can easily become a destructive appetite for violence if it is
not constrained, and we find the same idea expressed in Deuteronomy12.
Avoiding consumption of meat with blood still in it is a reminder that blood
is life and, as Milgrom puts it, Humanity has a right to nourishment, not
to life.24 Respecting the principle of life even as we take a life for food is
considered to be a sign of ethical integrity (Deut 12:25).
Appetite is also what is checked by use of the blood prohibition in Gen
9:4, but here it is appetite for injustice rather than appetite for food that is
uncomfortably close to bloodlust. What enables the application of this law
beyond its literal meaning in Deuteronomy 12 is a symbolic association be-
tween eating meat and injustice common in Ezekiel, where predatory wild
animals are often used to signify a presence that threatens social order.25
Ezekiel 22 in particular depicts Israels leaders as bloodthirsty wild animals,
holding them accountable for the destruction brought on the entire com-
munity by a litany of their crimes including idolatry, incest, seizing wealth,
profaning the sacred, violating the sabbath, unjust gain, false prophecy,
fraud, robbery, and taking advantage of the disadvantaged. By means of
their injustices, Israels leaders consume life, tearing prey like a lion (Ezek
22:25). They are not civilized human beings but animals whose unethical
and unjust behavior is as threatening to Israels security as the lions who
lurk at the edges of the wilderness.
Although the litany of crimes in Ezekiel 22 involves the same range
of unethical behaviors covered by the word , the humans in the flood
narrative are not explicitly characterized as wild animals in Genesis 69 as
Israels leaders are in Ezekiel 22. But God does alter his initial dietary in-
structions in Gen 1:2930 and permits humans to eat meat as well as plants
in Gen 9:23. This change does not point to a primitive development in
human dietary habits but constitutes a very clever use of prophetic imagery:
In permitting humans to eat meat, God acknowledges and allows for the
human appetite for injustice. But he also demands that humans keep that
appetite in check by obeying laws designed to institute respect for life. The
prohibition on consuming blood with meat is not used in Gen 9:4 with the
literal sense it has in Leviticus 17, Deuteronomy 12, and elsewhere. Rather,
the association between eating meat and injustice enables use of this spe
cific element of Israelite legal repertoire to symbolize a limit on our power
24. Milgrom, Ethics and Ritual, 169.

25.J. Galambush, Gods Land and Mine: Creation as Property in the Book of Eze-
kiel, in Ezekiels Hierarchical World: Wrestling with a Tiered Reality (ed. S. L. Cook and
C. L. Patton; SBLSymS 31; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2004) 9293.
to act in a variety of ways that compromise or destroy the lives of others.

God recognizes that humans have a propensity for corruption but provides
a legal principle to keep it from getting so out of hand that the existence of
the world is at stake.
Capital Punishment
The prohibition against blood consumption is the first qualification
( )of Gods permission to eat meat.26 The second begins again with
and encompasses Gen 9:56, which deals with enforcement. What should
happen when blood is consumed, when murder takes place, when life
is compromised in any of the myriad ways it can be? Crsemann suggests
that this law regarding capital punishment was taken from Exod 21:12 and
here formulated for all humanity.27 The formulation of Gen 9:6 bears no
resemblance to either Exod 21:12 or Lev 24:17, both of which use a form of
to describe the crime of homicide and to articulate the pun-
ishment. In fact, there has been much form-critical debate about the rather
poetic , and some have suggested that it may be
a proverb rather than a law.28 There is no question that capital punishment
for homicide is meant here, but the atypical terminology and form vis--vis
the framing of this law in the legal corpora suggest an even more creative
use of cultural repertoire than we saw in Gen 9:4.
Although the expression does not appear in the capital punish-
ment laws, it is an element of Israelite legal repertoire, as it is used in the
asylum laws to differentiate homicide from manslaughter, which is subject
to asylum (Deut 19:113; Num 35:934). The issue in these passages is the
idea that intentional shedding of innocent blood brings bloodguilt not only
on the perpetrator but on the land itself and consequently must be dealt
with immediately before it endangers the entire Israelite community (Deut
19:10, 13; Num 35:33). The concern over this issue was so profound that it
extended even to the case of a corpse found lying in the open just in case
that indvidual had been the victim of homicide (Deut 21:19).
Among the many innovations in the literature of the Holiness School is
the treatment of various ethical violations as violations of sancta, a fusing
of the realms of cult and morality.29 For example, is used in Lev
17:4 to elevate sacrifice performed outside the camp to the level of homi-
cide, and Lev 18:2430 treats the preceding litany of sexual transgressions
26. Milgrom, Ethics and Ritual, 161.
27. Crsemann, The Torah, 292.
28. See review of the discussion in Westermann, Genesis 111, 46768.
in a similar fashion. Like bloodshed, such offenses pollute the land and
bring destruction not only on the offender but on the entire community.30
A number of texts extend the meaning of even further, such that it
becomes a metonym for a wide range of ethical violations: adultery (Ezek
16:38; 23:45), haughtiness, lies, hatching evil plots, false witness, and incit-
ing others to quarrel (Prov 6:1619), falsehood, treachery, unjust lawsuits,
dishonesty, and general lawlessness, or ( Isa 59:7). Ezekiel 18 uses this
metonym to great rhetorical effect in order to argue that the current genera-
tion (the son) cannot blame its circumstances on the sins of a previous gen-
eration (the father), because the son is a , shedder of blood (Ezek
18:10), guilty of a whole range of crimes from idolatry (ritual) to adultery
(sexual) to unfair lending practices (social), a representative sample of of-
fenses from Israeliteand particularly Priestlylegal tradition.31 As such,
he alone must be held accountable for his crimes (cf. Num 35:33).
The capital punishment law in Gen 9:6 was not modeled on the legal
corpora as the blood prohibition in Gen 9:4 was because ( Exod
21:12) has none of the resonances of , which tie into the develop-
ment of character and theme in the flood narrative. The expression
is effectively a synonym for one who is guilty of , as both expressions re-
fer to the same range of ethical violations. Moreover, equating these ethical
violations with homicide, unlike simply calling them , involves the idea
of bloodguilt that affects not merely the perpetrator but the entire Israelite
community, an idea that ties in with the emphasis earlier in the narrative
on human corruption which polluted the the land and made the entire hu-
man community vulnerable to the catastrophic effects of divine purgation
(Gen 6:1112). is thus a fitting way to capture the crime committed
by the antiheroes of the flood. The poetic structure of
is not proverbial but was produced by using in talion-like
fashion to articulate both the crime and the punishment, thus preserving
the principle of justice established in a similar way earlier in the narrative,
even while shifting the responsibility for actualizing it onto humans. The
principle is not abandoned but, in the post-flood world, a variety of inten-
tional offenses must be brought to justice within the human community
lest injustice corrupt humanity to such an extent that there is no one left to
stand in the breach (see Ezek 22:3031) and stave off the tragic zero-sum
game that will ensue if ensuring a just world is left to God, whose execution
of justice is absolute.
30. Ibid., 108, 180, 182, 185.

31. Matties, Ezekiel 18, 16081. For other metonymic uses of , see Ezek
36:18; Prov 6:1619; 2 Kgs 24:4; Lam 4:13.
Human responsibility for executing justice is conveyed in this law with

the expression . It has sometimes been questioned whether it indicates
agency, because the can mean either agency (by man) or price (for
man), the latter indicating that the blood is spilled as a ransom for the
initial life that was lost.32 But the context for Gen 9:6 established in the pre-
ceding verse clearly emphasizes human agency. The expression ,
I will seek blood, which appears at the beginning of Gen 9:5, means to
hold someone accountable for the life of another which has been lost. This
accountability is ultimate, as the subject is always God, whether explicitly,
as in Ezek 33:6, where he holds the watchman accountable for the deaths of
the Israelites if he fails to warn them that the sword is coming (see also Ps
9:13), or implicitly, as in Gen 42:22, where Reuben thinks Joseph is dead and
warns his brothers that Josephs blood will be sought (in other words, that
they will ultimately be held accountable for his murder). The second part
of Gen 9:5 makes it clear that humans are the ones held responsible when
other human life is compromised:
, From humanseach for the otherI will seek (a reckoning for) hu-
man life. The emphasis here on human responsibility becomes even more
evident when we note that, in the legal corpora, the punishment for capital
crimes is typically formulated in the passive without a subject () ,
creating ambiguity about who is responsible for carrying out this punish-
ment. While Gen 9:6 still uses the passive, the agent is not only explicitly
stated but fronted in the clause (as it is Gen 9:5):
, Whoever sheds human blood, by a human shall his blood be shed.
Covenant and Kingship

The dnouement of the flood narrative in Gen 9:117 shows the same
concern for sustaining creation that God shows at the end of the non-
Priestly version, when he promises himself that he will never again bring a
flood (Gen 8:21). Here in the Priestly version, however, Noah and his fam-
ilyindeed, the entire human familyare involved in the plan for preser-
vation because of a covenantal obligation to obey these laws.33 God shows
32.E.g., . S. Jackson, Essays in Jewish and Comparative Legal History (SJLA 10;
Leiden: Brill, 1975) 4147.
33.The Noachide covenant is typically understood as promissory, since God
makes a promise to Noah and his family, but they do not say or do anything in response
(Westermann, Genesis 111, 47071). Gen 9:117, however, clearly involves legal ob-
ligations on the part of humans, and the notion that future catastrophe can be averted
if humans meet these obligations is very much in the spirit of covenant texts (e.g., Le-
viticus26; Deuteronomy 2728); as Arnold (Genesis, 101) notes, [c]ovenant-living is
his concern for sustaining creation through the expression

in Gen 6:5, which is double-voiced because to seek life also means
to acknowledge, to provide refuge (see Ps 142:5, where the parallel stichs
suggest this meaning). God thus holds humans accountable for blood
both literally and as a metonym for a whole range of ethical violations that
pollute the earth as blood doesnot for the sake of retribution but with the
overall intent of preserving life, which was nearly lost altogether.34
Despite our appetite for injustice, Genesis 9 emphasizes that humans
do have what it takes to carry out our covenantal obligations. The motive
clause for the capital punishment law , for
in the image of God did he make humanity (Gen 9:6)is typically taken to
explain why the loss of human life is so valuable as to require such extreme
consequences: life is sacred, and to violate it is direct and unbridled revolt
against God.35 As Bird has discussed, the scribe invokes Mesopotamian
royal ideology in his use of the term to depict humans not as
slaves to the gods, as they are in Atraasis, but as representatives of God
and godlike in their ruling function and power, an anthropology also ex-
pressed in Psalm 8.36 The expression is notoriously ambiguous
about what godlike power differentiates us from animals and qualifies us
to rule creation, but a Greek comparison suggests an otherwise overlooked
exegetical possibility. The Greeks understood the faculty of justice to be
a gift of the gods with which humans are uniquely endowed, an idea ex-
pressed notably by Hesiod in Works and Days: This is the law that Cronus
son established for human beings: that fish and beasts and winged birds eat
not only the means of survival (that is, salvation) from the flood, but also the Bibles
answer to humanitys sinful nature more generally. Consequently, this view needs to be
rethought, and the issues raised by C. Nihan, The Priestly Covenant, Its Reinterpreta-
tions, and the Composition of P, in The Strata of the Priestly Writings: Contemporary
Debate and Future Directions (ed. S. Shectman and J. S. Baden; ATANT 95; Zrich: The-
ologischer Verlag, 2009) 92103 are important to consider.
34. This intent is also expressed in the first part of the verse,
, which may be translated I will hold you accountable for blood for the sake of
your lives, understanding the in to indicate purpose. This expression is
frequently translated For your own life-blood I will require a reckoning (jpsv, nrsv),
understanding the to indicate possession. Both analyses are grammatically possible,
but the former better fits the concern to preserve life which is key to the dnouement of
the flood narrative.
35. Westermann, Genesis 111, 468; see also A. Ernst, Wer Menschenblut ver-
giet ...: Zur bersetzung von in Gen 9,6, ZAW 102 (1990) 25253.
36. P. A. Bird, Male and Female He Created Them: Gen 1:27b in the Context of
the Priestly Account of Creation, HTR 74 (1981) 143 (see full discussion on pp.139
44).
one another, since Justice is not among them; but to human beings, he has
given Justice, which is the best by far.37 In the Tanakh, justice is not a gift
of the gods but a godlike trait that an ideal ruler should have (for example, 1
Kgs 3:28). Matties notes that, at the heart of Ezekiels ethics is the assump-
tion that the character of the people must correspond to the character of
Yahweh.38 The same idea informs the Priestly creation (Gen 1:2428) and
flood narratives. The motive clause in Gen 9:6, then, does not explain why
life is so valuable as typically thought, although to say that is not to dispute
the fact, which is solidly established in Gen 9:4. Rather, it explains how
humans are qualified to rule creation and administer a system of law.39 We
will inevitably carry out this task imperfectly, beset as we are with appetites
which may lead us into violence against one another even as they nourish
us. But the more godlike aspect of our nature enables us to manage this
world on Gods behalf and keep it from descending into depths of corrup-
tion and pollution only God can fix.
While humans, as perpetrators of , exemplify everything that is
corrupt about Israelite leadership, the flood narrative gives us a model of
what an Israelite leader should be in the character of Noah. The non-Priestly
version emphasizes Noahs divine favor (Gen 6:8), but the Priestly version
(Gen 6:9) is specific about the traits that earn him this favor: Noah is a righ-
teous man, as he is in the non-Priestly version (see Gen 7:1), but he is also
blameless. Righteousness is a common enough trait in the Tanakh, but to
call him , blameless, is to invoke comparison to only a few others, all
idealized leaders: Abraham, from whose seed kings shall issue (Gen 17:1;
see v.6), David (2Samuel 22; see Psalm 18), and the king of Tyre (Ezek
28:15). To be blameless is to be everything is not. A blameless person is
just, upright, speaks the truth, avoids harming innocent people, advocates
for those who have been wronged, does not lend money at interest, does not
37. Hesiod, Works and Days 27680 (Most, LCL). It is important to be clear that I
am not making an argument for literary dependence. Hesiod is widely cited in the work
of other Greek writers as early as the 6th century b.c.e., and his work is sometimes dated
as early as the 7th century b.c.e. (E. Cingano, The Hesiodic Corpus, in Brills Compan-
ion to Hesiod [ed. F. Montanari, A. Rengakos, and C. Tsagalis; Leiden: Brill, 2009] 98,
11617), so he is early enough to have influenced Ezekiel and Genesis by their standard
datings. But we more likely have here a shared cultural repertoire to which writers in
both cultures had access; on this, see my Deluge, War, and Dios Boul: Making Sense of
Cross-Cultural Affinities in the Biblical Flood Story, KASKAL 7 (2010) 197218.
38. Matties, Ezekiel 18, 198.
39. For the same reason, the motive clause should also not be taken to equate ho-
micide with deicide, as it is in N. Stahl, Law and Liminality in the Bible (JSOTSup 202;
Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995) 44.
accept bribes, uses honest weights and measures, and has no reason to be
ashamed of his behavior (Psalm 15; see Jer 22:3; Ezek 45:9). Indeed, to be
blameless is to imitate divine traits (Deut 32:4; Ps 18:3133) and qualifies
one to dwell on Gods holy mountain (Ps 15:1).
The king of Tyre is the odd man out in this list because he is not an Isra-
elite, yet his characterization in Ezekiel 28 exemplifies Israelite images and
ideas of leadership.40 He wears what may be a Priestly breastplate (28:13;
see Exod 28:720), and his downfall comes in part as a result of defiling the
sanctuary (28:18), an odd concern for an Israelite prophet to have about a
foreign sanctuary but a primary reason for the destruction of Jerusalem
as far as Ezekiel is concerned (Ezek 7:24; 24:21; see Lev 21:12, 23).41 He is
blameless in his ways ( , Ezek 28:15) which, according to
Psalm 15, qualifies him to walk about (, Ezek 28:14) with God on
Gods holy mountain, until he disqualifies himself through his lawlessness
( )and is cast out. The point of the judgment oracle and lament in Ezekiel
28, with its use of these Israelite images and concepts of leadership, is that
Tyre is in no position to gloat over the downfall of Jerusalem (Ezek 26:2)
because it suffers the same problems and will surely be subject to a simi-
lar punishment.42 The oracle could certainly have gotten its point across to
a Tyrian audience should it ever have had one, but it would have spoken
quite poignantly to an Israelite audience. Like the king of Tyre before his
fall, or any good Israelite leader, Noah in Gen 6:9 is blameless ( )and
walks with God (), in contrast to those around him whose lawless-
ness ( )is about to lead to catastrophe, just as it inevitably will for the
king of Tyre.43 These characteristics enable Noah to be the one personthe
one person whom God could not find in Ezek 22:3031able to stand in
the breach and constitute some hope of a future beyond the catastrophe.
The Priestly flood narrative imagines a world in which we should all be
kings, not for the benefits of wealth, status, and power over other creatures
40. R. R. Wilson, The Death of the King of Tyre: The Editorial History of Ezekiel
28, in Love and Death in the Ancient Near East (ed. J. H. Marks and R. M. Good; Guil-
ford, CT: Four Quarters, 1987) 21118.
41.T. Stordalen, Echoes of Eden: Genesis 23 and Symbolism of the Eden Garden
in Biblical Literature (CBET 25; Leuven: Peeters, 2000) 349.
42.M. Greenberg, Ezekiel 2137 (AB 22A; New York: Doubleday, 1997) 593.
43. The royal character of the hero has precedent in Mesopotamian literature, es-
pecially where the flood tradition and the king list tradition intersect; see discussion
in J. R. Davila, The Flood Hero as King and Priest, JNES 54 (1995) 199214, who
concluded that there is no trace of royal status in either the non-Priestly or the Priestly
versions of the flood narrative in Genesis, but in his focus on Mesopotamian compari-
sons appears to have missed the inner-biblical resonances discussed here.
such a role might bring us, but out of our covenantal obligation to maintain
a reasonably just order in creation and, in so doing, partner with God to
preserve life. It is a story profoundly shaped by Israels social and historical
circumstances and her effort to make meaning out of those experiences. In
it we find the same insights about ethics and justice that we find elsewhere in
the Tanakh, and especially in Ezekiel, which reflects quite specifically on the
experience of exile. Through their fusion with myth, these insights no longer
just explain very real and painful human experience; they shape a narrative
world that serves as a model of reality and theology designed to be con-
stitutive of Israelite culture in a future which transcends that experience.44
The Israelite legal tradition was an important source for shaping this
future. The classical approach to composition history viewed the laws in
Gen 9:46 as an interpolation into the Priestly base narrative (PG) of Gene-
sis 9 on the grounds that legal vocabulary is not otherwise characteristic of
the style of PG and the assumption that law does not have a place in a con-
text otherwise characterized by blessing.45 While this classical approach de-
termines sources on the basis of style and considers how divergent sources
might have been redacted into a composite whole, I have approached the
issue of composition by considering the sources of various elements of cul-
tural repertoire and how these elements were used to develop character and
theme in the narrative. We definitely see a complex fusion of repertoire
myth, law, prophetic imageryfrom different background contexts. But it
is all blended together, each element tightly linked to the development of
the narrative.46 Consequently, there are no grounds for viewing the laws in
Gen 9:46 as interpolations. To do so would deprive the story of its rather
profound dnouement and would constitute a failure to appreciate the skill
and creativity of the scribes who wrote it.
Knohl offers an extremely useful analysis of the development of Priestly
literature in The Sanctuary of Silence: The Priestly Torah and the Holiness
44. Fishbane, Biblical Myth and Rabbinic Mythmaking, 25; see also E. T. Mullen,
(Ethnic Myths and Pentateuchal Foundations: A New Approach to the Formation of the
Pentateuch [Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997]), who advocates such an approach to the en-
tire Torah; and C. Nihan (From Priestly Torah to Pentateuch: A Study in the Composition
of the Book of Leviticus [FAT 25; Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007] 6162, 38394), who
has recently applied it to Priestly literature in the Torah.
45. E.g., S. E. McEvenue, The Narrative Style of the Priestly Writer (AnBib 50;
Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1971) 6771. This view has been disputed even with-
in a classical approach to composition history; see Westermann, Genesis 111, 464.
46. On blending of cultural repertoire, see A. R. Roskop Erisman, The Wilderness
Itineraries: Genre, Geography, and the Growth of Torah (HACL 3; Winona Lake, IN: Ei-
senbrauns, 2011) 1449.
School. Despite his generally sensitive and multidimensional approach to

sorting out compositional layers, he may have made the mistake of over-
reliance on style in his analysis of Genesis. He assigns Gen 9:17 to P be-
cause it does not exhibit what he finds to be the characteristic linguistic
features of H.47 In Knohls view, H did some final editorial work in Genesis,
but this was limited to arranging Priestly and non-Priestly traditions and
did not involve substantive rewriting because H focused mainly on laws
relating to the entire congregation of Israel and had minimal interest in
pre-Israelite traditions.48 But the anthropomorphisms, direct punishment,
and ethical focus Knohl attributes to P in Genesis are elsewhere key charac-
teristics of H. Moreover, I have shown here that the Priestly flood narrative
exhibits a fusion of non-Israelite traditions with laws and other elements
of Israelite cultural repertoire drawn eclectically from H, D, and prophetic
backgrounds, making it a composition very much in the spirit of Knohls
Holiness School. Is this effort at mythmaking part of a Torah-wide Holiness
recension? To answer this question is beyond our scope here, but it is one
worth exploring.49
Hope for the future is pinned on the ability to make this imagined
post-flood world real. Fishbane discusses how mythmaking creates a space
between the real (exile) and the imagined (a universal flood) that is ironic
because the story is perceived to be both true and not true at the same
time.50 The near-annihilation of humanity in a flood is a mythic event set
in valorized time, while the exile was an all-too-real historical event.51 The
truth about the exile with which the scribe responsible for the Priestly flood
narrative was concerned consisted not of names and dates but of insights
about the nature of humanity and of God, why life looks as it does, and
especially what it ought to look like in the hope of averting future trage-
dy. The fiction of the flood myth enabled these insights to transcend the
circumstances out of which they emerged so that they might be true not
only at one specific point in historical time but at any time or at all times.
What makes the flood narrative a story about all humanity is not some
primitive status of either its traditions or its laws but a realization on the
48. Ibid., 103.
49. For more on the Holiness Schools role in the composition and redaction of the
flood narrative, see elsewhere in this volume B. T. Arnold, The Holiness Redaction of
the Flood Narrative (Genesis 6:99:29), pp. 1340
51. On valorized time, see M. Bakhtin, Epic and Novel: Toward a Methodology
for the Study of the Novel, in The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays (ed. M. Holquist;
University of Texas Press Slavic Series 1; Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981) 1317.
part of Israelite scribes that the truth of their insights ran so much deeper
than their own particular situation that it might take its most compelling
shape in myth.
The Hebrew Syllable
Definition and Practical Application
Russell Fuller
Modern grammarians of Biblical Hebrew differ in their understand-

ing of the syllable. Some regard a consonant with vocal shewa as a syllable.
Ross, for instance, in his elementary grammar asserts, When a letter with
shewa follows a long vowel, shewa is vocal and the letter with shewa is a
new syllable.1 Practico and Van Pelt echo the same view, The Vocal Shewa
will always occur in an open syllable.2 Similarly, advanced grammars also
affirm this view, as van der Merwe, Naude, and Kroeze state, This shewa
is called the audible shewa or shewa mobile. It acts as the vowel of an open
syllable. CV (Consonant/Vowel) = X.3 Other grammarians, especially old-
er grammarians, reject a consonant with a vocal shewa as a syllable. The
shewa, writes Weingreen,4 is not a vowel. The quick vowel-like sound is
like the e in because, and as a
is regarded as one syllable, |
Authors note: I wish to thank Dr. Greengus for all his wonderful influence as a teacher
and mentor. It is a delight to be a student and friend of such a scholar and gentleman.
I want also to express my appreciation to Kyoungwon Choi and Richard McDonald
for assisting me in this paper.
1. A. P. Ross, Introducing Biblical Hebrew (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2002) 44 3.2.2.
2. G. D. Pratico and M. V. Van Pelt, Basics of Biblical Hebrew Grammar (2nd ed.;
Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2007) 21 3.6. Later they declare that The syllables and
(in and ) are propretonic syllables because they occur before the pretonic
syllable (ibid., 19 3.4). Similarly, C. L. Seow divides syllables thus: m/l/km, k/r/
bm. C.L. Seow, A Grammar for Biblical Hebrew (rev.ed.; Nashville: Abingdon, 1995)
14. Also, T. O. Lambdin, Introduction to Biblical Hebrew (New York: Scribners, 1971)
xviii.
3. C. H. J. van der Merwe, J. Naude, and J. Kroeze, A Biblical Hebrew Reference
Grammar (Biblical Languages: Hebrew 3; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000) 36
8.1.1. Likewise, Bauer and Leander declare, Jede Silbe (und somit jedes Wort) fngt
mit einem Konsonanten an. Keine Sible fngt also mit Vokal oder mit mehreren Kon-
sonanten an: be-an-t-n. H. Bauer and P. Leander, Historische Grammatik der
Hebrischen Sprache des Alten Testamentes (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1991) 172.
4.J. z, A Practical Grammar for Classical Hebrew (2nd ed.; Oxford: Clarendon,
1959) 9 n. b.
111
112 Russell Fuller
two-syllabled word. Joon and Muraoka agree with Weingreen.5 Clearly,

grammarians disagree.6
But so what? Is this a meaningless detail, an antiquarian pursuit in
which only a Hebrew grammarian could be interested? Hardly. The syllable
is essential for understanding Hebrew word formation, which in turn, is
essential for teaching and learning Biblical Hebrew. Hence, the definition of
a syllablethat a consonant with vocal shewa cannot constitute a syllable,
but a vocal shewa attaches to the following consonant/vowel combination
to form a syllableis foundational, having practical application for teach-
ing and learning Biblical Hebrew.7
The Hebrew Syllable: Definition

The first argument that a vocal shewa does not constitute a syllable is
the rule that a short vowel in a pretonic open syllable lengthens to a long
vowel. In most Qal perfect forms, the original patach under the first root
letter, in a pretonic open syllable, lengthens to qame, as for example,
from an original * . The same pretonic qame apears in the third femi-
nine singular and the third common plural .
8 The pretonic qame
5. Joon, 27dda. Muraoka rejects the vocal shewa as a syllable (ibid.). Similarly,
Joon in his original French edition calls the vocal shewas, semi-vowels, which consti-
tute semi-syllables. Later, he declares (Ps 28:1) as dissyllabic (as does Muraoka)
(P. Joon, Grammaire de LHebreu Biblique [Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1923] 69
27d). See now, P. S. Kelly, Biblical Hebrew: An Introductory Grammar (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1992) 1920 12. Garrett states, A vocal shewa does not constitute a separate
syllable (D. A. Garrett, A Modern Grammar for Classical Hebrew [Nashville: Broadman
& Holman, 2002] 17 2F4). Gesenius and Kautzsch declare, Such a consonant with
vocal Shewa never has the value of an independent syllable, but rather attaches itself
so closely to the following syllable that it forms practically one syllable with it, e.g.
le; yil/-medh. GKC 26m. Khan concurs, The domain of quantity, therefore,
is in fact not the physically perceptible phonetic syllable but rather a more abstract unit
which may be termed the phonological syllable. The phonological syllable structure of
is /tdab-bru/. G. Khan, Vowel Length and Syllable Structure in the Tiberian
Tradition of Biblical Hebrew, JSS 32 (1987) 40.
6.J. Revell, through private communications, suggests a third option, that the
vocal shewa may be viewed or analyzed either wayas a syllable or as a non-syllable, but
he asserts that the Masoretes did not consider vocal shewa as a syllable.
7. Of course, a full definition of a syllable in Hebrew requires further remarks,
such as, a Hebrew syllable (almost always) begins with a consonant and may or may not
end in a consonant, and so on. These remarks are virtually universally accepted. The
controversy for defining a syllable is the vocal shewa; therefore, only the vocal shewa will
be considered in defining a syllable.
8. Scholars debate the development of and .
Blau, following Lamberts
The Hebrew Syllable 113
under the first root letter indicates that the second root letter with its vocal
shewa is nonsyllabic. If it were a syllable, the first root letter would be in
the propretonic position, reducing the original patach to a shewa, as in the
second-masculine and feminine-plural forms: , .

Similarly, many nouns with the second masculine-singular pronomi-
nal suffix show the same pretonic lengthening: . The original patach
under the second root letter lengthens to qame in a pretonic open syllable.
Again, the shewa with the third root letter cannot be a syllable. Otherwise,
the original patach under the second root letter would reduce in an open
propretonic syllable. This example, of course, differs slightly from the Qal
perfect forms, ,
.
The verbal forms have a vocal shewa; the noun
with the second masculine-singular pronominal suffix has a medial shewa,
a middle ground shewa between the vocal and silent shewa.9 But in either
case, the lengthening of short vowels in pretonic open syllables confirms
that a shewa, whether vocal or medial, fails to constitute a syllable.
A second argument comes from the rule that Hebrew accents only the
last or next-to-last syllable in a word. Van der Merwe, Naude, and Kroeze,
who accept a vocal shewa as a syllable, attest this rule: In a word the ac-
cent usually falls on the final (ultimate) syllable. In words with the vowel
pattern [of segolate nouns, such as ] , the accent falls on the secondlast
(penultimate) syllable.10 This rule assumes that no word with three vowels
suggestion of an original penult accent, claims that pretonic lengthening preceded the
vocalic reduction (based particularly on pasual forms; J. Blau, Topics in Hebrew and
Semitic Linguistics [Jerusalem: Magnes, 1998] 17, 10425, 2038). Harris, on the other
hand, believes that vocalic reduction occurred before pretonic lengthening (Z. Harris,
Development of the Canaanite Dialects [New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1939]
6465). P. Wernberg-Moller questions whether pretonic lengthening even existed in
Biblical Hebrew (P. Wernberg-Moller, Aspects of Masoretic Vocalization, in 1972 and
1973 Proceedings of the International Organization for Masoretic Studies [ed. H. M. Or-
linsky; Masoretic Studies 1; Missoula, MT: Society for Biblical Literature, 1974] 127
28). Harriss view seems the most tenable. Perhaps Hebrew lengthened pretonically to
compensate for reducing the thematic vowel.
9. Sometimes medial shewa stands closer to vocal shewa, as in ; other times,
it stands closer to silent shewa as in . The absence of the dagesh lene in the kaf in-
dicates a medial shewa. For medial shewa, see Joon 8e; also GKC 21f; van der Merwe,
Naude, and Kroeze, A Biblical Hebrew Reference Grammar, 38 8.3.
10. Ibid., 35 7.2ab. Seow also accepts this rule (A Grammar for Biblical Hebrew,
8 5a). Ross along with Pratico and Van Pelt are noncommittal. Stress (accent), writes
Ross, normally falls on the last syllable of the word but may be on another syllable.
Ross, Introducing Biblical Hebrew, 49 4.1. Likewise, Pratico and Van Pelt write, If a
Hebrew word is stressed on the last syllable, however, no accent mark is used (in our
114 Russell Fuller
(syllables) is accented on the first vowel, that is, an antepenult syllable.11 Ara-
bic, of course, can accent an antepenult syllable as in ktaba, but neither
Hebrew nor Aramaic can. Hence, the consonant with its composite shewa
in the word ( Gen 18:6) cannot be a syllable. Otherwise, Hebrew
would accent an antepenult syllablesomething Hebrew never does.
Furthermore, nesiga, the retraction of accent to avoid consecutively ac-
cented syllables, corroborates this rule.12 In Gen 1:5 , for instance,
the accent on the first word retracts to prevent consecutively accented syl-
, the accent retracts again. This time, how-
lables. In Judg 15:13
ever, the second root letter with its vocal shewa is nonsyllabic because He-
brew would be accenting the antepenult syllable.13 Moreover, the nesiga of
,
Gen1:11, also indicates that the shewa in is not a syllable. If it
were a syllable, nesiga would be unnecessary because the accented syllables
would not be consecutive. Since is monosyllabic, the accent retracts to
avoid consecutively accented syllables. The rule that only the last or next-
to-last syllable may be accentedboth in individual words and in nesiga
substantiates a vocal shewa as non-syllabic.
A third argument is that vocal shewas correspond to anaptyctic vowels
instead of full vowels.14 Anaptyctic vowels and their consonants are never
accented, as Isa 50:8 and Job 12:15 illustrate.15 The
grammar). If the stress falls to any other syllable, it is indicated with an accent mark
(Basics of Biblical Hebrew Grammar, 18 3.3).
11. This excludes anaptyctic vowels. See nn.1516.
12.For Nesiga, see E. J. Revell, Nesiga in Tiberian Hebrew (Textos y Estudios 39;
Madrid: Biblia Poliglota Matritense, 1987).
13. Contrast Judg 15:13 with Gen 4:16 . The accent retracts one syllable in
both examples, indicating that the vocal shewa is not a syllable in Judg 15:13. Examples
such as Isa 50:8 and Job 12:15 ( also Exod 15:8) are not exceptions
because Hebrew does not accent or form syllables with anaptyctic vowels.
14. Anaptyctic vowels are vowels secondarily added to aid pronunciation. Gram-
marians sometimes describe the vowels as full vowels to distinguish them from she-
was and anaptyctic vowels. Khan, Vowel Length and Syllable Structure, 4142; Joon
27da n. 3.
15. Since Hebrew ignores anaptyctic vowels in forming syllables, these words are
accented on penult syllable, not the antepenult syllable. Khans analysis is similar, call-
ing a syllable with an anaptyctic vowel a non-phonological syllable. Khan, Vowel
Length and Syllable Structure, 42. Similarly, Blau asserts that anaptyctic vowels are dis-
regarded in accentuation so that segolate nouns are monosyllabic: Yet Hebrew sego-
lates were morphophonemically monosyllabic. This is the reason for their transcription
by Origines as monosyllabic and the alternation of monosyllabic and bisyllabic forms
in Jeromes transcriptions. Therefore, as a rule, segolate nouns in Hebrew were not
affected by the tendency to oxytone stress (Blau, Topics in Hebrew and Semitic Linguis-
same is true for vocal shewas. Anaptyctic vowels never form a syllable.
Again, the same is true for vocal shewas. Anaptyctic vowels are ignored in
nesiga, as again Isa 50:8 and Job 12:15 illustrate. And once more, the same is
true for vocal shewas. Although all true for vocal shewas, none of these are
true for full vowels. Full vowels receive accent, form syllables, and are never
ignored in nesiga. These similarities and dissimilarities suggest, yet again,
that a vocal shewa cannot form a syllable.
A fourth argument comes from the Hebrew accents. Some accents de-
pend on the number of syllables between words, thereby defining a syllable.
The poetic accent rebia-mugrash illustrates this. A word with rebia-
mugrash may stand before the word with silluq if silluqs word has two or
more syllables before its accented syllable. If silluqs word does not have two
syllables before its accented syllable, the rebia-mugrash transforms into a
conjunctive accent.16 In Ps 6:2, for instance, the final word with silluq
has two vocal shewas and a short vowel before the silluq, with the preced-
ing word
having a conjunctive accent that indicates a transformed
rebia-mugrash. If either vocal shewa formed a syllable, the word before sil-
luq would require rebia-mugrash. In Ps 44:3, by contrast, the final word
has two vowels, hence two syllables before silluq. Rebia-mugrash,
therefore, precedes the word with silluq. A similar case is Ps 145:6, where
the final word has two vocal shewas and a short vowel before the
silluq, with the preceding word
having a conjunctive accent that
represents transformed rebia-mugrash. Again, if a vocal shewa constituted
a syllable, three syllables would appear before the silluq, with the preceding
word taking the rebia-mugrash. Contrast Ps 145:6 with Ps 139:12
tics, 115). For the pronunciation of segolate nouns and the shewa (including the rules of
the pronunciation of the shewa according to Aaron ben Asher), see M. L. Margolis, The
Pronunciation of the according to New Hexaplaric Material, AJSL 26 (190910)
6270. P. Wernberg-Moller correlates vocal shewas with anaptyctic vowels, and the
Segol in the second syllable may originally have been intended to indicate a neutral
vowel, a kind of equivalent of the shewa mobile. ... Both in the morphophonemic and
the phonetic sense the segolate remained a monosyllabic word, and that is the reason
why the stress remained where it always had been, viz. on the first (and originally: only)
vowel (P. Wernberg-Moller, Aspects of Masoretic Vocalization, 128). See the follow-
ing footnote for evidence that anaptyctic vowels cannot form syllables.
16. Rebia-mugrash can stand on the second (Ps 1:1) or third word (Ps 10:14) before
silluq. The examples given relate only to rebia-mugrash or its transformed conjunctive
before silluq. Anaptyctic vowels cannot form syllables. In Ps 18:44 , 27:10 ,
and 72:11 , two vowels (patachs) appear before the silluq. Rebia-mugrash is ex-
pected, not the conjunctive accent of the transformed rebia-mugrash. The anaptyctic
vowel does not form a syllable. Hence, there is only one syllable before the athnach, and
the rebia-mugrash transforms into a conjunctive accent.
116 Russell Fuller
, which has two syllables before the silluq; therefore, rebia-mugrash

occurs on the preceding word. This evidence appears conclusive.17
But not quite. The rule of rebia-mugrash has an exception: if silluqs
word has a long vowel followed by a vocal shewa, the preceding word may
have rebia-mugrash. In Ps 35:6 , for instance, silluqs word has a
long vowel followed by a vocal shewa, with the word preceding silluq having
a rebia-mugrash. Perhaps this is the evidence that vocal shewa is a syllable
after allor at least a syllable sometimes.
This will not do, however, because the rule of zaqeph argues otherwise.
The rule for zaqeph to appear on the second word before athnach or silluq
requires that athnachs or silluqs word (Gen 1:15
)
or the word preceding athnach or silluq (Lev 10:20 ) has
two syllables before their accented syllables.18 This rule, moreover, has the
same exception as rebia-mugrash: a long vowel followed by vocal shewa
also allows a zaqeph on the second word before athnach or silluq. But this
time, there is another exception: a long vowel with silent shewa also allows
a zaqeph on the second word before athnach or silluq (Gen 35:67
) .19 That silent shewa constitutes a syllable strains all credibility. Vo-
cal and silent shewa as syllables cannot be the reason for these exceptions,
yet the vocal and silent shewa must influence the exception somehow.
Happily, the metheg explains the exceptions. The metheg states Yeivin
indicates that the reading of the syllable on which it [the metheg] is marked
is to be slowed down, and not slurred over. ... [It] indicates that the syl-
lable must be lengthened a bit.20 With both exceptions of the vocal and
silent shewa, the metheg is required: a long vowel followed by vocal shewa,
17. The accent dechi follows rebia-mugrash in this rule. The dechi works with ath-
nach as the rebia-mugrash works with silluq. For more examples of rebia-mugrash / trans-
formed rebia-mugrash, compare the word in Ps 45:5 (transformed rebia-mugrash)
with Ps 17:7, 7:1 (rebia-mugrash). Also, compare the Tetragrammaton with the pointing
, in Ps 4:7; 9:11; 25:7 (transformed rebia-mugrash) with Ps 31:25; 40:4; 4:6; 27:14
(rebia-mugrash). For examples with dechi/transformed dechi, compare Ps119:94, where
a word has two syllables preceding the athnach, hence, dechi is required for the preced-
ing word; with Ps 119:125, where the word has only one syllable preceding the athnach,
hence, a transformed dechi is required for the preceding word. Also compare Job 28:22
(dechi) with Ps 40:11 (transformed dechi).
18. This rule allows zaqeph to appear on the second word before the silluq or ath-
nach, but it does not require zaqeph to occur. If zaqeph cannot occur by rule, tiphcha will
appear instead (Gen 4:12b).
19.W. Wickes, A Treatise on the Accentuation of the Prose Books of the Old Testa-
ment (Oxford: Clarendon, 1887) 62 n. 4.
20.I. Yeivin, Introduction to the Tiberian Masorah (ed. and trans. E. J. Revell; Mas-
oretic Studies 5; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1980) 242.
usually followed by the accented syllable; and a long vowel followed by si-
lent shewa, often implicit under the last consonant followed by maqqp,
as in Gen 35:67. The vocal and silent shewa ensure the metheg, and the
metheg prolongs the pronunciation of the long vowel, generating enough
sound quantity to allow the zaqeph on the second word before athnach or
silluq. The metheg explains the role of the shewa without granting them the
rights and privileges of a syllable.
The rule of mehuppach with pashta also appears to indicate that the
vocal shewa is a syllable, but again this is illusionary. If a vowel or vocal
shewa stands between the accented syllable of pashtas word and its pre-
ceding word has a conjunctive accent, the conjunctive accent will be a me-
huppach (with vowel, Gen 1:21 ; with vocal shewa, Gen 18:6
) .
21 This again appears to suggest that the vocal shewa is a syllable. But
for this rule even a furtive patach may intervene between the words to allow
mehuppach (Gen 1:12 ) . As an anaptyctic vowel, the furtive patach
cannot form a syllable. This betrays the vocal shewa as nonsyllabic as well.
Probably, any soundvowel, vocal shewa, or furtive patachallowed me
huppach with pashta, regardless of the number of syllables.
Furthermore, the rule for darga and merecha with tebir affirms the
same conclusion. At least a vocal shewa and one syllable must exist between
the accented syllable of tebir and its conjunctive accent darga (Gen 48:22
) . If the vocal shewa, however, directly follows a vowel (long or
short), then the conjunctive accent must be a merecha (Gen 1:28 ).

That the vocal shewa is a syllable in the first case but not the second case is
unlikely. Moreover, as with mehuppach, a furtive patach may allow darga to
appear before tebir (Isa 5:4 ) , again suggesting the vocal shewa as
nonsyllabic.
By contrast, merecha appears with the tebir when one or no syllable
exists between them. In Gen 13:4 (
) , nothing intervenes between
the merecha and the tebir (cf. Gen 9:11; 17:5; 18:24; 19:20; 27:21, 32). In
Gen6:21 () , a vocal shewa intervenes between the merecha and the
tebir (cf. Gen 28:14; 33:8). In Gen 46:27 () , a vowel intervenes be-
tween the merecha and the tebir (cf. Exod 5:10; 10:22). But in Gen 34:11

( ) , a long vowel and a vocal shewa intervene between the mere-
cha and the tebir (cf. Exod 9:15; 12:22; Num 26:64). The long vowel and the
vocal shewa are not two syllables. Otherwise, darga, by rule, would appear
21. If there is no soundvowel, vocal shewa, or furtive patachbetween the ac-

cented syllable on pashtas word and a preceding conjunctive word, the preceding con-
junctive word must have a merecha (Gen 1:2
) .
118 Russell Fuller
instead of merecha. For darga and merecha, the vocal shewa and furtive
patach may influence the choice of accent, but their ability to form syllables
is improbable.
Although the vocal shewa could be construed as forming a syllable ex-
ceptionally, its inconsistency and scarcity as a syllable argue against this. The
vocal shewa would form a syllable sometimes, but not at other timeseven
under similar conditions. Moreover, if the vocal shewa is a syllable some-
times, then based on the same evidence furtive patach and silent shewa are
syllables sometimes as well. This is most improbable. It would be a syllable
rarelyfar less than one percent in the Hebrew accents. These exceptions
prove the rule: a vocal shewa cannot form a syllable.
Finally, the Masoretes and their contemporaries rejected the vocal
shewa as a syllable. The Masoretes considered shewas as helpers to syllables,
either beginning a syllable with the vocal shewa or closing a syllable with
the silent shewa. It must be noted, however, states Yeivin,
that they [shewas] are discussed here from the point of view of the mas-
oretic treatises, which is different from that of modern grammarians, so
that statements made here may conflict with those of modern grammars,
which are based on historical considerations. The distinction of silent
from vocal shewa was a great concern for the Masoretes for two reasons:
(1) This was necessary for correct pronunciation.... (2) Shewa acted as a
guide to the syllable structure of the word. It was not considered as form-
ing a syllable, but as dependent on one of the full vowels; silent shewa on
the preceding vowel, and vocal shewa on the following vowel.22
Geoffrey Khan confirms the Masoretic viewpoint:

It should be pointed out that the Masoretes and the early grammarians
were conscious of the existence of the structural unit which I have termed
the phonological syllable. They did not consider the mobile ewa and
the aeim to have the same status as the other vowels despite the fact
that they were not necessarily phonetically different either in quantity or
quality. Their function according to the masoretico-grammatical treatises
was to bind a consonant to the following consonant in order to form a
unit or syllable (maqa). Thus the word would be composed of two
syllables: tis-r. This analysis by the Masoretes (for whom the Tiberian
reading tradition was a living tradition) may be considered a reflection of
the psychological reality of the phonological syllable.23
22. Ibid., 27576.

23. Khan, Vowel Length and Syllable Structure, 4142. Khan states that the Mas-
oretes and the early grammarians distinguished the shewa from the seven full vowels
in terminology. Kimi lists 10 vowels, divided into two groups 5 long vowels called
mothers and 5 short vowels called daughters. W. Chomsky, David Kimchis Hebrew
The Masoretes, of course, were not alone in their opinion concerning

the status of the shewa. Other medieval grammarians concurred with them,
as T. Muraoka states: To early Mediaeval Hebrew grammarians shewas as
in
or hatefs did not have the same syllabic status as full vowels: thus
the Hebrew word mentioned was segmented into and . 24 Ultimately,
the writing system of vowels and shewas of Biblical Hebrew depends on the
Masoretes. The Hebrew of the Bible is, after all, Masoretic Hebrew. Con-
sequently, their witness is essential and their verdict final: a vocal shewa
cannot form a syllable.
The Hebrew Syllable: Practical Application

This is not a meaningless squabble. The Masoretic definition of a syl-
lable applies to the learning and teaching of Hebrewalmost all syllables
can be reduced to five rules:
1. In a closed accented syllable, Hebrew prefers a long vowel.25
2. In an open pretonic (or posttonic) syllable, Hebrew requires a
long vowel.26
3. In a closed unaccented syllable, Hebrew requires a short vowel.
4. In an open accented syllable, Hebrew prefers a short vowel.27
5. In an originally open propretonic syllable, Hebrew reduces the
original short vowel to vocal shewa.
This simplicity validatesone last timethe Masoretic understanding of
a syllable.
These five rules, combined with how short and long vowels come from
Proto-Hebrew into Biblical Hebrew, greatly aid the learning of Biblical He-
brew. They reduce memorization, demystify vowel changes, and simplify
Hebrew, stimulating more desire and interest.28 In short, if grounded in
proper syllable formation, students will better understand and appreciate
Hebrew, the aim of every teacher of Hebrew.
Grammar (Mikhlol) (Philadelphia: Dropsie College, 1933) 12. The shewa, by contrast,
Kimi calls, an auxiliary, not an independent vowel (ibid., 16).
24. Joon 27da n. 3.
25. Exceptions are almost entirely in the verb, for instance ,
where the pausal
option is preserved.
26. Rules two and three have few exceptions.
27. This rule has the most exceptions, especially with verbs and nouns having pro-
nominal suffixes or feminine nouns ending in . This rule works for many words, espe-
cially segolate formations and and the dual.
28. For the application of these rules, see R. Fuller and K. Choi, Invitation to Bibli-
cal Hebrew (Grand Rapids: Kregel, 2006), especially chs. 6 and 10 through 16.
Neither Slave Nor Free
Children Living on the Edge of a Social Status
Kristine Henriksen Garroway
While many publications obliquely refer to children in the ancient

Near East, the majority of studies do not focus on them. As in modern
times, children of the ANE were an integral part of the family, and many
would argue that families, in turn, were the backbone of society. Thus, the
way in which a family treats its children can tell us something about the way
a society functions.1 Studies that focus on children fill in a gap, not only in
the family structure, but in the social structure as well.
This essay offers a glimpse into the social status of children in Neo-
Babylonia, specifically with respect to their social mobility. A childs
guardian could temporarily or permanently transfer a child out of his/
her household and into another by means of various legal institutions that
were common in times of war and peace. However, in cases of extreme
community-wide distress, such as war or famine, other forms of social mo-
bility were invoked that would otherwise never be sanctioned by society.2
Authors note: Hour after hour, words of Torah are loved as much by those who study
them as when they first made their acquaintance with them (b. Erub. 54b). So it is with
Samuel Greengus, my teacher, mentor, and colleague, to whom this article is dedicated.
1. The post-1980s theoretical wave in archaeology and anthropology confirmed,
in order to know the past fully, we need to incorporate children into the study of the past
(J. Baxter, The Archaeology of Childhood: Children, Gender and Material Culture [Walnut
Creek: Altamira, 2005] 89). Discussions on the necessity of including children in an ar-
chaeological discussion can be found in Invisible People and Processes (ed. J. Moore and
E. Scott; London: Leicester University Press, 1997). Within this volume, J. S. Derevenski
points out the perceived difficulties in studying children (underrepresented in the ar-
chaeological record) and the various solutions to this problem (we need to identify their
activities; J. S. Derevenski, Engendering Children, Engendering Archaeology, 193).
2. The identification of such practices can only be undertaken when we realize
that the patterns of social movement we are familiar with have been broken. The task
of the archaeologist becomes imbuing meaning into the data and the (new) patterns.
See A.Chamberlain, Commentary: Missing Stages of Life: Toward the Perception of
Children in Archaeology, in Invisible People and Processes (ed. J. Moore and E. Scott;
London: Leicester University Press, 1997) 248.
121
122 Kristine Henriksen Garroway
These unusual and boundary-breaking institutions have received some, if

not enough, attention in the literature. Therefore, in an effort to add to the
overall picture of children of the ANE, this essay focuses on the status of
children from Nippur in the 7th century b.c.e. and how they were moved
through nonsanctioned institutions, specifically the sale of free children
during times of siege.
Traditional Social Mobility of Children of the ANE

An examination of slave children demonstrates that children in this
social category were least apt to experience a change in social status.3 When
a master sold a slave child, it was not a sale into freedom, but a sale to an-
other slave master, meaning the slave childs status remained the same. The
only time a slave could change his/her status was by being manumitted or
purchasing his/her freedom.4 Based on the ratio of manumission texts to
slave sale texts, it appears that the sale of a slave from one owner to another
was much more common than the manumission of a slave by the owner.5
Furthermore, slave children would have little opportunity for acquiring the
wealth necessary to purchase their freedom, thus, they fell victim to the
more usual practice of being sold from one master to another. The com-
monality of slave sales is also attested by the standardization of slave sale
documents. Interestingly, in Babylonia the form of a slave sale document
did not vary from the form of a regular deed of sale, suggesting that Baby
lonians thought of chattel slaves in purely economic terms and therefore
3. H. D. Baker, Degrees of Freedom: Slavery in Mid-First Millennium bc Baby-
lonia, World Archaeology 33 (2001) 1826; G. C. Chirichigno, Debt-Slavery in Israel and
the Ancient Near East (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993); M. Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylo-
nia: From Nabopolassar to Alexander the Great (636331 bce) (ed. M. A. Powell and
D.B. Weisberg; trans. V. A. Powell; DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1984);
R. Westbrook, The Female Slave, in Gender and Law in the Hebrew Bible and the An-
cient Near East (ed. V. H. Matthews, B. M. Levinson, and T. Frymer-Kensky; Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1996) 24138; PBS 8/2/162; Nbk 100; Nbn 693; Camb. 334.
The concept of children as property is attested at Nuzi and, according to Chir-
ichigno, the children of such marriages [between slaves] ... remain the property of the
owner is characteristic of chattel-slavery in general (Chirichigno, Debt-Slavery, 216).
During the Middle Kingdom in Egypt, children of female slaves appear to inherit their
mothers slave status (A. Bakir, Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt [Cairo: Institut franHais dar-
chaeologie orientale, 1952] 117; Kahun, pls. 10, 11; and Cairo 20161).
4. Note that even in cases of manumission, service to the owner may still be re-
quired (Exod 21:16; TAD B3.6 [= Kraeling 5]). See also the Greco-Roman system of
paramon (W. L. Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity [Phila-
delphia: American Philosophical Society, 1955; repr., Darby, PA: Diane, 1984] 55).
5. Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia.
Children Living on the Edge of a Social Status 123
treated them no differently from any other type of moveable property.6

Thus, we find that slave children were excluded from social mobility, and
though their location or master might change, their status remained the
same: property.
Free children, on the other hand, could experience two kinds of social
mobility: temporary moves and permanent moves. Parents or guardians
could temporarily move a child into anothers care by means of debt-slavery
or hire for labor. A debt-slave was placed in such a position by his/her father
(or other male guardian) to serve as security for the fathers debt. While act-
ing as collateral, the child worked to eradicate the fathers debt. Like slavery,
debt-slavery appears to be a common phenomenon in the ANE, but unlike
slavery, the childs loss of free status was limited to the period in which the
child was distrained. Once the father fulfilled his obligation, the child was
released from his/her station and returned to the fathers house, regaining
his/her free status.
The other way a father could temporarily change the situation of his
child was through hire. Free parents routinely entered their children into
the workforce to help support the family.7 Like the slave sale contracts,
hiring contracts had a standardized format as, through repetitive use, they
crystallized in form. The fact that the form did not change much over time
suggests that the practice was not taboo. Unlike debt-slavery, a hired free
child retained his/her free status throughout the employment.
While free-born children could temporarily leave their families through
debt-slavery and hire, the only socially accepted ways they could perma-
nently leave the house of their parent/guardian was through adoption or,
6. Slave sale texts from the Old and Neo-Babylonian Periods (1900539 b.c.e.)
included the following elements: (1) a statement that the owner sells the slave of his
own free will, (2) information about the slave, (3) the agreed-on price, (4) a statement
of guarantee, (5) witnesses, and (6) a date formula. Slave sale texts from the Neo-
Babylonian period often include an additional element, the age of the slave in question.
For examples of OB and NB texts mentioning children, see: PBS 8/2 162, Camb. 334,
Nbk 100, and Nbn 693.
7. Evidence for the practice of hiring child laborers can be found in Babylonian,
Hittite, and Egyptian sources (G. G. Giorgadze, Two Forms of Non-Slave Labour in
Hittite Society, in Labor in the Ancient Near East [ed. M. Powell; New Haven: AOS,
1987] 25153; A. Gardiner, Four Papyri of the 18th Dynasty from Kahun, ZS 43
[1906] 2747; R. Jasnow, New Kingdom, in A History of the Ancient Near East (ed.
R.Westbrook; Leiden: Brill, 2003] 341; C. Eyre, Work and Organization of Work in the
Old Kingdom, in Labor in the Ancient Near East, 548; idem, Work and Organization
of Work in the New Kingdom, in Labor in the Ancient Near East, 167222). Note, how-
ever, that the OB and NB sources give the most information about the hire of children.
See PBS 8/2 111, YOS 8 51, BE 8 47, Cyr 278, VS 5 15, VS 5 17, VS 6 92, and VS 125.
at the appropriate age, marriage. As with sale and hire documents, adop-
tion texts spanning the Old Babylonian period through the Persian peri-
od (1900470 b.c.e.) reached a standardized form.8 These texts state that a
child could be put up for adoption for many reasons, two being particularly
common: a parent had died or the family could no longer afford to keep the
child.9 Whatever the case may be, the child remained free on transfer into
another family. This would also be the case in marriage. In other words, just
as slave children were almost certainly confined to their slave status, free
children ultimately retained their free status (even if temporarily lost) in
the face of several opportunities for familial exchange.
The Treatment of Children in Troubled Times

During troubled times, children are acknowledged as an important
part of the household and socioeconomic system in antiquity.10 Viewing
children, whether slave or free, as important contributors to society causes
us to look at the institutions for social mobility in a new light. Sales, adop-
tions, debt-slavery, and hiring were not only contracts of social mobility but
economic transactions as well, for the guardians benefited monetarily from
the transfer of the child. Thus, the transfers described above attest to the
economic contribution of a child under normal societal operation.
Times of extreme economic distress, however, changed the way a soci-
ety functioned. For example, the biblical text suggests that during a siege-
induced famine, the Israelites resorted to eating young children, something
that did not occur under normal circumstances.11 While this practice may
8. Adoption texts included: (1) the names of the parties involved, (2) the stipu-
lations of the adoption, (3) penalties for breaking the adoption agreement, and (4) the
names of witnesses. See P. Obermark, Adoption in the Old Babylonian Period (Ph.D.
diss., Hebrew Union CollegeJewish Institute of Religion, 1991) and Nuzi texts: HSS 5
60, HSS 5 67, HSS 19 88, JEN 432, JEN 433, and JEN 440R.
9. Like slave sale and hiring contracts, adoption contracts also followed a stan-
dardized form. The Nippur Siege Texts discussed below do not follow that form and, in
fact, are closer to a sale document.
10. On the importance of children as contributors to a societys economy, see
M. Parker Pearson, The Archaeology of Death and Burial (Stroud: Sutton, 1999) 103;
K.Kamp, Where Have All the Children Gone? The Archaeology of Childhood, Jour-
nal of Archaeological Method and Theory 8/1 (2001) 2.
11. In 2 Kgs 6:2429, we read: Ben-Hadad, king of Aram gathered all of his army,
went up, and besieged Samaria. A great famine came over the land. Pay attention! The
Arameans besieged Samaria until a donkeys head was sold for 80 pieces of silver and a
quarter of a kab of doves dung for 5 pieces of silver. One day, as the King of Israel was
walking upon the wall, a woman cried out to him: Help! My Lord, O King! He said:
If the lord does not help you, what can I do to help you? Do you want me to get you
seem sensational and unreal (and may even function as hyperbole rather
than history in the biblical text), it pushes us to ask how ancient societies
treated children during times of economic distress. Were children, even free
children, considered a lower status and thus not people in the same way
as adults? Did they become extra baggage to be unloaded by a family? Or
were children precious entities to be protected at any cost?12 Investigating
the means by which children were transferred during economic hardships
can tell us something about the way a society perceived the contribution of
children, as well as their social status, during difficult times.
The Siege of Nippur

One acute form of economic hardship occurs during times of siege
when an army cuts off a citys access to supplies from the outside in order
to force the city into submission. Without access to food and/or water, the
inhabitants of the city can fall into economic straits. Poorer families may
run out of food quicker than richer families, who may have more stored up.
This scenario appears to be the case during the siege of Nippur by the army
of Aurbanipal, about 620 b.c.e.13 2 NT 297 states: [In the third year] of
something from the threshing floor or the winepress? What ails you? She answered:
This woman said to me: Give your son up so we can eat him today, and tomorrow we
will eat my son. So we boiled my son and ate him. I said to her on the following day:
Give your son up so we may eat him; but she has hid her son!
According to the biblical text, the normal way to handle a famine was to leave the
famine-stricken area and seek food elsewhere (patriarchs). Both archaeology and the
Bible also suggest that cities prepared for possible famine by storing up excess food
(Genesis 4143; A. Mazar, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible [New York: Doubleday,
1990]). However, in a time of siege, it was not possible to leave a city, and the food supply
of the inhabitants was limited to what was stored in the city. If a siege were particularly
long, the food supply could run out. Thus, we find texts such as Deut 28:5257 and Jer-
emiah 19, which suggest the cannibalism of children described in 2 Kgs 6:2429 would
come to fruition.
12.The incantation literature and child protecting amulets and plaques from
Egypt, Mesopotamia, the Levant, and Greece all attest to the value placed on children
and the horror at the thought of losing the child and/or having them taken from the
family (E. A. Willett, Infant Mortality and Womens Religion in the Biblical Periods, in
The World of Women in the Ancient and Classical Near East (ed. B. A. Nakhai; Newcastle
upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2008) 7998.
13. Siege texts attested in the biblical narratives may have been composed around
the time of the Assyrian Empire and its aftermath, placing them in relative chronologi-
cal accord with the Nippur texts. See Jer 1:13, which states that Jeremiah wrote around
627587 b.c.e. In addition, it is likely the Deuteronomistic Historian wrote in the late
7th or early 6th century as well (K. Sparks, Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel [Wi
nona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1998] 222; M. Weinfeld, Deuteronomy and the Deutero-
nomic School [Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1992] 1).
Sn-ar-ikun, king of Assyria, [the town of Nippur] was under siege. Exit
through the gate was [impossible/closed]. The equivalent was one stu of
barley (unfinished sentence!) The town [was ...], the people s[o]ld the[ir]
children for [money].14 The text goes on to describe a situation where a
woman gave her daughter to Ninurta-uballi in exchange for six shekels so
that the woman could buy food. Here we get our first glimpse into a unique
social practice for this culturethe selling of free children for economic
gain.
The family archives of Ninurta-uballi further describe this extraordi-
nary means of transferring free children during the siege.15 From the con-
tents of the family archives, we can determine that Ninurta-uballi and his
family were prominent business peoples in Nippur. The archives contained
eleven loans, five property sales, and nine documents describing the sale of
a free child, eight of the nine recording the sale of a little girl to Ninurta-
uballi and his colleagues. The other text mentions a young boy sold (2 NT
301). The texts all date to the siege, comprising the largest collection of texts
stemming from such a circumstance, and span a period of four months.
Different language for the sales occurs in the texts: three texts state the
girl was redeemed (2 NT 296, 298, 301), in three the girl is sold (2 NT 299,
300, 302), and in the remainder the child is taken by or given to Ninurta-
uballi and his comrades (2 NT 293, 296, 297). While the exact language
of the texts will be discussed below, it is important to note that these sales
do not profit the seller with significant monetary remuneration.16 Instead,
the sale benefits the child being sold, for the profit is that the childs life is
spared from starvation.17
The Nippur Siege Texts

Below we will investigate three texts identified as 2 NT 293, 295, and
296. These texts are a representative sampling of the nine Nippur sale texts.
14. 2 NT 297. The transliteration of 2 NT 297, reading the people sold their
children for money, is as follows: [xxx] x UN.ME DUMU.ME-[-n]u a-na [KUG.
BABBAR ip-]u-ru (translation from L. Oppenheim, Siege Documents from Nippur,
Iraq 17 (1955) 76; transliteration on p. 87).
15. A few other texts also mention selling children in times of siege. See CT XIII
49 and YOS VI 154:510: people sell their children for money; and CT XV 49 I:31 (the
Atraasis Epic): a mother and daughter witness each other being sold. See also the Mid-
dle Assyrian text KAJ 168.
16. See also Oppenheim, Siege Documents from Nippur, 8081.
17. The use of the term bulluu, to keep a person alive by providing food (in an
emergency), in the Nippur Siege texts makes this clear. A further discussion of this
term follows below.
The texts each describe the sale of a little girl and represent a specific man-
ner of sale.18
Text 1: 2 NT 29319
Nippur
Sin-ar-ikun
1. mdU+GUR.E.PAP A mBA- a-na mdBAR.DIN-i
2. A mdEN--sat ki-a-am iq-bi um-ma
3. SAL u-li(!)-e-a-ta-me a-r-ta-a
4. a-bu-u[k]-ma bul-li-ma lu- a-r-ta-ka
5. i-i 6 GN i bi-in-nam-ma
6. a-na x-a lud-din lu-kul EGIR-
7. mdBAR.DIN-i [i-me-u-ma] 6 GN KUG.BABBAR
8. i-i-i-ma ina i-it x-y-z id-da--
9. pu-ut si-i-i u L pa-q-ra-nu
10. a-r-ti mdU+GUR. E.PAP na-
Witnesses and Scribe

Dated:
EN.LLki ITI U UD 10.KAM MU 3 mdXXX.LUGAL-i-kun LUGAL KUR
A-urki
Translation:
Nergal-ah-uur, son of Iqia, said to Ninurta-uballi, son of Bel-usat, as
18. 2 NT 301 is the only text in the corpus that mentions the sale of a little boy. He
is redeemed for 12 shekels of silver. The language used in 2 NT 301 is similar to that of
2NT 295 and 2NT 298 in which little girls are sold. Examining other texts that mention
similar circumstances to the Nippur Siege documents, we see that they too mention
young girls kept alive (bulluu) in times of community crisis (MAL 39; CH 117; Riftin
no. 24 Babyloniata VII 45 = VS XIII, 64). Notably, in one text we do find a mother giving
her two young sons to the temple for she cannot provide for them (YOS VI 154). These
young sons are DUMU.ME airutu.
One may well wonder if young girls were the first to go, as it were, when it came
to parents needing to provide for the family. In light of inheritance issues, hanging on to
ones sons as long as possible makes sense. Families may also wish to keep boys during
wartime as they could be potential warriors (B. Nakhai, Female Infanticide in Iron II
Israel and Judah, in Sacred History, Sacred Literature, [ed. S. Dolansky; Winona Lake,
IN: Eisenbrauns, 2008] 258). Discussions concerning infanticide have drawn attention
to the fact that female infanticide was much more common than male infanticide. The
reasons have to do with economic viability (for a long bibliography on this issue, see
ibid., 258). While the girls in the Siege Texts are not infants, it is possible that the reason
they were given up also had to do with economic viability.
19. All texts transliterated and translated by Oppenheim, Siege Documents from
Nippur.
follows: Take my small (female) child, ullea-tame and keep (her) alive,
she shall be your small child! Give me 6 shekels (of silver) so that I may
give ... and that I may eat. Thereupon, Ninurta-uballi (accepted his
offer) and weighed and gave him in one [payment?] 6 shekels of silver.
Nergal-ah-uur guarantees against a vindicator or a contestant.
Nippur, month of Dumuzi, 10th day; 3rd year of Sin-ar-ikun, king of
Assyria.
In this text, a father sells his daughter to Mr. Ninurta-uballi for six shek-
els of silver. The text uses the term airtu to describe the daughter. This
word most often refers to a girl between infancy and puberty; only in rare
circumstances is it applied to a little boy.20 The word airtu in this con-
text does not mean girl sold into a slave-like status as Oppenheim trans-
lates, but rather refers to a free child.21 The presence of this term in the text
creates a categorical tension, suggesting that a father voluntarily sold his
free daughter into the care of another man, which technically made her
his slave, not a debt-slave. As mentioned above, parents can temporarily
lend out their children as debt-slaves or hire them out as laborers, but this
daughters permanent sale resulting in her fathers renunciation of legal
protection is rather unique.
In line 4, we find two other terms pointing to the uniqueness of the
situation: abku, to lead away, and bulluu, to keep alive. Oppenheim
translates abku as take. The term generally applies to taking or lead-
ing away commodities, usually animals, not people. When found with the
phrase ana kaspi a., the term means literally to take away for silver, that
is, to buy something. In the present context, the term is not directly con-
nected to the phrase ana kaspi, nevertheless, a transfer of goods (here the
little girl) takes place through a monetary transaction, suggesting that, on
the fathers request, Ninurta-uballi bought his daughter.
If her father sold her, we must investigate the motivation behind such
a sale. The latter term, bulluu, suggests that if the girl were not kept alive
by Ninurta-uballi, she would die of hunger in her fathers care.22 This word
20. Oppenheim, Siege Documents from Nippur, 70. See also airtu, CAD
120ff.
21.See iirtu girl, CAD 4e, 185. While Oppenheim states from the start
(Siege Documents from Nippur, 70 n. 5) that airtu refers to age (not status), in com-
paring other texts to the Nippur Siege documents, Oppenheim conflates what is actually
said in the Nippur texts with what other texts say. For example, he relates the situation
of the Nippur girls with the situation in YOS VI 154, wherein the mother dedicates her
sons to the temple so they may be kept alive, bulluu, by becoming temple slaves. See too
his discussion on p. 83.
22. See bulluu, CAD B, 52 meaning 5, to keep (somebody alive and in good
appears in various texts that deal with famine, siege, and other community-
wide crises. For example, in the document YOS 6 154:510, a widow says,
My husband has died, there is a famine in the land, therefore: (mr airtu
kakkabti amima ana DN addin bulliam[a] lu L iraku a DN unu) I
have marked (my) two small sons with the star and given them to the Lady-
of-Uruk; keep (pl) them alive (bul-li-a-ma), let them be oblates of the Lady
of Uruk!23 As this text and the Nippur texts demonstrate, the practice of
selling ones child appears to be sanctioned in dire circumstances, especially
when the childs survival is at risk.24
Returning to 2 NT 293, we see further attestation to the seriousness
of the situation in line 6. Here the text switches into the precative: a-na
x-a lud-din lu-kul, so that I may give ... and that I may eat. The father
is selling the child not only that she may live (bulluu) but so that he may
eat (lu-kul). In this way, Ninurta-uballi becomes a kind of redeemer fig-
ure.25 In buying the little girl, he provides both father and daughter a way
out of destitution and imminent death. Perhaps in this case Ninurta-uballi
should be understood more as a legal guardian than a slave-owner.
If we view Ninurta-uballi as the guardian, one may argue that this
transaction is not a sale but an adoption. Reading 2 NT 293 as a record
of adoption would alleviate the social tension surrounding the sale of a
free child. In addition, an adoption would explain the guarantee clause
in lines 910: the father guarantees against a vindicator or a contestant.
This phrase could function as proof that the biological father relinquished
his legal responsibility, handing it over to the adoptive father. However, be-
cause this text was found with eight others of a similar nature, all of which
date to the siege of Nippur, it seems more logical to understand this text as
a sale document. Furthermore, lines 910 are the only part of the text that
suggests an adoption. The remainder of the document does not read as an
adoption text.26
health), and also p.61, meaning 7, to provide with food during famine. See also Op-
penheim, Siege Documents from Nippur, 7576.
23. YOS VI 154:510, as quoted in CAD /3, 106.
24. In only a few other places do we find records of parents selling their children.
The archives of Balmunamhe of Larsa also record the sale of free children, but this too
comes as a response to an economic crisis (Riftin no. 24, Babylonica VII, 45 and V.S.
XIII, 64; see also Oppenheim, Siege Documents from Nippur, 72).
25. Of course, it is possible that Ninurta-uballi is not doing this out of the kindness
of his heart, as a mitzvah, as it were. Rather, he may be acting as a savvy businessman:
When you see a chance for profit, you take it. Whatever Ninurta-uballis motivations
may have been, the outcome remains the same: a little girls life is spared.
26. Adoption texts also followed a format and used specific terminology, different
Text 2: 2 NT 295
Nippur
Sin-ar-ikun
1. mdBAR.DIN-i A mdEN--sa-tu
2. mR. dGu-la u mDan-ni-dU+GUR
3. ina U2 mdAG.E--ur A mdPA.DA
4. SAL E-ir-ti SAL a-r-ta-
5. a-na 1/3 2 GN KUG.BABBAR a-na M a-ri-i
6. ip-u-ru pu-ut si-i-i
7. u L pa-q-ra-nu mdPA.PAP--ur na-i

Dated:
EN.LLki ITI SIG4 UD 18.KAM MU 3.KAM mdXXX.LUGAL.GAR LUGAL
KUR A-urki
Ninurta-uballi, son of Bel-usat, Arad-Gula and Danni-Nergal redeemed
Eirtu, his small (female) child, from Nabu-ah-uur, son of Nabu-rei, for
22 shekels of silver as (her) exact price. Nabu-ah-uur guarantees against
a vindicator or a contestant.
Nippur, month of Simanu, 18th day; 3rd year of Sin-ar-ikun, king of
Assyria.
In the second text, the buyer from the first textNinurta-uballijoins

forces with two companions, Arad-Gula and Danni-Nergal, to redeem
the girl Eirtu, again called a airtu. The use of the verb paru presents
some difficulties. It is commonly understood as the legal term for to re-
deem (sold goods).27 Paru is unusual in this context because the girl is
not a slave or property and therefore needs no redemption. While the con-
text is not clear, Oppenheim may be on the right track in stating that paa-
ru means something else in this context.28 If, as in the first text, the siege
of Nippur has forced the father of this girl into destitution, then Ninurta-
uballi and associates may be buying the girl in order that she may live. In
this way, the use of ipuru makes sense; the men redeem the girls life, not
from another person, but from her circumstances. This reading fits with
to that of sale texts (CH 185191; PBS 8/2 107; TIM 5 4. For a comprehensive discussion
of adoption, see Obermark, Adoption in the Old Babylonian Period.
27. CAD P, 287. The common meaning is 5b to redeem previously sold property.
Meaning 6, to purchase is found during the NB only in the Nippur Siege documents.
In the OB, the term means to purchase in a single letter, MDP 18 299, wherein a father
purchases (paaru) property for his son.
28. Oppenheim, Siege Documents from Nippur, 83.
line 7, where the girls father appears as the guarantor.29 Also in this line, it is
significant that the father, Nabu-ah-uur, is called the son of Nabu-rei, for
only free persons were identified with the epithet PN son/daughter of PN.30
The fathers name formula highlights the fact that Eirtu is the daughter of
a free man.31 Again, the text leaves us with a tension: Socially, Etiru belongs
to the free class, yet legally she will be the dependent of someone other than
her father.
Text 3: 2 NT 296
Nippur
Sin-ar-ikun
1. [md-a-ib-n]i ina u-ud
2. lb-bi- SAL A-la-an-ni-
3. SAL a-r-ta- a-na mR. dGu-[la]
4. mDan-ni-e-a u mdBAR.DIN
5. [i]d-din r-ki-i
6. md-a-ib-ni na--

Dated:
EN.LLki ITI SIG4 UD 6.KAM MU 3.KAM md
XXX.LUGAL.GAR-un
LUGAL KUR A-urki
[Ea-ibn]i gave, voluntarily, his small (female) child Alanniu to Arad-Gula,
Dannea and Ninurta-uballi. Ea-ibni guarantees against claimants.
Nippur, month of Simanu, 10th day; 3rd year of Sin-ar-ikun, king of
Assyria.
Again, in this text we see a father, Ea-ibni, transferring his little girl to an-
others care. He does so in a very specific way: ina u-ud lb-bi--u SAL
A-la-an-ni- ... [i]d-din: He gives her of his own free will. This phrase
would seem to indicate that the transaction does not involve monetary re-
muneration, however the language is similar to the NB slave sale documents
29. Note that in the previous text (2 NT 293), a document that leaves no doubt
that a father is selling his young daughter, lines 910 also state that the father acts as the
guarantor for the daughter.
30. See also 2 NT 293:1 Nergal-ah-uur, son of Iqia.
31. Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia, 181. If the girl were a slave born to Nabu-
ah-uur by a slave woman, we would not expect to see Etirus name attached to that of
her father. Instead we would expect a name formula without the parents name. In some
cases, a mother was sold with her nursing child, in which case the two were sold as a
unit. See: Nbk. 67, 100, 832; Camb. 334; Nbn. 693.
in which the master sells (iddin) his slave ina d libbiu of his own free
will.32 This suggests that the father in this text is indeed selling his daugh-
ter, though we do not know her price. Ea-ibni sells her of his own volition,
likely due to economic hardship brought on by the siege. Also, we know
that Ea-ibni is a free man selling his daughter. Although the scribe does not
record the name of Ea-ibnis father as in the previous text, we still know that
Ea-ibni is in fact a free man: A slave could not sell his child, for the child did
not belong to him.33
Discussion
Each of these texts relates the fate of certain children during the siege
of Nippur, yet they describe children in a categorically problematic way.
They refer to three free children, living with their natal families, who are
then sold into slavery during (and likely due to) the siege. As we have seen
above, a parent could temporarily transfer a child through debt-slavery or
hire, or else permanently relocate the child through adoption or marriage.
Thus, the parental actions described in the Nippur texts seem at odds with
societal norms, which is reflected in the verbs and prices relating to the
girls purchase and the term used to describe the girls. The result is a new
understanding of the girls social status following their sale.
An Abnormal Practice
At first glance, the factors surrounding the decision to sell ones chil-
dren are not unlike those involved in entering children into debt-slavery or
hiring them out for a time to make ends meet. A survey of ANE hiring con-
tracts and debt-slave contracts demonstrates that parents did not take issue
with transferring a free child into another persons care; debt-slavery and
temporary hire were common, thus parting with ones children was equally
common.34 Also, parents who entered their children into debt-slavery or
32. In a slave-sale context, iddin more precisely denotes sell, not give as is often
the English translation. CAD N/1, 42. For ana + nadnu specifically denoting sell, see,
CAD N/1, 43.
33. Documents do exist in which a free person is identified without his/her fathers
name. In these cases, it is likely the parties involved were trying to keep the contract
as simple as possible. This may also be the case in 2 NT 296, in which we see is a very
concise and brief contract.
34. For children in a debt-sale situation, see CH 117; YOS 8 51; MAL A 48 and A
39; MAL C2 and C3. For children hired out, see PBS 8/2 111; Cyr 278; VS 5 15; VS 5 17;
VS 6 92; VS 5 125; BE 8 47. See also Powell, ed., Labor in the Ancient Near East; West-
brook, ed., A History of Ancient Near Eastern Law.
the workforce seemed comfortable using the child for economic benefit,
suggesting that selling ones child might be a natural move, at least in dif-
ficult times, for a society that acknowledges the childs monetary value. Fi-
nally, debt-slave and hiring contracts indicate that the child will lose (if only
temporarily) his or her free status, which leads us to question whether or
not the social tension of a free-born child being sold into slavery was really
all that problematic for those mentioned in the Nippur texts.
This difference, though, between the Nippur texts and these other so-
cial contracts is the permanency of the servitude. For both the hired child
and the debt-slave child, service was temporary, and the only permanent
transfer of a free child was through marriage or adoption. Permanently
moving a human being into another household by means of a sale was re-
served for slave children.35 This regulation kept a firm grip on the legal and
social status of free and slave children, which in turn kept the social classes
in the desirable status quo. Free people remained free, and slave people re-
mained slaves. Permanently selling a free child to another person violated
these societal norms.
Thus, the Nippur siege texts represent abnormal transactions for this
society that, for the child, result in an abnormal status: free but sold (into
slavery?) during a community-wide disaster. This leads us to ask how we
are to understand the status of the free-sold child. Insights into this para-
doxical position may be found by examining the means of transfer and the
prices paid for these girls as well as the word used to describe them in the
texts.
Internal Evidence for Purchase

Within the three texts examined above, we see three different verbs
used to describe the girls transfer: abku, to lead away; paru, to re-
deem; and nadanu, to give/sell. In the case of 2 NT 293, the odd use of
abku, normally reserved for leading away or taking animals or objects,
hints at a sale. Moreover, a monetary transaction took place, suggesting
that here abku means something closer to buy, not simply take. 2 NT
295 uses the term paaru for the girls transfer. As noted, paaru means to
redeem (sold goods), but since the girl was not a slave, paaru only makes
sense here if the girls life was redeemed from her circumstances, which also
came at a price. Finally, 2 NT 296, uses the term nadanu in a document that
closely follows the format of a slave sale document, suggesting that the girl
was sold even though no price is given.
35.See Dandamaev, Slavery in Babylonia.

Not only were the contracts constructed differently, but all three con-
tracts list different prices paid for the airtu. In 2 NT 293, the father re-
ceives 6 shekels for the daughter; in 2 NT 295, she is redeemed for 22 shek-
els; and in 2 NT 296, no money was exchanged as far as the document tells
us. The prices paid for the girls were marginal and significantly below the
normal purchase price for a slave or free laborer.36 Oppenheim states that
this could be interpreted in two ways. First, it could be argued that such a
low price protected the parents. No one could accuse them of selling their
children for profit. Although, as we have seen, this society tolerated the
temporary indenturing of children, permanently selling a child was clearly
a last and unpopular resort and therefore not one to be capitalized on.
Second, Oppenheim states that the fees could be symbolic gestures, for
it was common to include a price in a sale contract.37 Among the Nippur
Siege Documents, 2 NT 296 comes the closest to describing a sale, yet it
does not include a price for the girl. This breaks with the convention estab-
lished by sale contracts and perhaps implies that we cannot place a value on
this childs life. On the other hand, one could argue that the child was not
worth anything, but that seems unlikely given her economic potential as a
debt-slave or hired laborer. Also, a free child with many years of labor left in
her must certainly be worth a great deal. Why then is no price given? While
it is possible that 2 NT 296 simply omitted the price by chance or that the
father was giving up his daughter in order to repay a previous loan, I sug-
gest a third option based on the social discomfort surrounding the selling
of a free child as displayed throughout the Nippur Siege Text corpus. Since
this texts language is the closest to that of a sale document (ina u-ud lb-
bi-u SAL A-la-an-ni- ... [i]d-din), it may be possible that the contract
did not assign a price lest it appear as if the girl was being sold in the same
manner as a slave and therefore had the status of a slave. Further support
for this suggestion can be found in the two contracts that do assign prices
(2 NT 293 and 295), both of which sell the girls for a low sum.
The Evolving Use of airtu

The only consistent element in the three Nippur texts is the term de-
scribing the girl; she is a airtu, a young girl.38 Yet even this seemingly uni-
36. During the NB period, slave children were, on average, worth 18 shekels, and
free people were hired at 3 to 12 shekels per year (ibid., 115).
37. Oppenheim, Siege Documents from Nippur, 82.
38. Note that eight of the nine Nippur Siege Texts relate the sale of a little girl. The
ninth text explains the sale of a little boy. See also ibid., 70.
fying term cannot go without comment. Oppenheim noted that the term
airtu was strange.39 He understood the term with an incorrect meaning,
slave-girl-like status; therefore, the issue for him was that the girls sold as
airtu were not typical slave girls, for they were sold from a free status into
slave status. He hypothesizes that the scribes used the word to draw atten-
tion to the situation at hand and also to create a separate class for these girls,
for the special status of these sale transactions seemed to have caused the
ancient scribes some troubles.40 The term airtu is a biological term used
primarily to describe a prepubescent girl. Because the term is descriptive of
an age category, technically it can be used of slave or free children; however,
in most texts it describes free children. A slave girl, on the other hand, is
more often called l SAL or KUR-ka-i.41
Oppenheims intuition that these texts, and the term airtu in par-
ticular, present a categorical tension is insightful. What is the status of the
airtu, the free-born child who is subsequently sold? Here, postcolonial
theory and its call to move beyond binary opposition structures can be in-
structive.42 We can understand the term airtu not only as a category of
biological age but also as a category of status. In these particular texts, I
suggest understanding airtu as neither slave nor free, but as a girl of
in-between status. She is a free child supported by someone other than
her family. It may be too much to suggest that the scribe intentionally chose
the term airtu to describe the childs in-between status, but it is interest-
ing to think of that definition as within its range of semantic meanings. The
term literally means to diminish, make small. Not only were the girls in
the Nippur Siege Texts small in a physical, biological sense, but their status
was reduced. Each moved from a known social category, free daughter, to a
new category, free daughter sold by her own father.
airtu: A New Status

Returning to the question of the sold-free childs status, we see that
the child existed in a liminal space. The child was born free and was af
forded all the social and legal rights inherent in this status. However, due
to her sale, she was no longer her fathers responsibility, but neither did an
other man gain legal responsibility for her through marriage or adoption.
39. Ibid., 83.
40.Ibid.
41.Ibid.
42.D. Boyarin, Border Lines: The Partition of Judaeo-Christianity (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); H. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London:
Routledge, 1994).
The girl exists somewhere in between free and slave or perhaps in some
overlap of the two.
Postcolonial theorist Bhabha speaks of a third space of enunciation,
the space of intervention emerging in the cultural interstices that intro-
duces creative invention into existence.43 Borders exist within society to
distinguish one group from another. For example, the categories free and
slave cue us in as to how to understand the role of a particular person.
However, it is possible for a person to not only be on one side or the other
of the border, but in fact to straddle the border, such as the free-born child
sold into slavery. A person found in this circumstance exists in a place that
is not easy to identify. One way to understand that space is through what
Bhabha calls hybrid hyphenizations, which emphasize the incommensu-
rable elements ... as the basis of cultural identifications.44 In other words,
a liminal state ceases to be liminal but becomes a static, inhabitable space
recognized by society.
In the Nippur Siege Texts, this liminal space is occupied by free chil-
dren sold into anothers care during times of communal distress, and
I identify that the texts struggle with how to describe them. Perhaps the
scribes did not intentionally assign a new meaning to the term airtu, but
reading airtu here as a new social categorythat of a young girl, not
yet pubescent, born free and voluntarily sold into anothers caresolves
the difficulties of understanding each girls status. With this reading, the
airtu was not a slave; though she may have performed the work of other
slaves, she remained free and retained the legal and social rights established
upon her birth. It is quite possible that this category was not recognized or
understood by the Nippur population at large. If this was the case, a airtu
remained in a liminal social state until she reached puberty and married.
Only then would she leave the liminal state and fully reenter society, for at
this point the girl would have a recognizable social status to which society
could relate: wife and mother.
One final point needs to be addressed here, and that is who would be
able to marry off the girl transferred to Ninurta-uballi as a airtu.45 Be-
cause the father has given up legal responsibility for his daughter, the an-
43. Ibid., 14.

44. Ibid., 313.
45. Note that a master had full legal rights over his slave and that an adopter has
full legal rights over the adopted child. Also instructive in this matter are the Middle As-
syrian Laws concerning debt-slaves or pledges. Laws A 39 and 48 suggest that a creditor
in possession of a girl serving as a debt-pledge could marry off the girl but, before doing
so, was required to get the fathers permission.
swer is Ninurta-uballi and/or his business partners (depending on who

the Siege Texts list as the receiving parties). In this case, the sale of these
girls benefits both the parents selling the girls and the buyer. The par-
ents, presumably not as well-off as Ninurta-uballi, have provided for their
daughters by saving them from starvation. Ninurta-uballi also benefits, for
if he can provide for these girls throughout the siege, he then has the right
to marry the girls off and collect their bride price.
Conclusion
Recognizing that children were an important part of ancient societies,
this essay has set out to explore the social mobility of children of the ANE,
especially during times of economic hardship when social rules were bent
to alleviate crushing destitution. During the Siege of Nippur and the result-
ing famine, the way in which the society viewed its children changed dras-
tically. The Siege Texts attest that families began to sell their children. These
sales were done in order to save the childs life, though they also resulted
in a free child becoming a slave and entering a liminal social space. The
use of verbs in the Nippur siege texts, the prices paid for the children, and
the unusual application of the term airtu highlight the tension caused by
the selling of free children and their socially abnormal status as free-sold
child.
The Administration of Copper Tools
at Umma in the Ur III Period
Charles Halton
In an essay entitled, Archival Practices at Babylonia in the Third Mil-

lennium, Steinkeller presented a hypothetical example of the accounting
procedures regarding the flow of copper in the Ur III Empire.1 An exam-
ination of administrative texts dealing with copper reveal that, once a few
small adjustments are made, Steinkellers hypothetical description is like-
ly a very accurate outline of the accounting procedures that were in place
during the Ur III period. This study will survey the trade of copper in the
ancient Near East around the time of the Ur III period, adapt Steinkellers
model, and link specific texts to each stage (Steinkeller does not cite any
texts, including the following, in his discussion).
Copper Trade in the Ancient Near East

Humans have used copper for at least 10,000 years. However, the his
tory of copper within southern Mesopotamia begins more recently than
this. A likely factor for the relatively late use of copper in this region is that
copper is not native to Mesopotamia. Copper was found in areas surround-
ing Mesopotamia such as ancient Anatolia, Iran, Oman, and Cyprus, when
erosion exposed ore that was near the earths surface.2
The Sumerians imported copper and copper products from these
locations through extensive, preexisting trade routes. In the late fourth
Authors note: Some of the highlights of my studies at Hebrew Union College were the
many occasions Sam and I spent reading Sumerian texts together, so deep in thought
that we lost track of time and had to apologetically rush back home to our wives. This
kind of experience was not uncommon for Sams students because not only did he teach
us so much about the ancient Near East but he also taught us what it is to be kind, gen-
erous, and thoughtful scholars.
1. P. Steinkeller, Archival Practices at Babylonia in the Third Millennium, in
Ancient Archives and Archival Practices (ed. M. Brosius; Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2003) 3758.
2.I. de Ryck, A. Adriaens, and F. Adams, An Overview of Mesopotamian Bronze
Metallurgy During the 3rd Millennium bc, Journal of Cultural Heritage 6 (2005) 261
68.
139
140 Charles Halton
millennium, cuneiform documents list Dilmun, a term that includes Bah-

rain and the eastern Arabian coast, as a source for copper.3 Pre-Sargonic
texts indicate that merchants from southern Mesopotamia exchanged milk,
cereal, fat, salve, wool, and silver for copper and wood from Dilmun.4 How-
ever, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia do not contain any known copper deposits.
Therefore, Dilmun functioned as an intermediary for the copper trade and
likely received their supply of copper from the Oman Peninsula.5 During
the Old Akkadian period, references to Dilmun appear less frequently, and
it seems that Sargons empire had direct connections with copper supplies
from Magan and Meluhha, since he boasted that ships from these areas
docked at his quay in Agade.6 In the Ur III period, merchants traded directly
with Magan and exchanged garments, wool, leather, and oil for copper.7
Smelting and Processing Techniques

The process of making a metal object involves two principle elements:
smelting and processing. Processing, or converting raw material into a fin-
ished good, is almost always necessary to produce a functional product.
Apart from using a hunk of ore as a blunt object, most uses require shaped
metal. Metal can be shaped in several ways with the simplest being cold
hammering. However, this technique does have a significant drawback
cold hammering tends to make metal brittle. To avoid this, a metal may be
heated and then allowed to cool slowly before hammering; this process is
called annealing. Metal can also be forged. This process involves first heating
metal and hammering it while it is hot. It does not appear that the Sumerians
possessed the tools required to hold hot metal securely during hammering,
so it is unlikely that forged metal products were made in this period.8
Casting, pouring liquid metal into a mold, is another common way of
processing metal. The earliest molds were one-piece and made of clay or
3. H. J. Nissen, The Occurrence of Dilmun in the Oldest Texts of Mesopotamia

in Bahrain through the Ages: The Archaeology (ed. H. A. Al Khalifa and M. Rice; London:
Kegan Paul, 1986) 14356.
4. L. R. Weeks, Early Metallurgy of the Persian Gulf (Boston: Brill, 2003) 15, 80.
5.S. Cleuziou and S. Mry, In-Between the Great Powers: The Bronze Age
Oman Peninsula in Essays on the Late Prehistory of the Arabian Peninsula (ed. S. Cleu
ziou, M.Tosi, and J. Zarins; Serie Orientale Roma 93; Rome: Instituto Italiano per LAf-
rica e LOriente, 2002) 273316.
6.W. Heimpel, Das Untere Meer, ZA 77 (1987) texts 13 and 20.
7. A. L. Oppenheim, Seafaring Merchants of Ur, JAOS 74 (1954) 617; and W. F.
Leemans, Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period (Leiden: Brill, 1960) 1921.
8. P. R. S. Moorey, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries: The Archaeo-
logical Evidence (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994) 272.
The Administration of Copper Tools at Umma 141
stone, while later molds were also made of baked clay or metal. The shape of
the desired object was carved into stone or shaped as a negative into clay.
In the fourth millennium, two-piece molds are attested. Investment casting,
or the lost wax method, was also in use during the fourth millennium.9
In this technique a model of the desired object was made of material that
would burn or melt away with the application of heatsubstances could
include: animal fat, beeswax, resin, bitumen, insect bodies, or soft wood.
The model was covered with clay and then heated to remove the wax
mold. Then, liquid metal was poured into the mold and once dry the clay
was removed and the metal object could be polished or finished further.
Additionally, even though there is no textual or archaeological record of
it, sand-casting may have taken place in Mesopotamia. In this method,
a negative mold is formed into the ground and the liquid metal is poured
directly into it. This may be the method described by the term bemaabeh
haadam in 1 Kgs 7:46.10 However, it seems that casting was rarely done
during the Ur III empire. Moorey notes that few vessels were made by
casting in Mesopotamia before 1000 b.c.e.; instead, they were made from
shaped sheet metal.11
Before processing can take place a metal must undergo smelting, or
extracting metal from ore. As with processing, there were several smelting
techniques developed quite early in the ancient Near East. A high tempera-
ture pottery fabrication installation was in use in the sixth millennium at
atal Hyk (Yarim Tepe I) which indicates that one of the preconditions
for smelting orethe application of high temperature heatwas in place
at this time.12 Furthermore, Heskel points to a bracelet as indirect evidence
that lead smelting also took place at Yarim Tepe I, because lead never occurs
naturally in its pure state and thus requires smelting before fashioning.13
By the fifth and fourth millennium, technologies that reached higher
temperatures were implemented. However, Kayani demonstrated that a
low-temperature bonfire smelting process was theoretically possible as early
as the sixth millennium.14 By using arsenic bearing secondary deposits, the
9. Ibid., 271.
10. Ibid., 270.
11. Idem, Early Metallurgy in Mesopotamia, in The Beginning of the Use of Met-
als and Alloys (ed. R. Maddin; Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1988) 31.
12.D. Oates and J. Oates, The Rise of Civilization (Oxford: Elsevier and Phaidon,
1976) 42.
13. D. L. Heskel, A Model for the Adoption of Metallurgy in the Ancient Near
East, Current Anthropology 24 (1983) 362.
14. P. I. Kayani, Formative Pyrotechnology in Northern Mesopotamia, Pelori-
ent 22/2 (1996) 13341.
142 Charles Halton
temperature of the smelting process can be lowered to between 750900

degrees Celsius.15 Furthermore, firing determinations have shown that
some pottery made in the sixth millennium reached a temperature of al-
most 1,050 degrees Celsius. Temperatures of up to 1,100 are attainable in
a charcoal fire, which would be more than adequate for low-temperature
smelting.16 Therefore, copper smelting was theoretically possible in the
sixth millennium although evidence of it does not presently exist.17
By the Ur III period, smelting and processing techniques were rela-
tively advanced. Metals including copper, gold, silver, lead, and alloys such
as bronze, as well as minerals such as arsenic and antimony were commonly
used.18 Smiths made an astonishing assortment of tools, vessels, and jew
elryfor instance, Limet lists 163 distinct terms for metal objects that ap-
pear in Ur III economic documents.19 There were two groups of craftsmen
who worked with metal. A blacksmith, s imu g , was someone who did the
heavy work of smelting and forging. The sign s i mu g reflects this because it
represents a furnace with bellows. The silver or goldsmith, ku g -di m 2, was
usually involved in the production of more refined objects.
Administration of Tools at Umma

Steinkeller illustrates the accounting procedures surrounding the dis-
tribution of copper during the Ur III period as a linear process.20 Raw ma-
terials entered the system through the central office which then transferred
ore to the smith. After processing the smith then distributed tools to the
farmers. If a tool needed fixing the farmers would give the implement back
to the smith who would refashion the tool and return it to the farmer. Each
step of this process would presumably produce a receipt and then the smith
would gather the receipts and produce a balanced account. No doubt this
is an accurate picture that coheres with the procedures used for other com-
modities and animals; however, the role of the central bureau could extend
to each of these transactions either directly or indirectly.
15. Heskel, A Model for the Adoption of Metallurgy in the Ancient Near East,
363.
16. De Ryck et al., An Overview of Mesopotamian Bronze Metallurgy during the
3rd Millennium bc, 261.
17. M. S. Tite and Y. Maniatis, Examination of Ancient Pottery Using the Scan-
ning Electron Microscope, Nature 257 (1975) 12223.
18.H. Limet, Le travail du metal au pays de Sumer au temps de la IIIe dynastie dUr
(Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1960) 2974.
19. Ibid., 198236.
20. Steinkeller, Archival Practices at Babylonia in the Third Millennium, 40 fig.
3.1.
The central bureau did not directly instigate every transaction involv-
ing copper; however, central bureau officials do appear to have been in-
volved in a supervisory role in transfers from one bureau to another. Be-
cause copper was a very valuable commodity, it would be weighed when it
was transferred between bureaus or individuals in order to deter theft. Only
the highest ranking officials at Umma, including the ruling family, func-
tioned as weighing officials (indicated in the phrase, PN in-la2).21 An es-
sential function of the central administration of the province was to ensure
the accuracy of transactions involving precious commodities. I now turn to
a survey of the Umma documents involving copper, which illustrates this
role of the central administration officials.
Central Bureau and the Acquisition of Raw Materials

Tablets that indicate the delivery of raw copper and other materials
used in metallurgy are very rare in the Umma corpus. One of them includes
BM 112026:
Obverse
24. 1 g un 2 35 ma-na ur ud a 1 gun 35 mana of copper
25. 11 1/3 ma-na 1/3 g in 2 su-g an 11 1/3 mana 1/3 gin metal-
lurgical materials
26. ku g(ku 3)-t a s a 10-a purchased22 with money
27. g i r 3 d am -gar 3-ne via merchants.
Reverse
28. mu-DU A delivery;
29. mu ma 2 dE n-k i b a-ab -du 8 year: u-Sin 2.23
Presumably, this delivery was made to the central bureau, but because no
receiving official is mentioned we cannot be certain. Steinkeller notes that
mu-DU texts are fairly infrequent outside the Drehem corpus, and this
might explain the rarity of delivery receipts for raw copper at Umma.24
In any case, this text certainly indicates materials that are entering the
21.C. Halton, Weighing Officials at Ur III Umma, Cuneiform Digital Library

Notes 2011: 002. On-line: http://cdli.ucla.edu/pubs/cdln/archives/000015.html.
22. For a description of the meaning of the term s a 10, to purchase, see C. Wilcke,
Early Ancient Near Eastern Law: A History of Its Beginnings (rev.ed.; Winona Lake, IN:
Eisenbrauns, 2007) 77.
23.T. Ozaki, M. Sigrist, and L. Verderame, Ur III Administrative Tablets from the
British Museum: Part Two (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas,
2006) text 2278. All translations are my own.
24. Steinkeller, Archival Practices at Babylonia in the Third Millennium, 38.
144 Charles Halton
administrative system at Umma because, in addition to the use of the term

mu-DU, copper and metallurgical commodities were purchased from a
damgar, merchant.
Another tablet involving the acquisition of copper from a merchant
specifically states that copper was deposited into the account of the weigh-
ing official. Even though the term mu -DU does not appear in SI 344991k,
this tablet marks the entry of the copper into the Umma accounting system:
Obverse
9. 20 g un 2 3 ma-na ur ud 20 gun 3 mana copper
10. k i d am -gar 3-t a from a merchant
11. a - gu 3 Gu-du-du b a-a-gar deposited into Gududus
account.
12. k i ib Ur-dNun -ga l Seal of Ur-Nungal.
Reverse
13. (Seal)
14. mu e2 dara2 ba-du3 Year: u-Sin 9.25
From these texts it appears that the weighing officials acquired copper and
put it on their own books until it was transferred to the smith. Therefore,
the weighing officials functioned as intermediaries between commodity
brokers and the artisans involved in production. Furthermore, their role
apparently could involve taking on risk since this text indicates that the
weighing official did not merely facilitate the transport of copper but also
received financial responsibility for the commodities as they were entered
into their account.
Central Bureau as Physical Intermediary

As Steinkeller outlined, it seems that the central bureau first acquired
copper and then transferred it to the smith for production. Just as very few
extant texts record the acquisition of raw copper by the central bureau,
there are comparatively few tablets that record the distribution of copper
ore to the smiths. ASM 12123 records the transfer of copper from the re-
ceiving official, Dadaga, to the smith, Urnigar:
Obverse
12. 5 ma -na ur ud a api nzab a 5 mana of copper for a
bronze plow
25. D. I. Owen, Neo-Sumerian Texts from American Collections (Materiali per il

Vocabolario Neosumerico 15; Rome: Unione Accademica NazionaleMultigrafica Edi
trice, 1991) text 355.
13. 15 g i n 2 su 3-GAN 15 gin of metallurgical material

14. k i D a -d a-ga-t a from Dadaga
15. Ur- ni 9-gar si mug Urnigar, the smith,
Reverse
16. u b a -t i received (them).
17. (Seal)
18. it i dL i 9-[si 4] Month: 9;
19. mu Ha - ar-[i]ki / Ki - ma ki b a-hu l year: ulgi 48.26
In this text, the transfer of raw materials is designated for the production
of a specific tool. The final product is rarely specified in receipts that record
the transfer of raw materials. It could be that Dadaga transferred the ore to
the smith with the goal of producing a tool for workers of his own personal
lands or lands that he supervised on behalf of the central bureau. There-
fore, he specified the particular tool that his workers needed. This receipt
belonged to Urnigar and he could have used it in the case of a dispute over
the finished product that he delivered to Dadaga.
Not only did the central administrative officials distribute raw materials
but they also processed goods. For instance, BM 106358 (Amar-Sin 5 viii)
records the transfer of a goldsmiths cauldron from the central office official
Ur-ara. Presumably, the goldsmiths cauldron needed repair because it is
not qualified with the designation b a - z i - i r, scrap. Halulu was a s i mu g ,
which was similar to a blacksmith or forger; that is, Halulu worked mainly
with copper and bronze and did not deal with fine or decorative metals. Af-
ter repair, Halulu would have returned the cauldron to Ur-ara, who would
have weighed it to ensure that the smith did not hold back any copper:
Obverse
23. 1 uruda e n ku 3-d i m 2 1 goldsmiths cauldron,
24. k i- l a 2-bi 10 [ma]-na l a 2 10 g in 2 its weight, 10 mana minus
10 gin.
25. k i Ur- dar a 2-t a From Ur-ara;
26. Ha - lu 5-lu 5 simug Halulu, the smith,
27. u ba-ti received it.
Reverse
28. it i e 2-it i-6 Month: 8;
29. [e 2] ku 3-an-t a e 3-a left at the goldsmiths work-
shop.
26. D. I. Owen and E. Wasilewska, Cuneiform Texts in the Arizona State Mu

seum, Tucson, JCS 52 (2000) 13, text 59.
146 Charles Halton
30. mu E n -unu 6-g a l dInanna b a-hun Year: Amar-Sin 5.27
From this text, it appears that the central bureau acted as an intermediary.
Both the blacksmiths workshop and the goldsmiths atelier were within the
administrative purview of the central bureau.28 Interoffice transfers first
went to the central bureau overseer who then drew up documentation for
each party.
In addition to relatively rare items such as a goldsmiths cauldron,
the central bureau also transferred more mundane tools. However, every
metal object was valuable and was therefore documented, whether it was
a specialized artisanal implement or a run-of-the-mill farmers hoe. For in-
stance, ANM 3963 records the transfer of a number of copper sickles from
the central bureau official Dadaga to Laamu, the smith:
Obverse
12. [x]uruda k in [x] sickle(s)
13. k i -l a 2-bi 1 ma-na 2 g i n 2 its weight, 1 mana, 2 gin.
14. k i D a -d a-ga-t a From Dadaga;
15. L a -a -mu Laamu
Reverse
14. u b a -t i received them.
15. it i p a 4-u 2-e Month 9;
16. mu a -r a 2 3-k am Si -mu-r u-um ki
17. ba-hul year: ulgi 34.29
In the two texts above the central bureau acted as an intermediary. That is,
two offices wanted to trade objects or commodities and the central bureau
facilitated this event. Thus, the central bureau would keep these items on
its books as long as it would take to transfer the item from one office to
another and a receipt would accompany both sides of the transaction.
In addition to facilitating interoffice transfers, if the term mu -DU does
in fact signify the point at which an object entered the administrative sys-
tem,30 then the central office also procured finished copper products from
27.T. Ozaki and S. Sato, Selected Neo-Sumerian Administrative Texts from the Brit-
ish Museum (Abiko: Research Institute, Chuo-Gakuin University, 1990) text 359.
28. Limet, Le travail du metal au pays de Sumer au temps de la IIIe dynastie dUr,
166.
29.M. Touzalin, Etude De Ladministration Palatiale Dapres Des Documents In-
edits De La 3eme Dynastie Dur (Ph.D. diss., Universit Franois Rabelais, 1982) text
494. Laamu is listed among the simug, smiths, in another tablet in a private collection,
G. Contenau, Tablettes de comptabilit relatives lindustrie du cuivre Umma au
XXIIIe sicle, RA 12 (1915) 20 text 9.
30. Steinkeller, Archival Practices in the Third Millenium, 40 fig 3.1.
outside the provincial accounting system. Ist Um 3229 records the delivery
of 2/3 mana of copper, the work (a2) of Gurzana. While the actual tool is
not specified, the copper is qualified by the term a2, which literally means
arm, however, by extension also means labor. Therefore, the phrase
a2 Gurzana or work of Gurzana likely signifies a value-added good be-
cause Gurzana was a smith.31 Because a2 does not refer to a specific object,
it is likely that the copper was processed but not yet fashioned into a final
product:
Obverse
16. 2/3 ma - na ur ud a 2/3 mana of copper,
17. a 2 Gu r 4-za-an the work of Gurzana.
18. mu-DU A delivery;
19. Gu -du -du Gududu
20. u b a -t i received it.
Reverse
21.
22. it i-dir i Month: 13;
23. mu e 2 d ar a 2 / b a-du 3 year: u-Sin 9.32
Central Bureau as Auditor of Transactions and Transfers

The most common role of central bureau officials was to supervise
transfers of valuable materials that needed to be weighed in order to ensure
a transparent transaction. In these instances, the central bureau did not
take possession of the goods; rather, the official merely acted as an auditor
of the transaction by verifying the weight of copper implement(s). Not only
did this procedure ensure a transparent transaction, but this also prevented
various parties from discretely breaking off pieces of metal products and
selling them on the black market.
There were several individuals with the name Ur-Suen in the Umma
texts. However, if the Ur-Suen in Ist Um 3229 is Ur-Suen, the engar, farmer
(compare with BM 11011633), this tablet is a receipt that was given to Ur-
Suen as verification that he returned all of the tools and that they were
intact:
31. Crozer 011 (M. Sigrist, Documents from Tablet Collections in Rochester, New
York [Bethesda, MD: CDL, 1991] text 158 [u Sin 3 vii]) lists Gurzana as a simug, smith.
32.F. Yildiz and T. Gomi, Die Umma-Texte Aus Den Archologischen Museen Zu
Istanbul (vol. 5; Bethesda, MD: CDL, 2000) text 3229.
33.K. Maekawa, The Management of Domain Land in Ur III Umma : A Study of
BM 110116, Zinbun 22 (1987) 25 obverse, column vi, line 9.
148 Charles Halton
Obverse
8. 2 urudha -[bu 3]-d a 1/2 ma-na-t a 2 copper hoes 12 mana
9. k i- l a 2-bi 5/6 ma-n[a] / 6 g i[n 2] the weight was 5/6 mana, 6
gin
Reverse
10. k in t i l - l[a] (yielding) complete tools.
11. k i Ur-dSuen-[t a] From Ur-Suen;
12. Gu - du-[du] in-/[l a2] Gududu weighed (them).
13. (Seal)
14. it i dD u mu-zi Month: 12;
15. mu Si-mu-r u-um ki / b a-hu l year: Ibbi-Sin 3.
This receipt does not indicate that Gududu took possession of the tools,
merely that he weighed them. Possibly the tools needed refurbishing and
were given to the smith. This receipt would then serve as proof that Ur-
Suen did not steal any copper and when he received the tools back from the
smith he could verify that the smith was not engaged in fraud.
Ist Um 2548 records a similar event in which the weighing official, Lu-
kala, audited hoes from Alulu, a kuruda, fattener (JRL 054034 line 4 and the
seal with FLP 252635):
Obverse
9. 8 urudha -[bu3]-d a 2/3 ma-na-[t a] 8 2/3 mina hoes
10. k i -l a 2-bi 4 5/6 [ma]-na 4 gin2 a weight of 4 5/6 mina, 4
shekels
11. k in t i l -l a a complete work.
12. [ki] A-lu 5-lu 5-t a From Alulu;
Reverse
13. Lu 2-k a l -l a i n -l a 2 Lukala weighed (them).
14. it i dD u mu-zi Month: 12;
15. mu du -dSue n lug a l-
16. e na - r u 2-a-ma h dE n-
17. l i l 2 dNin-li l 2-r a mu-n e -du 3 year: u-Sin 6.36
When the smiths returned the tools, they kept a receipt for their own re-
cords. These receipts were compiled into summary accounts from which
34.T. Fish, Catalogue of Sumerian Tablets in the John Rylands Library (Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 1932) text 540.
35. D. I. Owen, M. Sigrist, and G. D. Young, The John Frederick Lewis Collection
(Materiali per il Vocabolario Neosumerico 3; Rome: Unione Accademica Nazionale
Multigrafica Editrice, 1975) text 561.
36.F. Yildiz and T. Gomi, Die Umma-Texte Aus Den Archologischen Museen Zu
Istanbul (vol. 4; Bethesda, MD: CDL, 1997) text 2548.
balanced accounts would be made. HE 77 is likely a summary of the trans-

fers made by two smiths, Laamu and Urnigar, during the course of one day:
Obverse
10. 12 urudha -[bu 3]-d a 12 copper hoes
11. k i -l a 2-bi 6 5/6 ma-na 7 g i n 2 a weight of 6 5/6 mina and 7
shekels
12. L a -a -mu Laamu
13. 17 urudha -[bu3]-d a 17 copper hoes
14. k i -l a 2-bi 10 5/6 ma-[na] a weight of 10 5/6 mina
15. Ur- n i 9-gar Urnigar
Reverse
16. k in t i l -l a a complete work.
17. k i simu g-n e -n e -t a From the smiths.
18. (scribe left blank a space of one line)
19. it i RI Month: 5;
20. mu dAmar-dSue n lug a l Amar-Sin: 1.37
Conclusions
This survey of the transactions involving copper has shown two things.
First, the overall scheme of Steinkellers outline of the administration of
copper in the Ur III period is fundamentally sound. However, a small ad-
justment is necessary. In addition to their role as the receiving office, offi-
cials within the central bureau also functioned as weight inspectors/audi-
tors. Therefore, the weighing official could be involved at any point in the
administration of copper as an independent auditor ensuring the transpar-
ency of transactions.
37.G. Contenau, Contribution Lhistoire conomique Dumma (Paris: Cham
pion, 1915) text 077.
Rabbi Joshua Briskins Tav Yhoshua
Yalkut Derekh Ere, A Handbook for Busy Jews
Rabbi Barton Lee
In 1885, Rabbi Joshua Briskin published a small book called Tav

Yhoshua: Yalkut Derekh Ere.1 Briskin noted that his book dealt with sub-
jects which were very well known but easily forgotten, things that appear
in all the halls of great Jewish books. But, he observed, people in his time
had no time to study all of these sacred texts to find and review items of
derekh ere, gracious and moral conduct. So Briskin offered a collection of
rules of derekh ere organized by subject. Briskin asserted that by follow-
ing the rules he has set out, Jews can attain harmonious, just, and gracious
interpersonal and social relationships.
The little we know about Briskin comes from brief references to him-
self in prefatory words in other books he published. Briskin describes
himself as serving as a rabbi, teacher, and legal authority in Odessa, hav-
ing previously been in Tolchin and Konstantingrad. He writes on several
topics, including alphabetical compilations of certain laws from Shulan
Arukh and a compendium on care of body and soul. Briskin writes in rab-
binic Hebrew, drawing on a wide variety of traditional sources. He rarely
writes in the first person, and thus he does not reveal his own thought pro-
cesses or criteria for his selections. Briskins Tav Yehoshua on Derekh Ere
does get a bibliographical citation in the old Jewish Encyclopedia.2
On the title page of Yalkut Derekh Ere, Briskin describes his work: I
have marked out well and clearly all the rules and right conduct which are
very much forgotten by and [much needed] by every person.3 He notes
Authors note: To pay tribute to my teacher and friend, Dr. Sam Greengus, is a great hon-
or. Dr. Greengus advised and guided me in translating the Briskin book; his modesty,
enthusiasm and prodigious knowledge of Jewish texts are inspiring. I am deeply grateful
to him
1. The original edition is J. Briskin, Tav Yhoshua: Hanhagut Adam, Hilchot Der-
ekh Erez (Warsaw, 1885), with no publisher listed in the 1885 manuscript. A more recent
Hebrew edition can be found in J. Briskin, Yalkut Derekh Ere (Jerusalem: Institute for
the Study of Torah in the Land of Israel, 1964).
2. See J. D. Eisenstein, Etiquette, JE 5:25961.
3. Translation from my Yalkut Derekh Erez: A Collection on Derekh Erez (Gracious
151
152 Rabbi Barton Lee
that in writing about derekh ere, he wants to remind people about things
they already know. Indeed, they concern every day matters that people for-
get or ignore. Briskin asserts that failure to follow the rules of gracious and
moral conduct causes strife, dissension, and even hatred among people,
bringing both spiritual and physical harm. To prevent this and to remind
people about the many rules of proper human conduct, Briskin searches
the vast resources of Jewish tradition and assembles them all in one book,
so the rules of right conduct may be accessible in what we would today
describe as a handbook.
Following Zippersteins description of Jewish life in Odessa at this
period,4 it is reasonable to suggest that Briskin recognized that in the devel-
oping economy there, where Jews had new and exciting business opportu-
nities, many Jews were too busy to devote themselves fully to Torah study
but still wished to be faithful to Jewish practice. Briskin responded to that
reality by creating a handbook on the specifics of derekh ere, the rules of
gracious and moral conduct, for their handy reference. Briskins handbook
is not derekh ere for dummies. He writes for Jewishly literate folks,
traditional in tastes, if not fully punctilious in observance, but involved the
new world of economic and cultural opportunity.
In the classic rabbinic literature, derekh ere has at least four different
meanings: the normal or usual way of the world, the occupation by which
one makes a living, sexual intercourse, and good manners. In his hand-
book, Briskin does not make clear distinctions among these meanings. He
conflates the different meanings of derekh ere in the rules he cites and
he subsumes them all in the category of rules of derekh ere. Many of the
rules he cites as derekh ere concern matters usually best described by the
word moral. Many others could be classified as good manners. Thus,
it seems to me that the best translation of the term derekh ere, as Briskin
uses it, is gracious and moral conduct.
Briskin also uses the term dinim, which usually connotes law. In-
deed, many of the dinim cited are halakhot, laws quoted from Jewish legal
sources. But many of the citations labeled as dinim of derekh ere are from
nonlegal sources. Many of the dinim, especially concerning food, clothes,
or the bathhouse, are clearly issues which should be characterized as good
manners. Thus, it seems best to translate dinim as Briskin uses the term
and Moral Conduct among People) Compiled by Joshua Briskin. A Critical Translation
(Ph.D. diss., Hebrew Union College 1997) 26.
4. S. J. Zipperstein, The Jews of Odessa: A Cultural History, 17941881 (Stanford,
CA: Stanford University Press, 1986).
Joshua Briskins Tav Yhoshua: Yalkut Derekh Ere 153
here, as rules. Briskin thus creates a handbook of rules of derekh ere,

gracious and moral conduct.
Briskins compilation of rules of derekh ere is worthy of study both
for reasons of scholarship and also as a practical source for guidance
from Jewish sources about how to build harmonious Jewish communities,
achieve personal wellbeing, and develop warm, respectful, and positive
relationships.
Scholars will find Briskins selection of texts interesting and useful in
understanding how the definition of derekh ere has expanded and changed.
Briskin consistently encourages his readers ayain sham, look it up there,
frequently giving the location of the sources, which he is likely quoting
from memory.
Jews of today are no less busy than the Jews of 1885 in Odessa for
whom Briskin wrote his handbook. Few people can go it alone through
all the halls of Jewish sacred texts. Thus, a handbook such as Briskins
Yalkut Derekh Ere provides helpful guidance for busy Jews today, even as
it provided guidance in 1885.
This essay offers here a translation of ch. 12, Rules of Derekh Ere
Regarding Damage to the Body and Life of Ones Fellow Human Being.5
1. One must be very careful not to strike ones fellow person. For if
one does strike him, one transgresses a prohibition as it is written, If the
guilty one is to be flogged, the magistrate shall have him lie down and be
given lashes in his presence, by count, as his guilt warrants. He may be
given 40 lashes, but not more, lest being flogged further, to excess, your
brother be degraded before your eyes (Deut 25:2).
If the Torah is particularly exacting about the flogging of a wicked per-
son, so as not to hit him more than his wickedness deserves, how much the
more so [does it prohibit] hitting a righteous person [who does not deserve
to be hit at all]. Further, whoever raises a hand against his fellow person to
strike him, even though he has not [actually] hit him, is called wicked, as
it is written, He said to the guilty person: Why would you strike your fel-
low? (Exod 2:13). Why did you strike? is not written here, rather why
would you strike?even though he has not yet struck him, he is deemed
wicked. Regarding whosoever strikes his fellow person, his punishment is
explained in Shulan Arukh at length.
2. Sometimes it is permitted to strike a person [with permission and
knowledge of the government], and the person inflicting this striking
5. The translation is adapted from the critical translation in my dissertation, Yal-
kut Derekh Erez, 28896, which itself is based on the 1964 Hebrew edition, Briskin,
Yalkut Derekh Ere, 98101. Footnotes are my own, not belonging to Briskins text.
is performing a commandment, as the details are well explained in the

Shulan Arukh of Shneur Zalman of Liady.6
3. If one has a servant who does not obey him, even so it is prohibited
to strike him. But if he made a condition with him [the servant] at the be-
ginning, when he hired him, that he would be permitted to strike him [the
servant], it is permitted [to do so]. In any case, however, the servant can
renege on this [arrangement] afterwards, and the reason for it is explained
in the Shulan Arukh of Shneur Zalman of Liady.7
4. One who frightens his fellow personfor example, he shouts at
him from behind him, or he appears to him in darkness and similar mat-
terseven though he is exempt according to the laws of humankind, he
is culpable according to the laws of Heaven, as explained in the Shulan
Arukh of Shneur Zalman of Liady there.8
5. A person who injures his fellow person even unintentionally, even
though he has given him the money [that] he is obligated to pay him for
the injury, this does not make atonement for him until he seeks forgiveness
from the injured party, [asking] that he pardon him concerning the pain that
[he had caused]. And the injured party is not permitted to be so cruel as
not to forgive him. Further, this [principle] applies to one who steals from
his fellow person and to one who robs his fellow. Even though [the culprit]
returns the stolen or robbed object, it [the restitution] does not atone for
him until he seeks forgiveness from him [the victim] for the pain he caused
him when he stole from him or when he robbed him. But one who causes
damage to the money of his fellow person, immediately when he pays him
[recompense], atonement is made for him, and he does not have to ask [the
wronged party] to forgive him.9
6. One must be careful not to throw pieces of broken glass objects and
similar things into a place where people could be injured by this.
7.A person who has a sick neighbor who has a headache and the
sound of striking injures him, then one should not pound latticework, even
in his house or barn, and other similar things, where the sound of striking
them would reach the house of ones neighbor and injure him.
8. When one sees ones fellow person in trouble, God forbid, and one
can save him, either he, himself, or by hiring others to save him, then one is
obligated to take the trouble and hire [others] to save him, and then turn to
him for repayment if he has any [money to repay him]. But if he [the one in
6. Shulan Arukh oshen Mishpat (henceforth cited as oshen Mishpat), Laws of
Damages to Body and Life and Their Regulations, paragraph 1.
7.Ibid., paragraph 4.
8. Ibid., paragraphs 56.
9. Ibid., paragraph 6; and see m. B. Qam. 8:7.
trouble] has no [money], one should nevertheless not refrain [from saving
him] on this account. He should save him [the other person] with his [own]
money. And if he refrains [from doing so] he transgresses [the prohibition]
Do not stand idly by the blood of your neighbor (Lev 19:16).
Similarly, if one has heard from some wicked people [that they] are
plotting evil against his fellow person or [the fact that such wicked people
were] setting a trap for him, and he does not make it known to his fellow
[the intended victim], or if he can appease them [the plotters] with money
on behalf of his fellow person and prevent what is in their heart and he does
not appease them, and similar things[such a person] transgresses [the
prohibition], Do not stand idly by the blood of your neighbor (Lev 19:16).
For whoever preserves one life in Israel, it is as if he preserves a whole
world,10 and even [with] a Jew who is a sinner, like an alienated Jew who
eats non-Kosher food to satisfy his appetite, it is a commandment to save
him, and it is forbidden to stand idly by his blood. Indeed, [people] are obli-
gated to trouble [themselves] to save his body and even to save his money,
as explained in the Shulan Arukh of Shneur Zalman of Liady.11
9. One who occupies himself with forgery, and there is a suspicion
that he may endanger the community thereby, the law applying to him is
like that of the pursuer, and they should warn him so that he not do it.
Then, if he does not watch himself [that is, desist from doing it], it is per-
missible to hand him over to the governmental authorities and to say that
no one else [in the community] is occupied in this except for x alone.
Similarly an individual whom they [the authorities] accuse because of
x can say to them, I did not do it rather, [it was] x alone, as explained in
Shulan Arukh, oshen Mishpat, Chapter 38812 and in the Shulan Arukh
of Shneur Zalman of Liady.13
10. One must be very careful when saving a persons life to see that,
while saving this life, he does not destroy the life of another person in the
process. Therefore, with a pregnant woman, when she is having difficulty
10. M. Sanh. 4:5. The better manuscripts leave out from Israel. See Albecks ad-
ditions at the end of m. Sanh. 4:5, The Six Orders of the Mishna (ed. H. Albeck; Tel Aviv:
Dvir, 1959) 445.
11. oshen Mishpat, Laws of Damages to Body and Life and Their Regulations,
paragraphs 78.
12. Paragraph 11 cites Karos ruling that one who informs on the community and
troubles it may be turned over to non-Jewish authorities for corporal punishment or
fine, but this is not permitted in the case of an informer who troubles an individual.
Isserles gives the case here which Briskin cites.
13. oshen Mishpat, Laws of Damages to Body and Life and Their Details, para-
graph 14.
giving birth, from the time the head of the fetus has emerged, it is not
permitted to destroy the fetus, either with a drug or by hand, in order to
save the mother, for we do not set aside one life for another, and this is
the nature of the world. But if the fetus is within her [the mothers] uterus,
and [the fetus] has not yet stretched out its head at all, then, since it has not
come forth to the air of the world, the term living person does not apply to
it, and it is permitted to destroy the fetus there and to save the mother, since
[the fetus] is like the case of the one who pursues his fellow person [try-
ing] to kill him.14 The essential details of the laws in the matters pertaining
to damage to body and life are well explained at length in the Shulan
Arukh of Shneur Zalman of Liady in the Laws of Damages to Body and
Life. Look it up there.15
11. Whether one is obligated to place ones self in potential mortal
danger in order to assuredly save the life of his fellow person, whether
one is not obligated but is permitted to do so if he wants to do so, as an act
of special piety or out of love of his fellow person; or whether he is not
allowed to endanger himself at all for his fellow, even as an act of special
pietyabout this [issue] the great among the early and later authorities
have elaborated at length. It is cited in the Pitei Teshuvah16 in chapter 152,
that the Bet Yosef17in oshen Mishpat, chapter 426, wrote in the name of
Hagahot Maimuni that a person must endanger himself for a fellow person
in the case where the danger to himself is only potential [and] where it is
certain [that he could] save his fellow person. Look it up there.
However Elijah, [Gaon of Vilna,] in his [book] Yad Eliayahu, wrote of
these different rulings, to wit, that if the two of them were equal in char-
acter, for example if both of them were Torah scholars or ignorant persons
and, how much the more so, if the one who could save was a Torah scholar
and the one who would be saved were an ignorant person, then he is not
allowed at all to endanger himself, even potentially, even as a special degree
of piety, [and even] when the saving is certain. But if the person doing the
saving is not a Torah scholar like the one to be saved, then it is permitted
to the one who saves to put himself into potential danger where saving [the
other] is certain. However he is not obligated in the matter, for this is only
an act of special piety if he wishes. Look it up there.
14.Cf. m. Ohal. 7:6 and m. Sanh. 72b. See also Mishneh Torah, Hilkhot Ha-Roea,
UShmirat Nefesh 1:9.
15.Cf. Shulan Arukh, oshen Mishpat, 426:1; and Shulan Arukh of Shneur Zal-
man of Liady, Laws of Damages to Body and Life, no. 7.
16. Shulan Arukh, Yoreh Deah 152:1, commentary by Rabbi Abraham Zvi Eisen-
stadt; see comment 1 of Pitei Teshuvah.
17. Commentary by Joseph Karo. See the Bet Yosef on Tur, oshen Mishpat 426:1.
Similarly cited there in chapter 157:1518 is the responsum of Rabbi Da-

vid ben Zimra who held that one does not place himself in potential danger
to save a fellow person even when for certain [he can save him]. [Nor may
one do this] even as an act of special piety, for such a person is a pious fool,
because in doubt, ones own life takes precedence over his fellows. Look it
up there.19
12. Even though one is obligated to protest against those who commit
a sin and whoever does not protest when he has the power to protest is held
responsible for the same sin, nevertheless, a person is not obligated to spend
his money on this [protesting the sin]. Therefore, they were accustomed
to be lenient with protesting against those who commit a sin because one
suspects that they [the sinning people] would threaten our bodies or pos-
sessions, as explained in Shulan Arukh, Yoreh Deah in the Isserles, Chapter
334.20 And the [learned] Gaon [of Vilna] wrote a responsum concerning this
matter [holding] that one is lenient only in the case of those who will do
certain damage, but not in the case of those who merely permit themselves
something forbidden in order to flatter one who has a little standing in
some kind of governmental authority or some other kind of tyranny, even
though they do not do real damage. Look it up there.
The authorities also wrote concerning this that, in a place where there
is worry about doing something, lest a wicked person harm someone and
cause him a lossfor his [the] hand [of the offender] is mighty, and this
time is one where arrogant [and offensive] behavior is countenanced, and
we do not have the power to subdue himthere permission [is granted]
to honor such persons, and [to do so] in the manner people honor men
of great power, from fear and terror. And in a case like this our Sages, of
blessed memory, said that it is permitted to flatter the wicked in this world.
However, this applies specifically in the matters of rising and respect and
similar things [having to do] with [the trappings of] honor. But [it is not
permitted] to praise their deeds in front of people, as explained in the book
Raysheet okhma.21 Look it up there, and look in the Yad Ktanah22 for
many different laws on this matter.
13. One is not allowed to make a law for himself [permitting him] to
degrade his fellow person nor for things similar to this concerning money
18. Cited by the Pitei Teshuvah on Yoreh Deah 152:1.
19. Ibid., See also m. Sanh. 73a and Sifra, Behar Sinai 5 for passages on which this
discussion is based.
20. Yoreh Deah 334:18, 46 and the Isserles there.
21. By Elijah de Vidas.
22. A collection of principles and rules on the 613 commandments according to
Maimonides, written by R. Baerish b. Jacob of Lemburg, published in 1800.
matters, and how much the more so [may he] not [degrade someone] in the
case where his fellow person intends to be obedient to the law, as explained
in Shulan Arukh, Yoreh Deah in the Isserles, chapter 334, paragraph 26.
Concerning the matter of making a law for ones self, that is, when that is
permitted, and all of the different laws pertaining to it is explained in os-
hen Mishpat 4. Look it up there.23
Further, concerning the saving of wicked people [from committing
an offense] and similar matterswhether dealing with their life or their
money24[these] are explained in Shulan Arukh, Yoreh Deah, chapter 158
and chapter 251. Look it up there.25
14. He who brings fear on the community, not for the sake of Heaven,
for example, one who rules the community harshly and people fear and are
afraid of him, and his intentions are strictly to glorify himself and [increase]
his possessions, [but] not for the sake of Heavensuch a person is one of
those people who has no share in the world to come, as explained in the
words of our Sages, of blessed memory, and in the Rambam:26 there are 24
[kinds] of people who are cut off and perish and are judged according to
the greatness of their evil and their sins forever and ever. Look it up there,
where they are enumerated in detail.
Nevertheless, even [with] these people, if one of them turns from his
evil way and becomes a penitent, then he is among those who [inherit] the
world to come. Look it up there.
15. A person does not have [total legal] authority even over his own
body to strike it, nor to degrade it, nor to cause it pain at all, nor even with
refraining from any food or drinkunless he does this as a form of repen-
tance, or similar matters which are good for him, so much so that there is
nothing better than this [that is, repentance], as explained in Baba Kamma,
chapter 8, Mishna 6, in the Magen Avraham, Chapter 57027 and similarly in
the Shulan Arukh of Shneur Zalman of Liady in the Laws of Damages to
Body and Life.28 Look it up there in the Kuntras Aaron, where he draws an
23. See also Isserles there.
24. The issues here include what in American parlance is called a citizens arrest
and what measures are legitimate to take in stopping an offense.
25. Chapter 158:12; chapter 251 Paragraphs 1 and 2 hold that regarding one who
is a sinner intentionally and does not do teshuvahthere is no obligation to keep him
alive through charity or loans. One who sins for spite need not be redeemed if he is
taken captive. Isserles permits it if people wish to redeem him, but he does not require it.
26.See Mishneh Torah, Hilkhot Teshuvah, chs. 89.
27. M. B. Qam. 8:7. The Magen Avraham to Shulan Arukh, Ora ayim 570 is not
related to this matter. No such numbers appear in the other volumes.
28. Shulan Arukh of Shneur Zalman of Liady, oshen Mishpat, Laws Concerning
Damage to Body and Life and Their Regulations, paragraph 4.
analogy concerning this prohibition to pain ones body, to Jacob our father
whose food was carobs and ice, and he did not pay any attention to this
[that is, to] causing pain to his body.
However, someone who says as is stated above, namely, that one is not
even allowed to degrade his body for the sake of [his] monetary needs [in
making a living, should note what] our Sages taught in the Talmud: It is
better to flay carcasses, etc.29 But there remains much in this matter which
requires considerable further study. Look it up there.
29. B. Pes. 113a. It is better to flay carcasses and earn wages than put on airs and
not work. The implication here is that ones status and body can be degraded for the sake
of making a living at a base trade rather than becoming dependent on charity which is
an even bigger disgrace.
The Changing Face of Victory
R. Russell Mack
Before going to war in the ancient Near East, kings would consult
a diviner seeking a victory oracle. Delivered through both inductive and
noninductive means, these oracles were promises of divine assistance in
battle.1 Victory oracles were common throughout the ancient Near East.2
Attested from the 18th century b.c.e. through the Second Temple period,
this form was relatively stable and characterized by common features that
varied from one culture to another. This essay discusses the victory oracle
in its standard form and examines the significance of changes to the form
that appear in the Hebrew Bible. However, before beginning this exami-
nation, it is important to acknowledge an underlying problem that plagues
any study of genres. How is a particular genre to be delimited?
A genre is a literary category, defined by thematic as well as formal cri-
teria, and indicates a historically existent type.3 Genre boundaries demar-
cate a literary form and serve to establish and preserve the forms function
and ideology, irrespective of the actual content. Even so, genre boundaries
are fluid and overlapping; they are not fixed, static entities, but are con-
stantly changing and adapting because literature is constantly evolving.4
During this evolutionary process, new genres may become dominant in
a culture while other genres fall out of favor. The violation of genre re-
strictions produces a change in both function and ideology. Consequently,
adherence, or lack thereof, to genre restrictions on the part of a writer has
significant implications.
Recent Scholarship
Recent scholars have written on the victory oracle. Van der Toorn
investigates the victory oracle in Mari texts, Neo-Assyrian texts, and the
Authors note: I consider myself very fortunate to have been able to work with Dr. Green-
gus. He is not only an exceptional scholar but a fine man.
1. K. van der Toorn, Loracle de victoire comme expression prophtique au
Proche-Orient ancient, RB 94 (1987) 67.
2.P. Harner, The Salvation Oracle in Second Isaiah, JBL 88 (1969) 422.
3. Modern Genre Theory (ed. D. Duff; Harlow, England: Longman, 2000) 210.
4.M. de Jong Ellis, Observations on Mesopotamian Oracles and Prophetic
Texts: Literary and Historiographic Considerations, JCS 41 (1989) 12786.
161
162 R. Russell Mack
Bible. He focuses on the relationship between prophetic oracles of victory

and analogous messages obtained by means of divination, the constitu-
tive elements of the oracle, and its underlying ideology and propagandistic
function. He expands Weipperts thesis showing the promise of victory,
divine presence in midst of battle and divine participation in battle are part
of a propagandistic function of prophetic victory oracles. Van der Toorn
also contrasts the roles of prophecy in Mesopotamia and Israel.5
Harner compares the Neo-Assyrian victory oracle to select passages
in Second Isaiah, highlighting the democratization process that occurred
during the Babylonian sojourn. Harner argues that victory oracles origi-
nated in times of distress, were delivered in the temple in response to an
individuals lament, contain authentic references to a future victory, and
may reflect the adaptation of an oracular form (with royal associations) in
a democratizing theological shift.6
Conrad identifies the structure of Fear Not oracles in Second Isaiah
comparing them to oracles preserved in the Pentateuch and the Deuteron-
omistic History. He argues that Second Isaiah uses two separate literary
forms, the War Oracle and the Patriarchal Oracle.7 The possible structural
elements of the first are (1) assurance, (2) object of fear, (3) basis of as-
surance, (4) a command, and (5) the result. The Patriarchal Oracle may
include any, or all, of the following elements: (1) assurance, (2) address,
(3) self-identification of the deity, (4) promise, (5) basis of assurance, (6)
command, and (7) object of fear.
Westermann identifies four broad types of salvation oracle. The first
group is patterned after those in Second Isaiah that proclaim the coming of
Cyrus to liberate Gods people. Group 2 includes short oracles consisting
of two parts that are seldom expanded. They proclaim the destruction of Is-
raels enemies and salvation for Israel. Group 3 includes conditional prom-
ises of salvation derived from Deuteronomistic parenesis. Group 4 consists
of texts that combine the prophetic announcement of salvation with a motif
of the piety of late wisdom literature.8
Elements
The Mari oracles survive in letters that report prophecies second hand.
It is not always apparent whether the letters report the prophecy in its en-
5. Van der Toorn, Loracle de victoire.
6. Harner, Salvation Oracle.
7. E. G. Conrad, The Fear Not Oracles in Second Isaiah, VT 34 (1984) 12952.
8.C. Westermann, Oracles of Salvation in The Place Is Too Small for Us (ed.
R.P. Gordon; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1995) 1023.
The Changing Face of Victory 163
tirety, the extent to which they preserve the ipsissima verba, or how many
disparate oracles any one letter references, thus hampering efforts to iden-
tify the constituent elements.9 For these reasons, and limitations of space, I
focus on the victory oracle in Assyria and Israel in this article. The oracles
discussed are chosen based on formal and thematic criteria.
Sennacherib (705681 b.c.e.) elevated Nineveh to the status of As
syrias royal capital. Situated on the east bank of the Tigris River, it is one
of four principle urban cities of the empire identified as the four door-
jambs in SAA 9 3.5, along with Ashur (the Inner City), Calah, and Arbela.
Each of these cities was also an important center for the cult of Ishtar.10
Ashurbanipal chose Nineveh to host his royal library where archaeologists
have recovered approximately 30 prophecies dating to the 7th century
b.c.e. The prophecies were delivered by a variety of prophets and prophet-
esses on behalf of numerous Assyrian and Babylonian deities and address
the political upheaval that plagued the reigns of these kings.11
The prophecies are preserved in collections and on individual tablets
facilitating identification of the constituent elements. An examination of
these prophecies reveals that the victory oracle is the dominant literary
form employed. Harner identifies the constituent elements as direct address
to the recipient, encouragement formula, divine self-identification form
ula, and promise of victory/defeat of enemies. These elements appear in
varying order and may appear more than once. These prophecies typically
address a member of the royal family, indicating the close association be-
tween the form and royal ideology in Assyria.12 The dynastic victory oracle
is closely related to the victory oracle. In addition to the elements identified
by Harner, the form includes: (1) reference to special relationship between
deity and king, (2) promise of a long tenure of office, (3) an allusion to past
acts of deliverance, and (4) prophetic ascription.13
9. This in spite of the protest by Nur-Sn, Previously, when I was still residing
in Mari, I would convey every word spoken by a prophet or a prophetess to my lord.
Now, living in another land, would I not communicate to my lord what I hear and they
tell me. See text 1, Nur- Sn to Zimri-Lim, (Text A. 1121 + A. 2731) in M. Nissinen,
Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature,
2003) 19.
10.S. Parpola, Assyrian Prophecies (SAA 9; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press,
1997) 26 n. iii 20.
11. R. R. Mack, Neo-Assyrian Prophecy and the Hebrew Bible: A Comparative Anal-
ysis (Ph.D. diss., Hebrew Union College, 2010) 7071. For a discussion of the prophets
and prophetesses, see Parpola Assyrian Prophecies, ILLII.
12. Harner, Salvation Oracle, 419.
13. Mack, Neo-Assyrian Prophecy, 8384.
164 R. Russell Mack
A survey of the elements as featured in a typical victory oracle will

highlight them.
SAA 9 1.1
(a) Direct address to the recipient
Esarhaddon, king of the lands
(b) Encouragement formula with supporting statements (2)
Fear not! What wind has risen against you whose wing I have not
broken?
Fear not! You are paralyzed, but in the midst of woe, I will rise and
sit down (beside you).
(c) Divine self-identification formula (3)
I am the Great Lady; I am Ishtar of Arbela
I am Ishtar of Arbela
I am Ishtar of Arbela
(d) Promise of victory
Your enemies will roll before your feet like apples
I will flay your enemies and give them to you
I will go before you and behind you
The above material does not provide the full text of this oracle, nor does
it present the material in the order in which it appears. This presentation
merely highlights key features of the form presently under discussion.
The Hebrew Bible recounts the reception of victory oracles through in-
ductive and noninductive means in narratives chronicling the history of the
nation.14 In addition to these oracles are those recorded in the Latter Proph-
ets and the Writings. While the dating of these texts is highly problematic,
identifying the changes in ideology of these prophecies is quite informative.
I begin with select oracles from Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomistic
History. Space does not allow for an exhaustive treatment of all the victory
oracles in the Hebrew Bible.
Oracles Delivered by Prophets

Yhwh sent Moses a victory oracle before the peoples encounter with
Og, King of Bashan.
Deuteronomy 3:2 / Numbers 21:34
(a) Encouragement formula
Do not fear
(b) Object of fear
him;
14. For a discussion of the similarities between oracles of victory received through
inductive and noninductive means, see van der Toorn, Loracle de victoire, 6869.
(c) Promise of victory

for I have given him and all his people and his land into your hand,
(d) Implied command15
and you shall do to him as you did to Sihon the king of the Amorites,
who dwelt at Heshbon.
We may assume Moses received this oracle at the tent of meeting, which he
often frequented, but the text does not relate the circumstances by which
the oracle was delivered.
During the period of the judges, Deborah the prophetess delivered a
victory oracle to Barak before he encountered Sisera in battle.
Judges 4:67
(a) Explicit command/instructions
Go up to Mount Tabor and take with you ten thousand men of
Naphtali and Zebulun
(b) Promise of victory
I will lure Sisera, the commander of Jabins army, with his chariots
and his troops to the Kishon River and give them into your hands.
Featuring a command and promise of victory, this example showcases the

victory oracle in its simplest form.
Ben Hadad of Damascus attacked Samaria, threatening it with destruc-
tion. An unnamed prophet brings a victory oracle to Ahab.
1 Kings 20:13
(a) Divine self-identification formula/Messenger formula
Thus says Yhwh,
Have you seen this great multitude? Watch! I will give it into your
hand today,
(c) Result
and you shall know that I am Yhwh.
The use of the divine self-identification formula is atypical. Normally, the

formula assures the addressee that the promise of victory is real. However,
in this instance, it is the victory that will assure that Yhwh is real.
15. The issue here is when to classify something as an implied command or a re-
sult. Not all commands/instructions are issued in the imperative. Because the focus is
on what the Israelites are to do, I classify this element as an implied command, thereby
distinguishing it from an explicit command (which employs an imperative) or a result.
Support for this classification may be found in Josh 11:6, 9, You shall hamstring their
horses, and burn their chariots with fire. ... Joshua did to them as Yhwh commanded
him: he hamstrung their horses, and burned the chariots with fire. The command in
this case is implied.
166 R. Russell Mack
Oracles Delivered by Priests

After an initial defeat at Ai precipitated by Achans sin, Yhwh sent Josh-
ua a victory oracle.
Joshua 8:12
(a) Encouragement formula
Do not fear or be dismayed;
(b) Explicit command/instructions
take all the fighting men with you and arise, go up to Ai;
see, I have given into your hand the king of Ai, and his people, his
city, and his land;
(d) Implied command
you shall do to Ai and its king as you did to Jericho and its king; only
its spoil and its cattle you shall take as booty for yourselves;
(e) Explicit command/instructions
Lay an ambush against the city, behind it.
The text reports that Yhwh responded to Joshuas lament by instructing
him to bring the Israelites before the sanctuary, where Achan is identified as
the offending party. If we are to assume that the priest casting lots selected
Achan, we may infer that the priest mediated all the messages received from
Yhwh. In which case, a priest delivered the oracle following Joshuas lament.
While David was in exile in Ziklag, Amalekite raiders burned the city
and took the women and children captive while the men were away. After
consulting the ephod, Abiathar delivered a victory oracle advising David
and his men to pursue the raiders.
1 Samuel 30:78
(a) Explicit command
Pursue
For surely you will overtake and shall surely rescue.
Delivered in part in response to a lament, this basic oracle consists of a
simple command and promise of victory.
The picture changes when we turn to the latter prophets. The authors
of these texts violate genre restrictions changing the ideology of the victory
oracle. They also incorporate elements typical of dynastic victory oracles.
The Latter Prophets

Harner follows Begrich and argues that Second Isaiah deliberately ad-
opted the victory oracle to bring a message of encouragement to people
languishing in exile. In this oracle, the addressee is Israel.
Isaiah 41:813
(a) Addressee
But you, Israel ... Jacob,
(b) Special relationship
my servant ... whom I have chosen, the offspring of Abraham, my
friend, you whom I took from the ends of the earth, and called from
its farthest corners, saying to you, You are my servant. I have chosen
you and not cast you off.
(c) Encouragement formula with supporting statements
Do not fear, for I am with you; do not be dismayed,
(d) Divine self-identification formula
for I am your God
(e) Promise of victory
I will strengthen you; I will help you; I will uphold you with my
victorious right hand.
(f) Result
Yes, and all who are incensed against you shall be ashamed and
disgraced; those who strive against you shall be as nothing and shall
perish. You shall seek those who contend with you, but you shall not
find them; those who war against you shall be as nothing at all.
(d) Divine self-identification formula
For I, Yhwh your God,
(b) Special relationship
I hold your right hand
(g) Messenger formula
It is I who say to you
(c) Encouragement formula with supporting statements
Do not fear, I will help you.
It is readily apparent that this oracle is much more complex than are those
preserved in the Deuteronomistic History. The focus on the special relation-
ship between Yhwh and Israel parallels the relationship outlined in the As-
syrian Dynastic Victory Oracles. However, while the Assyrian oracles focus
on the special relationship between the deity and king, this oracle extends
this special relationship to the people thereby undergoing what Nissinen
refers to as a democratizing process.16 The passage goes so far as to employ
the royal designation servant in reference to the nation. Second Isaiah
also refines the notion of victory, expanding it to the point where it does not
simply predict victory in a battle, but Israel will enjoy peace without further
16.M. Nissinen, Die Relevanz der neuassyrischen Prophetie fr die alttestament-

liche Forschung, in MesopotamicaUgariticaBiblica: Festchrift fr Kurt Bergerhof
(ed. M. Dietrich and O. Loretz; AOAT 232; Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker, 1993) 235.
168 R. Russell Mack
battle because her enemies will be no more.17 Similar developments occur

in Isa 41:813, 1416; 43:17; and 44:15.
Nah 1:122:1[1:1115] contains elements common to Assyrian victory
oracles, but with minor variations.
Nahum 1:12[1:11]2:1[1:15]
(a) Direct address
From you (Judah/Jerusalem) has departed one devising evil against
Yhwh, one counseling wickedness.
(b) Messenger formula
Thus said Yhwh:
Though they are in full strength, and thus many, so they shall be
sheared, and shall pass away. I have afflicted you (Judah/Jerusalem); I
will afflict you no more. Now I will break his yoke (king of Assyrias)
from off you (Judah/Jerusalem), and I will sever your (Judah/
Jerusalem) bonds. Yhwh has commanded concerning you (king of
Assyria), Your (king of Assyria) name shall not be sown again; out
of the house of your (king of Assyria) gods will I cut off the graven
image and the molten image; I will prepare your (king of Assyria)
grave; for you (king of Assyria) are cursed/contemptible.
(d) Announcement
Look! Upon the mountains a messenger that brings good news, one
proclaiming peace!
(e) Explicit command/instructions
Keep your feasts, O Judah, perform your vows; for the wicked shall
no more pass through you; he is utterly cut off.
The entire unit addresses Judah/Jerusalem, though the oracle contains

speech directed to both Judah/Jerusalem and the king of Assyria. The or-
acle differentiates by means of altering personal pronouns. The feminine
second-person pronoun addresses Judah/Jerusalem (1:1113; 2:1) and the
masculine second-person pronoun (1:14) addresses the king of Assyria.
The Assyrian king is also referred to by two Qal active participles (1:11)
and the Hebrew word belial in 2:1. The messenger formula is the functional
equivalent of the divine self-identification formula and identifies Yhwh as
the source of the oracle (1:12). The message of victory promises deliverance
from the king of Assyria and employs numerous Assyrian motifs.18 Its con-
cern is limited to the immediate threat posed by Nineveh. The announce-
17. Harner, Salvation Oracle, 425.

18.G. Johnston, Nahums Rhetorical Allusions to Neo-Assyrian Treaty Curses,
BSac 158 (2001) 41536; Nahums Rhetorical Allusions to Neo-Assyrian Conquest
Metaphors, BSac 159 (2002) 2145.
ment of a messenger proclaiming good news and peace is the functional

equivalent of the encouragement formula; it serves to calm the anxiety of
the recipient.
The book of Zephaniah preserves a victory promise adhering to the
Assyrian pattern.
Zephaniah 3:1420
(a) Explicit command/instructions
Sing aloud ... shout ... rejoice and exult with all your heart
(b) Direct address
O daughter of Zion ... O Israel! ... O daughter of Jerusalem!
(c) Result
Yhwh has taken away the judgments against you; he has cast out
your enemies. The King of Israel, Yhwh, is in your midst; you shall
fear evil no more. On that day, it shall be said to Jerusalem:
(d) Encouragement formula with supporting statements
Fear not! ... Let not your hands grow weak.
(b) Direct address
O Zion;
(e) Special relationship
Yhwh, your God, is in your midst, a warrior who gives victory; he
will rejoice over you with gladness, he will renew you in his love;19 he
will exult over you with loud singing.
(f) Promise of victory
I will remove those grieved by the festival. They were a burden for
you, a reproach. Behold, at that time I will deal with all your oppressors;
I will save the lame and gather the outcast; I will make them praised
and renowned in every land of their shame. At that time I will bring
you home, at the time when I gather you together; yea, I will make
you renowned and praised among all the peoples of the earth, when
I restore your fortunes before your eyes,
(g) Messenger formula
says Yhwh.
This oracle addresses a personified JerusalemDaughter-Zion/Israel/

Daughter-Jerusalemwhich enjoys a special relationship with Yhwh, not
the king. Yhwhs activity on her behalf extends from the present into the
future. He has removed her punishment and reproach, promises his on-
going presence, and promises her restoration. This victory oracle employs
19. Following the LXX, Peshitta, njb, rsv, Buhl, S. R. Driver, Duhm, Hitzig, G. A.
Smith, and R. Patterson in reading and accepting a consonantal change from to
( R. D. Patterson, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah [Wycliffe Exegetical Commentary;
Chicago: Moody, 1991] 38384).
170 R. Russell Mack
several utopian elements. The prophet foresees circumstances that will ful-
fill the horizon of the best imaginable state of affairs within Israel that are
perceived by them as unrealizable within their usual course of events.20
Only direct intervention by Yhwh will bring them to pass. It looks to a
future point in which Zion is encouraged to rejoice because Yhwh will
have removed her enemies and the judgments against her. The shame of the
lame and outcast will be turned to praise and renown after he restores the
remnant to their home. The people will be praised and renowned through-
out the earth. Once again, the messenger formula serves as the functional
equivalent of the divine self-identification formula.
Summary of Elements
This brief review leads to a number of general observations. Both
prophets and priests could deliver a victory oracle in Israel. After consult-
ing the ephod and receiving a yes or no answer, the priest felt the free-
dom to frame the divine response as a victory oracle. When he did so, these
oracles are relatively simple and straightforward. The preclassical prophets
also deliver relatively simple victory oracles, the simplest of which con
sisted of a command and promise of victory. We find the greatest expansion
of the form in the Latter Prophets. The victory oracles in Second Isaiah,
Nahum, and Zephaniah expand upon the form, incorporating elements
associated with Assyrian dynastic victory oracles, specifically they depict
the special relationship between Yhwh and his people and envision a time
of peace when strife and conflict will cease. Additional elements found in
these oracles, but not those in the Deuteronomistic History, include the
following: recipient identified by name, the messenger formula, and the
announcement.
Victory oracles in the Hebrew Bible do not always contain the divine
self-identification formula. However, this is not surprising when one con-
siders that many of these oracles were delivered in response to an inquiry
of Yhwh. In these instances, there is no need for the deity to identify him-
self. In Assyria and Mari, it is common to find the divine self-identification
formula, but this is what one would expect when an unsolicited oracle is
delivered in a polytheistic society. When the deity promises victory, it is
natural for the king to want to know which deity had made the promise.
20.E. Ben Zvi, Utopias, Multiple Utopias, and Why Utopias at All: The Social
Roles of Utopian Visions in Prophetic Books within Their Historical Context, in Utopia
and Dystopia in Prophetic Literature (ed. E. Ben Zvi; Publications of the Finnish Exeget-
ical Society 92; Helsinki: Finnish Exegetical Society, 2006) 56.
This type of minor variation in content is what one would expect to find
between different cultures.
Tribal leaders received the victory oracle in pre-monarchic Israel.
While we do not have any surviving examples from Babylon, Mari, and
Assyria dating to respective pre-monarchic periods, we may assume that
the same held true in these regions as well. As long as there have been lead-
ers and diviners, we would expect leaders to seek divine assurances before
battle. During the monarchy, kings and other members of the royal family
received these assurances. These oracles were in response to a political
threat, typically the danger posed by a foreign army or usurper. We only
find victory oracles addressing the people at large in Israel. There is no way
of determining whether this is attributable to the vagaries of archaeological
discovery or whether it reflects an actual difference in the form between
these cultures.
Some victory oracles came in response to laments. This appears to be
what happened in the case of Joshua (Josh 8:12) and David (1 Sam 30:7
8). However, there is no suggestion of Moses, Barak, or Ahab receiving a
victory oracle in response to a lament. From this, we may conclude that,
while a priest may deliver a victory oracle in response to a lament, this is not
the only occasion that may produce one.
We turn now to the following question: who is responsible for the
changes in form evidenced in the Latter Prophets?
Ideology
The production of texts is an ideological activity. It is a means of rep-
resenting reality either as it was, is, or should be.21 In monarchic Israel, the
palace and temple were part of one royal complex. Whether produced for
the palace or temple, texts were produced under monarchic patronage and
reflect monarchic concerns.22 The victory oracles recovered from Mari and
Assyria clearly reflect the interests of monarchic patrons. They address the
king and promise victory against his enemies. Likewise, the victory oracles
preserved in the Deuteronomistic History reflect monarchic patronage. The
tribe of Judah is to lead the battle against Benjamin, supporting the royal
ideal that the kingship would not depart from Judah (Judges 20). The or-
acles in 1Samuel 23, 30, and 2Samuel 5 address David, Israels ideal king;
1Kings 20 addresses King Ahab of Israel. It was to the kings advantage both
21.R. Chartier, On the Edge of the Cliff: History, Language, and Practices (trans.
L.G. Cochrane; Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1997) 90103.
22. K. van der Toorn, Scribal Culture and the Making of the Hebrew Bible (Cam-
bridge: Harvard University Press 2007) 8289.
172 R. Russell Mack
to preserve and to disseminate these prophecies to garner the support of

the military and populace for his endeavors.23 However, the victory oracles
in Second Isaiah, Nahum, and Zephaniah do not address members of the
royal family, as is typical. The content of these oracles reflects a change in
ideology.
New ideologies emerge in response to social strain and attempts to pro-
vide meaning in a changing environment. When a communitys representa-
tion of reality has been challenged, one of the ways it responds to this loss of
orientation is by producing new texts that aim to recenter its representation
of realityits ideology. Geertz observes that [i]t is the loss of orientation
that most directly gives rise to ideological activity such as text formation
and genre transformation.24 Eagleton reminds us that forms are historically
determined by the kind of content they have to embody; they are changed,
transformed, broken down and revolutionized as that content itself chang-
es.25 Therefore, one expects genre transformation to occur during times
of social pressure when perceived norms of reality are threatened or ques-
tioned. These times of loss necessitate transforming cultural assumptions
and aspirations. Old genres are modified to reflect new realities.
On the establishment of the Israelite monarchy, the victory oracle be-
came closely associated with the king who was responsible for leading the
people into battle.26 The surviving Mari and Assyrian records only attest
victory oracles addressing members of the royal family. However, this is not
surprising given that the extant oracles have all been recovered from royal
archives. It seems likely that victory oracles were in use in these regions
long before leaders took the title of king and began collecting archives.
What is remarkable is that, in Israel, we find victory oracles that address
the community at large. The people become the recipients of the privileges
and special relationship previously enjoyed exclusively by the king. Har-
ner, Begrich, and Nissinen highlight this development in Second Isaiah. A
similar genre transformation occurs in Nahum and Zephaniah. The victory
oracles in Second Isaiah, Nahum, and Zephaniah lack the features typical of
monarchic patronage. How are we to account for this change?
Four possibilities present themselves. Holladay attributes this shift to
political changes that occur in the 8th century b.c.e. In this scenario, Israel
23. Idem, Loracle de victoire, 9192.
24.C. Geertz, The Interpretation of Culture (New York: Basic Books, 1973) 219.
25.T. Eagleton, Marxism and Literary Criticism (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1976) 22.
26.G. Gakuru, An Inner-Biblical Exegetical Study of the Davidic Covenant and the
Dynastic Oracle (Mellen Biblical Press Series 58; Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 2000)
2628.
conceived the role of the prophet along the lines of the royal messenger
and prophecy mirrored political correspondence. Biblical prophecy began
addressing the population at large shortly after Assyrian letters and treaties
did the same.27 Therefore, it is possible that a royal patron with a high re-
gard for the prophetic word preserved the prophecies irrespective of their
content.
Another possibility is that the king in Jerusalem was responsible for this
shift in ideology as part of his strategy to solicit support. Houston outlines
how select passages of Scripture present or preserve an ideal of kingship
that exists to protect the poor. These passages displace exploitive behavior
onto foreign nations and present an idealized ruler. Houston proposes that
this was done to undermine the kings rivals for power.28 Might the king in
Jerusalem have found it advantageous to extend royal prerogatives to the
community as part of a strategy to strengthen political support?
Another possibility is that these texts were produced at a time when
the king lacked sufficient power to exercise control over text production.
In this scenario, the king does not willingly surrender his prerogatives. We
read in 2 Kgs 23:30 that the people of the land installed Jehoahaz as king on
Josiahs death. Jehoahaz reigned for three months before Pharaoh Neco de-
posed him. Houston argues that these people of the land are wealthy land
owners. They are leading members of local communities who have opted
to live in Jerusalem to avail themselves of its amenities and to gain political
influence.29 In this scenario, these prominent citizens exercise control over
text production. The references to Judah/Jerusalem are in fact references to
these people of the land. Could these texts be evidence of private citizens
influencing text production at a time when the monarchy was weak?
The fourth possibility is that these texts were produced after the col-
lapse of the monarchy. The texts reflect new ideologies that emerged in
the context of the social and ideological upheaval that occurred when
27.J. Holladay Jr., Assyrian Statecraft and the Prophets of Israel HTR 63 (1970)
2951. Holladays theory raises questions that lie outside the scope of this paper. In the
ancient Near East, prophecy was a branch of divination. If Holladay is correct, was Israel
unique in conceiving the prophet/prophecy in terms of a royal messenger? Numerous
texts appear to associate prophecy with divination (Isa 44:25; Jer 27:9; 29:8; Mic 3:7)
while others condemn divination (Lev 19:26; Deut 18:10, 14; 1 Sam 15:23; 2 Kgs 17:17;
21:6; Isa 2:6). Do the latter group reflect a conscious effort to change how prophecy was
conceived in Israel, divorcing it from the field of divination? Why is there no corre-
sponding democratization in Assyrian prophecy?
28. Cf. W. J. Houston, Contending for Justice: Ideologies and Theologies of Social
Justice in the Hebrew Bible (New York: T.&T. Clark, 2006) 13852.
29. Houston, Contending for Justice, 2840.
174 R. Russell Mack
Jerusalem fell to the Babylonians. This loss would have necessitated trans-
forming cultural assumptions and aspirations. Old genres associated with
the king, such as the victory oracle, would have been unsuitable to speak
to a new political situation in which there was no king. A form of speech
with royal associations would have to be modified in order to be relevant.
Here we find a prophetic form normally addressed to the king addressed to
the community instead. Because the palace and temple were the two insti-
tutions responsible for producing texts, it is possible that priests commis-
sioned these texts.
Conclusions
In its simplest form, the victory oracle consisted of a command and
promise of victory. A priest may deliver it in response to a lament, or a
prophet may deliver it unsolicited. It assured ancient Near Eastern kings of
victory against their enemies in battle. The Latter Prophets take this form
and adapt its ideology and content to serve a different purpose. Second Isa-
iah, Nahum, and Zephaniah employ it to redefine the nature of victory and
extend royal privileges to the people at large as part of a democratizing
process that takes place in the Hebrew Bible.
Zru, to Hate as a
Metaphor for Covenant Instability
Andrew J. Riley
Introduction
In modern American discourse, hate is a bad word at times. The Ku
Klux Klan and the Holocaust conjure hate-filled images. Although the se-
mantic range of hate includes more innocuous uses of hate (for example,
like that employed by children when they declare their hate for vegetables),
the word still carries a connotation laden with negative emotion. In fact,
due to various factors (including the realities of modern hate crimes), I feel
I should not hate anything. Whether right or wrong, expressions of personal
hate are mostly absent from my speech.
The use of hate in the ancient Near East is different. Qoheleth says
there is a time to hate (3:8). And the ancient use of hate includes more than
human hate; the gods hate too. They hate each other, humans, wickedness,
and more. But most important for the purposes of this study, Akkadian
and Biblical Hebrew texts contain instances of hate (zru and )that are
ostensibly mostly (or totally) free of emotion. These sentiment-free ex-
amples (which provide the greatest contrast to modern American usage)
are sometimes part of vocabulary occurring in covenant making or break-
ing contexts.
This essay is a reflection on this nonemotive aspect of zru, which
CAD defines as to dislike, to hate, to avoid.1 These definitions are a good
Authors note: It is an honor to salute Dr. Samuel Greengus by contributing to this Fest-
schrift. I feel great affection for this fine Bible scholar, world class Assyriologist, patient
teacher, and kind mentor. When I was a graduate student at Hebrew Union College
Jewish Institute of Religion, I found his classes valuable because of his direction and
erudition. But they were pleasurable because of himhis disposition and company. He
was funny, entertaining, and anecdotal. He put me and my colleagues in touch with the
scholars of yesteryear: Jacobsen, Landsberger, Glueck, the Lewys, and more. I only wish
I had more time in his classroom.
The late David B. Weisberg, Sam Meier, Charles Halton, my anonymous review-
ers, and the editors of this volume deserve my acknowledgement for providing helpful
critiques to various versions of this essay.
1. CAD Z 9799; AHw 3:1522 adds ablehnen, to reject.
175
176 Andrew J. Riley
starting point for semantic inquiry, but they are ultimately inadequate for
capturing this lexemes metaphorical (that is, unemotional) connotation.2
This term functions with this particular connotation primarily in covenant
contexts and is a metaphor for unsound covenant ties. My purpose here is
to underscore this metaphorical-covenantal nuance, confirming the work of
others, but also to move beyond present scholarship by providing a matrix
for interpreting zru in this fashion.3 To understand this nuance fully, my
essay first addresses several studies on the semantic nuance of covenantal
love. Explanation of the antithetic term of zru then provides a framework
for addressing the notion of hate in covenant contexts.
Love and Hate as Covenant Terms

Morans groundbreaking article on the covenantal aspect of love shows
that some interpreters misunderstand love in Deuteronomy. By marshaling
examples of love from several ancient Near Eastern texts (including the
Bible and letters from Mari and Amarna), he demonstrates that , rmu,
and rimtu, love, between covenant partners is a metaphor for sound
covenant ties. Moreover, Moran says there are four functions of love in
covenant discourse: (1) allied kings (brothers) must love one another, (2)
sovereigns are to love vassals, (3) vassals are to love sovereigns (demon-
strated by loyalty, obedience, and service), and (4) subjects must love their
king.4 While love in this political/covenant context may possess emotion
2. Throughout this paper, zru may refer to the verb itself or related words (e.g.,
zrti or ziru).
3. My theory of lexicography is based on several factors: a words literary context;
a word in its literary context compared with other instances of the same word in other
literary contexts and the polysemy this generates; the genre of the words host document;
antonymy and synonymy; and synchrony and diachrony. Several sources influence this
methodology: R. Jakobson, On Language (ed. L. R. Waugh and M. Monville-Burston;
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990) especially ch. 1, Current Issues of General
Linguistics, 4955, and ch. 20, Some Questions of Meaning, 31523; R. Holmstedt,
Issues in the Linguistic Analysis of a Dead Language, with Particular Reference to An-
cient Hebrew, Journal of Hebrew Scriptures 6 (2006) article 11, cited 8 August 2012. On-
line: http://www.jhsonline.org/Articles/article_61.pdf; J. Barr, The Semantics of Biblical
Language (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961); P. Cotterell, Linguistics, Meaning,
Semantics, and Discourse Analysis, NIDOTTE 1:13460; and J. H. Walton, Princi-
ples for Productive Word Study, NIDOTTE 1:16171. Though some of these sources
address biblical interpretation, their general principles and cautions apply (with some
variation) to the nonbiblical documents featured in this study.
4. W. L. Moran, The Ancient Near Eastern Background of the Love of God in
Deuteronomy, CBQ 25 (1963) 7787. While many of Morans examples of love are from
the human realm, he argues the way love functions between humans has implications
for Deuteronomys understanding of the love of God.
Zru, to Hate as a Metaphor for Covenant Instability 177
(that is, the sentiment of love), feeling is not a primary (or even neces-
sary) component. The primary tenor is metaphorical. In other words, I
love you in a covenant context does not require the interpretation, I feel
positive emotion about you and as a result wish to be close to you. On the
contrary, it may mean, I have a stable covenant relationship with you, but
I really have no feeling toward you either way.5
The influence of Morans article is vast. Indeed, one often finds it
cited favorably in the scholarship on love in biblical Hebrew or Akkadian
from the mid-1960s to present. However, it generated a recent critique by
Lapsley. She challenges some of his conclusions and maintains that there
is more to , love, in Deuteronomy than emotionless obedience and
loyaltythere is an emotive function of love also. Her article is relevant to
this study because she provides a brief treatment of , to hate, in which
she notes, Further attention ought to be given to the many occurrences of
hate ( )in Deuteronomy, since from a cursory glance it appears that
both emotional and political connotations apply here as well.6
Branson responded to Lapsleys suggestion by writing on hate in Deu-
teronomy, elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible, and other Northwest Semitic
texts.7 He discloses in the article two cornerstones of his analysis: a pair
of unpublished dissertations. The first (by Brice) is on human hatred and
anger in the Old Testament; the second is his own on every appearance of
in the Hebrew Bible.8 Both Brice and Branson are unequivocal: in
the Old Testament sometimes has a covenantal meaning. That is, can
indicate the abrogation, breach, or lack of a covenant. This position sup-
plies a parallel to the aforesaid Moran argument that love describes intact,
5. In addition to mostly Akkadian documents, Moran supports his thesis with

1Kgs 5:15, which notes that Hiram of Tyre was , friend, to David. In this case,
is more a reflection of David and Hirams covenant relationship than any positive
emotion that may (or may not) have existed between them (ibid., 8081).
6. J. E. Lapsley, Feeling Our Way: Love for God in Deuteronomy, CBQ 65 (2003)
358 n. 32. B. T. Arnold is perhaps the most recent critic of Morans thesis (The Love-
Fear Antimony in Deuteronomy 511, VT 61 [2011] 55169). While Arnold ultimately
embraces Morans interpretation of love in Deuteronomy reflecting covenant fidelity, he
maintains that the political and covenantal nuances of love, were accepted at times
uncritically in the scholarship (pp. 55859) and that the affective dimension of love has
often been overlooked particularly in Deuteronomy 511.
7. R. D. Branson, The Polyvalent : An Emotional, Performative, and Cov-
enantal Term, BR 51 (2007) 515. This article covers more covenant terms than ;
Branson also mentions (with relevant bibliography) , , and .
8. G. W. Brice, A Study of Hatred and Anger in Old Testament Man (Ph.D. diss.,
Yale University, 1961) and R. D. Branson, A Study of the Hebrew Term ( Ph.D. diss.,
Boston University, 1976).
178 Andrew J. Riley
healthy covenant relationships. Brice and Branson maintain character-

izes unsound covenant ties.
As for the Akkadian counterpart zru, Jaques affirms that it operates
with a similar nuance and indicates the abrogation or breach of a covenant.
In a monograph on the vocabulary of feeling in Sumerian and Akkadian,
she devotes several pages to zru, to which she attaches a legal feeling
in certain cases (some of which this study treats).9 Her inspiration for this
opinion is an earlier essay (which treats zru in the Anzu Myth) by Hallo
and Moran. They write, Zru usually implies the repudiation of a prior
personal bond (individual, familial, political).10 It is important to note that
Jaques, Hallo, and Moran apparently understand zrus legal sense to over-
shadow (but not necessarily remove) the negative emotional value of zru.
Three Categories for the Metaphorical Nuance of Zru

It is against the collective backdrop of Moran, Lapsley, Branson,
Jaques, and Hallo that this paper discusses several instances of human
zru, which are metaphors for covenant instability.11 Just as love indicates a
sound treaty bond (the covenant function of love), zru indicates and serves
as a metaphor for an unstable or shattered covenant union (the covenant
function of zru). Further, this study goes beyond CADs and AHws en-
tries for zru, because even though these dictionaries contain the instances
that I enumerate below, they do not note zrus metaphorical nuance as
discussed in this essay.12 This study also moves beyond the works of Hallo,
9.M. Jaques, Le vocabulaire des sentiments dans les texts sumriens: Recherche sur
le lexique sumriens et akkadien (ed. M. Dietrich and O. Loretz; AOAT 332; Mnster:
Ugarit-Verlag, 2006) 11115, 14761. 13) Although primarily treating in the Ara-
maic documents from Elephantine, Botta arrives at a an interpretation of zru similar to
Jaques, A. F. Botta, Hated by the Gods and Your Spouse: Legal Use of in Elephan-
tine and Its Ancient Near Eastern Context in Law and Religion in the Eastern Medi-
terranean: From Antiquity to Early Islam (ed. R. G. Kratzand A.C. Hagedorn; Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2013) 10528.
10. W. W. Hallo and W. L. Moran, The First Tablet of the SB Recension of the
Anzu-Myth, JCS 31 (1979) 68 n. 9.
11. The host documents (the genres of which are letter, royal annals, law code, and
divination text) span the ancient Near East with respect to region (Amarna to Babylon)
and time (the entire second millennium into the first). These realities show that zrus
metaphorical nuance was widespread.
12. As partially stated in the introduction above, the zru entry in CAD Z 9799
provides the following definitions and headings: (1) to dislike, to hate, to avoid (a) in
relations between human beings (1) in legal texts and letters, (2) in literary texts, (3) in
historical contexts, (b) in relations between gods and men, (c) in transferred meanings,
(2.IV) to be disliked.
Moran, and Jaques by providing a semantic matrix for zru (absent from
CAD and AHw) based on Morans aforesaid four functions of covenantal
love. Three categories are employed here: (1) hate between royal or non-
royal equals, (2) hate from sovereign to vassal, and (3) hate from vassal to
sovereign.13
Because this study addresses emotional metaphors, considering Aarons
model for interpreting figures of speech will be helpful. Aaron rejects the
binary conceptualization for understanding metaphors. That is, when one
encounters a metaphor in an ancient text, one need not decide if the anal-
ogy is either figurative or literal. Rather, the reader should employ a gra
dient model. This allows for a spectrum of meaning into which the analogy
fits.14 My task as interpreter of zru requires a gradient model because this
word has its own continuum of meaning. On one end, it expresses intense
negative emotion. The other end of the spectrum minimizes (or removes)
this strong sentiment.
(1) Hate between Royal or Nonroyal Equals
Two letters of note under this rubric contain descriptions of hate be-
tween two kings (the first example) and between former allies (the second
example). An anonymous king is the originator of RS 18.54A, the intended
recipient of which is an unnamed king of Ugarit. This sender is ostensi-
bly concerned about his relationship with Ugarits king, whom the author
identifies as my brother. After introductory matters, the document states,
And now concerning the king of Ugari[t]my brother hates me (ittiya
zir) and he does not send his messenger to me (lines 710).15 The func-
tion of zru indicating covenant instability is present in this example. The
sender identifies the king of Ugarit (the recipient) as brother, implying
some sort of international bond.16 This explains the writers incredulity at
13. My third category (hate from vassal to sovereign) is symmetrical to Morans

third and fourth categories (vassals must love sovereigns and subjects must love their
king), because his third and fourth categories reflect the inferiors stance toward the
superior in a relationship.
14. D. H. Aaron, Biblical Ambiguities: Metaphor, Semantics and Divine Imagery
(ed. J. Neusner et al.; BRLAJ 4; Leiden: Brill, 2001).
15. This translation follows the transcription of J. Nougayrol, Le palais royal dUg-
arit, vol. 4: Textes accadiens des archives sud (archives internationales) (Mission de Ras
Shamra 9; Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1956) 22829.
16.M. Liverani writes on brotherhood as a metaphor for covenant partners, Pres-
tige and Interest: International Relations in the Near East ca. 16001100 b.c. (ed. F. M.
Fales, G. B. Lanfranchi, and P. Piersimoni; History of the Ancient Near East Studies 1;
Padova: Sargon, 1990) 197202.
180 Andrew J. Riley
the suspected zru of Ugarits king. Because allied kings (brothers) have a
bond, love should define their relationship. Thus, this study observes a
covenant function of zru vis--vis allied kings.
A letter (SH 861) from the Shemshara (uarr) archive portrays zru
among covenant partners, who do not have the status of king. Shamshi-Adad
(18131781 b.c.e.) is the ostensible sender; Kuwari, ruler of uarr, is the
recipient. Shemshara was the administrative center for the land of Utm,
which was a part of a larger polity whose capital was probably Kunum.
Eidem argues that a crisis generated a shift in allegiance on Kuwaris part
from ties in Kunum to Shamshi-Adad.17 It is against this background that
SH 861 is understood best: Say to Kuwari: Your lord says, I hereby have
sent 600 tr[oo]ps t[o] guard uarr. Let the[se] troops enter uarr,
and you come here to me. The citizens of Utm hate (izirr) the city uar-
r. And you, you citizens of Kunum who left Kunum [(... ...)], they hate
you (izirrkunti). They are criminal and rebellious (obv. lines113).18
This letter indicates that citizens of the larger district of Utm hate uarr
and Kuwari. This is due to Kuwaris and uarrs treachery to former
allegiances that they had to the district of Utm. Germane to this is the
above-cited comment of both Hallo and Moran: Zru usually implies the
repudiation of a prior personal bond (individual, familial, political).19 This
point is especially relevant to SH 861 for it explains Utms zru: Kuwari
and uarr betrayed an allegiance. This is another case of zru indicating
an unsteady bond. Hence, this study notes a covenant function of zru with
respect to relations between nonroyal equals. Because love should charac-
terize relations between allied royalty, one can expect allied nonroyalty to
love each other too.
(2) Hate from Sovereign to Vassal
The four instances of zru in this category also appear on the interna-
tional, political scene. They appear in Akkadian letters in which the author
of the letter highlights the hate of the recipient, who is sovereign to the
sender. For example, ARMT 1.2 is from the vassal Abi-Samar to his over-
17.J. Eidem, The Shemshra Archives, vol. 2: The Administrative Texts (Historisk-
filosofiske Skrifter 15; Copenhagen: Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters,
1992) 1718. See also J. Eidem and J. Lsse, The Shemshara Archives, vol. 1: The Letters
(Historisk-filosofiske Skrifter 23; Copenhagen: Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and
Letters, 2001) 4243.
18. This translation follows the letters transcription in ibid., 93.
19. Hallo and Moran, The First Tablet of the SB Recension of the Anzu-Myth,
68 n. 9.
lord, Yahdun-Lim (ca. 1810ca. 1794 b.c.e.), king of Mari.20 Although the
reason for the letter is not evident in the document itself, it may be related
to the same scenario of ARMT 1.1, namely, Abi-Samar is still terrorized
by Shamshi-Adad and needs the aid of Yahdun-Lim.21 Abi-Samar writes in
ARMT 1.2, If you hat[e] (tez[r]) Abi-Samar, do you also hate (tezrm[a])
your ci[ti]es? (obv. lines78).22
The Amarna texts (EA) of the Late Bronze Age furnish similar evi-
dence. The vassal Aziru of Amurru wrote EA 158 to Tutu, who serves as
Azirus representative to the king. Evidently, others in the royal court were
maligning Aziru to the king within earshot of Tutu. When Aziru heard this,
he was terrified. For much of this letter Aziru acknowledges his subordi-
nate position to Tutu and requests that Tutu reprimand the slanderers. This
culminates with the sum of all Azirus fears as he ends his letter, But if
the king, my lord, does not love me, but hates me (izeiranni), then what
can I say? (lines3638).23
EA 286 presents a similar case in which another vassal is fighting
to keep himself on good terms with the king. Abdi-eba is the author of
this letter which serves two purposes. It is a defense against slander, for
Abdi-eba informs the king three times that he has been maligned in the
kings presence, and it is a distress call for reinforcements. After spending
several lines entreating the king and combating the vilification that has been
brought against his name, he addresses the kings commissioner(s), Why
do you lov[e] the Apiru but hate (tazaiar) the may[ors]? (lines1820).
Rib-Addi is responsible for EA 126 which also has two objectives.
First, he wrote it to ease his anxiety regarding his inability to send ships for
the kings service. The second objective (and the primary purpose of the
document) is to request a battalion of troopshe twice notes his unfulfilled
request for soldiers (lines 2326, 3840). This has perplexed Rib-Addi,
Why has the king given victuals to the mayors, my friends, but to me
nothing? (lines1418). The vassals suspicion is voiced toward the end
20. On Abi-Samars status as vassal to Yahdun-Lim, see A. Finet, Mari et le nord,

in Eretz Israel 24 (Malamat volume; ed. S. Aituv and B. A. Levine; Jerusalem: Israel Ex-
ploration Society, 1993) 66; J. D. Hawkins, Karkami, RlA 5:426; and E. Gerstenberger,
Covenant and Commandment, JBL 84 (1965) 42.
21. Finet, Mari et le nord, 66.
22.This translation follows the transcription of G. Dossin, Correspondance de
ami-Addu et de ses fils (ARMT 1; Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1950) 24.
23. The EA translations follow the transcriptions of S. Izre'el, The Amarna Tab-
lets, n.p.[cited 11 Feb 2009]. On-line: http://www.tau.ac.il/humanities/semitic/amarna
.html.
182 Andrew J. Riley
of the letter, If the king hates (zair) his ci[ty], then he should abandon it,
but if me, then he should send me away (lines4447).
These four examples are significant because the sender in each letter
is a vassal who is concerned about the hate of his suzerain (or in the case
of EA 286, the kings representative). This is noteworthy because Moran
demonstrates that sovereigns are to love vassals in treaty relationships. This
function of love is relevant to these four letters because each sender notes
(with ostensible concern and fear) the hatred of the suzerain. Such fear and
concern are understandable since each vassal expects the sovereign to love
(and not hate) him. A superior failing to love his inferior arouses questions
regarding the stability of their covenant relationship, and zru is the ap-
propriate term to express an unstable covenant union. Consequently, this
study recognizes a covenant function of zru with respect to ties between
suzerain and vassal.
(3) Hate from Vassal to Sovereign
The documents under this heading use zru in contexts in which insur-
rection is the overriding theme. For example, from the Old Babylonian pe-
riod comes the so-called Bilingual Inscription B of Samsu-iluna (ca. 1749
1711 b.c.e.). In this document he writes, At that time, all the land of Sumer
and Akkad, which hated me (izrninni), in the course of a year, I defeated
with arms eight times and turned the cities of my enemies (zairya) into
ruins and mounds (lines3949).24 In this case, the author employs zru
to communicate the action of the vassal toward the sovereign. Sumer and
Akkad hated (or rebelled against) the rule of Samsu-iluna.
An Old Babylonian hepatoscopic text employs zru in a similar fash-
ion. It states, [If the lo]be in the middle of the lung is normal, everything
is normal. [If another] at the base of the top part of the lung [is divi]ded and
its front faces the normal part, the land who hates (izru) its [l]ord, its lord
will stand over it (lines16).25 This extispicy indicates a ruler can expect
insurrection if the liver has certain physical characteristics.
The Middle Assyrian king Shalmaneser I (12741244 b.c.e.) uses zru
in a related manner. The letter states, Afterwards, the Qutu whose num-
ber no one knows ( just like the stars in the heavens), who are learned in
murder, revolted against me, became hostile, and committed hateful acts
24. This translation follows the transcription of E. Sollberger, Samsu-Ilunas Bilin-

gual Inscription B Text of the Akkadian Version, RA 61 (1967) 41.
25.This translation follows the transcription of J. Nougayrol, Textes hpa-
toscopiques dpoque ancienne conserves au Muse du Louvre (II), RA 40 (194546)
90.
(zerti) (rev. col. 3, lines 811).26 The Neo-Assyrian king Sargon II

(721705 b.c.e.) also has rebellion in mind when he records in his an-
nals, In my fifth regnal year, Pisiri of Carchemish transgressed the oaths
of the great gods and sent hateful messages (zrti) concerning the land
of Ashur to Mita, king of Musku (lines 7273).27 The scribe documents
more hateful messages: one from Tarunazi of Meliddu to Mita (line 208),
and another from King Azuri of Ashdod to neighboring kings (line 243).28
As a result of Azuris disloyalty, Sargon replaced him with Aimiti on
the throne of Ashdod, I abolished his lordship and appointed Aimiti, his
beloved brother, as king over them. But the Hittites,29 planning treachery,
hated (izrma) his lordship and elevated over themselves Yadna, who had
no right to the throne, who was like them, and who had no reverence for
lordship (lines 24447).30 Although separated by one-half millennium,
both of these Assyrians understand zru in the same sense: whether refer-
ring to hateful acts, hateful messages, or hatred toward the rule of a
deputy, it communicates the seeds of rebellion against the sovereignty of
a king/ruler.
Zru also appears in ancient law codes and possesses similarities to
the aforesaid function of disloyalty. For example, section 30 of the Laws of
Eshnunna (LE, dating from ca. 1900 b.c.e.) states, If a man hated (izrma)
his city and master and fled, and another then took his wife. When he has
returned, he will have no claim to his wife.31 This statement begs the ques-
tion what does it mean for a man to hate his city and ruler (or king)? Yaron
argues on the basis of Old Assyrian evidence that the hateful man engaged
in subversive activities, directed against the ruler, hence by implication
also against the patron deity.32
A similar example occurs in Codex Hammurapi, law 136, If a man
has deserted his city and fled, and afterwards his wife entered into the home
26. This translation follows the transcription of D. D. Luckenbill, Inscriptions of

Early Assyrian Rulers, AJSL 28 (1912) 188 and CAD /1 69.
27. This translation follows the transcription of A. Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargons
II. aus Khorsabad (Gttingen: Cuvillier, 1994) 93.
28. A. G. Lie labels Tarunazis and Azuris messages perfidious, The Inscriptions
of Sargon II King of Assyria: part 1: The Annals (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuth-
ner, 1929) 35, 41.
29. Sargon uses Hittites as an invective, referring to the populace of Ashdod
(J.D. Hawkins, atti, RlA 4:15354; CAD 151).
30. Following the transcription of Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargons II, 133.
31. This translation follows the transcription of R. Yaron, The Laws of Eshnunna
(Jerusalem: Magnes, 1988) 60.
32. Ibid., 116.
184 Andrew J. Riley
of another. Then if that man returns and takes his wife, because he hated
(izruma) his city and fled, the wife of the deserter will not return to her
husband.33 As in the LE, a deserter hates his city and perhaps engaged in
perfidy (following Yaron); consequently his wife is freed from her marital
obligation to him should she wish to remarry.34 Weinfelds approach to
these two laws is slightly different, but still supports my general argument.
He labels these examples cases of high treason.35
The above occasions of zru from royal inscriptions, a divination text,
and law codes are also tinged with a covenant function, for many of them
present a scenario in which subordinate people (or a person) express dis-
loyalty to a sovereign, arguably the unforgivable sin of antiquitys political
world. Moran shows that vassals are to love sovereigns (demonstrated by
loyalty, obedience, and service) and subjects must love their king. Hateful
(rebellious, hostile) activities undermine and repudiate any covenant bond
and zru is the appropriate term to express this. Thus, this study notices a
covenant function of zru concerning ties between an inferior people (or
person) and their superior.
Conclusion
This survey treats a dozen Akkadian documents from various periods,
locations, and genres. Their common thread is their utilization of zrus
covenant function. In some way, zru is a metaphor for and communicates
an unstable or broken covenant. Perhaps the tie is between equals (for ex-
ample, fellow kings), as in the first category. Or maybe the bond is between
vassal and overlord, as in the second and third categories. This categori-
zation provides symmetry to Morans four classifications of love in cove-
nant discourse and adds considerable substance to the suggestions made by
Hallo, Moran, and Jaques.
This essay refers to Aarons spectrum of meaning model for interpret-
ing metaphors and observes a spectrum for zru, where one end is laden
with negative emotion, and the other minimizes or removes negative sen-
timent. The examples of zru treated above appear on the less emotional
33. This translation follows the transcription of R. Borger, Babylonisch-assyrische

Lesestcke (2nd ed.; AnOr 54; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1979) 1:28.
34.A. Goetze, The Laws of Eshnunna (ed. F. W. Winnett; AASOR XXXI; New Ha-
ven: ASOR, 1956) 87.
35.M. Weinfeld, High Treason in the Temple Scroll and in the Ancient Near
Eastern Sources, in Emanuel: Studies in Hebrew Bible, Septuagint, and Dead Sea Scrolls
in Honor of Emanuel Tov (ed. S. M. Paul, R. A. Kraft, L. H. Schiffman, and W. W. Fields;
VTSup 94; Leiden: Brill, 2003) 831.
end, because zru here is metaphorical for dubious covenant ties. While
hate in this context may possess negative emotion (and likely does to a
degree, especially in the cases of insurrection), sentiment is not a primary
or necessary component. The connotation is metaphorical. I hate you
in a covenant/political context does not require the interpretation, I feel
negative emotion concerning you and as a result wish for your demise. It
may mean, I have neither a covenant relationship with you nor feelings
toward you.
Finally, this continuum of meaning model accommodates scholars such
as Lapsley and other detractors of Morans thesis. While they agree with
some of Morans conclusions about the covenant value of love in Deuter-
onomy (and its metaphorical interpretation), they ostensibly want to slide
love away from the metaphorical end of the spectrum toward the literal,
emotive end. The model presented herein leaves room for such fluidity.
With Mace in Hand ... and Praise in Throat
Comparisons and Contrasts in the Bookends of the Psalter
Tim Undheim
For the first half of the 20th century, preceding the advent of rhetorical
and canonical criticism, Gunkels form critical categorization of Gattungen
and Mowinckels attention to the cultic Sitz im Leben of individual psalms
dominated scholarly study of the Psalter. An emerging paradigm over the
last four decades reads the book of Psalms not as a mere anthology of an-
cient poems, but, because of both explicit and tacit editorial clues, as a co-
hesive poetic package deliberately contoured and canonically sequenced by
the time of the Second Temple period to convey a unified message with a
narrative impulse.1 This study does not seek to add more to the increas
ingly extensive discussion of this final form or how the primary message of
the ultimate redactor(s) of the Psalter programmatically unfolds through-
out the book.2 Rather, it offers a few further parallels and contrasts beyond
Authors note: Where the making of manuscripts in our era far exceeds the maxim de-
scribed in Qoh 12:12, and mastering them can breed weariness of the flesh, Samuel
Greengus has modeled the scholar who indefatigably and passionately controls docu-
ments both ancient and modern. His love for students and their academic mentoring
in Assyriological, Sumerological, and biblical studies has reminded many of the impor-
tance of tirelessly massaging the text to extract its contents.
1. The sequential variations between MT Psalms 105150 and the biblical por-
tions of 11QPsa Cols 128 suggest the final form of the Hebrew corpus may be dated as
late as the first century c.e. For the Qumran pattern, see The Psalms Scroll of Qumrn
Cave 11 (11QPsa) (ed. J. A. Sanders; DJD 4; Oxford: Clarendon, 1965) 2249, plates 417.
2. Although the message of this corpus and its redaction is debated, the follow-
ing in chronological order are select representations of this approach. J. P. Brennan,
Some Hidden Harmonies of the Fifth Book of Psalms in Essays in Honor of Joseph
P. Brennan (ed. R. F. McNamara; Rochester, NY: St. Bernards Seminary, 1976); B. S.
Childs, Reflections on the Modern Study of the Psalms, in Magnalia Dei: The Mighty
Acts of God. Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Memory of G. Ernest Wright (ed. F.
M. Cross, W.Lemke, and P. Miller; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1976) 37788; J. Rein-
dl, Weisheitliche Bearbeitung von Psalmen, in Congress Volume: Vienna, 1980 (ed. J.
A. Amerton; Leiden: Brill, 1981) 35056; G. Wilson, The Editing of the Hebrew Psalter
(SBLDS 76; Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1985); J. C. McCann, A Theological Introduc-
tion to the Book of Psalms: The Psalms as Torah (Nashville: Abingdon, 1993); J.L.Mays,
187
188 Tim Undheim
those already observed in the books beginning and ending, with primary
attention on the conclusion. In this final part of the Psalter the dominant
monarchic narrative voice which emerged powerfully at its beginning re-
emerges, heralding Yhwh as king, calling for annihilation of opponents of
the kingdom, and summoning all humanity to offer unrestrained praise un-
der the divine governance.3
A Monarchical Motif in the Introduction:

Canonical and Intertextual Parallels
The striking lexemic and semantic commonalities between the open-
ing chapters of the Neviim and the Ketuvim are well known (see table 1).
Psalms (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1994); M. Millard, Die Komposition
des Psalters: Ein formgeschichtlicher Ansatz (FAT 9; Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1994);
W. Brueggemann, Bounded by Obedience and Praise in The Psalms and the Life of
Faith (ed. P. D. Miller; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995) 189213; N. de Claiss-Walford,
Reading from the Beginning: The Shaping of the Hebrew Psalter (Macon: Mercer Uni-
versity Press, 1997); D. M. Howard, The Structure of Psalms 93100 (Winona Lake, IN:
Eisenbrauns, 1997); D. C. Mitchell, The Message of the Psalter: An Eschatological Pro-
gramme in the Book of Psalms (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1997); E. Zenger, The God
of Israels Reign over the World (Psalms 90106), in The God of Israel and the Nations:
Studies in Isaiah and the Psalms (ed. N. Lohfink and E. Zenger; trans. E. R. Kalin; Col-
legeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 2000) 16190; R. L. Cole, The Shape and Message of Book
III (Psalms 7389) (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000); J. A. Grant, The King as
Exemplar: The Function of Deuteronomys Kingship Law in the Shaping of the Book of
Psalms (SBLABS 17; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2004); S. Gillingham, The
Zion Tradition and the Editing of the Hebrew Psalter, in Temple and Worship in Biblical
Israel (ed. J. Day; London: T.&T. Clark, 2007) 30841; R. E. Wallace, The Narrative
Effect of Book IV of the Hebrew Psalter (Studies in Biblical Literature 112; New York:
Peter Lang, 2007); H. Koorevaar, The Psalter as a Structured Theological Story with
the Aid of Subscripts and Superscripts, in The Composition of the Book of Psalms (ed.
E. Zenger; Walepole, MA: Uitgeveru Peeters, 2010) 57992; J. C. Crutchfield, Psalms in
Their Context: An Interpretation of Psalms 107118 (Paternoster Biblical Monographs;
Milton Keynes: Paternoster, 2011).
3. Because of the significant eschatological flavor of the conclusion and argu-
ably of the second psalm, this essay entertains a messianic-eschatological reading of
the bookends, a normative psalmic emphasis begun in Second Temple era commentary
for the entire Psalter, continued until the 19th century, and resumed more recently by
Childs, et al. It adopts in general an integrated reading of Psalms 12, argued in 2002
by Cole (R. Cole, An Integrated Reading of Psalms 1 and 2, JSOT 98 [2002] 7588),
an interpretation that equates the righteous person of Psalm 1 and the anointed ruler of
Psalm 2. Given the literary inclusios gracing many of the psalms and other pages of the
Hebrew Bible, primary attention is on the extent that a messianic-eschatological reading
reemerges in the Psalters conclusion, a pericope less studied than the introduction but
plainly essential to refine the overall rhetoric of the entire book.
Comparisons and Contrasts in the Bookends of the Psalter 189
Table 1. Opening Common Chords

Reference Terms Glosses
Ps 1:2; Josh 1:7, 8 instruction
Ps 1:2; Josh 1:8 meditating day and night
Ps 1:3; Josh 1:8 succeed
Ps 1:1; , , not walk, stand, sit in
Josh 1:8 ... not turn ... right or left

Ps 1:6; The way of the wicked perishes
Josh 1:18 ... One who rebels ... dies

Almost certainly a process of editorial engineering at these strategic junc-

tures, the juxtaposition of these common features appears nowhere else in
the Tanakh. Read narratively, the conscious shapers and sequencers of the
Psalter intended the book to be read meditatively as nothing less than Gods
instruction, and certainly on par with the Torah and Neviim.4
If Psalm 1 indeed functioned as the introduction to the remainder of
the Psalter, the rewards of commitment to a life of Torah and the recom-
pense of those who distance themselves from its blessing might be the lens
through which the book may be viewed. However, Psalm 12s departure
from the typical pattern of Psalmic superscriptions, especially when con-
trasted to the subsequent seven psalms, suggests the chapters function as
an independent reading unit.5 The following layout illustrates further the
lexemic and semantic parallels, buttressing this notion (see table 2).
In addition to these tabular comparisons, another macro structural tie
further strengthens the notion of a redacted unity. The verb is com-
mon to both Josh 1:78 and Ps 2:10. The employment of the root is signifi-
cant because Joshua 1 and Psalm 1 begin respectively the Neviim and the
Ketuvim.6 The word in the first context charges Joshua, the new leader
4. Although not voicing these macro structural observations, McCann advocates

the Psalter was shaped fundamentally as teaching for the reader. McCann, A Theological
Introduction to the Book of Psalms, 1820.
5. Additionally, the presence of headings in all but the first two psalms in the
LXX suggests there was an early tradition which regarded them as the introduction to
the Psalter. The first two psalms in their final edited form seemingly were crafted to be
read as the preface.
6.G. Barbiero,Das erste Psalmenbuch als Einheit: Eine synchrone Analyse von
Psalm 141 (BS 16; Frankfurt: Europischer Verlag der Wissenschaften, 1999) 34;
190 Tim Undheim
Table 2. Lexemic and Semantic Parallels in Psalm 1 and 2

Reference Term(s) Respective Glosses
1:1; 2:12 happiness
1:1; 2:4 sit (with scoffers); sit (and mock)
1:1; 2:4 ,; scoffer; laugh, mock
1:2; 2:1 meditate; devise
1:2; 2:7 meditate in the instruction of Yhwh
tell of the law of Yhwh
1:3; 2:6 ; plant by; install ona
1:5; 2:2 ... ; ... stand in; stand against
1:6; 2:12 ( with) perishing way; perishing (in) the way
a. I include the final example, suggested by Cole, only on the basis of the LXX rendition,
using the lemma , to set, place, for the semantically problematic , I have poured
out. Cole, An Integrated Reading of Psalms 1 and 2, 76. The expression in Ps 1:3 evokes
imagery of ancient Near Eastern representations of kings as trees. Cf. for example BM 96706 II:1:
u[l-gi] lugal en-a[g] ggiimmar e-u du[g]-a, ulgi, the king, the graceful lord, is a date-palm
planted by the water-ditch. I. Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship in the Ancient Near East (2nd ed.;
Oxford: Blackwell, 1967) 28; originally published by C. J. Gadd in CT 36 (London: British Museum,
1921) 2627. Compare also Ezek 17:112.
of the migrating tribes, to Torah living as the recipe for success. In Ps 2:10,
the root enjoins even God defying potentates to act wisely.
Intertextual criticism has confirmed the redactional relationship be-
tween the openings of the Neviim and Ketuvim and portions of the Torah.
The insights of Andr, and others following her, serve to link the persistent
Torah commitment of the contented individual of Psalm 1 and that of the
leader of Joshua 2 together, highlighted in both the Shema (Deut 6:49)
and the so-called Kingship Law of Deut 17:1420.7 The following table dis-
plays those parallels (see table 3).
Another intertextual component may be seen in the prohibition of
turning , to the right or leftin Josh 1:7 from , instruc-
tion and in Deut 17:20 from , the commandment. Just as the ideal
king (and perhaps idealized ruler in historical retrospect) depicted in Deu-
teronomy was commissioned to a daily perusal of Gods instruction, so also
was the leader of the migrating Israelite tribes in Joshua 1.
In addition to relentlessly embracing , the other significant uni-
fying link, here between the Kingship Law of Deuteronomy, the commis-
sioning of Joshua, and the introduction to the Psalter, is national leadership.
Cole, An Integrated Reading of Psalms 1 and 2, 78 n. 8. Cole also adds the lexeme
(inherit), present in the verb in Josh 1:6 and the suffixed noun in Ps 2:6.
7.G. Andr, Walk, Stand, and Sit in Psalm I 12, VT 30 (1982) 327.
Table 3. Instruction, Frequency, and Mood:

Interfacing Deuteronomy 6; 17; Joshua 1; and Psalm 1
Term(s): Instruction
Reference and Frequency Mood Glosses
Deut ... Directive And these words shall be... upon
6:67 your heart.
... ... And you shall repeat them...
whenever you sit... and walk...
Deut ... Directive this instruction... and it shall be
17:1819 with him.
And when he sits upon (his)
throne...
And he shall read in it all the days
of his life.
Josh 1:8 Directive The book of this instruction shall
not cease from your mouth
But you shall meditate in it day and
night.
Ps 1:12 Declarative In the instruction of Yhwh is his
delight,
... ... He has not walked.. . nor sat;
(rather)... in his instruction he
meditates day and night.
The term appears three times in Psalm 2, further binding together the
first two psalms. Furthermore, accumulating horsesthe military panoply
in the Kingship Lawappears in related terminology in Joshua 1: ,
armed, and , warriors.
In their context and read as a unit, the first two psalms deliver mes-
sages quite different from when taken as autonomous poems. Read inde-
pendently, the and, alternatively, the in the first chapter, putatively
describes the generic individual in the community who, eschewing a life
of evil and its ephemerality, embraces a lifelong commitment to divine in-
struction with its attendant well-founded happiness and prosperity. Con-
versely, the , and alternatively the or , the anonymous enemies
of the community, perish. Yet, when read in its broader context, the of
this poem possesses leadership characteristics similar to those expected of
the new commander of the tribes of Israel in Joshua 1 and, significantly, the
anointed king of Psalm 2.8
8. Cole, An Integrated Reading of Psalms 1 and 2, 7588.

192 Tim Undheim
Combined, these leadership attributes underscore the motif of the na-

tional ruler of ancient Israel inserted in the introduction to both the Neviim
and Ketuvim and so highlight a monarch who persistently embraces
as a means of successful governance, even to the point of controlling poten-
tates hostile to the nation. The redactor(s) of these passages transformed the
of Psalm 1 into what Cole calls a new Joshua-like monarch, whose
lifelong passion for divine instruction assures nothing less than vanquishing
the enemies of the community, the ( wicked) who frame the psalm.9
This guarantee prompts the question fronting Psalm 2, why, in contrast to
the rulers wholesome meditation of 1:2, the nations and their leaders (par-
alleling the of Psalm 1) should be able to ponder emptily (also ),
resisting (, Ps 2:2, as in Josh 1:5) Yhwh and the anointed king. The prom-
ise of judgment detailed in Ps 1:56 is reaffirmed in 2:612, which further
assures military success (also alluded to in Ps 1:3a) against the community.
In 2:612, however, the subjugators are Yhwh and the commissioned king.10
The identity of the of Psalm 1, identified by the redactors as the
, anointed, of Psalm 2, becomes explicit when observing intertex-
tual connections and the surrounding context of Book 1 beginning with
Psalm3. The verb appears in 1 Sam 9:16 and 10:1 in reference to the
selection of a ruler for ancient Israel. Although this verb does not appear in
2Samuel 7, it is the coronation terminology of this pericope that links most
satisfactorily with the second psalm. It is noteworthy that messianic inter-
pretive tradition as early as the Second Temple period aligned portions of
both 2Samuel 7 and Psalm 2 in near proximity to each other.11 Perhaps
most similar in the two is the father-son description of Yhwh and child (Ps
2:7b) and David and progeny-to-be (2 Sam 7:14). Nathans portrayal of the
vanquishing of Davids enemies (2 Sam 7:9) and the shattering of the na-
tions (Ps 2:89) produces further echoes. Because both David and Solomon
frame so-called Books 12 of the Psalter, Koorevaar regards as historical
illusions the rejection of Absalom (Psalm 3) and the acceptance of Solomon
(Psalm 72) as Davids successor, the answer to Davids prayers (Ps 72:20).12
A Monarchical Motif in the Conclusion

The monarch motif, evident in the introduction to the Psalter, poses
the question of its appearance at the end of the book. Embattled throughout
9. For the use of this phrase, see ibid., 75, 78, 83, 88.
10. Ibid., 7880.
11. Both the Qumran sectarian and the New Testament Christian communities
commented on them in close context. Compare 4Q174 and Heb 1:5.
12. Koorevaar, The Psalter as a Structured Theological Story, 581.
the interior, does the ruler emerge at the conclusion with any of the flavor as
that of the books beginning? Scaiola appropriately observes the end of the
Psalter has not generated the vast attention given to the introduction and its
programmatic effect on the rest of the book.13 Certainly, the way a literary
work ends affects the reading of the entire book. But, what precisely are the
literary boundaries of the conclusion? Most modern scholars agree that the
blessing of the divine name, , Blessed be Yhwh, its perpetuation
containing the term , a long time, and the affirmation of truth, ,
are later editorial marks tacitly forming endpoints to the book divisions
(compare 41:14[13]; 72:1819; 89:53; 106:48).14 Fewer concur on the clos-
ing bracket of Book 5, but 145:21 in fact contains the blessing, plausibly as
an injunctive , and may x bless y, as well as the perpetuation ,
lacking only . This, combined with the imperatives beginning
and ending Psalms 14650 (appearing earlier only in 106, 113, and 135),
buttressed by the numerical accord of the five books and five end units,
suggests the final five psalms of the book constitute its ending. Further-
more, the volitive phrase , And may all flesh bless
his holy name, in 145:21b aptly introduces Psalms 14650 and anticipates
the Psalters conclusion in Psalm 150: , Let every(thing
having) breath praise Yah.15
When compared with Psalms 12, the final chapters of the Psalter, 146
50, yield interesting observations. Similarities between these outside frames
are present, and not surprisingly so, given the abundance of symmetry and
beginning-end inclusio in biblical poetry. For example, identical word mir-
roring, several of which appear only in the Psalters introduction and con-
clusion, appear in the following phrases tabulated in table 4. Each pair is
associated with verbs of semantic similarity and contrast.16 The perceptive
13.D. Scaiola, The End of the Psalter, in The Composition of the Book of Psalms,
701. Recent attention to this pericope has been made by K. Cha, Psalms 146150: The
Final Hallelujah Psalms as a Fivefold Doxology to the Hebrew Psalter (Ph.D. diss., Bay-
lor University, 2006); and S. So Kun Ahn, I Salmi 146150 come conclusione del Salterio
(Ph.D. diss., Pontifical Biblical Institute, 2008).
14.P. Sanders, Five Book of Psalms? in The Composition of the Book of Psalms,
67778.
15.E. Zenger, Da alles Fleisch den Namen seiner Heiligung segne (Ps 145:21):
Die Komposition Ps 145150 als Ansto zu einer christlich-jdischen Psalmenherme-
neutik, BZ 41 (1997) 14; idem Durch den Mund eines Weisen werde das Loblied
gesprochen (Sir 15,10): Weisheitstheologie im Finale des Psalters. Ps 146150, in Auf
den Spuren der schriftgelehrten Weisen: Festschrift fr Johannes Marbck (ed. I. Fischer,
U. Rapp, J. Schiller; BZAW 331; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2003) 15455.
16. Brennan has observed and commented on portions of these similarities. J. P.
Brennan, Psalms 18: Some Hidden Harmonies, BTB 10 (1980) 26.
194 Tim Undheim
Table 4. Word Mirroring in the Psalters Introduction and Conclusion

Verbal
Grammatical Function Semantic Frequency
Terms Reference and Verbal Mood Glosses Relationship in Psalms
1:6 subject of declarative the way of the related here only
wicked perishes
146:9 object of declarative he twists the
way of the
wicked
2:2 subject of declarative the kings of the contrastive here and
... earth resist 3 other
148:1113 subject of directive let the kings of locations
the earth ...
praise
2:1 subject of declarative peoples ponder contrastive here and
emptiness 7 other
148:1113 subject of directive let the peoples locations
praise
2:9 genetive of object smash with a related here and
of preposition with rod of iron 3 other
directive locations
149:8 genetive of object to bind with
of preposition with shackles of iron
construct infinitive

2:10 subject of directive accept disci- related here only
pline O rulers
of the earth
148:1113 subject of directive let the rulers
of the earth ...
praise
reader can readily see the motif of kingship is not only attested in the intro-
duction to the Psalter, but as those who resist Yhwh reap their recompense,
this institution emerges likewise in its conclusion as divine dominion. The
question may be posed, to what degree does the personage of the , the
anointed of Yhwh introduced in Ps 2:2 (and by extension the Torah obser-
vant individual of Psalm 1) play a role in the final chapters? Furthermore, to
what extent does obeisance to Torah emerge in the bookend?
Wilson maintains the declaration , The praise of
Yhwh my mouth shall declare (Ps 145:21a), an editorial superscription to
be the affirmation of David (Ps 145:1), places the voice of Israels monarch
and recipient of the divine promises of the Davidic covenant in the books
conclusion.17 Read this way, the ensuing text,
, Do not trust in nobility, in mere humanity who is incap-
able of saving (Ps 146:3), and the immediately following alternativethe
trustworthiness of the Creator capable of restoring any needy member of
the community (146:59a)portrays David as prostrate before the true
eternal King, Yhwh (146:10).18 The introductory tone of the book surfaces
in several words in 146:3. The regal term , noble, carries the broader
semantic sense , king, (Ps 2:6).19 Furthermore, its parallel position-
ing with , son, in v.3, followed by the phrase attested only
immediately following in 146:9 and in 1:6, draws attention back to Ps 2:7,
where the newly installed of 2:6 (and ultimately his successors) is ad-
dressed , my son. Through an extended inclusio, the once commis-
sioned ruler (Ps 2:67), who in history had rescued Israel from her enemies
(for example, 2 Sam 3:18), is now reduced to humble acknowledgement
that Yhwh alone is Savior of the afflicted (146:79). In the words of Mays,
The exile set its seal on their [the kings] ultimate inability.20 However,
Israel can now find consolation in the reflection that, just as the ,
way of the wicked, who took a stand against her Torah-abiding king in
Psalm 12 perished, so now the eternal Potentate King vows to twist that of
her opponents (146:9).
Psalm 147 continues the Davidic narrators description of Yhwhs
greatness and capacity to provide, only here extending the sphere of pro-
vision beyond needy humanity to beasts and fowl (v.9). Verse 10 resumes
by interjecting the word , horse, a member of the animal world men-
tioned in v.9. Straddling the center of the psalm, immediately preceding
the second of two pivotal references to Jerusalem and Yhwh, vv.1011
draw in concepts appearing elsewhere in the Tanakh. The assertions of the
submissive monarch: , [Yhwh] does not delight in
the strength of the horse and , Yhwh desires those
who fear him are intertextual allusions to the Kingship Law of Deut 17:14
20 where the true Israelite king is admonished not to rely on an amassed
military ( , He shall not accumulate for himself horses).
17. Wilson, The Editing of the Hebrew Psalter, 226.
18. Ibid., 227.
19. The two terms, and , are juxtaposed in semantic parallelism in Job
34:18.
20. Mays, Psalms, 440. Although Mays sees in v.3 Israel potentially reflecting on
its leaders, he does not raise the possibility of an intertextual link with Ps 2:7.
196 Tim Undheim
Rather, through interaction with instruction (as describes the life-

long practice of the contented individual of Psalm 1, who becomes the
anointed king of Psalm 2), Israels ruler was , to reverence, the di-
vine (Deut 17:19). Somewhat conspicuous here in Psalm 147, however, as
well as the entirety of the Psalter from Psalm 120 to its conclusion, is the
absence of the mention of adhering to , a significant component of the
introduction to the Psalter.21
Escalating in tempo and addressees, the finite king speaking in
Psalm148 summons all creationangelic, inanimate, beast, and all hu-
manity (which includes , kings of the earth, , peoples,
and , rulers of the earthgroups introduced in Psalm 2) to ren-
der praise to Yhwh. However, not until Psalm 149 does the reader view
again in almost identical terminology the retribution meted out against
the opponents of Yhwh and the anointed king introduced first in Psalm2,
known in Psalm 1 as the , wicked. Only here in 149:59 there is
a dramatic character role reversal. It is not the , the anointed king,
who as in Psalm2, Yhwh commissioned to bring to submission the wicked
sovereigns of the earth. Nor is it the all-capable Yhwh who assumes this
battle role so typical of Israels deity.22 Rather, the now-offstage Davidic
ruler enjoins the , faithful of Yhwhs community to replicate his
now-terminated duties of rendering vengeance with honor against ,
nations, , peoples, and , their kings, doing so ,
with fetters of iron, all while praising their Creator.23 Yhwh, on the other
hand, the Davidic speaker urges the faithful to laud as King.
21. Only in Ps 132:12 does a synonym for appear, testimony.

22. Cf., for example, Exod 14:13; Josh 6:121; 2 Chr 20:127. Allen argues that
Yhwh is in fact the implied subject of the infinitives in vv.79, citing Judg 11:36 and
Ezek 25:17 where it is Yhwh who is the executor of vengeance () . The retribu-
tive action of the infinitives then serves as the basis for the praise of Yah in v.9b. Allen
then renders the infinitives in the passive voice: with a view to vengeance being carried
out ... to their kings being manacled with chains ... to the written judgment being car-
ried out. L. Allen, Psalms 101150 (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2002) 396, 400.
23.Following in the preceding colon of 149:7, I read against the
peoples, following of the LXX rather than of the MT. The ambi-
guity as to the subject of the infinitives of vv.79 is best seen as the , the nearest
antecedent. The reason for praise in this psalm resides in v.4Yhwhs pleasure with his
people. Also viewing the as the subject of these infinitives is E. S. Gerstenberger,
Psalms, Part 2, and Lamentations (FOTL 15; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2001) 45455.
Emphasizing also a link with Ps 2:912 are Mays, Psalms, 448; C. J. A. Vos, Theopoetry of
the Psalms (New York: T.&T. Clark, 2005) 75; and J. C. McCann Jr., Psalms, in Theo-
logical Interpretation of the Old Testament: A Book-by-Book Survey (ed. K. J. Vanhoozer;
Grand Rapids: Baker, 2008) 16465.
Table 5. Happiness, Honor, and Obeisance in the

Psalters Introduction and Conclusion
Terms Reference Actor(s) Glosses
1:1 (the king) How happy is the person who ...
has not walked, stood, or sat in
2:12 those who submit to the king How happy are all who take
refuge in God
149:9 the faithful of Yhwh who Honor for all the faithful of God
subdue the nations that resist
Yhwh
2:11 rulers of the earth subdued Worship Yhwh
by the anointed king
148:11, 13 rulers and all people of the Let (them) praise the name of
earth subdued by the faithful Yhwh
of Yhwh
Further evidence of the relationship between the beginning and end

of the Psalter may be seen in Ps 145:17, in the appearance of the adjectives
, righteous, and , faithful. Juxtaposed in parallel relationship
immediately preceding the Psalters conclusion, they form Davids affirma-
tion / , Righteous is Yhwh in all his
ways / and faithful in all his deeds. It is noteworthy that two of the terms
in this verse, , righteous, and , way, appear elsewhere together
in the Psalter only in 1:6. The synonymous equation of these terms of oth-
erwise different semantic domains, in addition to the entire psalm in which
they originally found their place, may have been positioned deliberately at
the end of Book 5 to prepare the reader for the coming role switch from the
, the righteous and content Joshua-like (and later Davidic) figure of
Psalm 12, to the , the faithful of the praising community of Yhwh
in the conclusion. Yhwhs intimate protection of the way of the righteous
(Ps 1:6) illustrates the divine demonstration of righteousness in all deeds
(Ps 145:17).
The idealized vanquishing of Yhwhs foes by the anointed king with
their subsequent submission in Ps 2:912, and the same achievement by the
faithful of Yhwh in Ps 149:79 yield respectively , happiness, (Ps 1:1;
2:12) and , honor, (Ps 149:9). As in Ps 2:10, the revolting nations (the
wicked of ch. 1), crushed by the Davidic king (2:9), are enjoined to worship
( )Yhwh (2:11), so the same in 148:11 and 13, are charged to praise
( )the divine name, yet are subdued by the faithful of Yhwh (149:59).24
24.See Mays, Psalms, 448 for this observation in Psalms 14849.
198 Tim Undheim
Table 5 illustrates these comparisons. Placing this shift of character role in

plausible historical dimension, McCann pictures in Psalm 2 a monarchy
whose commission was to effect Gods will on earth. With the failure of
kingship, the subsequent exile, and no remaining institution to enact order,
God entrusted the faithful with the responsibility of rendering , jus-
tice, against tyrants.25
Given the commonalities between Psalms 2 and 149, one might expect
parallel features between the Torah hymn prefacing the introduction and
the anthem of unrestrained praise punctuating the conclusion. As men-
tioned previously, nowhere in the conclusion to the Psalter does the word
, instruction, appear. Yet, one may opine the anointed David of the
second psalm, who, by way of redactional juxtaposition becomes the ful-
filled Torah abiding ruler of the first Psalm, maintains a significant role in
the grand finale. The words , , , and ( Ps 150:35, musical
instruments in ancient Israel) draw the reader back to 2 Sam 6:5King
Davids and Israels exuberant dance before the ark following his routing of
the Philistines from Geba to Gezer. As a group, these terms only appear in
2 Sam 6:5 and Ps 150:35, an intertextual allusion to eschatological victory
generated praise just following the anticipated demise of Yhwhs opponents
at the hands of the faithful in 149:59.26 Israels Torah controlled ruler of the
Psalters introduction, solidly rooted and stably committed to righteous-
ness, reemerges at the end of the journey as the now spontaneous animated
musician, leading all creation in extravagant praise to the king of the new
order, Yhwh.27
Conclusion
The conclusion of the Psalter, spanned by imagery resembling that of
the books introduction and the deuteronomic Kingship Law which puta-
tively shaped the corpus, reverberates with kingship. However, it does so
with an eschatological motif and Davidic militancy and exultation of the
divine Potentate reminiscent of Psalm 2. The final chapters of the Psalter,
however, add another dimension, offering encouragement to a community
in postexilic disarray and in need of a consoling messianic message of hope.
25. McCann, Psalms, 16465. See also Mays, Psalms, 49.

26. The more common terms and ( Ps 150:5) appear also at the re-
sumption of the dance (2 Sam 6:15), following the three-month stay of the ark of the
covenant in the house of Obed-edom.
27. I draw these contrasts, albeit in a modified interpretative framework, from
Brueggemann, Bounded by Obedience and Praise, 21013.
Form criticism has shed new light on each individual psalm to good
initial results. Yet, a myopic focus on the more constricted psalmic com-
ponents and boundaries has missed completely the larger flow of rhetoric
across the entirety of the corpus. This study has found significant linguistic
and structural devices at work, especially at the beginning and end of the
book, that provide probative evidence for a more unified approach to the
Psalter. The metonymic use of David for messianic confidence, apparent
in both the introduction and conclusion to the Psalter, suggests that what
is true for the bookends might be considered as operating for the whole as
well. It may not generally be advisable to read a book by its covers, but in
some cases, it could lead to a better understanding of its contents.
Do Deities Deceive?
Ronald A. Veenker
The heavens are the heavens of Yahweh,

But the earth he has designated for the Sons of Adam.
Ps 115:16e
There is, perhaps, no more familiar literature in the Hebrew Bible than
the story of Paradise, the Garden of Eden. Though completely familiar to
millions through the centuries, understanding all of its enigmas is quite
another matter. These narratives are complex, layered and puzzling to all
who approach them. The exchanges between God and Adam, Eve and the
serpent reveal deep narrative tension regarding the human condition and
the nature of God. When these exchanges are set in their proper context
with the final verses of Genesis 3, the result is quite surprising.
Let us take another look at the conversation between God and Adam:

And the Lord God commanded the man, saying, Of every tree of the
garden you are free to eat; but as for the tree of knowledge of good and
bad, you must not eat of it; for as soon as you eat of it, you shall die. (Gen
2:1617 jpsv)
Yahweh instructs Adam regarding what he may choose but sternly warns
him that eating from the specified forbidden tree will result in death.1
Authors note: It is a great honor and a genuine pleasure to contribute to this volume
dedicated to our esteemed professor Samuel Greengus. He is the consummate mentor,
complete scholar, and true friend. Each of us who was privileged to work under his
guidance realizes the great gift we were given.
1. literally translated is on the (very) day you eat of it. The use of
the prepositions bet or kaf with the infinitive construct, as we have here, simply means
when (B. K. Waltke and M. OConnor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax [Wi-
nona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1990] 6045). While it need not mean within a literal 24-
hour period, it clearly means sooner rather than later in this context. J. Walton in his
commentary on Genesis (Genesis [NIVAC; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2001] 17475)
argues that the use of the infinitive absolute plus the finite form of the verb mwt does
not necessitate an immediate execution of the sentence you will surely die. Its time is
201
202 Ronald A. Veenker
Shortly thereafter, Eve encounters the serpent. He asks her for clarification
on what it was that Yahweh had told her husband about eating in the gar-
den. She told him that they were free to eat of all the trees save one. She
went on:

It is only about fruit of the tree in the middle of the garden that God said,
You shall not eat of it or touch it, lest you die. (Gen 3:3 jpsv)
Clearly, the woman had spoken to her husband about his conversation with
Yahweh. While she pondered just what such news might mean, the serpent
himself added new information:

And the serpent said to the woman, You are not going to die as soon as
you eat of it, but God knows that as a result your eyes will be opened and
you will be like divine beings knowing good and bad. (Gen 3:45)2
undetermined, open to the (perhaps distant) future. For a textual analog he refers us to
Jer 26:111 where angry citizens of Judah insist that the prophet will surely die but no
precise time for his demise is found in the passage. He says, When they say You will
surely die they are talking about the eventual outcome of the behavior. ...The resulting
paraphrase of Gen 2:17 then would be When you eat of it, you will be sentenced to
death, and therefore doomed to die. While Walton focuses primarily on the impor-
tance of the infinitive/finite verb construction, I argue that the temporal clause plays a
most significant role in my reading of 2:17. My textual analogy employs both the very
important temporal clause (When you eat, ) and the infinitive/finite verb
construction (you shall surely die, ) . In 1Kings 2, Solomon is seeking justice
against his late fathers enemies and sentences a man named Shimei to house arrest in
Jerusalem saying, For on the day you go out, and cross the Wadi Kidron, know for
certain that you shall die (;
v.37). Shimei complies, but three years later, he leaves his house and, on hearing the
news, the king calls him in and confronts him: Did I not make you swear by the Lord,
and solemnly adjure you, saying, Know for certain that on the day you go out and go
to any place whatever, you shall die? (
; v.42). Whereupon Solomon acted: Then the king
commanded Benaiah son of Jehoiada; and he went out and struck him down, and he
died. Both of these verses from 1Kings 2 contain the temporal clause and the infinitive/
finite verb construction just as we find in Gen 2:17, When you eat of it you shall die.
(See also J. Barr, The Garden of Eden and the Hope of Immortality [Minneapolis: For-
tress, 1993] 10.) For this reason, I find here a stronger analogy. While there is scholarly
support for both readings, the one I have chosen becomes the lectio difficilior, the more
difficult, because the burden for explaining the significance of an unfulfilled swift death
sentence is mine.
2. My paraphrase. Walton in his commentary (Genesis, 2045) calls attention to
Do Deities Deceive? 203
So the worlds first humans, though they reside in paradise, are wrestling
with a very thorny issue. It is not easy to elicit the original tension from this
story because everyone knows it forward and backward. The woman, im-
pressed with the serpents side of the story, found the fruit most attractive,
so she partook and her husband did likewise. After enjoying the forbidden
fruit, they learned something about themselves; they were noticeably naked
and felt a strong need for clothing.
Right now the reader is looking for a resolution to the tension in the
story: will they die or not? But rather than deal with this issue, the author
introduces intervening business. God comes to visit, finds things not at
all to his satisfaction (vv.813) and metes out seven punishments to the
three parties involved (vv.1419). Then Adam gives his wife a name and
God gives the couple their first wardrobe (vv. 2021). As yet they have
not diedso far, so good. Life has some new difficulties to overcome, but
theyre still alive.
At long last, we receive the resolution weve been waiting for:

Then the Lord God said, Behold, the man has become like one of us,
knowing good and evil; and now, lest he put forth his hand and take also
of the tree of life, and eat, and live forever (Gen 3:22, rsv)
What an interesting turn of events! The serpents words proved correct. Not
only do the humans now possess wisdom like gods but also they did not die
in the process. How very odd. What are we to make of Gods statement in
2:17? Is there deception or an unfulfilled warning here?3
the rare placement of the negative particle in relation to the infinitive absolute and the
finite verb in v.3 (only three examples are cited by Joon 123.o and GKC 113.v). If
the negative particle precedes both verb forms, it has the effect of negating the absolute
infinitive as well, that is, it negates the inevitability of the action. I have not read another
commentator who has addressed this rare grammatical phenomenon. Translations such
as You are certainly not going to die! (J. Charlesworth, The Good and Evil Serpent: How
a Universal Symbol Became Christianized [ABRL; New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
2010] 299) do not take this syntax into consideration but simply negate the finite verbal
form. The idea would be something like Dont think of death as such an immediate
threat (Walton, Genesis, 205). While they did not die immediately that was not to say
that they would never die. After all, the Yahwist knows the outcome of his story and
the serpent is his voice of wisdom. It would not do at all to portray this wise speaker
presenting false promises, for the audience may also know that they did eventually die.
Note that Waltons understanding of vv.2:17 and 3:4 allows the felicity of having both
God and the Serpent speaking truth without conflict.
3. For similar issues and the one discussed here, see J. J. M. Roberts, Does God
While many take exception to this reading of the text, insisting that
God would not/did not lie, the history of its exegesis shows otherwise.4
Throughout the centuries many interpretations have been offered for the
words you shall surely die from labeling it hyperbole to insisting that it
was fulfilled in a kind of spiritual death.5 On the meaning of the phrase in
question, J. Barr wrote:
Mortals know that they will die, eventually; what they do not want is to
die now, or in the near future. Such warnings make sense only if the pun-
ishment for disobedience is speedy. ... None of us will be deterred from
evil doing if we are told that if you do this, you will be a dead man a hun-
dred years from now. Since Adam lived on ... to the age of 930 years ...
to say that his death at the end of this very long life ... fulfilled the warn-
ing that he would die in the day of his eating the forbidden fruit cannot
be taken seriously. The warning was one of speedy punishment. But this
necessarily means that the threatened punishment was not carried out.6
Many questions remain. One can only wonder at such a story being told
from ancient times about Yahweh, the God of the Israelites.7
The theme of a deceptive deity immediately brings to mind another an-
cient Near Eastern story about gaining wisdom and losing the possibility of
immortality. In the first few lines of the myth Adapa and the South Wind8
Lie? Divine Deceit as a Theological Problem in Israelite Prophetic Literature, in The
Bible and the Ancient Near East: Collected Essays (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2002)
124, 12829. Also instructive is R. Patterson, The Old Testament Use of an Archetype:
The Trickster, JETS 42 (1999) 38594.
4. For a short review, see C. Westermann, Genesis 111: A Commentary (trans.
J.J. Scullion; Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1984) 240. Also Not only does the serpent not lie,
God is depicted narratively as failing to speak the full truth. This insight clashes with the
affirmation in the Bible that there is only one God and he is trustworthy and faithful; he
is the God of truth. ... Yet biblical theology does not ring with the affirmation that God
is always truthful, Charlesworth, The Good and Evil Serpent, 316.
5. See U. Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Genesis (Part I): From Adam to
Noah (trans. I. Abrahams; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1961) 12425.
6.J. Barr, Garden of Eden, 1011. Further, R. W. L. Moberly, Did the Serpent Get
It Right? JTS 39 (1988) 127, argues against Barr in favor of a spiritual/metaphorical
death for Adam and Eve. The debate continued in J. Barr, Is God a Liar? (Genesis 23)
and Related Matters, JTS 57 (2006) 122; followed by R. W. L. Moberlys response, Did
the Interpreters Get It Right? Genesis 23 Reconsidered, JTS 59 (2008) 2240. See also
R. P. Gordon, The Ethics of Eden: Truth-Telling in Genesis 23, in Ethical and Uneth-
ical in the Old Testament: God and Humans in Dialogue (ed. K. Dell; Edinburgh: T.&T.
Clark, 2010) 1214. Regarding the 930-year life span of Adam, see L. Bailey, Noah: The
Person and The Story in History and Tradition (Columbia: University of South Carolina
Press, 1989) 12026.
7.See Charlesworth, The Good and Evil Serpent, 30711.
8. Translation: B. Foster, Before the Muses I (Bethesda, MD: CDL, 1993) 42934;
we are told that Ea (Enki), the god of wisdom and lord of the sweet water,
gave the gift of wisdom to Adapa, a human, the very gift Yahweh withheld:
4. a-na(!) -a-t n-me-qa iddiu (SUM-) napita
(ZI-tam) da-r-tam ul iddiu (SUM-)
To him he gave wisdom, he did not give him eternal life.9
Both narratives tell of humans who are presented with the possibility of
obtaining one or both divine characteristics. In the Akkadian myth, we
find Adapa, a man who found favor with Ea, the deity for whom he works
hard every day. It is Adapas responsibility to keep the machinery of the Ea
cult operating smoothly in Eridu. This involves the baking of cakes and the
catching of fish. One day, while Adapa was in his fishing boat, the South
Wind capsized him threatening his life. Employing the wisdom and magic
that he had received from his master Ea, he uttered a curse and broke the
wing of the South Wind rendering it helpless. When seven days had passed
with no southerly breeze, Anu the sky god inquired and was informed what
Adapa had done. Adapa was summoned to Anus court to answer charges,
but before making that journey his lord Ea took him aside and presented
him with a plan so that Adapa might save his life. Ea warned him that he
would be offered the food and water of death and to be careful to take
neither. But when offered a garment he was to put it on and when offered
oil he was to anoint himself.
While in heaven, he obeyed Eas instructions to the letter. When Anu
accepted Adapas plea of self-defense, the sky god offered him food and
drink, which he declined, but he put on the garment and anointed him-
self with oil. Incredulous laughter broke out in the court for it turned out
that he was indeed offered food and drink which would have rendered
him immortal. Come Adapa, cried Anu, why did you not eat or drink?
Hence you shall not live! Alas for inferior humanity!10 It turned out that
the bread and water were truly life giving, so Adapa, like Adam and Eve,
missed his opportunity for divine greatness and perhaps even lost it for all
humanity.
S. Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989) 18288.
Text edition and literature: S. Izre'el, Adapa and the South Wind: Language Has the
Power of Life and Death (MC 10; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2001).
9. Ibid., 910.
10. Fragment B, 6768, ibid., 21, 3132. He reads with M. E. Vogelzang, Patterns
Introducing Direct Speech in Akkadian Literary Texts, JCS 42 (1990) 60, da-a-l[a?-t]
i, small, inferior CAD D 52. Though no clear reading is possible, the writer prefers
that of Foster, Muses I, 433: da-a-[ra]-ti, Are people not to be im[mor]tal?even though
Foster himself says that his restoration is highly doubtful (p. 434).
While there are many interesting and significant features to be com-

pared in these two narratives, the point we make here is that both protag-
onists overstepped proper boundaries and offended their gods: Adam by
eating of the tree of knowledge and Adapa by breaking the South Winds
wing. Ironically, Adam suffered his loss by transgressing Yahwehs com-
mand, while Adapa lost out by remaining faithful and following his gods
instructions explicitly. Even more fascinating and perplexing is the fact
that in both stories the gods seem to have dealt deceptively with favored
humans, both of whom seemed chosen for greatness from the beginning.
And both of these deities are notorious advocates for the human race. What
could possibly be the reason for their surprising duplicity?11
I suggest that it is for the purpose of dramatically underscoring a single
idea, which is foundational to both stories (as well as several other Near
Eastern myths): Gods alone inhabit the heavenly spheres. This is the single
brute fact of Near Eastern cosmogony that can neither be denied nor com-
promised. Just how important is it? The two deities most known for their
kindness toward humanity would even lie to keep the boundary between
heaven and earth inviolate. Humans were created to inhabit middle earth.
Any alteration of this scheme, any crossing of the zone between the two re-
gions will most assuredly result in chaos and destabilization of the universe.
The clearest and most instructive example of this idea is found in a
rather unlikely source: the Hurrian Kumarbi Cycle. Remarkably, because
very little of the Hurrian lexicon and grammar is known to us, this myth
11. This story ... appeals to us most in its simplicity of substance and the possi-
bilities it offers for broad interpretations still consonant with its language (B. Foster,
Wisdom and the Gods in Ancient Mesopotamia, Or 43 [1974] 353). It is not surprising
that there exist dozens of interpretations of the myth. Before the appearance of S. Izre'els
Adapa and the South Wind, the standard text edition was S. Picchioni, Il Palmetto di
Adapa (Budapest: Ethos Loran Tudomnyegyetem, 1981). Picchioni surveys the litera-
ture on the role of Ea (5762) by dividing the opinions into four categories: Eas (a) be-
neficent nature (natura benefice), where Anu tricks Adapa, not Ea; (b) insidious nature
(natura subdola), Ea deceives Adapa; (c) fallible (natura fallibile); and (d) enigmatic na-
ture (natura enigmatical). While it would be impractical to survey each of the categories
fully, we observe that, in 1981, by Picchionis account category a referenced 9 scholars,
category b, 12, category c, 7, and category d, 5. Even though Picchioni placed B. Foster
in category c based on his Wisdom and the Gods article, Foster clearly places himself
in category b: Anu was vastly amused by Eas cleverness and his sages stupidity, and
so sent the swindled mortal back home (Foster, Before the Muses, 429). Of course, the
story exists in too sketchy an outline to be completely unambiguous (S.Dalley, Myths,
183). We join Izre'el, and many others, who understand Ea to have deceived Adapa (Iz-
re'el, Adapa, 120) not only on the basis of a reading of the myth itself, but also because
of its thematic resemblance to the biblical story we are dealing with here (ibid.,12627).
would be inaccessible were it not for the Hittites having preserved a rather
sizable corpus of Hurrian texts.12 Our focus here will be on the last in a
series of five narratives, which comprise the Kumarbi Cycle, the Song of
Ullikummi.13 This entire cycle is based on a common Near Eastern li-
bretto known as Rebellion in Heaven in which (1) younger gods plot to
overthrow their elders, the old ruling deities in heaven. (2) They stage their
attack from earth, (3) enlisting or creating monsters for the battle; (4) the
attack is launched and after one or more battles, the elder deities crush the
rebellion restoring appropriate order.
But in addition to the usual four-fold pattern ... there is a fifth element
in the Song of Ullikummi which concerns the relation between heaven and
earth: Originally bound together as one, the gods separated the earth from
the heavens to make a proper universe.14 It is this unique theme in the Ku-
marbi version of the rebellion in heaven narrative that will be most helpful
in understanding the significance of untruthful deities.
Ullikummi is the last of four creatures that Kumarbi, the rebel deity,
created in order to vanquish Tessub, the reigning weather god. Ullikummi
is a basalt pillar that was created through sexual union between Kumarbi
and a (female) rock cliff. He has been placed on the right shoulder of Ubel-
luri, the Hurrian Atlas, which will provide him a platform from which to
advance toward heaven. Realizing that he is under attack, Tessub strikes out
against Ullikummi but loses the first round. Tessub then seeks the aid of Ea,
lord of wisdom. Ea discovers the secret of Ullikummis strength: he has es-
tablished a firm foothold on Ubelluris right shoulder.15 Ea addresses Ubel-
luri, asking whether he is aware of the rock pillar resting on his shoulder.
61 (A iii 4044). Ubelluri spoke to Ea, When they built heaven and
earth upon me, I was aware of nothing. And when they came and cut the
heaven and earth apart with a copper cutting tool, I was even unaware of
that. But now something makes my right shoulder hurt, and I dont know
who this god is.16
12. The Kumarbi Cycle alone is comprised of several compositions each providing
its own piece of the story: the Song of Kumarbi, the Song of the God Lamma, the Song
of Silver, the Song of Hedammu, and the Song of Ullikummi, the telling of whose story
requires three tablets. G. Beckman, Hittite and Hurrian Epic, in A Companion to An-
cient Epic (ed. J. Foley; Oxford: Blackwell, 2005) 25861.
13. H. Hoffner Jr., Hittite Myths (ed. G. Beckman; 2nd ed.; SBLWAW 2; Atlanta:
Scholars Press, 1998) 4080.
14. P. Hanson, Rebellion in Heaven, Azazel, and Euhemeristic Heroes in 1 Enoch
611, JBL 96 (1977) 205, emphasis mine.
15.Hoffner, Hittite Myths, 5556; Beckman, Hittite and Hurrian Epic, 261.
16.Hoffner, Hittite Myths, 64.
Upon hearing these words, Ea walked around to view Ubelluris right shoul-
der and there, securely affixed, was Ullikummi.
63 (A iii 4855). Ea spoke to the ... Gods, Hear my words, O Primeval
Gods, who know the primeval words. Open again the old, fatherly, grand-
fatherly storehouses. Let them bring forth the seal of the primeval fathers
and with it reseal them. Let them bring forth the primeval copper cutting
tool with which they cut apart heaven and earth. We will cut off Ullikum-
mi, the Basalt, under his feet, him whom Kumarbi raised against the gods
as a supplanter (of Tessub).17
Ea has now made it possible for Tessub to do battle with Ullikummi and
emerge victorious.18
Indeed, the act of cutting asunder heaven and earth with the primeval
copper cutting tool is a foundational part of the ancient Near Eastern view
of the cosmos and its creation. In their creative act of establishing the order
of the universe, the gods severed earth and heaven intending this to be a
permanent separation of the two spheres with clearly established bound-
aries. The rebel Kumarbi reconnected them through the monstrous basalt
pillar, Ullikummi. Therefore, the seals on the storehouse of the gods had to
be broken and once again the primeval copper cutting tool had to be brought
out to cut asunder this unholy connection. Ullikummis linking of heaven
and earth is an affront to all that is holy and right and a reminder to all gen-
erations that this decision is not open to amendment.19
17.Ibid.
18. Ibid., 56.
19. Even though we know this story only from Hurrian archives (preserved by
Hittite scribes), it is not at all unlikely that this myth of separation and others like it
were known widely in Mesopotamia and the Levant. Hurrian poetry has been found
in school texts from El Amarna in Egypt, in Ugarit and Boghazky [attua] (N. B.
Jankowska, Assure, Mitanni, and Arrapkhe, in Early Antiquity [ed. I. M. Diakonoff;
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991] esp. p. 250). Also found in Boghazky
were fragments of Gilgamesh in Akkadian, Hurrian, and Hittite (G. Beckman, Hittite
and Hurrian Epic, 25859; A. B. Knapp, The History and Culture of Ancient Western
Asia and Egypt [Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1988] 19697). Gilgamesh would have been
known to the Hittites through the Hurrian texts (G. W. Ahlstrm, The History of Ancient
Palestine from the Paleolithic Period to Alexanders Conquest [JSOTSup 146; Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1993] 146). As far back as the Third Dynasty at Ur, there is ev-
idence of close political ties between the Hurrian kings at Urkesh, through the marriage
of daughters born to Naram-Sin, and the powerful rulers of extreme southern Mesopo-
tamia (M. Kelly-Buccellati, Andirons at Urkesh: New Evidence for the Hurrian Identity
of the Early Trans-Caucasian Culture, in A View from the Highlands: Archaeological
Studies in Honor of Charles Burney [ed. A. Segona; Herent, Belgium: Peeters, 2004] 68).
Furthermore, an intriguing shift in the scribal tradition of Syro-Mesopotamia in the
Certainly, this theme of complete separation between heaven and earth

is found throughout the mythology of the ancient Near East. It is this di-
vinely established separation that prevented Adapa from joining the gods
and that required Ea to lie to Adapa as a preventive measure. And in the
famous epic, Gilgamesh, grieving for his beloved Enkidu, vowed to cross
the boundary and achieve eternal life in heaven. Not only did he fail in his
quest, but he also lost his magic plant of rejuvenation to a serpent! Fur-
thermore, the noisy rebellion against the gods in the Atraasis story clearly
reveals the human tendency to over-reach its limits and to encroach upon
divine territory.20 The human assault led the gods to issue regulations for
the people (uurt nisi),21 resulting in a divinely ordained separation of
heaven and earth and the enforcement of distinct limits upon the human
race.22
Thus, the gods established the universe with a domain for themselves,
separate and distinct from the earthly habitat of their humans, creating a
properly balanced world. However, the humans, imbued with divine spir-
it from their creators, possess ambition and seek to rise above their pre-
scribed limitations to achieve higher status. As yet, none has succeeded in
the quest for immortality due to missed opportunity either through simple
human foibles or misdirection of a divine mentor.
The principle of separation provides us with a key for understanding
Adapa and the South Wind as well as an explanation for the bizarre behavior
of Yahweh in the garden narratives. And this motive continues throughout
the first 11 chapters of Genesis sending a clear message: when said bound-
aries between heaven and earth are not respected, damage is done to the
universe which gives rise to more boundaries and limitations for humanity.
In a common and ancient interpretation of Gen 6:14, divine beings lust af-
ter human women, cross the great divide between heaven and earth to have
16th century can be seen clearly in the archives of Alalakh. The scribal tradition of Alal-
akh Level VII is Old Babylonian, while the material from Alalakh Level IV is that of the
Hurrian scribal schools (Ahlstrm, The History of Ancient Palestine, 210). The influence
of Hurrian literature may be more widespread than we have previously thought, and
what has been called a dark age may perhaps not have been so dark after all (B. Lands-
berger, Assyrische Knigsliste und dunkles Zeitalter, JCS 8 [1954] 3173). Thus, we
should not be surprised to find this theme of sacred separation more widely throughout
the literature of northern and southern Mesopotamia.
20. R. A. Oden, Jr., Divine Aspirations in Atraasis and in Genesis 111, ZAW
93 (1981) 208.
21. Lambert and Millard, Atra-ass:Babylonian Story of the Flood with the Sume-
rian Flood Story (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1999) 104.
22. Hanson, Rebellion in Heaven, 21415.
their way with them thus upsetting the balance of nature, creating giants
in the earth.
In the 11th chapter of Genesis, humans band together to build a tower
with its top in the sky, that is, a ziggurat. Whether their goal is to reach
beyond human boundaries to make a name for themselves, or to provide
an entryway for God/gods to enter this world for worship, or both, is not
completely clear. In any event, the story implies encroachment on the estab-
lished sacred space between heaven and earth. Therefore, Yahweh must es-
tablish further limits and safeguards resulting in the dispersal of multitudes
over the face of the earth, hampering their communication with one an
other, assuring that there will be no easy way for them to organize another
attempt to violate the sacred boundary. As R. Hendel has pointed out the
Primeval Cycle is characterized by a series of mythological transgressions
of boundaries that result in a range of divine responses which slowly build
up the present order of the cosmos.23
In the garden, Adam and Eve desire wisdom and access to the tree of
life. Achieving both goals would have thrust them across the boundary that
separated them from the gods. Yet, like the mythological heroes mentioned
earlier, they achieved wisdom but fell short of immortality. Even though
they possess some of the divine spirit, they remain earthbound.
Let us return to the garden narrative and look once again at the work
of the Yahwist. Please notice the concluding verse of the story of Adam and
Eve and the stealing of wisdom. See how Gen 3:22, the work of a mono
theist, bears uncanny resemblance to the Near Eastern mythologies dis-
cussed above:
Then the Lord God said, Behold, the man has become like one of us,
knowing good and evil; and now, lest he put forth his hand and take also
of the tree of life, and eat, and live forever (Gen 3:22 rsv)
Three aspects of this verse indicate that our author is recasting stories
he knows from Near Eastern mythology. First, Yahweh is behaving very
strangely toward his children Adam and Eve. Rather than the characteristic
Father God of the Hebrew Scriptures, he appears here as a threatened adver-
sary of the humans, much like Mesopotamian deities. Second, he is in con-
versation with other divine beings, gods who have knowledge of everything
good and evil, universal knowledge.24 And finally, rather than using the
23. R. S. Hendel, Of Demigods and the Deluge: Toward an Interpretation of Gen-
esis 6:14, JBL 106 (1987) 25. See also T. N. D. Mettinger, The Eden Narrative: A Lit-
erary and Religio-historical Study of Genesis 23 (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2007)
12333.
24. Knowledge of good and bad is a merism meaning knowledge of every-
biblical theology that regards humans to be created in the image of God as

did the author of ch. 1 (Gen 1:28), we see a Mesopotamian anthropology of
wisdom and immortality arising from the text just as in the Adapa narra-
tive cited above. These literary topoi reveal a writer comfortably informed
by Mesopotamian tradition including Adapa and the South Wind.25 This is
hardly surprising because the Bible records the tradition that the patriarchs
themselves came from ancient Mesopotamia (Gen 11:2712:5).
But of further interest here is not how the biblical narratives echo the
myths, but how they differ. Just how did the Yahwist alter these creation
myths in his attempt to make them consonant with the monotheistic world
of the ancient Israelites?
We have already seen that our author could not or did not wish to
eliminate the implication of divine deception from his narrative.26 No, it
was included because he knew it to be an integral part of the tradition he is
transmitting. He had the literary license to omit it but did not. Rather than
being offended, I am intrigued by the way in which this creative genius
distracts us from Gods infelicity by highlighting the moral failings of all
earthly creatures in the narrative. Unlike Ea who merely advises Adapa re-
garding his actions in heaven, Yahweh commands Adam with regard to his
thing. See my Forbidden Fruit: Ancient Near Eastern Sexual Metaphors, HUCA 70
71 (19992000) 70 n. 49. Also, B. Batto, Slaying the Dragon: Mythmaking in the Biblical
Tradition (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1992) 59.
25. It is obvious from the frequent and extensive borrowing of motifs that the
Yahwist was intimately acquainted with at least the myths of Gilgamesh and Atraasis,
and perhaps others (e.g., Adapa) as well (Batto, Slaying the Dragon, 46); A. Demsky,
The Education of Canaanite Scribes in the Mesopotamian Cuneiform Tradition, in
Bar-Ilan Studies in Assyriology Dedicated to Pinas Artzi (ed. J. Klein and A. Skaist; Bar-
Ilan Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Languages and Culture; Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan Uni-
versity Press, 1990) 15790.
26. Most interesting are the comments of Batto:
Earlier in the discussion of Adapa I suggested, on the assumption that this
god was desirous of preserving immortality for the gods alone, that the god
Ea deliberately led Adapa astray in advising him not to eat or drink anything
offered him in heaven. ... Certainly mythology contains ample evidence of
gods lying. But in the case of Genesis 3, I am inclined to think that the Yahwist
intended to portray Yahweh as innocently mistaken. This would certainly fit
the Yahwists portrait of the Creator thus far, as naive about the outcome of his
creation. (Batto, Slaying the Dragon, 61)
See most recently J. Charlesworth, who suggests that the Yahwist never implies that
Adam and Eve were created with immortality but that they had to partake daily of the
tree of life; after expulsion they could not do that (Charlesworth cites personal conver-
sations with D. N. Freedman for this suggestion; The Good and Evil Serpent, 315 n. 219).
eating from the tree. You shall not eat of the tree of the knowledge of good
and evil. And the very next time Adam sees him, Yahweh asks, Have you
eaten from the tree of which I commanded you not to eat? (Gen 3:11b).27
No longer are we focused on Gods harsh caveat of 2:17, which was not car-
ried out immediately, but on Adam whom God is about to condemn. This
is high drama. No one is asking, Didnt God say that eating the fruit would
cause Adams soon demise? No, the judge, the jury and the entire court
are looking at Adam! The voice of God booms through the room: Did
you break my commandment? Now everything in the narrative shifts away
from Yahwehs threat against Adam and Eve.
First Adam blames Eve (The woman whom you gave to be with me,
she gave me fruit from the tree, and I ate [3:12]) and then Eve blames
the serpent (The serpent tricked me, and I ate [3:13]). Its all smoke and
mirrors. Keep your eye on the original plot: They ate the fruit but did not
swiftly perish.28 Yet this narrative shift has kept the readers eye off that very
fact for more than 2,000 years. The whole notion of commandments and
transgressions which permeates Torah keeps us distracted from the precise
details of the plot we now willingly abandon. If God commands and we dis-
obey there will be consequences. It is the most basic law of human society.
I am responsible for my actions and therefore will pay whatever penalty is
exacted. Because the Yahwist has his narrative strategy in place, he contin-
ues with his theme of individual responsibility.
The serpent, who seems to have understood the situation and predicted
the outcome, is now blamed for Adam and Eves transgressions. So God
Yahweh, acting on Eves unsubstantiated charge, takes the snakes legs and
makes him loathsome in the eyes of human beings (vv.1415, he also lost
his voice, did he not?). To Eve and all women is meted out birth anxiety
and subjugation to men (v.16). Men will have to work for a living and there
will be weeds in his workplace (vv.1718). And in the end, everyone dies
(v.19). In this passage, we find seven etiologies for seven evils in the world
God created. And the Yahwist has now freed God from any responsibility
for creating these evils. The man, the woman and the serpent have only
themselves to blame.29 So now it is safe for the Yahwist to set in place 3:22,
27. .
28. And we are also being distracted from an intriguing sexual metaphor. The
transgression, the eating of fruit, I contend is a straightforward metaphor for sexual
intercourse. See my Forbidden Fruit, 5773.
29. Elsewhere, the writer has argued that the reason for a talking serpent in the
story is that his speech shows he has a mind like a human being and therefore can be
held responsible for his personal actions. It would be very bad form for Yahweh to pun-
the final building block of the story, because we have all but forgotten the
phrase when you eat of it you shall surely die. The enlightened and lively
Adam and Eve is the last piece of the original story and he can no more leave
it out than he could omit Gods stern warning which remains unfulfilled.
Although the Yahwist interrupted the flow of the original plot to distract his
audience, he will now be able to present the fact that the serpents prophecy
has been fulfilled: Then God Yahweh said, See, the man has become like
one of us, knowing good and evil. Is there no one who will stand up and
say, Was the serpent not correct after all? They ate the fruit, became wise as
gods, and, though they immediately sealed their mortality and lost access to
the tree of life, they did not actually die until hundreds of years later. None
of the audience will speak up, for in 16 verses our author has distracted us
from the original issue.
I am a great admirer of the Yahwists skills and I cannot imagine a more
daunting task than reshaping well-known and revered mythologies into an
appropriate form for inclusion in the Hebrew Scriptures. He had to include
the Mesopotamian theme of the divine deceit; he knew he could not sim-
ply excise it from the story. No, not at all, for the deceptive god motive
highlights the importance of maintaining the absolute separation of the
earth and the heavens. Even though its inclusion presented our editor with
a daunting task, he handled it deftly.
ish an innocent, dumb creature. Obviously the ancients viewed the entire suborder ser-
pentes as victims of the Creator. See my That Fabulous Talking Snake, in The Challenge
of Bible Translation: Communicating Gods Word to the World [ed. G. Scorgie, M. Strauss,
and S. Voth; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2003] 26572).
Toward an Ethic of
Liberation for Bible Translation
A Work in Progress
Steven Voth
One can perhaps say that no book or collection of writings has been
translated more often and with more care and into more languages than the
Bible. This of course has generated a myriad of opinions, not least of which
is that repeated saying traduttore traditore. Consequently, one immediately
asks: traitor to what, to whom? This reality is further complicated by the
forceful suggestion that translation is indeed impossible. Rabbi Simlai once
affirmed that translation is an impossible task: He who translates is a her-
etic but he who refuses to translate is a blasphemer. Consequently, when it
comes to the practice and profession of translation, youre damned if you
do, and damned if you dont.
Brueggemann has coined the phrase texts that linger, words that ex-
plode, referring to the traditioning process present in the Bible, particu-
larly with reference to the prophets.1 He suggests that at certain times in
the history of the communitys embracing of the biblical text something
new happens:
What has been tradition, hovering in dormancy, becomes available ex-
perience. In the moment of speaking and hearing, treasured tradition
becomes present experience, inimitable, without parallel, irreversible. In
that utterance, the word does lead to reality.2
If indeed Brueggemann is correct, not only is the translation of the Bible

a difficult exercise, but developing a translation ethic for Bible translation
becomes a very complex endeavor. In fact, at the outset I will suggest that an
overarching definitive ethic of Bible translation is an impossibility. And yet,
the pursuit of an ethic, rather than the ethic, is a worthy task.
Authors note: Sam Greengus, an outstanding scholar and teacher, a beloved friend, but
most of all a caring sensitive husband, father, and grandfather. Sam, you are a blessing
to all!
1. W. Brueggemann, Texts That Linger, Words That Explode, ThTo 54 (1997)
18099.
2. Ibid., 181. Emphasis is original.
215
216 Steven Voth
It is not my main goal to discuss the many and diverse problems that
the Bible translator faces. The main goal here is to explore various issues
that are pertinent to the development of a Bible translation ethic. It should
be obvious by now to any reader that I consider any theoretical framework
construed in this exercise to be extremely provisional. At the outset, the
methodology will be dialogical. A dialogue will be developed with Towner,
Pym, Chesterman, Lyotard, Dussel, Wittgenstein, and Spinoza.3
This dialogue will focus on two significant issues: (a) ideology and (b)
marketing. The discussion around these issues will be illustrated by real
examples that come from translation projects in the Americas. None of the
examples or situations that will be presented is hypothetical or fictional.
Rather, they are concrete, real, and one could perhaps categorize them as
historical. Some of these examples will serve as case studies that can help
hone some ethical issues that bear on Bible translation.
After considering these two main issues that most certainly bear on
the development of a possible ethic for Bible translation, I will attempt to
work through a proposal that will suggest some alternatives and guidelines
for articulating a very flexible model of Bible translation ethics. The reason
that an emphasis is placed on flexible is that I consider culture in its var-
ious forms and expressions to mitigate any attempt at developing a rigid,
fixed, and closed model. If culture can be understood as a set of realized
categories or structures, actual and conscious, which provide lifestyles and
meaning to a particular society,4 then any ethic must be flexible enough to
embrace this complex reality.
Ideology and Bible Translation

We have written in other studies that no translation of any text is ever
neutral or objective. This means that translations of texts never take place
in a vacuum. They are produced in specific places, at specific times, under
specific conditions. Thus, a number of factors play into the exercise of trans-
lation. Among these factors, I suggest that the more critical are realities of
3.P. Towner, Ethics and Bible Translation: A Working Paper, (paper presented
at the Conference on Translation and the Machine: Translation and Technology, Uni-
versity of Rome, April 2004) 112; A. Pym, Translation and Text Transfer (New York:
Peter Lang, 1992) 15174; A. Chesterman, Proposal for a Hieronymic Oath, The
Translator 7/2 (2001) 13954; A. Yengoyan, Lyotard and Wittgenstein and the Ques-
tion of Translation, in Translating Cultures (ed. P. Rubel and A. Rosman; Oxford: Berg,
2003) 2544. G. Deleuze, En Medio de Spnoza (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Cactus, 2004);
E. Dussel, tica de la liberacin en la edad de la globalizacin y de la exclusin (Madrid:
Editorial Trotta, 2004) 1661.
4. Yengoyan, Lyotard and Wittgenstein, 2544.
Toward an Ethic of Liberation for Bible Translation 217
race, class, gender, life histories, theological persuasions, political alliances,

distinctive cultural features and, last but not least, marketing issues.5 All of
these factors contribute to the ideology of any given translator or team
of translators: Ideology is that systematic body of concepts that exist, char-
acterize, and define human life or culture. In one sense, ideology can be
compared to world view. It has to do with the way an individual or group
understands and defines reality.
For purposes of this study, I will differentiate world view from ideology.
The main distinction will be based on the assumption that any given person
is more aware of his or her ideology than of his or her world view. Ideology
is many times something one chooses, and consequently it is much more
permeated by subjectivity and interest. There are many kinds of ideologies
that individuals and groups embrace. We can speak of political, religious,
epistemological, economical, or social ideologies, just to name a few. These
ideologies are never innocent or neutral, but they are always present. Thus,
no translation of any given text is innocent or neutral. There is no such
thing as an immaculate translation. This reality, which admittedly has
been stated in somewhat forceful terms, inevitably bears on any discussion
of an ethic for translation, particularly for Bible translation. Stanley Porter
is correct when he observes, The history of Bible translation is charged
with ideological issues.6 It is for this reason that the articulation of a Bible
translation ethic must take into consideration the constant and unrelenting
presence of ideology. If a Bible translation ethic does not wrestle with this
reality or chooses to ignore it altogether, it will be an ethic that is devoid of
credibility. This is not an easy task, nor is it a matter that I have resolved. At
most, I can say that I am in the process of engaging the reality of ideology
in the exercise of articulating an ethic. Final and definitive answers are not
on the immediate horizon. Given this situation, I will proceed to consider
some actual examples or case studies that will illustrate and provide ele-
ments that should be evaluated.
Ideology: Case Studies

Example 1
In 1990, I began work on a new translation for the International Bible
5.S. Voth, Justice and/or Righteousness: A Contextualized Analysis of Sedeq

in the kjv (English) and the rvr (Spanish), in The Challenge of Bible Translation (ed.
G.Scorgie, M. Strauss, and S. Voth; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2003) 32145.
6.S. Porter, The Contemporary English Version and the Ideology of Transla-
tion, in Translating the BibleProblems and Prospects (ed. S. Porter and R. Hess; Shef-
field: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 18.
218 Steven Voth
Society. I was elected to be chairman of the Old Testament team. This was
to be a translation of the original languages into Spanish. The exegetical,
stylistic, and format guidelines were to be the same as those followed by
the team that produced the New International Version for the English
language.
Soon after the translation began, a debate developed around the issue
of capitalization. Spanish is a language that is quite stingy with regards to
the use of capital letters. Titles of books, articles, and so on, only capital-
ize the first word. Names of languages, months, and days of the week are
not capitalized. In the process of producing the Nueva Versin Interna-
cional, the issue arose of whether to capitalize the word spirit in the Old
Testament, particularly when it clearly referred to the spirit of God. The
discussion became polarized because the New Testament team argued in
favor of capitalizing the word spirit, whereas the Old Testament team unan-
imously preferred to leave the word uncapitalized. Soon in the discussion,
the ideological factors came into play. One of the most important was the
presupposition that the Old Testament must be interpreted in light of the
New. On the other hand, the Old Testament team, which I represented,
argued that it was incorrect to read into Old Testament contexts the New
Testament concept of Holy Spirit, which surely is elicited by capitalizing the
word spirit. A very critical context that generated much heated debate was
Gen 1:2, which obviously provides other alternatives as well. The discussion
continued for several years. Eventually, the New Testament ideology won
the day. The final decision was not based on careful exegesis of an ancient
text. It resulted from a clear ideologically based interpretation. A final vote
was taken, including all the translators. Since there were more translators
on the New Testament team than on its counterpart, the word spirit was
capitalized almost throughout the nvi Old Testament.
Was this the correct ethical decision? Or perhaps I should ask, was a
correct ethical process followed? What factors influenced the decision and
final outcome of the debate? Certainly, the ideological factor was import-
ant. However, one cannot dismiss the marketing issue (which will be dis-
cussed below). It became quite evident that the New Testament members of
the translation team were far more concerned about the possible negative
reactions that might be provoked by not capitalizing the word spirit.
But the question remains: what ethical criteria should be invoked in
this kind of a situation? Perhaps we should recognize that we have issues of
divided loyalty in a case such as this. In fact, it seems that many loyalties
come into play: loyalty to the Old Testament, loyalty to the New Testament,
loyalty to translation tradition, loyalty to the sponsoring society, and loy-
alty to the consumer, among others. Pym has correctly stated that transla-
tors are rarely above suspicion.7 I would say that Bible translators are never
above suspicion, and decisions like the one just described will generate even
more suspicion particularly among certain communities of faith. So, are
there ethical rules that can be followed here? In my own case, do profes-
sional ethics take precedence over personal ethics at this point? It must be
obvious by now that I have more questions than answers.
Example 2
In this same nvi translation project, another heated issue surfaced. In
the traditional and historic Spanish translation (known asthe Reina-Val-
era), John 1:1 reads: En el principio era el Verbo, In the beginning was
the Verb. This Spanish translation, finished in 1569 by Casiodoro de Re-
ina, was the first Spanish translation of the Bible based on the original lan-
guages. Years after Reina finished his translation into Spanish, in a subse-
quent revision of this Bible, the word for logos he had translated as Palabra,
Word, was changed to Verbo, Verb. For centuries, this became the ac-
cepted translation, both in Catholic and Protestant circles. However, in the
20th century, many new translations such as Dios Habla Hoy, El libro del
pueblo de Dios, Cantera Iglesias, and many others decided to translate logos
as palabra, word. Now it must be recognized that the tradition is so firmly
embedded that when one looks up the word verbo in the most prestigious
Spanish dictionary, which comes from the Real Academia Espaola, one
finds as the first meaning for verbo: the second person of the Most Holy
Trinity (segunda persona de la Santsima Trinidad).
Many years prior to the nvi translation project, scholars concluded that
the most accurate and preferable translation for logos was palabra, word.
Hence, the most logical and exegetically accurate translation of logos for
John 1:1 would have been palabra. However, once again ideological matters
and tradition came into play. The word Verbo carries such theological and
spiritual weight that it becomes very difficult for translators to change it.
Consequently, after all the discussion and debate, when the vote was taken,
tradition prevailed. Whereas the nvi distinguishes itself as being based on
the most recent and contemporary scholarship, at this point it capitulated
to tradition and ideological pressures.
The ethical issues surface once more. Pym speaks much about team-
work. He advocates for a prohibition of solitude.8 I quite agree, and yet in
7. Pym, Translation and Text Transfer, 15174.

8. Ibid., 15174.
220 Steven Voth
the cases just discussed teamwork did not help in liberating the translation
process from ideological conditioning and pressures. On the other hand, if
indeed a translator is authorized to do the work based on his or her skills,
then one wonders about the ethics of what I will call skill suspension. The
translator places his or her skills on hold, as it were, and privileges ideology,
inherited or otherwise, when choosing a particular way of translating. I am
not sure at all that translational quality is achieved in this manner.
Example 3
The case study that follows presents the situation where different cul-
tures and ideologies come into play. As I began work on a translation proj-
ect of the Old Testament with the Toba community in northern Argentina,
I was immediately confronted by the cacique, chief. He had been the one
who worked on the translation of the New Testament which was published
in 1981. Apparently, over the course of time, a theology of a benevolent
God developed within the Toba community. Upon translating the Old Tes-
tament and finding that at times God was depicted as a jealous God, or
as an angry God, the cacique told me that this was unacceptable for the
Toba community. He therefore refused to translate these adjectives that de-
scribed God in a very anthropomorphic way, because they diminished God,
and Gods reputation would suffer tremendously in the community.
Facing this situation, I certainly echo Chestermans questions: How
are we to decide where the ethical responsibility of the translator stopsor
does it stop at all? In this case, where does the ethical responsibility of the
translation consultant/translator stop?9 It is cases like these that lead me
to question the ethical model offered by Chesterman. He develops a theo-
retical framework based on virtues such as trustworthiness, truthfulness,
fairness, and the courage to take a risk in caring for others. He then suggests
that all of these must be subordinate to understanding.10 But one immedi-
ately asks: whose understanding? Is it the understanding of the cacique that
must be accepted? Or is it the understanding of the translation consultant?
In either case, it seems that there is another issue at stake as well, name-
ly, improving the source text. Pym argues correctly that improving the
source text lies outside the responsibility of the translator. The source text
should be considered a fait accompli.11 This would suggest that if the source
text speaks of a jealous God or a God who can get angry, this should not
be changed or even nuanced. On the surface, this may seem to be an easy
9. Chesterman, Proposal for a Hieronymic Oath, 13954.

10. Ibid., 13954.
decision or solution for the translation consultant/translator. However, it

is a well-known fact that, if the cacique does not approve of the translation
project and the final product, no one in the community will read the trans-
lation. So, issues of power enter the arena of ethical decisions, along with
matters of ideology and source text improvement. But perhaps the most
important question is: do I want the text to be read by the community? I
submit once again that the questions continue to appear at every corner.
Marketing and Bible Translation

The relationship between marketing and Bible translation is one that
most religious communities would rather ignore.12 The many nonprofit
organizations and societies that pursue Bible translation attempt to mini-
mize this reality. Furthermore, it is my impression that neither Pym, Ches-
terman, Towner, Lyotard, nor Wittgenstein, among others, deals with this
issue explicitly and overtly.13 Towner and Pym perhaps allude to this when
they discuss who is the client and what the client can expect This represents
only a beginning toward acknowledging the reality and forceful presence
that marketing has on Bible translation. I recognize that this may not be
as relevant for Bible translation projects into so-called minority languages,
where there may not be a long history of tradition and where no previous
Bible translation exists. However, when one is involved in translating the
Bible into a majority language such as Spanish for a continent with a long
Catholic and Protestant tradition, marketing shows its face over and over.
Perhaps the most accepted understanding of marketing is that it in-
volves the process of planning and executing the conception, pricing, pro-
motion, and distribution of goods, services, and ideas to create exchanges
that satisfy individual and organizational objectives. The matter of satisfy-
ing individual and organizational objectives seems to be the most relevant
for our purposes. In other words, how does one develop a translation ethic
and at the same time satisfy objectives that are tied into promotion and
distribution objectives.
When dealing with modern Bible translations into majority languages,
the costs are enormous and the nonprofit organization responsible for the
12. In a longer version of this essay, a section is included that explains the positive
aspects of marketing. Suffice it to say here that marketing can act as a most helpful in-
strument if it is infused with a humanitarian concern and does not force the translator
to compromise important ethical decisions.
13. Ibid.; Chesterman, Proposal for a Hieronymic Oath, 13954; Towner, Ethics
and Bible Translation: A Working Paper, 112; Yengoyan, Lyotard and Wittgenstein,
2544.
222 Steven Voth
project hopes that the product will satisfy the objectives and thus recover
part if not all of the initial investment, so that other projects can be initi-
ated. The satisfaction of objectives becomes a powerful player at the trans-
lation table. As Towner has indicated, satisfaction may be sought by more
than one entity in any given project, such as a National Bible Society, a
particular religious confession, and so on.14 As we will see in the examples
below, these and other interested parties can exert a tremendous amount of
pressure on the translator or translation team.
The examples that I will present exhibit an interesting overlap between
marketing and ideological pressures. It is my intention to demonstrate that
these issues must be placed forefront in any discussion or development of a
Bible translation ethic.
Marketing: Case Studies

Example 1
For almost 10 years I participated in the latest UBS Spanish transla-
tion project. The goal was to produce a translation characterized by simple
contemporary language that had as its main goal the communication of the
message of the Bible. The New Testament was published in the year 2000.
This translation is now called Traduccin en Lenguaje Actual. This is quite
an innovative translation of the Bible, where entire bodies of the text were
restructured. The response has been more than positive. I admit that, in
part, many leaders accept it because they see that it is intended for children.
There always has been a condescending attitude toward children.
The publication office in the Americas was very happy when they re-
ceived an order for 100,000 copies of the NT from a Catholic bishop in
Venezuela. All was well until somebody called the bishops attention to the
translation of Luke 2:7. The text says in Spanish primer hijo, firstborn son.
Traditional Spanish translations read primognito. This word means only
one thing, first born. However, it is not a word that is used in common
speech, nor would most children understand it. The bishop, however, in-
sisted that we use the traditional historic word. Why? Because the word
primognito for this bishop suggested not only first born, but also only
son. His ideological presuppositions came into play.
From one side, the pressure is exerted for ideological reasons. From
the publications unit side, the pressure is financial and market driven. Why
should we jeopardize the sale of 100,000 copies because of one simple, ap-
parently innocent word? And this could lead to other more catastrophic
14.P. Towner, Ethics and Bible Translation: A Working Paper, 112.

rejections. The irony of it all is that the New Testament was carefully re-
viewed and approved by Monseor Armando Levoratti, a member of the
Vatican Bible Commission, and was published with a letter of endorsement
by the Archbishop of Tegucigalpa and president of the Consejo Episcopal
Latinoamericano.
The issue had to be dealt with by members of the translation team.
What ethical parameters are we to use? Certainly there are no linguistic,
exegetical, or translational reasons for changing the text. The only reason
for changing the text would be to satisfy the need to sell 100,000 copies. On
the other hand, it compromises our translation philosophy in producing
this text. Our studies clearly indicated that the word primognito is not a
word readily understood by children.
The questions continue to surface: are we to change the translation of a
biblical text every time somebody with marketing power requests a change?
Does a time ever come in Bible translation work when enough is enough?
As translators we may have a Hieronymic Oath that we follow, or we may
embrace an ethic based on virtues, and furthermore we may have the ca-
pacity to differentiate between personal and professional ethics. But the un-
derlying message that we receive seems to be, when money talks, translators
had better shut up or put up.
The final decision that was rendered was to respect the translation as it
was rendered originally. This decision was a very difficult one that implied
a significant financial sacrifice.
Example 2
The Traduccin en Lengue Actual was challenged by a National Bible
Society in relation to the translation of 1 John 5:1617. After much re-
search, the translation team decided to follow what we considered the best
exegetical commentaries, including the UBS Handbook on The Letters of
John. Our translation interpreted the text to refer to spiritual death or
eternal death rather than simply to death, which is quite ambiguous in
the context.
This National Bible Society sent a letter to the other General Secretaries
of the Latin American National Bible Societies threatening that, if we (the
translators) did not change the translation of this text in the already pub-
lished New Testament, they would not distribute the complete Traduccin
en Lenguaje Actual. They required the translators to change the translation
so that the text remained ambiguous, much like the more literal and tradi-
tional translations.
Once again, the decision to change a given text was not made for exe-
getical, historical, and linguistic reasons. Nor was it based on some higher
224 Steven Voth
ethic. The change originated within a preconceived ideology. That ideol

ogy is the one accepted by a majority of the people who are related to a
particular local Bible Society. This National Bible Society then exerts the
same kind of ideological pressure on the rest of the National Bible Societies
in the continent. However, the threat to not distribute the TLA produced a
definite marketing pressure. A translation of this magnitude required a ma-
jor investment. Those who participated in this project came from different
regions in Latin America. They also represented different specializations.
The purpose was to have an interdisciplinary team involved at all stages of
the translation. All of this is very costly.
The final outcome was that we were forced to make a change in the text
because of this threat. We sacrificed a translation that as specialists we felt
was a much better translation because of marketing pressure. What ethic, if
any, is operative here? To what extent can we speak of an ethic of represen-
tation where the ethical imperative is to represent the source text? Perhaps
the ethics of service applies more closely, where the aim of the translation is
set by the client and accepted and negotiated by the translator. And yet, the
situation here is somewhat different because the client did not set the aim
of the translation. The client in this case receives the translation and then
exercises power over the product.
Related to this case, one could entertain Pyms comment that an ethics
of translation should be able to address moral dilemmas when they arise
but should not raise them unnecessarily.15 Did our translation of 1 John
5:1617 raise a moral dilemma unnecessarily? I am not sure I would char-
acterize the translation as posing a moral dilemma. On the other hand, we
as translators are faced with a moral dilemma when we are forced to change
a text on the basis of a marketing threat.
Toward a Liberation Ethic of Bible Translation

The previous discussion has been articulated in order to serve as a cata-
lyst for thinking about a Bible translation ethic. In some sense, the purpose
is to begin with the more pragmatic and move on to the more theoretical
sphere. It is my contention that the real examples must nurture the devel-
opment of any theoretical framework.
I stated at the outset that my intention was not to develop a rigid ethic
that would provide closure to the discussion. The examples offered suggest
that it would be presumptuous to think that one could offer a full-fledged
ethic that is capable of embracing all translation issues in all cultures. This

is especially true if one is at least somewhat skeptical of whether any given

translation can ever be adequately accomplished. Lyotard is perhaps correct
when he says that translation in any form is virtually impossible, because
each language has its own set of rules that are culturally determined and
temporally specific. Lyotard also contends that translation is not only an
infinite task with no closure, but that every translation begets another.16
In other words, translation is an ongoing process that is never neat and
tidy. Loose ends appear constantly, and this is part and parcel with the na-
ture of translation. In fact, Yengoyan may be right when he asserts that
translation is a form of house-cleaning which might be tidy, but the real
beauty of house-cleaning is to keep disorder and partial chaos as part of
the process.17 This same reality applies to the attempt to articulate a Bible
translation ethic. Closure and comprehensiveness may be an impossibility
and to a certain degree undesirable.
My proposal for a Bible translation ethic begins by stating that, due to
the nature of the translation process itself, it will inevitably be subjective,
partial, and flexible and will not pretend to bring closure to the discussion.
Perhaps what I am proposing is a kind of minimalist picture. This picture
is somewhat similar to what the ancient Greeks taught us through Her-
aclites insight that one can never step in the same river again. Contexts,
language, cultures, and ideas change constantly and this is what needs to
be in the background of any theoretical articulation. This picture, as was
stated above, will always be subjective and cannot claim to be absolute in
any sense of the word. This is partly due to the fact that Bible translation is
always done in a sociocultural context. These realities in my opinion do not
take away from the possibility of suggesting a course of action that can be
considered viable and legitimate.
I will begin by building on Chestermans suggestion that virtues such
as trustworthiness, truthfulness, fairness, and the courage to take risks in
caring for others are valid, human qualities to be pursued in developing
a Bible translation ethic. Admittedly, each of these terms must be more
clearly defined. For example, what is fairness? Who defines it? Does the
idea, concept, and/or practice of fairness vary from one culture to another?
But whatever the answers are to these questions, I can agree with Chester-
man that these virtues involve human relationships. It is at this point that I
would like to introduce a concept that could be understood as one that can
16. Yengoyan, Lyotard and Wittgenstein, 2544. See also, J. F. Lyotard, La condi-
cin postmoderna (Buenos Aires: Red Editorial Iberoamericana, 1995).
17. Ibid.
226 Steven Voth
sustain a Bible translation ethic. I suggest that a translation ethic should be

one that settles or composes, that is, that sets things or persons right,
that makes right. Spinoza speaks of something similar in more ontological
terms.18 I take up Spinozas suggestion and apply it to the translator and
translation process and say that an ethical translation is one that com-
poses and therefore empowers. Stated in opposite terms, any translation
that diminishes, or disempowers is not an ethical translation, subjective
as it may sound. I am suggesting that this framework ought to prevail over
matters of ideology, religious confession, marketing, and other related is-
sues. The goal of the translator and subsequently of the translation should
be to compose in the sense of placing in proper form, of settling, of mak-
ing right. This in turn empowers an individual, a community, or a situation.
A translator should attempt to provide dignity, worth, and value through
the translation produced.
I state this in very general categories because the reality of Bible trans-
lation is quite complex. First, Bible translation is a process that is never fin-
ished. It is a never-ending story for a variety of reasons. Second, in my ex-
perience, the translator-client relationship is never clear cut. By this, I mean
that we are not hired directly by those who will read our Bible translations.
In fact, we may have to speak of multiple clients: National Bible Society,
denominational leaders (missionaries), indigenous leaders, and indigenous
communities. And yet none of these pay our salaries directly. Third, it is
very different if we are producing the only Bible that any given community
will read, or if we are producing a Bible for a majority language. Noorda is
forceful when he writes,
Because Bible Societies subsidize the production and sale of Bibles that
are made available in poor areas of the world, they can establish a mo-
nopoly and provide the only version of the Bible that many readers will
ever see or hear. ... Those who are not able to choose will be at the mercy,
so to speak, of whatever theology or translation principle has driven the
one version that they have, a fact that should provide food for thought.19
I do not mean to be critical of the work of the Bible Society. After all, one
Bible is better than none. All I want to do is to raise consciousness of this
reality when trying to articulate a translation ethic. Issues of commercial
power, monopoly, and so forth cannot be ignored. It is in light of this that
18. Deleuze, En Medio de Spnoza.

19.S. Norad, New and Familiar: The Dynamics of Bible Translation, in Bible
Translation on the Threshold of the Twenty-First Century (ed. A. Brenner and J. W. van
Henten; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002) 2627, 30.
I suggest that a Bible translation ethic should seek to compose and in this
way empower the other to be, to have life.
A necessary component of this ethic is service. This is quite different
from the ethics of service as explained by Chesterman. Because I am sug-
gesting an ethic for Bible translation, I feel it is legitimate to suggest a more
theological nuance for the concept of service. By this, I mean that trans-
lators and translations ought to be infused with a spirit of service to the
fellow human being. The translation should not be an end in and of itself.
The translator should continually ask, how can this translation best serve
the so-called client? I am not as concerned about loyalty as Chesterman is,
for loyalty has the potential to compromise the translator. I am concerned
however that a deep sense of service infuse the entire translation process.
Finally, as part of this Bible translation ethic I propose that libera-
tion20 must go alongside the intent to compose, to empower, and to serve.21
Bible translation should be a process whereby liberation in its broadest sense
is achieved. This will certainly be contextually and culturally determined.
And yet, the intent to liberate must be present throughout the entire pro-
cess of Bible translation. The translation process of the Bible should not be-
come one more institution, or one more subsystem (Foucault) that directly
or indirectly facilitates the exclusion of the other. I suggest that an ethic
of liberation is needed to keep the Bible translation process from becoming
an entity of power that places people outside. On the contrary, it should
bring the other inside and nurture life in its full expression. The ethic
must seek to articulate the feasibility of a horizon of life, rather than the
building of walls of exclusion, marginalization, and death. An ethic of liber-
ation must engage in a transformative action by which all of the knowledge
employed in the translation process is for the development of life. Many of
the Bible translation projects are done on behalf of, in the interest of, for
the sake of, and in conjunction with communities of victims, or victimized
communities. That is why an ethic of liberation is so imperative. An ethic
of liberation will provide the opportunity for the Bible translation process
to intervene creatively in the qualitative progress of history. It represents
the channel by which the translation process can transform the sword into
a plow that will open the way for the development of life.
20. I use the term liberation to refer to that spiritual, political, and economic pro-
cess by which oppression, marginalization, and corruption are dealt with so that the
human being is treated with respect and dignity. In more biblical terms, it refers to the
restoration of the image of God in each and every person.
21. Dussel, tica de la liberacin, 1661, a comprehensive treatment on the ethics
of liberation for a globalized world.
228 Steven Voth
An ethic of liberation is an ethic of responsibility for the other. It

could be called an ethic of radical responsibility, because it will not pass by
on the other side when confronted with a victim. The responsibility for the
other who is vulnerable, who is suffering becomes the litmus test of an eth-
ic of Bible translation. It is my contention that, if liberation is absent from
an ethical construct, then I call that construct a reductionist ethic of Bi-
ble translation. Given the devastating realities that most people experience
on planet Earth, a Bible translation ethic needs to demand that liberation
become an integral component of its framework. I state this passionately,
while at the same time acknowledging that it is a subjective matter.
In conclusion, I consider that these elements, though not absolute or
comprehensive, are necessary for a Bible translation ethic, so that matters
of ideology, marketing, interest groups, and personal agendas can be ad-
dressed in such a way that no one of them dominates the translation pro-
cess. What is clear to me is that this discussion, much like Bible translation,
is and should be a never-ending process. What I propose is not meant to
bring closure to the issue but simply to provide some principles that in my
consideration are essential. Questions still remain. How do we ethically ad-
dress a situation in which a National Bible Society decides not to carry forth
any more translation projects? Is there an ethical responsibility toward the
translator in such a case? How do we infuse an ethical framework with jus-
tice (and by this I mean biblical justice)? These and many other questions
still remain to be addressed. It is these considerations that lead us to em-
phasize that a Bible translation ethic must remain provisional, flexible, and
open to new horizons.
Demons in Mesopotamia and Israel
Exploring the Category of
Non-Divine but Supernatural Entities
John H. Walton
Introduction
One of the ways that comparative studies can contribute to the inter-
pretation of the Hebrew Bible is to provide information from the cognitive
environment that fills in gaps where the biblical information is scant. In
our interest to fill in such gaps, however, we cannot uncritically adopt an-
cient Near Eastern views wholesale as if Israel never departs from the main-
stream.1 On the other end of the spectrum, inserting the Hellenistic or the
New Testament view into the gaps is methodologically flawed for the same
reasons. Both the ancient Near East and the New Testament hold potential-
ly helpful perspectives, but both must be investigated closely in relation to
the actual textual data of the Hebrew Bible. One of the areas that has been
insufficiently studied, and has often had outside information imposed on
it, is the concept and role of demons in the Hebrew Bible. It is especially
interesting because demons play such a substantial role in the ancient Near
East, in the Hellenistic Period, and in the New Testament, but are largely
absent from the Hebrew Bible.
The first problem we face concerns terminology. No general term for
demons exists in any of the major cultures of the ancient Near East or
in the Hebrew Bible. They are generally considered one of the categories
of spirit beings (along with gods and ghosts). The term demons has had
a checkered history; in todays theological usage the term denotes beings,
Authors note: I am delighted to be able to dedicate this article to Sam Greengus, with
gratitude. His gentle and gracious spirit coupled with his careful and insightful schol-
arship were an inspiration to me as to all his students. I am grateful also to Jonathan
Walton for many helpful ideas, suggestions, and insights that contributed significantly
to this essay.
1. Note an unfortunately fairly typical comment by J. B. Russell, The minor mali-
cious spirits that appeared from time to time in Hebrew religion resemble those of other
cultures and were in large part derived from those of Canaan. See The Devil (Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press, 1977) 215.
229
230 John H. Walton
often fallen angels,2 who are intrinsically evil and who do the bidding of
their master, Satan. This definition, however, only became commonplace
long after the Hebrew Bible was complete. The idea of evil spirits under
the control of a chief demon cannot be assumed for the ancient Near East
or for the Hebrew Bible, and even for the New Testament requires careful
assessment. Some of the general concepts that eventually appear in Judaism
and Christianity can be observed to show similarity to Persian Zoroastrian-
ism, though we should hesitate to draw straight lines of influence without
further evidence.
The Hellenistic period has creatures referred to as daimon in the hi-
erarchy of spirit beings. Yet the term demon is simply a Latinized spelling
of this word, and cannot be used to label the Hellenistic category, because
etymologically, the Greek term daimon can refer to spirit beings who are ei-
ther protagonist or antagonist, beneficial or harmful, benign or sinister. The
term daimon could be applied to any being that was higher than a human
and lower than a god.3 These beings were morally neutral. Thus the English
term demon is already a prejudicial label that undermines the investigation
due to anachronism. Rather than using prejudicial and potentially anach-
ronistic terminology, we need first to establish a taxonomy of spirit beings
on a largely descriptive basis.
Taxonomy of Spirit Beings

Using empirical data found in the ancient literature, we can discern a
taxonomy of spirit beings in three classes: Gods (class I), defined as those
who receive sacrifices, at one extreme, and at the other extreme, ghosts
(class III), defined as those who were formally human.4 Class II is made up
of all that remain and is a large and diverse group.5 See table 1.
2. Beginning especially with Origen, see J. B. Russell, Satan (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 1981) 132.
3. At times, even ghosts could be included in this category. Platonists defined
daimon as intermediaries between gods and humans, as did Philo, who equated them
with the Jewish category of angels. Eventually, the ambiguous daimon was replaced by
daimonion, which had a more negative connotation, and the Christians connected
the daimonia with evil angels (Russell, Satan, 4849). More recently, see D. B. Martin,
When Did Angels Become Demons? JBL 129 (2010) 65777.
4. While ghosts were taken seriously and could affect the living in terrifying ways,
they were much more limited than class II entities. J. Scurlock (Magico-Medical Means of
Treating Ghost-Induced Illnesses in Ancient Mesopotamia [Leiden: Brill and Styx, 2006] 5)
identifies the obnoxious behavior of ghosts as represented in emitting ghostly screams,
by haunting people in visible form, and by causing a series of physical problems.
5. The categories cannot have a line between good (god) and evil (demons), for in
the early cultures spirit beings were consistently morally ambiguous or neutral.
Table 1. Taxonomy of Spirit Beings (John H. Walton)
Class Mesopotamia Old Testament Israel Hellenistic Judaism
I. Gods (receive High gods (cosmic, city Syncretistic Orthodoxa Yahweh/Elohim
sacrifices) patrons) Yahweh/Elohim Yahweh/Elohim
Members of the divine council Foreign gods
Igigi edim
Anunnaki sirim
Personal gods bne-halohim Sons of God
Foreign gods
Deified Ancestors
II. Functionaries Chaos monsters Chaos creatures (e.g., tan- Foreign gods Daimonc Aggelos
(subordinate Protective spirits (guardians, nin, rahab, liwyatan, naha) bne-halohim Sons of God satan satan Satan bne-
to deities and benign or benevolent) satan Satan Satan Foreign gods halohim
subject to their Malevolent spirits ruah (benevolent or ma- Chaos creatures (e.g., tannin, rahab, edim Sons of
control) Groups: utukku, asakku, levolent) liwyatan, naha) sirim God
rabisu, edu mlakim Angels ruah (benevolent or malevolent)b fallen bne- mlakim
Individuals: lamatu, pazazu, Guardians (e.g., krubim, mlakim Angels halohim Sons of Angels
lilitu srapim) Guardians (e.g., krubim, srapim) God Guard-
Attendant weapons (e.g., Attendant weapons (e.g., deber, reep) Attendant weapons ians (e.g.,
deber, reep) edim (e.g., deber, reep) krubim,
Spirits in liminal areas (e.g., sirim Spirits in liminal srapim)
azazel, lilit, siyyim, iyyim) Spirits in liminal areas (e.g., azazel, areas (e.g., azazel,
lilit, siyyim,iyyim) lilit, siyyim,iyyim)
Demons in Mesopotamia and Israel
III. Ghosts Spirits of the dead Spirits of the dead Spirits of the dead Spirits of the dead
(Once living
humans; can
receive food
gifts)
a. In Orthodox Israelite theology the idea is to move all but Yahweh out of class I and into class II
b. Not always an entity, e.g., when parallel to yad.
c. Since everything in class II must now be either daimon or aggelos, understanding of the beings develops. Increasingly, they divide along lines of good and evil.
231
The daimon category, once defined as evil, is characterized more like the malevolent spirits known from the ancient Near East but configured in a dualistic world view.
232 John H. Walton
Mesopotamia Class II
In this essay, I will consider only Mesopotamian civilizations for a num-
ber of reasons. The material from Egypt follows many of the same patterns
and categories as Mesopotamia with two notable exceptions. The first is
that in Egypt the profile is complicated by the involvement of class II be-
ings in the passage of the deceased to and through the netherworld. Views
of afterlife in Israel have more overlap with Mesopotamia than Egypt, so
the comparative study will be more productive using Mesopotamian civ-
ilizations. The second is that in Egypt the line between class I and class II
is much less distinct because those in class II are sometimes eventually ele-
vated to class I. Mesopotamia does not show the same sort of fluidity, nor
does the Hebrew Bible.
Ugarit has little to offer to the discussion. The scant information is drawn
only from incantations, which offer very little descriptive information about
their beliefs.6 Horon, sometimes referred to as lord of the demons, can
be either a threat or a protector.7 Horon and Resheph are called reified
horrors by Wyatt, who considers demons to be gods in the making or un-
making.8 As in Egypt, the line between classes I and II is somewhat blurred,
with Resheph being also considered a god. For this reason and others, the
data from Ugarit and Egypt merit their own separate investigations.
Great Symbiosis
The role of spirits in general in Mesopotamia must be considered in
light of what could be termed the Great Symbiosis.9 Gods were believed
to have needs for food, drink, clothing and housing. People had been cre-
ated with the explicit purpose of providing for these needs. At the same
6.K. Spronk, The Incantations, in Handbook of Ugaritic Studies (ed. W. G. E.

Watson and N. Wyatt; Leiden: Brill, 1999) 27682.
7.U. Rterswrden, Horon, in DDD, 42526; J. H. Choi, Resheph and Yhwh
sebaot, VT 54 (2004) 1728. For treatment of incantation, see D. Pardee, Ritual and
Cult at Ugarit (SBLWAW 10; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2002) 17279, RS
24.244.
8.N. Wyatt, The Religion of Ugarit: An Overview, in Handbook of Ugaritic
Studies (ed. W. G. E. Watson and N. Wyatt; Leiden: Brill, 1999) 549.
9. The literature from ancient Mesopotamia evinces diversity of expressions and
perceptions of spirit beings, so that we must be cautious about making too fine a dis-
tinction in each case. Nevertheless, the data are consistent enough across several genres
in the ancient literature to make the following taxonomic distinctions. See K. van der
Toorn, The Theology of Demons in Mesopotamia and Israel: Popular Belief and Schol-
arly Speculation, in Demons: The Demonology of Israelite-Jewish and Early Christian
Literature in Context of Their Environment (Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003) 6183.
Demons in Mesopotamia and Israel 233
time, when the gods were properly provided for, they would in turn provide
care and protection for the people. This symbiosis between humans and
gods provides the parameters for the Mesopotamian religious system. Reli-
gious obligation was defined by the rituals that were performed to meet the
needs of the gods. The understanding of the gods was construed in terms
of their provision and protection. People were only required to be ethical
because that brought order to the world, not because the gods were ethical.
Gods were not imitated or morally elevated, they were authority figures
who demanded attention and offered benefits.
Class I spirits (the gods) are here defined as those who are the protago-
nists in this Great Symbiosis. They are the focus of the rituals and they pro-
vide the benefits. Class II spirits are only tangential to the system. They do
not have temples, priests or sacred space of any kind.10 They do not receive
sacrifices.11 They are said to need neither food nor drink, so they have no
needs to be provided.12 They can do harm or provide benefits to humans just
as the gods can, but the harm they bring is either as the agents of the gods,
or as opportunists when the gods have not been properly cared for and are
therefore inattentive to human subjects.13 The incantation texts describe the
latter sort of victims as those who have no personal deity.14 The benefits
10.J. Westenholz, Dragons, Monsters and Fabulous Beasts (Jerusalem: Bible Lands
Museum, 2004) 15.
11. J. M. Blair, De-Demonising the Old Testament (Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2009)
81. P-A. Beaulieu indicates a possible exception in that deified fantastic creatures appear
with divine determinatives and are recipients of offering in the Neo-Babylonian period
at the temple of Eanna in Uruk, The Pantheon of Uruk during the Neo-Babylonian Peri-
od (Leiden: Brill, 2003) 35568. T. Ornan, In the Likeness of Man: Reflections on the
Anthropocentric Perception of the Divine in Mesopotamian Art, in What Is a God?
(ed. B. N. Porter; TCBAI 2; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns) 97, however, counters that
in this case they might have been perceived as deified emanations of the god who had
defeated them.
12.In Utukku Lemnutu (Hereafter, UL) 6:166, it says that They dont eat food and
dont drink water (needs provided by sacrifices and libations). In 13:2728, since no
mahatu-flour has been scattered for them, nor any divine offering made for them, their
behavior is aggressive. M. Geller, Evil Demons: Canonical Utukku Lemnutu Incanta-
tions (SAACT 5; Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2007).
13.T. Abusch, Witchcraft and the Anger of the Personal God, Mesopotamian
Witchcraft (Leiden: Styx and Brill, 2002) 4748, identifies three stages of development.
(1) The victim is vulnerable to demonic attack because unprotected by personal god
who is absent or who has fled; (2) the victim is vulnerable because he has sinned and
angered personal god who abandons or calls forth demonic attack; and (3) the victim is
innocent but a witch is able to influence the deity to be angry.
14.G. Cunningham, Deliver Me From Evil: Mesopotamian Incantations 25001500
bc (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1997) 62.
234 John H. Walton
these class II spirits bring are also as agents of deity. Thus, their location
outside the Great Symbiosis defines their position in the religious system.
Role of Magic
The second element that defines class II in Mesopotamia is the nature
of the relationship of these beings to the practice of magic and its associa-
tions with power.15 Class II spirit beings exercise power in the human realm
by terrorizing or protecting, and are resisted or enlisted by means of power
(incantations, exorcism). So as we compare class II spirit beings in Meso-
potamia with those in Israel, we must consider them in light of the Great
Symbiosis and the exercise of power in magic.
Role and Nature
Akkadian terminology represents class II spirit beings either in corpo-
rate groups16 (for example, utukku, asakku, rabisu, edu) or as individual
beings (for example, lamatu, pazazu, lilitu, and ardat-lili). Descriptions of
class II spirits are available throughout the literature. In a piece entitled
The Underworld Vision of an Assyrian Prince, a vision describes a num-
ber of such beings who served as attendants to Nergal in the netherworld
(for example, The Evil Spirit had a lions head, his hands and feet were
those of Anzu).17 All of these are composite beings as is common for the
spirits in class II in Mesopotamia. Combining the features of two or more
fierce animals made them more dangerous and also indicated their status as
on the periphery of the ordered world, that is, they are liminal creatures.18
Westenholz observes that The greater the resemblance to human beings
the greater the propensity that the demon would be predisposed toward the
benefit of humankind.19
15. Magic is understood here as a subset of religion. I am not suggesting that

classI is unaffected by magic but only noting the particular associations between magic
and class II. See B. T. Arnold, Divination and Magic, in Dictionary of Scripture and
Ethics(ed. J. B. Green; Grand Rapids: Baker, 2011) 23842.
16. Egyptian literature also makes reference to such groups of spirits, generally
under the control of the gods. The generic name for them is the seven arrows (eseru).
For extensive summary of the information in Egypt, see D. Meeks, Demons, Oxford
Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt (ed. D. Redford; 3 vols.; New York: Oxford University
Press, 2001) 1:37578.
17.A. Livingstone, Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea (SAA 3; Helsinki: Uni-
versity of Helsinki Press, 1989) 7172, text 32: r.29.
18. Cunningham, Deliver Me from Evil, 89, indicates their composite nature is
symbolic of disorder.
19. Westenholz, Dragons, 11. She also distinguishes between those that go on four
legs, monsters and those that go on two demons.
People could overcome demon attacks in a number of ways: (1) regain

the favor of their god; (2) call on specialists to exorcise the demon; or (3)
use incantations, figurines, amulets or other magical means to enlist the
help of guardian spirits (for example, Pazazu against Lamashtu). As already
mentioned, class II spirits do not receive sacrifices. Westenholz describes
them as a by-product of creation without a fixed place in the universe.
... Without a place of their own, they roamed the earth and took by force
what they did not get by right; mankind was useless to them and therefore
they preyed on humanity without restraint.20 In the utukku lemnutu series
the incantations are made of the gods, and presumably whatever sacrifices
are offered, are offered to them: I adjure you by the great gods so that you
go away.21 It should also be noted, however, that the ritual actions, when
described, do not generally include sacrifices to the great gods, but ritual
acts performed in relation to the patient,22 and occasionally food and water
offerings to the household gods.23 In tablet 10, the role of Marduk can be
observed as he is able to weaken the utukku: he notices the utukku, he gets
angry at the utukku, he receives the ritual elements arranged around the
patient, and orders the utukku to depart.
Class II spirits are thought responsible for disease, plague and all sorts
of disasters in the cosmos.24 They inhabit liminal spaces in sea, earth and
sky.25 One text about the seven deadly Sebetti describes their nature:
They are powerful in heaven and earth.
They are the waves in the sea,
They are the terrors of the marsh.
They are the asakku-disease in the canebrake.
They are the flaming embers in the forest.
They are the evil web in the mouth of a jar,
They are the neglected fruit in gardens.26
Another text describes them as agent(s) of harm (and) accessories to evil,

maliciously ready to commit murder every day.27
In contrast to this negative profile, class II spirits are also seen as
having a relationship to the gods (class I). They are born of Anus seed
20. Ibid., 15.

21. UL 6:37.
22. UL 7:1019.
23. UL 9:10.
24. Westenholz, Dragons, 14.
25. Ibid., 12.
26. UL 13:615.
27. UL 16:34.
236 John H. Walton
(UL 5:152),28 the evil ones of Ea (UL 5:157), throne bearers of gods(UL
5:158),29 and messengers of Lord Anu (UL 16:12). Furthermore, we often
find classII spirits as chaos creatures who have been defeated by the gods
(class I)30 and have become their associates. So Wiggermann notes, For the
monsters, outlaws by nature, it is only a small step from the unpredictable
servant to rebel, and from rebel to defeated enemy. The role of the god in
their relation changes accordingly from master to rightful ruler, and from
rightful ruler to victor.31 Saggs traces this development through three stag-
es determined by tracing ideas through the literature: (1) they arose from
ancient numina acting independently of the gods; (2) they became agents
of the gods, and in late literature (3) can be seen as hypostases of the gods
or gods themselves.32
The class II spirits in Mesopotamia can be summarized as powers that
can be malevolent or benevolent. Westenholz suggests that they tended to
operate independently but when their actions were called to the attention
of the gods, they could be quickly brought into line.33 Thus, we see that they
were subordinate to the gods and largely under their control. The place of
these demonic beings in the universe was as mere agents and executors of
the will of the gods.34 In this sense they would not be considered volitional
(defined for our purposes as having wisdom and knowledge and being held
accountable for their actions, rather than a simpler definition as being able
to take initiative).35 The texts specifically say that They have no under-
standing.36 Consequently, Saggs notes that the difference between what we
have designated as class II and class I is that divine behavior is purposeful,
whereas demon behavior is irrational and arbitrary, and even clumsy or
ridiculous, but dangerous nonetheless.37
28. UL 5:143 says they were Fashioned in the Netherworld, but spawned in
Heaven.
29. UL 5:158 recalls the demons portrayed on the nemedu thrones, e.g., Sennach-
eribs at Lachish.
30. F. A. M. Wiggermann, Mesopotamian Protective Spirits: The Ritual Texts (Gron-
ingen: Styx, 1992) xii.
31. Ibid., 153.
32. H. W. F. Saggs, The Encounter with the Divine in Mesopotamia and Israel (Lon-
don: Athlone, 1978) 105.
33. Westenholz, Dragons, 1415.
34. Ibid., 14.
35. In that sense they are more like animals (who act instinctively) rather than
robots, which must be programmed and turned on.
36. UL 5:155.
37. Saggs, Encounter, 95, citing G. van der Leeuw, Religion in Essence and Mani-
festation.
Given the information developed from the sources, we would also con-
clude that class II beings have no moral agency (defined for our purposes as
having the capacity to know whether something is good or bad, and having
sufficient freedom to act on that knowledge). They could be called morally
neutral or ambiguous, but would be best described as amoral. In terms of
volition and moral agency, class II spirits could be compared to wild ani-
mals or meteorological phenomena.38
Nevertheless, questions about moral agency quickly encounter prob-
lems of classification in the ancient Near East as we recognize that we may
be imposing a category on the culture that they would not have recognized.
We might suggest that it is more productive to define beings in relation-
ship to the Great Symbiosis. Instead of a designation like amoral we could
use interested benevolence (purposefully practiced by the gods expecting
results) and disinterested malevolence (actions of class II). That is, such
beings are not acting on the basis of some intrinsic character, but within the
confines of the Great Symbiosis. Replacing good would be disinterested
benevolence and replacing evil would be interested malevolence.
In sum, class II spirits in Mesopotamia are liminal beings engaged in
disinterested malevolence (opportunism) or interested benevolence (co-
erced). They exercise power in the human realm subordinate to the gods.
They can be resisted or conscripted through magic. They are not part of the
Great Symbiosis but operate in juxtaposition to it.
Hebrew Bible Class II

Because no general term exists for demons in the Hebrew Bible, we
will continue to use the established descriptive categories and discuss some
of the more ambiguous class II spirit beings. We will begin our study with
attention only to the Hebrew terminology rather than getting embroiled in
how the LXX, Targums, Vulgate or rabbinic writings rendered those He-
brew terms. The choices made in those later literatures were predicated on
their own contemporary world view and interpretations and therefore can-
not help but be anachronistic.
Like the literature from Mesopotamia, some Hebrew terms refer to
groups and others to individual entities. Many of the terms are debatable
at one level or another. For example, a few terms are considered to refer to
animals that inhabit liminal areas by some interpreters and theriomorphic
38. Interestingly, in HB usage there is ambiguity and disagreement among schol-

ars concerning whether the key terms refer to class II creatures or wild animals or de-
structive forces of nature (noted by Jonathan Walton). See discussion of the terms below.
238 John H. Walton
demons by others. Most notable in this category are the siyyim (HALOT:
desert creatures) and the iyyim (HALOT: jackels).39 In Akkadian texts
any class II spirits with theriomorphic characteristics are composites,
though they can be described metaphorically as animals, for example, the
owl which screeches in the city.40 In ancient Near Eastern iconography,
the Lord/Lady of the Beasts motif showing animals from liminal realms
in the grasp of the deity could potentially identify the animals with class II
spirits.41 Wildberger comments that one cannot draw sharp distinctions
between animals that are sinister, but still recognizable, over against de-
mons.42 Holladay, following the same line as Wildberger, concludes that
Given the association of wild animals and demons as expressions of the
uncanny, there is no way to determine the meaning of these nouns with
precision.43 If the biblical text has no references in which words that could
and do refer to animals from liminal areas can clearly be seen as spirits, the
burden of proof rests on those who want to interpret them that way.
Collective abstractions associated with phenomena are also sometimes
considered class II spirits (or identified as demons). Most prominent
among these are deber (HALOT: bubonic plague), qeteb (HALOT: disas-
ter), and reep (HALOT: plague).44
39. iyyim: Isa 34:14; Jer 50:39 (LXX Isa = daimonion, Vulg. Jer = dragons). H.
Wildberger, Isaiah 2839 (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2002) 315: demons. Human enemies
in Ps 72:9. Dwellers in liminal areas (deserts, siyya). Iyyim: Isa 13:22; 34:14; Jer 50:39.
Ibid., 315: goblins. Human enemies in Ps 72:10. Dwellers in liminal areas (coastlands,
islands).
40. UL 5:9.
41. See also the Egyptian palettes that show animals from liminal areas (dog pal-
ette, Narmer palette, goring bull).
42. Wildberger, Isaiah 2839, 335.
43.W. Holladay, Jeremiah 2 (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1989) 421. In Jer 50:39 he
translates goblins and ghouls.
44. Deber: Hos 13:14; Hab 3:5; Ps 91:6 (F. Andersen and D. N. Freedman, Hosea
[New York: Doubleday, 1980] 640: Association with demons is palpable in the context,
but notes that the plural form removes from demon association). Note also pahad layla,
Ps91:5. Malul, Terror of the Night, in DDD, 85154, considers vv.56 to contain a
series of demon names; J. Goldingay, Psalms, Volume 3: Psalms 90150 (Grand Rapids:
Baker, 2008) 45: Their terms correspond to Middle Eastern ways of describing the ac-
tivity of hostile gods or demons, and the ancient versions refer explicitly to demons and
spirits. But there is no explicit indication of this reference in the context, and it would
be unique in the OT, which makes hardly any reference to demons. Qeteb: Deut 32:24;
Isa 28:2; Hos 13:14. Reep: Deut 32:24; Hab 3:5; Ps 76:4; 78:48. J. Tigay (Deuteronomy
[Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1996] 309) considers the Deuteronomy pas-
sage not to be even literary personification. Andersen considers Hab 3:5 a type scene of
deity accompanied by four powerful attendants (though he sees only three, and one of
One cannot use comparative data to argue that either these creatures
or these phenomena must be class II spirits because of their similarity to
class II spirits in Mesopotamia. Those in the theriomorphic class (siyyim
and iyyim) in Israel are neither benevolent nor malevolent. They are not
composites. They exercise no power and show no aggression to human-
ity and they are not associates of deity or instruments used for his work.
The only point of contact is that they dwell in liminal areas. This is hardly
sufficient for identification. The comparative data would have to be totally
imposed on the biblical terms, at which point the claim of similarity would
be circular.
The collective abstractions associated with phenomena (deber, qeteb
and reep) differ in that they are seen as instruments of Yahweh and associ-
ated with him to bring negative impact on humanity.45 In biblical context,
however, this is no different than the thunderbolt or the rain. The fact that a
commonality of name can be demonstrated in some instances proves noth-
ing because it is possible to have nominal commonality without conceptual
similarity (for example, Shemesh/Shamash). Even literary personification
of an element of the cosmos (when it can be demonstrated to exist) is not
the same thing as viewing that element as a spirit being.
Setting these questionable examples aside, then, five terms remain to be
considered more seriously (edim, sirim, lilit, azazel, and ruah-raa), the
first two being groups and the other three, individuals.
The terms edim, and sirim (goat gods)46 are the ones most often
translated or interpreted as demons. The former has a possible Akkadian
cognate, edu, which refers to class II protective spirits. Alternatively, there
is a possible Aramaic cognate, dyn,47 a group mentioned in the Balaam
text from Deir Alla that is seated in the divine council. As participants in
an ancient Near Eastern divine council, they would be categorized as gods
from Transjordan, and therefore belong to class I. There is no precedent for
class II spirits to be equated with the class I members of the divine council,
those he provided). Personification here is questionable, and demonization more so. But
if they are demons, they are in the Mesopotamian category of those that have been har-
nessed/commandeered by deity and do his bidding (like those demons that become the
associates of the gods). Of course, Resheph is a god in Ugarit and Ebla (Vulg = diabolos).
45. See the detailed analysis of each in Blair, De-Demonising the Old Testament.
46. edim: Deut 32:17 (LXX, daimonion); Ps 106:37 (LXX, 105:17 daimonion).
irim: Isa 13:21 (LXX, daimonion); 34:14; cf. Lev 17:7; 2 Chr 11:15.
47. But if this is a cognate of Shaddai, as promoted by J. Hackett, The Balaam Text
from Deir Alla (HSM 31; Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1984) 8589, it could not also be
cognate with edim. The connection with Aramaic is more likely since rabbinic literature
also uses Aramaic dyn as the equivalent to Hebrew edim.
240 John H. Walton
even after they are largely domesticated in later Mesopotamian literature.

Since the edim in the Hebrew Bible are receiving sacrifices, they have more
in common with the class I dyn from Transjordan than with the class II
edu in Akkadian literature. Transjordanian gods would also be more likely
to have been part of the syncretism of the wilderness generation than Baby-
lonian guardian figures. Therefore, edim most likely refers to class I spirits
from the Mesopotamian side of the ledger, who are illegitimately treated as
class I spirits in syncretistic Israel.
The sirim, like the edim, appear to be objects of worship, receiving
sacrifices, which would make them unlike any class II spirits in Mesopota-
mia (which do not have any associated temples, cult, or priests and do not
receive sacrifices). Though it is not uncommon to translate the term goat
gods or satyrs there is no indication that they are composite creatures.
The word occurs many other times to refer simply to goats.48 The case can-
not be made that we must consider these to be demons (class II) because
they fit into what we see in the ancient Near East; they most definitively
do not, for not a single aspect matches up with class II from Mesopota-
mia. They are being treated as class I spirits even though the sacrifices they
receive are illegitimate, which puts them in the same category as foreign
gods.
One might argue based on the NT that the foreign gods are demons,
but that equation is post-Hellenistic and whether one accepts that equation
ontologically or not, such a connection cannot be made from Hebrew Bible
text or through comparative analysis with the ancient Near East. In 1 Cor
10:20, Paul is referring to beliefs of his time that did consider demons the
recipients of sacrifices made to idols. Pauls statement may well be descrip-
tive rather than ontological, but that would need a separate study. If one is
considering a contextual understanding of the Hebrew Bible, there is no
basis for considering sirim or edim to be demons or class II spirits in
Israelite thinking. With no clearly established demonology in the Hebrew
Bible it is also questionable whether we can say that the Israelites believed
the foreign gods to be demons.49 If the textual variant in Deuteronomy 32
reading Sons of God rather than Sons of Israel is to be preferred, as I
think it is, the foreign gods would be associated with the divine council50
and class II spirits are never part of the divine council.
48. Of the domesticated varietynever clearly wild goats.

49. Contrary to the LXX treatment in Ps 95:5; Deut 32:17; Ps 105:37; Isa 65:11; e.g.,
LXX Ps 95:5 renders the idols (elilim) as demons (daimonion); cf. 1 Cor 10:2021; Rev
9:20 and Origen, cf. Russell, Satan, 134.
50.M. Heiser, Deuteronomy 32:8 and the Sons of God, BSac 158 (2001) 5274.
Individual spirits demonstrate a closer association with class II from

Mesopotamia, but even here substantiation is difficult. The first term, lilit,
appears only in Isa 34:14. The support for considering this a class II spirit
is found in the Akkadian cognate, lilu/lilitu, which is an identifiable class
II spirit. The root Sumerian cognate lil refers to the wind and then to a
phantom or ghost (Akk. zaqiqu), which can refer to powerless captured
gods or to the dream spirit. Longer Sumerian forms (lil.la or lil.en.na)
find their equivalent in the Akkadian lilitu. It is true that the Hebrew is
more likely to be cognate with the Akkadian than the Sumerian, but as we
know with cognate terms, it cannot be assumed that they retain or carry
the same meaning. In scholarly analysis, it is interesting that the discussion
moves from Akkadian to rabbinic and patristic literatures (where there is
clear continuity).51 It remains possible that Isaiah refers to a spirit, but in
the context lilit is not acting in any of the ways that class II spirits operate in
Mesopotamia, but instead is associated with creatures (who are not spirits)
in liminal areas.52 Without further information we must hold further spe-
cific identification in abeyance.53
The second individual often classed as a demon is azazel from Le-
viticus 16. Here it is more likely, though still contested on many fronts,
that a spirit is intended.54 The demonic interpretation becomes prominent
in Hellenistic Jewish literature (for example, Enoch). But what information
does the context offer? It is designated as having a living area (desert), not
as having power, not as bringing plague or illness, not as intimidating, and
not the object of incantation.55 In elimination rituals in the ancient world,
51. Wildbergers two page discussion contains no citation of any apocryphal or

pseudepigraphal occurrences, Isaiah 2839, 33537. Handy (Lilith, ABD 4:32425)
indicates that the main sources of information are the Talmud (four references) and the
Aramaic and Mandaean bowl inscriptions from a Jewish community in Nippur during
the 1st millennium a.d.
52. This same conclusion is reached by J. Blair after an extensive study of the schol-
arly literature and a close reading of the context. See De-Demonising the Old Testament,
6395.
53.J. Tigay (Deuteronomy, 258) points out that both blessings and curses are treat-
ed almost as personified by virtue of the verbs that are used with them. Nevertheless, he
concludes: Actual personification is absent in Deuteronomy, which avoids any sugges-
tion of independent supernatural powers in addition to God.... Instead, the blessings
and curses are merely reified and treated as impersonal forces under Gods absolute
control. Similar statements could be made concerning Lilith in Isaiah.
54.B. Janowski takes it as not a person but translates for the elimination of divine
anger (Azazel, DDD, 130).
55.D. Wright, The Disposal of Impurity (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987) 22: Cau-
tion must be exercised not to presume automatically that as a demon he functions like
242 John H. Walton
the animal used to carry the offense is not a sacrifice to the demon;56 it is
slaughtered so that the offense dies with it.57 Rites of elimination do not
view the killed animal as being sacrificed because no part of it is given to
deityin fact, it could not be a gift to deity because it is tainted with the
evil that has been transferred to it.58 Wright concludes that Azazel has been
stripped of personality and He represents little more than the place or goal
of disposal.59 His concluding statement:
Azazel does not appear to be an angry deity who needs to be appeased nor
a desert demon who is the custodian of evil. The goat, moreover, is not an
offering of appeasement, nor is it a substitute to suffer Azazels anger or
some other evil in the place of the Israelites. The animal merely receives
the communitys sins and bears them to a harmless locale.60
I would further specify that it is not just a harmless locale but one repre-
senting a place of disorderwhere all offense belongs.
The final individual designation that I will discuss is the antagonis-
tic ruah, particularly in 1 Samuel 16 and 1 Kings 22.61 In these passages
the spirit is an entity, but not portrayed as chthonic, liminal, composite or
theriomorphic. It is exercising power against humans, thus differentiating
it from the other class II Hebrew Bible spirits we have discussed. It is subor-
dinate to God and is employed by him (rather than acting independently).
It is not controlled by magic, though Davids harp playing is a response to
its influence on Saul.
The only question concerning placing it in class II is whether it is a
member of the divine council. 1Samuel 16 offers no information on that
point, but 1 Kings 22 has often been considered the passage that most
strongly supports the existence of a divine council in Israelite thinking. I
do not wish to deny that the divine council is in session in 1Kings 22, but
there could be legitimate question about the status of the ruah relative to
demons in similar rites outside biblical culture. Azazels demonic nature must be sought
primarily within the framework of the Priestly literature. Significantly, this corpus says
little about demonic issues.
56. Ibid., 24.
57. abahu, in UL 12:80; naqu, 12:163; see Cunningham, Deliver Me from Evil, 59.
58.Contrast UL 12:6061, make a sacrifice in the daytime, and call out the name
of the victims personal god, and note UL 12:151, may his food-offering approach
Shamash.
59. Wright, Disposal of Impurity, 25.
60. Wright, Disposal of Impurity, 7273.
61. I will not discuss the possibility of robes in Genesis 4 because the need for
textual emendation makes that instances even more questionable than those we have
been considering.
the council. The text indicates that Yahweh was in audience with all the host
of heaven standing in attendance (v.19). This is a larger group than the Sons
of God who make up the council, and it is not clear what status the ruah has
in that setting.
In these contexts, these spirits could be considered malevolent in light
of their negative impact on the humans against whom they are sent, but
interpreters have not been inclined to label them demons because they
are sent from Yahweh. This shows how English terminology has developed
increasing specificity because all class II spirits in Mesopotamia and in the
Hebrew Bible are subordinate to deity and under control when the deity
chooses to exercise that control.
Synthesis of Hebrew Bible Data
None of the class II spirits in the Hebrew Bible are portrayed as ene-
mies of God.62 They have no chief, they are not identified as fallen angels.
Class II beings include satan, because in Israel neither he nor the sons
of God/divine council are considered legitimate recipients of sacrifices.63
But the other class II spirits have no relationship to satan. He neither leads
them nor works with them. They do not act as an organized, purposeful
group and whatever terrorizing of humans they do, they do as instruments
of Gods activity following his orders and working in subordination to him.
Even the chaos creatures are created by him and fully under his control.
By the definitions that we have used in the discussion of Mesopotamia,
some of these Hebrew Bible class II beings could be considered marginally
volitional (for example, the ruah in 1Kings who takes initiative to offer a
suggestion, or satan), though most have no activities associated with them
(edim, sirim, lilit, azazel, siyyim, and iyyim). Regarding those who are
active, one could not categorize the behavior of ruah or satan as arbitrary or
irrational. Most in the category can likewise not be considered independent
moral agents. Most have no moral role, and those that become involved in
Gods moral agency (ruah, and, arguably, satan) act only as agents of deity
and are morally neutral, intrinsically neither benevolent nor malevolent.
The fact is that most supernatural beings in the ancient and classical world,
including the high gods, were morally ambiguous to our way of thinking.64
62. One possible exception to this is the reference to the Princes of Persia and
Greece in Dan 10:20.
63. Here, we should note that members of the divine council in Mesopotamia are
class I and receive sacrifices, whereas in Israel they are class II.
64. By this, I am referring to behavior that can be irrational or arbitrary or that
lacks integrity. As part of the Great Symbiosis, they have no disinterested goodness or
244 John H. Walton
That is to say, they are either involved in the Great Symbiosis and are practic-
ing interested benevolence (not morality) or are not involved in the Great
Symbiosis and are engaged in disinterested malevolence (not moral evil).65
Class II spirits in the Hebrew Bible show no exercise of power either
malevolent or benevolent. They are not combatants and are not engaged in
opportunism. They can occasionally terrify, but they do not possess (with
the possible exception 1Samuel 16) or tempt. They are not connected to dis-
ease and not controlled by practitioners through exorcism or incantations.66
No magic is connected to them and since the Great Symbiosis has been
discredited and rejected in Israelite theology as represented in the Hebrew
Bible, there is no relationship between these spirits and that system.
Demonology as it is represented by class II spirits in the ancient Near
East has no prominence in Hebrew Bible, because these spirits in the an-
cient Near East cannot be separated from the world of magic and incanta-
tions. The conceptual continuum associated with class II in Mesopotamia
tracks with the conceptual continuum of magic, and therefore both would
be contrary to legitimate Israelite theology. Furthermore, legitimate Isra-
elite theology contains no renegade spirit beings or opponents vying with
Yahweh for control. The only form of opposition comes from those who
promote the gods of the nations as class I spirits (for example, Ahab and Je-
zebel). In legitimate Israelite theology, spirits in all three classes are viewed
as powerless except as instruments of Yahweh. In biblical texts, God might
send disease or famine or enemies as punishment for evil or unfaithfulness,
or he might protect a person from those attacks, but all of these are viewed
as operating entirely under the control of Yahweh.67
benevolence. Yahweh is not part of the Great Symbiosis and is characterized by a disin-
terested benevolence (noted by Jonathan Walton).
65. Yahweh, being outside the Great Symbiosis, practices disinterested benevo-
lencethat is, he does not gain benefit from the good things he does, nor does he get
something in return. He is not compelled by an outside force. He does not act thus
because people deserve it or because order requires it. Yahweh does not even require
order; he upholds it for the sake of the humans (who do require it), but is capable of
bringing it down, as in the flood, with no consequence to himself (noted by Jonathan
Walton).
66. In 1Samuel 28, Samuels spirit (lohim) is called up through the magical pro-
cedures connected with necromancy, but it is not subject to incantations or exorcism
and does not act either benevolently or malevolently. Furthermore, of course, it is a class
III spirit who used to be alive. See B. T. Arnold, Necromancy and Cleromancy in 1 and
2Samuel, CBQ66 (2004) 199213.
67. Even the divine abandonment motif in Ezekiel or Lamentations does not sim-
ply expose Israel to independent spirits. Yahweh is still in control of those nations (with
their gods) who attack.
In conclusion, I would tentatively propose that Hellenistic Judaism

was heavily influenced by the power-oriented class II perspective of an-
cient Mesopotamia combined with the movements toward dualism, per-
haps brought about in relationship with Zoroastrianism. The conceptual
world of Hellenisms daimon/daimonion was then read back onto the He-
brew Bible, and eventually rabbinic, patristic and medieval demonology
was read back and imposed on top of that. In recent treatments of doctrine
it is either this anachronistic reading, or an imperialistic reading from the
ancient Near Eastern world that is imposed on the Hebrew Bible texts, with
the result that its conceptual world is distorted. A separate study is needed
to trace the ways in which understanding of class II beings developed in the
New Testament and how 1st-century Judaism and Christianity imposed
their ways of thinking on the Hebrew Bible. Table 2 maps out some of the
development.
Table 2. Disposition of Spirit Beings (John Walton and Jonathan Walton)
246
Disinterested Interested Disinterested Interested Non-agents

malevolence (amoral) malevolence (evil) benevolence (good) benevolence (amoral) (under compulsion)
Class II Class III None Class I Class II
(random) (burial and nourishment) (Great Symbiosis) (compelled by god/
Class III magic)
Mesopotamia (nourishment)
Class II None Class I None Class II
Yahweh (no Great Symbiosis) (instruments of
Israel (orthodox) (no Great Symbiosis) Yahweh)
Class II Class III (?) None (?) Class I Class II (?)
(random) (Great Symbiosis)
Israel (syncretistic) Class III (?)
Great Symbiosis system collapses; Ontological categories defined (e.g., Plato); Taxonomy categories disrupted; Dualistic ideas introduced
Class II Attendant Class II Class I Class II Class II
Hellenistic Judaism, Weapons daimon Yahweh aggelos aggelos
Rabbinic Literature (e.g., Asmodeus)
John H. Walton
Fate Class II None Class I: Gods None (?)

Greco-Roman daimon Class II: daimon
None Class II Class I Class II Class II
Satan, Demons, Triune Godhead Angels Angels,
New Testament Fallen Angels Apocalyptic Figures
Class II Attendant Class II Class I Class II: Angels None
Weapons Satan, Demons, Triune Godhead Class III: Saints
Patristic Period Fallen Angels, Idols (status?)
Notes concerning terminology:
Disposition refers to agency, thus the negative category of non-agents with no disposition, i.e., not independent agents
Malevolence and benevolence must be measured by the intended sum result at the stated level of agency
Interest means the action is motivated by benefits to be gained at the stated level of agency
The Literary Structure of Judges Revisited
Judges as a Ring Composition
Kenneth C. Way
Introduction
There is a virtual consensus in recent scholarship that the book of
Judges has a tripartite structure: there are a clear introduction (1:13:6),
body (3:716:31), and conclusion (17:121:25).1 Additionally, since the
early 1980s many scholars have observed thematic and semantic connec-
tions between the introduction and the conclusion. For example, Gooding
demonstrated that there is a two part introduction which corresponds to a
two part conclusion, together forming the pattern A-B-B-A (1:12:5; 2:6
3:6; 17:118:31; 19:121:25).2 This observation has been developed more
Authors Note: It is a great personal honor to offer this study as a tribute to my teacher,
Professor Samuel Greengus. His indelible impact extends not only to my formation as
a scholar (in the study of biblical and cuneiform texts and in the completion of my dis-
sertation, Donkeys in the Biblical World) but also to the formation of my character as he
consistently modeled extraordinary wisdom with humility in his pedagogy.
I want to thank the following individuals for their constructive input on this study:
Tom Finley, Ed Morsey, Mike Sanborn, Mark Saucy, John Walton, and Lori Way. This
study was also presented at the SBL Annual Meeting in San Francisco, November, 2011.
1. E.g., see Y. Amit, The Book of Judges: The Art of Editing (Leiden: Brill, 1999);
E. Assis, Self-Interest or Communal Interest: An Ideology of Leadership in the Gideon,
Abimelech and Jephthah Narratives (Judg 612) (Leiden: Brill, 2005) 130; D. I. Block,
Judges, Ruth (Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1999) 73; D. A. Dorsey, The Literary
Structure of the Old Testament: A Commentary on GenesisMalachi (Grand Rapids:
Baker, 1999) 105; V. H. Matthews, Judges and Ruth (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2004) 6; J. C. McCann, Judges (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2002);
R. H. OConnell, The Rhetoric of the Book of Judges (Leiden: Brill, 1996) 58267; D. T.
Olson, The Book of Judges in The New Interpreters Bible (ed. L. E. Keck; Nashville:
Abingdon, 1998) 2:72829; L. G. Stone, Judges, Book of in Dictionary of the Old Tes-
tament: Historical Books (ed. B. T. Arnold and H. G. M. Williamson; Downers Grove, IL:
InterVarsity, 2005) 592; B. G. Webb, The Book of the Judges (Sheffield: Sheffield Academ-
ic Press, 1987) 3435, 197; G. J. Wenham, Story as Torah: Reading Old Testament Narra-
tive Ethically (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2000) 4769; K. L. Younger, Judges, Ruth (NIVAC;
Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2002) 30, 49.
2.D. W. Gooding, The Composition of the Book of Judges, ErIsr 16 (ed.
B.Levine and A. Malamat; Orlinsky volume; Jerusalem: Ben Zvi, 1982) 70*79*.
247
248 Kenneth C. Way
recently by commentators such as Younger, who summarizes the literary

relationships of the outer framework as follows:
A Foreign wars of subjugation with the rem being applied (1:12:5)
B Difficulties with foreign religious idols (2:63:6)
B Difficulties with domestic religious idols (17:118:31)
A Domestic wars with the rem being applied (19:121:25)3
Gooding furthermore suggested that the arrangement of the entire book is

intentionally chiastic and that the Gideon narrative (6:18:32) functions as
the central pivot.
A Introduction Part 1 (1:12:5)
B Introduction Part 2 (2:63:6)
C Othniel (3:711)
D Ehud (plus Shamgar) (3:1231)
E Deborah, Barak, Jael (4:15:31)
F Gideon (6:18:32)
E Abimelech (plus Tola, Jair) (8:3310:5)
D Jephthah (plus Ibzan, Elon, Abdon) (10:612:15)
C Samson (13:116:31)
B Epilogue Part 1 (17:118:31)
A Epilogue Part 2 (19:121:25)4
While Goodings suggestion about this macrostructure of Judges is occa-

sionally acknowledged by commentators,5 the concept remains underap-
3. Younger, Judges, Ruth, 31; cf. idem, Judges 1 in Its Near Eastern Literary Con-
text in Faith, Tradition, and History: Old Testament Historiography in Its Near Eastern
Context (ed. A. R. Millard, J. K. Hoffmeier, and D. W. Baker; Winona Lake, IN: Eisen-
brauns, 1994) 22225.
4. Adapted from Gooding, Composition, 77*78*.
5.E.g., Block, Judges, Ruth, 49 n. 128; T. Butler, Judges (Nashville: Thomas Nelson,
2009) li, liv, lxii, 372; I. Provan, V. P. Long, and T. Longman, A Biblical History of Israel
(Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2003) 15961; Younger, Judges, Ruth, 32 n. 36.
The few scholars who go beyond a mere acknowledgement of Gooding and attempt to
expand/improve on his observations include D. A. Dorsey (Literary Structure, 10520),
B. G. Webb (The Book of the Judges, 3435, 123, 220, 243, 255, 257) and G. T. K. Wong
(Compositional Strategy of the Book of Judges: An Inductive, Rhetorical Study [Leiden:
Brill, 2006] 1112, 22, 28, 8081, 157). It should be noted that many scholars concur
with Goodings conclusion that the Gideon narrative serves a central or pivotal role in
the book; see Amit, The Book of Judges, 263, 266; Assis, Self-Interest, 129; W.Bluedorn,
Yahweh Versus Baalism: A Theological Reading of the Gideon-Abimelech Narrative (Shef-
field: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001) 18, 37, 279; J. C. Exum, The Centre Cannot Hold:
Thematic and Textual Instabilities in Judges CBQ 52 (1990) 412, 418; L. R. Klein, The
Triumph of Irony in the Book of Judges (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1988) 50;
B. Lindars, Judges 15 (Edinburgh: T.&T. Clark, 1995) 126; McCann, Judges, 62; D.T.
The Literary Structure of Judges Revisited 249
Fig. 1.Ring structure

of the book of Judges
preciated in scholarship. As a result, the many interpretive implications of

such a structure are also underdeveloped in scholarship.
The anthropologist Mary Douglas recently made a significant contri-
bution to our understanding of complex chiastic devices in eastern Medi-
terranean literature. In her book, Thinking in Circles, she calls these patterns
ring compositions.6 While she has identified ring structures in many
short biblical passages (for example, Genesis 22), she is most known for
theorizing that the entire book of Numbers is arranged in a ring.7 Based on
Olson, Buber, Kingship, and the Book of Judges: A Study of Judges 69 and 1721
in David and Zion: Biblical Studies in Honor of J. J. M. Roberts (ed. B. F. Batto and K. L.
Roberts; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2004) 200, 206, 210; J. P. Tanner, The Gideon
Narrative as the Focal Point of Judges BSac 149 (1992) 14661; Younger, Judges, Ruth,
167; cf., M. Buber, Kingship of God (New York: Harper & Row, 1967) 70.
6.M. Douglas, Thinking in Circles: An Essay on Ring Composition (New Haven,
CT: Yale University Press, 2007). Note that ring compositions are also employed by
a number of modern authors, such as J. K. Rowling in her Harry Potter series (see J.
Granger, Harry Is Here to Stay, Christianity Today [July 2011] 52).
7. For Genesis 22, see Douglas, Thinking in Circles, 1826. For the book of Num-
bers, see idem, In the Wilderness: The Doctrine of Defilement in the Book of Numbers
(Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993), esp. p. 118; cf., idem, Thinking in Circles,
4371. Interestingly, the similarities between the books of Numbers and Judges are not
only structural but also thematic (emphasis on cyclical patterns, transitional periods,
Israelite apostasy, and divine retribution/mercy). The book of Leviticus also exhibits
250 Kenneth C. Way
her exposition of the essential components of a ring composition, I suggest

here that the entire book of Judges also follows the same pattern (see fig. 1).
Recognition of this structure in Judges is foundational for comprehending
the many thematic connections between the parallel accounts of Othniel/
Samson, Ehud/Jephthah, and Deborah/Abimelech. It is also demonstrated
here that the rhetoric and themes that characterize the prologue and epi-
logue are amply revisited in the centrally located Gideon narrative.
Judges as a Ring Composition

According to Douglas, there are seven characteristics of a ring. Each
of these characteristics will be described and examined in light of the data
from the book of Judges.
The first characteristic is the exposition or prologue. This section states
the theme and introduces the main characters. ... It sets the stage ... it is
laid out so as to anticipate the mid-turn and the ending that will eventually
respond to it.8 In the prologue of Judges (1:13:6), the primary concepts
that are introduced are Israels military and religious failures with respect to
the tribes, leadership, covenant and the cyclical pattern of apostasy, oppres-
sion and Gods deliverance through a leader.9 The prologue theologically
sets the stage for the series of stories that comprise the body of the book of
Judges (3:716:31). The relationships between the prologue, mid-turn, and
ending are specifically treated below in discussions of the fifth and seventh
characteristics.
Second, ring compositions are split into two halves (1:17:25 and 8:1
21:25): If the end is going to join the beginning the composition will at
some point need to make a turn toward the start ... an imaginary line ...
characteristics of a ring composition (see idem, Poetic Structure in Leviticus in Pome-

granates and Golden Bells [ed. D. P. Wright, D. N. Freedman, and A. Hurvitz; Winona
Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1995] 23956), but it is more precise to interpret it as an example
of figure poetry that projects the pattern of the tabernacle (see idem, Thinking in Cir-
cles, x, 13134; idem, Leviticus as Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).
8. Idem, Thinking in Circles, 36.
9. I prefer a minimalist analysis of the cyclical pattern that recognizes three basic
stages: (1) Israel does evil by serving foreign gods (2:1113); (2) the Lord responds by
giving Israel over to foreign oppressors (2:1415) and then by (3) graciously delivering
Israel by raising up a judge (2:1618), which is often Gods compassionate response to
Israels groaning (2:18). Finally, after the judge died, Israel would not change its stub-
born ways and would go deeper into apostasy than before (2:19), and the cycle would
repeat itself. The cyclical pattern of apostasy, oppression, and deliverance in 2:1119 ex-
presses not a modern but an ancient understanding of historiography that places a high
value on recurrence and endurance (see J. H. Walton, Ancient Near Eastern Thought and
the Old Testament [Grand Rapids: Baker, 2006] 22223).
divides the work into two halves, the first, outgoing, the second, return-
ing.10 The deliverer stories in the first half of the book (Othniel, Ehud,
Deborah/Barak) are depicted in a relatively positive light, whereas those of
the second half are decidedly negative (Abimelech, Jephthah, Samson).11
The transitional account of Gideon is a mixed portrayal of both positive/
ambiguous and negative elements.12 Stone has rightly observed that the
body of Judges moves from triumph (3:77:25) to tragedy (8:116:31),
with the shift occurring in the middle of the Gideon narrative.13 It is also
noteworthy that, in the first half of the book (including the transitional ac-
count of Gideon), the land is said to have rested x-number of years (3:11,
30; 5:31; 8:28), whereas in the second half leaders are merely said to rule/
judge x-number of years (9:22; 12:7; 16:31) and the land apparently has no
rest. The periods of tranquility in the first half are always a full generation
(that is, 40 years) or more, whereas the periods of ruling/judging in the
second half are always less than a generation.
Third, ring compositions have parallel sections: Each section on one
side has to be matched by its corresponding pair on the other side.14 When
the first three accounts (that is, the first triad) are compared with the fi-
nal three accounts (that is, the second triad) in the body of Judges, many
interesting rhetorical and thematic correspondences come to light (3:711
// 13:116:31; 3:1231 // 10:612:15; 4:15:31 // 9:110:5). These can be
summarized as follows.
A. Othniel and Samson: (1) Both accounts have a southern geograph-
ical orientation (1:1115; 13:116:31).15 (2) Marriages play a pivotal role
in the outcome for both accounts (1:1215; 14:115:20). Othniel marries
within his tribe (this incident plays a positive role in the conquest of Debir/
Kiriath-sepher), while Samson marries a Timnite outsider (which plays a
negative role in the conquest of Philistia).16 (3) The tribe of Judah is depict-
ed positively (conquering the enemy) in 1:1115 and 3:911 and negatively
10. Douglas, Thinking in Circles, 36.
11.See Assis, Self-Interest or Communal Interest, 12730.
12.See Olson, Buber, Kingship and the Book of Judges, 206, 210, 216.
13. Stone, Judges, Book of, 592, 601.
15.Although Othniel subdues an apparently northern oppressor (Cushan-
Rishathaim of Aram-Naharaim), his affiliation is clearly with the tribe of Judah in the
south (cf. 1:1115). It may be noteworthy that some scholars favor the possibility that
Cushan-Rishathaim was an oppressor from the southeast (e.g., see B. J. Beitzel, The New
Moody Atlas of the Bible [Chicago: Moody, 2009] 137; A. F. Rainey and R. S. Notley, The
Sacred Bridge: Cartas Atlas of the Biblical World [Jerusalem: Carta, 2006] 136).
16.See Gooding, Composition, 73*74*; M. A. Sweeney, Davidic Polemics in
the Book of Judges, VT 47 (1997) 523, 527.
252 Kenneth C. Way
(capitulating to the enemy) in 15:913.17 (4) Othniel is a foreigner18 who

assimilates into Israel (Judah) while Samson is an Israelite (Danite) who
assimilates into Philistia (1:1215; 3:9, 11; 14:13, 7, 10; 15:1, 1011; 16:1,
4, 30; cf., 3:6). (5) The Othniel account closes with 40 years of tranquility
(3:11) while the Samson account opens with 40 years of oppression (13:1).19
B. Ehud and Jephthah: (1) Both accounts have an eastern geographi-
cal orientation dealing with Transjordanian oppressors (the descendants of
LotMoab and Ammon, respectively). (2) In both accounts, the Israelite
leader brings a message to a foreign king (3:1525; 11:1228). (3) Both ac-
counts feature an 18-year oppression (3:14; 10:8). (4) Both accounts relate
the role of Ephraimites at the fords of the Jordanpositively aiding Ehud in
smiting the enemy (3:2729) and negatively opposing Jephthah and being
slaughtered by the Gileadites (12:16). Between the extremes of these two
events (and precisely at the center of the book), the Ephraimites both co-
operate and clash with Gideon, who is able finally to placate them through
diplomacy (7:248:3).20 (5) Both accounts may depict forms of human sac-
rifice: the Moabite king Eglon may be viewed as a sacrificial victim (note
the allusive terminology in 3:17, 22), and the Israelite daughter of Jephthah
tragically becomes a burnt offering (11:31).21
C. Deborah/Barak and Abimelech: The themes which are common to
both accounts are as follows: (1) Both stories have a northern geographical
orientation (note especially the absence of any mention of Judah/Simeon
in chs. 45). (2) Resolution is achieved by the heroic efforts of a woman
independently killing the villain by a blow to his head with an unconven-
tional weapon (4:21; 5:26; 9:53).22 (3) Both stories blend poetic quotations
(song and fable, respectively, in 5:131 and 9:720) with the events of the
17.See Block, Judges, Ruth, 57, 140, 44344.
18. Whether the phrase son of Kenaz (3:11; cf., Josh 15:17) indicates that Oth-
niels father is Kenaz or that Othniel is a descendant of Kenaz is difficult to ascertain (see
Younger, Judges, Ruth, 6667 n. 17), but it is clear that the ethnicity of Caleb, Othniel,
and Achsah is non-Israelite and that this family was assimilated into the tribe of Judah.
It appears that the narrator is emphasizing the foreignness of Othniel (1:13; 3:9, 11) in
order to bring a subtle indictment on the tribe of Judah by noting that the ideal deliverer,
although representing the tribe of Judah, is ironically a proselyte. There were apparently
no good candidates from ethnic Judah (cf., Block, Judges, Ruth, 150 n. 15)!
19.See Olson, Buber, Kingship and the Book of Judges, 206.
20. See J. G. Williams, The Structure of Judges 2.616.31, JSOT 49 (1991) 81, 82.
21. For some discussion about the sacrificial allusions for Eglon, see R. Alter, The
Art of Biblical Narrative (New York: Basic Books, 1981) 39. I must thank Michael San-
born (personal communication, June 2011) for pointing out human sacrifice as a pos-
sible thematic parallel between the Ehud and Jephthah pericopes.
22. The ignominious manner of Siseras death, which parallels that of Abimelech
prose narratives. Like the literary function of Jothams fable in the narra-
tive, which follows about Abimelech, the song of Deborah/Barak (ch. 5) is
complementary to the previous narrative account (ch. 4). (4) Both stories
conspicuously omit reference to a solo human judge/deliverer so that Gods
role is elevated.23
In addition to these four themes, there are also some important con-
trasts in these parallel accounts. First, the enemy in chs. 45 is external/
Canaanite, whereas the enemy in ch. 9 is internal/Israelite (Gideons sons
etc.). Second, while both stories are about proper leadership, the former
story shows Barak hesitating to take leadership when he should,24 and the
latter story shows Abimelech taking leadership when he should not. Third,
Jaels extreme acts of altruism and communal interest are sharply con-
trasted with Abimelechs extreme acts of narcissism and self-interest.25
Fourth, ring compositions have indicators to mark individual sections:
Some method for marking the consecutive units of structure is technically
necessary. ... Key words ... specific signals to indicate beginnings or end-
ings of the sections ... repeating a refrain ... alternation.26 The sections
are clearly indicated in Judges primarily through the inclusion of formu-
laic opening refrains and concluding summaries (3:7 with 3:11; 3:12 with
3:30; 4:1 with 5:31; 6:1 with 8:2832; 10:6 with 12:7; 13:1 with 16:31). The
opening and closing indicators for the Abimelech narrative, while clearly
marked (8:3335 and 9:2224, 5657), are different in form from the other
narratives. The reference to the Israelites relapsing and whoring after the
Baals (8:33) is thus a variant form of the refrain that is likely employed by
the narrator for intensified rhetorical effect (characterizing the second half
of the book by apostasy).
(9:53), may also be appreciated in light of the common Egyptian depictions of Pharaoh
smashing the head of his enemy (see Younger, Judges, Ruth, 155).
23. For this emphasis in the Deborah/Barak narrative, see Amits insightful re-
marks, The Book of Judges, 199, 2034, 20910, 21320 (esp. pp.21418).
24. When Deborah tells Barak about Gods commissioning (4:67), he immediate-
ly presents his own terms (possibly doubting Gods word; cf. 4:8), and Deborah reveals
that Barak has therefore forfeited the honor because of the course he has taken (4:9).
Barak should have been the military hero in this story, but alas he is no Ehud and
he is certainly no Othniel. So, along with Baraks reluctant service, God unexpectedly
employs the contributions of two women (and one of them is a foreigner!). In the end,
however, none of the participants can claim the victory for themselves. The divine king
is clearly the commander-in-chief (4:6, 14), and the victory belongs to him alone (4:7,
9, 14, 15, 23).
25. The terms communal interest and self-interest are borrowed from Assis, Self-
Interest or Communal Interest.
254 Kenneth C. Way
Table 1. Correspondence between Central Pivot and Peripheral Frame

A Israel Fights Enemies (1:12:5)
Prologue
B Israel Faces Idolatry (2:63:6)
B Gideon Faces Idolatry (6:132)
Center of A Gideon Fights Enemies (6:337:25)
Ring A Gideon Fights Israel (8:121)
B Gideon Forges Idolatry (8:2232)
B Israel Forges Idolatry (17:118:31)
Epilogue
A Israel Fights Israel (19:121:25)
Fifth, ring compositions have central loading (6:18:32): The middle

... uses some of the same key word clusters that were found in the exposi-
tion. As the ending also accords with the exposition, the mid-turn tends to
be in concordance with them both.27 The Gideon account serves as a tran-
sitional pivot for the entire book and its themes clearly echo those of both
the prologue and epilogue (see table 1). Notice especially how both enemies
and idolatry transition from the outside to the inside of Israel in both the
Gideon story as well as in the outer frame.
The Gideon story divides into four units (6:132; 6:337:25; 8:121;
8:2232). The themes of the first and second units are revisited in reverse/
chiastic order in the third and fourth units. The first and fourth units focus
on religious matters in Gideons hometown of Ophrah (the place name is
only mentioned in the Gideon story at 6:11, 24; 8:27, 32). The second and
third units focus on the battle with the Midianites: note how the Midianites
are described as fallen (nplm; 7:12; 8:10; cf., 20:46) and the stories each
conclude with the dispatch of a pair of leaders (Oreb and Zeeb; Zebah and
Zalmunna).
Furthermore, the first and second units complement the two-part pro-
logue of Judges, while the third and fourth units complement the two-part
epilogue of Judges, also in reverse/chiastic order. The battles and idolatry
that are recounted in the prologue and in the first half (that is, the first and
second units) of the Gideon story are portrayed as external/foreign prob-
lems, whereas the idolatry and battles in the second half of the Gideon story
and in the epilogue are portrayed as internal/domestic problems.
The rhetorical and thematic connections between the four units of the
Gideon story and the outer frame are noted as follows.
A.6:132 and 2:63:6: (1) Both contain a review of the exodus tradi-
tions (2:1, 12; 6:89, 13). (2) Both contain the indictment that Israel has
27. Ibid., 37.
disobeyed Gods voice (2:2; 6:10).28 (3) Both concern the problem of idola-
tryespecially Baal worship (2:3, 1113, 17, 19; 3:6; 6:10, 2532). (4) Both
feature the appearance of the angel of the Lord (2:14; 6:1122). (5) Both
emphasize Gods presence (2:18; 6:12, 16; cf., 1:19, 22).29 (6) Both recall
Gods works on Israels behalf (2:7, 10; 6:13). (7) Both refer to the tearing
down of altars (2:2; 6:2532). (8) Both refer to the peoples rejection of
Gods leader (2:17; 6:2930).
B.6:337:25 and 1:12:5: (1) Both recount Israels confrontation with
external military threats. (2) Both emphasize that victory comes from the
Lord (1:2, 4, 7, 19, 22; 6:3637; 7:2, 7, 9, 1415, 22; cf., 6:16). (3) Both fea-
ture the employment of war oracles (1:12; 6:367:15)a theme that is also
prominent in the second epilogue (see 20:18, 23, 2728).30 This unit is also
juxtaposed to 8:121, which continues the military focus of ch. 7 but shifts
to an internal orientation. Thus, in the ring structure of the book of Judges,
this pericope (that is, 6:337:25) serves as the final account for the first half
of the book.
C.8:121 and 19:121:25: Both passages feature stories of vengeful
retribution and the slaughter of Israelites.31 Additionally, Gideons tactics
in 8:1416 are reminiscent of those used for taking the city of Bethel in the
first prologue (1:2326).32
D.8:2232 and 17:118:31: Both passages focus on aberrant religious
practices and the construction of an pd (note that the pd is only men-
tioned in the book of Judges at 8:27; 17:5; 18:1420).33
Sixth, ring compositions may also feature rings within rings: [T]he
major ring may be internally structured by little rings. ... A large book
28. The reference in 2:2 is technically part of the first prologue (1:12:5) but 2:15
also serves a transitional function and therefore introduces themes of the second pro-
logue (see Webb, The Book of the Judges, 102).
29. While the first half of the Gideon story (as well as the first half of the book,
chs. 17) emphasizes Gods power and presence, Gods absence is the predominant
theme of the second half of the Gideon story (and of the second half of the book,
chs.821).
30. For additional thematic parallels between Judges 7 and 20 see Exum, The
Centre Cannot Hold, 430.
31.See Wong, Compositional Strategy,129.
32. In both instances, representatives from the tribe of Joseph interrogate a man of
the city in order to obtain strategic intelligence. The difference, however, is that Bethel
was a Canaanite city and the Lord with with them (1:22), while Succoth appears to be
Israelite at this time and an overt reference to Gods presence with Gideon is lacking.
33. For additional discussion about the similarities between these two passages,
see D. M. Sharon, Echoes of Gideons Ephod: An Intertextual Reading JANES 30
(2006) 99100.
256 Kenneth C. Way
often contains many small rings. They may come from different sources,
times, and authors.34 Smaller rings are in fact quite prominent in Judges.
Many literary scholars, such as Amit, Dorsey, Exum, OConnell, Webb, and
Younger, have identified complex chiastic structuresmany of which may
qualify as ringsin many passages of the book.35 The Gideon story, as
demonstrated in the above analysis, is perhaps the most extensive example
of a ring within a ring as it clearly displays an A-B-B-A structure.36
Seventh, ring compositions have closure at two levels (1:13:6; 17:1
21:25): By joining up with the beginning, the ending unequivocally signals
completion ... by using some conspicuous key words from the exposition.
... Most importantly, there also has to be thematic correspondence.37 The
themes of Israels military and religious failures saturate the outer frame-
work of Judges and many key words/phrases are made apparent in the fol-
lowing observations:
A.1:12:5 and 19:121:25: (1) Both emphasize the leadership of the
tribe of Judah (1:12; 20:18). (2) Both employ the key verb to go up (1:1
4, 16, 22; 2:1; 20:3, 18, 23, 26, 28, 3031; 21:5, 8). (3) Both document in-
stances of oracular inquiries to Yhwh (1:1; 18:5; 20:18, 23, 27).38 (4) Both
feature the role of women/wives (1:1115; 19:130; 21:125).39 (5) Both
show the application of the ban (1:17; 21:11). (6) Both give attention to
all Israel (1:12:5; 20:121:25). Also, both passages mention (7) Jerusalem/

35.See passim in Amit, The Book of Judges; Dorsey, Literary Structure, 10520; J.C.
Exum, Aspects of Symmetry and Balance in the Samson Saga, JSOT 19 (1981) 329;
OConnell, Rhetoric; Webb, The Book of the Judges; Younger, Judges, Ruth. Some fine ex-
amples of smaller rings (or at least chiasms) can be identified in 4:124 and 17:113 (see
my Teach the Text: Judges [Grand Rapids: Baker, forthcoming]). It should be noted here
that the key distinction between a mere chiasm and a ring composition is the loading of
meaning on the center and the connections made between the center and the beginning
[/ending] (Douglas, Thinking in Circles, 32).
36. Gooding was apparently the first to make this observation (Composition,
74*, 78*).
38. See also the second unit of the Gideon narrative (in 6:367:15). For an infor-
mative background study on this motif, see J. M. Sasson, Oracle Inquiries in Judges
in Birkat Shalom, Studies in the Bible, Ancient Near Eastern Literature, and Postbiblical
Judaism: Presented to Shalom M. Paul on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday (ed. C.
Cohen et al.; 2 vols.; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2008) 1:14968.
39. See T. J. Schneider, Achsah, the Raped Plege, and the Book of Judges in
E.A. McCabe, Women in the Biblical World (Lanham, MD: University Press of America,
2009) 4357.
Jebus (1 :7, 8, 21; 19:1012), (8) Bethel (1:2226; 20:18, 26, 31; 21:2, 19), and
(9) weeping and sacrifice (2:45; 20:23, 26; 21:2, 4).40
B.2:63:6 and 17:118:31: Both of these passages are about religious
failure (that is, Israelite apostasy). The second prologue focuses on the
problem as an external/foreign tendency (that is, idolatry from the out-
side), while the first epilogue focuses on the problem as an internal/do-
mestic tendency (that is, idolatry from the inside) that has become the new
norm. Also, both passages emphasize the pattern of generational drift away
from Yahweh (2:10; 18:30).
Additional Considerations
These seven characteristics of ring compositionsas defined by Doug-
lasare all demonstrably present in the book of Judges. This is not surpris-
ing given the common employment of the term cycle to describe the pat-
terns evident in this period of Israels history. But the term cycle, or even the
term ring, may not actually go far enough in characterizing the structure
of the book of Judges. On both the micro and the macro levels (that is, re-
garding the smaller rings and the comprehensive ring) there is a movement
from positive to negative portrayalseither from good/ambiguous to bad
or from bad to worse. Thus the term spiral has also been used appropriately
to characterize the book (see 2:19).41 The beginning of the ring (prologue)
is on a higher moral/political plane than the end of the ring (epilogue), just
as the first triad of judges is higher than the second triad, and as the early
Gideon stories are higher than the later stories. Therefore it may be said
that the structure of the book of Judges when viewed from the side reveals a
spiral, whereas the structure when viewed from the top or from the bottom
reveals a ring.42
This descending progression is even demonstrated in themes such as
the changing portrayal of women in the book, ranging from honorable
(Othniels wife in ch. 1) to horrific (Benjamite wives in ch. 21).43 Another
40. Additionally, the mention of dispersing each to his inheritance is in both

the prologue and the epilogue (2:6; 21:24), but this repetition cannot be used as proper
evidence for the parallelism of 1:12:5 and 19:121:25.
41. E.g., see Dorsey, Literary Structure, 105, 107, 120; J. H. Walton and A. E. Hill,
Old Testament Today (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2004) 191; Webb, The Book of the
Judges, 112.
42. This can be illustrated with an object like a lock washer or a Slinky.
43. For helpful surveys on this theme, see S. Ackerman, Warrior, Dancer, Seduc-
tress, Queen: Women in Judges and Biblical Israel (New York: Doubleday, 1998); D. I.
Block, Unspeakable Crimes: The Abuse of Women in the Book of Judges SBJT 2/3
258 Kenneth C. Way
example of the downward spiral is seen in the theme of Gods presence,

which is unmistakably prominent in the early accounts (chs. 17) and om-
inously ambiguous or absent in the later accounts (chs. 821).44 This dark
impression of early Israel that is painted in Judges has been aptly described
by Block as the Canaanization of Israel.45
The movement from positive to negative presentations is also evident
in the proportion of verbiage that the narrator devotes to each literary unit.
Thus, Younger astutely observes: the amount of verbiage attached to each
major/cyclical judge is generally proportional to his or her spiritual or mor-
al quality: the more moral, the less verbiage; the less moral, the greater the
verbiage.46 This observation certainly characterizes the sequence of the six
major parallel stories of the ring structure. The best and shortest account
(Othniel) is eclipsed by that of Ehud, which is eclipsed by Deborah/Barak,
which is eclipsed by Abimelech, which is eclipsed by Jephthah, which is
finally eclipsed by the worst and longest account (Samson). But Youngers
observation about the major judges (that is, what I call the Parallel
Panels) is also borne out in the remaining sequences of the ring structure
(see table2). As for the framework and pivot, the prologue is eclipsed by
the size of the Gideon account, which is finally eclipsed by the massive epi-
logue. The same building sequence is even apparent for the so-called minor
judges: Shamgar is relatively better than Tola and Jair, who are relatively
better than Ibzan, Elon and Abdon.
Finally, a word is in order regarding the narrators use of refrains in
the book. The first refrainthat the Israelites did evil in the eyes of the
Lordappears seven times, once in the prologue (2:11) and six more
times in the body of the book (3:7, 12; 4:1; 6:1; 10:6; 13:1). The so-called ma-
jor judge cycles are meant to be interpreted through the lens of this refrain.
The narrator is essentially telling the same story seven times (in chs. 316),47
(1998) 4655; R. B. Chisholm, The Role of Women in the Rhetorical Strategy of the
Book of Judges in Integrity of Heart, Skillfulness of Hands: Biblical and Leadership Stud-
ies in Honor of Donald K. Campbell (ed. C. G. Dyer and R. B. Zuck; Grand Rapids: Baker,
1994) 3449; L. R. Klein, A Spectrum of Female Characters in the Book of Judges in
A Feminist Companion to Judges (ed. A. Brenner; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press,
1993) 2433; Schneider, Achsah, the Raped Plege, and the Book of Judges, 4357.
44.See Exum, The Centre Cannot Hold, 41213, 418, 425, 426, 428; cf., L. J. M.
Claassens, The Character of God in Judges 68: The Gideon Narrative as Theological
and Moral Resource, Horizons in Biblical Theology 23 (2001) 58, 6271.
45. Block, Judges, Ruth, 58, 250.
46. Younger, Judges, Ruth, 37.
47. The selection of seven stories (that is, the two triads plus the central Gideon
narrative) may be related to the sevenfold judgment of God in Lev 26:18, 21, 24, 28; cf.,
Deut 28:25 (see Block, Judges, Ruth, 145).
Table 2. Relationship between Verbiage and Morality in the Book of Judges

Literary Units Verse Count Word Counta
Prologue 1:13:6 65 1,390
Framework and
Gideon 6:18:32 97 2,371
Pivot
Epilogue 17:121:25 147 3,473
Othniel 3:711 5 108
Ehud 3:1230 19 417
Deborah/Barak 4:15:31 55 1,023
Parallel Panels
Abimelech 8:339:57 60 1,272
Jephthah 10:612:7 60 1,396
Samson 13:116:31 96 2,291
Shamgar 3:31 1 24
Minor Judges Tola, Jair 10:15 5 87
Ibzan, Elon, Abdon 12:815 8 117
Totals Whole Book 1:121:25 618 13,969
a. Computed in BibleWorks software (based on the Hebrew text: search version WTM).
even though the characters and circumstances keep changing and the sto-
ries keep growing in depth and length. Moreover, the opening formula for
the Abimelech story (8:33, when Gideon had died the Israelites relapsed
and whored after the Baals) is a variant form of this refrain that signals an
intensification of the apostasy for the second triad of parallel stories.
The second refrain is introduced in the extended epilogue of the book.
It has two related components, and it is employed in four places corre-
sponding to the four units of the epilogue. The first and final instances that
form an inclusio for the epilogue are stated in fullIn those days there
was no king in Israel, each would do what was right in his own eyes (17:6;
21:25), whereas the two middle instances are truncated so that the second
component is implied by ellipsis (18:1; 19:1). Again, this refrain is intended
as an interpretive lens for viewing the stories of chs. 1721.
The relationship between the two refrains of chs. 316 and 1721
should not be missed. The descent from shallow to deep waters, which is
the narrators operative principle of literary arrangement, may also describe
the shift from the first refrain to the second. Doing evil in the eyes of the
Lord is a description of breaking covenant (that is, disobeying Gods com-
mands; see 2:1113, 20),48 and it is difficult to imagine what could be worse
48. This refrain is employed with the same meaning in Num 32:13; Deut 4:25; 9:18;
17:2; 31:29; 1 Sam 12:17; 15:19; 2 Sam 12:9; 1 Kgs 11:6; 14:22; 15:26, 34; 16:7, 19, 25,
260 Kenneth C. Way
than that. But indeed the second refrain goes even further.49 Doing what is
right in ones own eyes, as though there were no authority structure what-
soever, is worse than breaking covenant because it implies that Gods word
and works were left entirely out of the picture! Thus, in the epilogue, the
reader deeply senses the absence of Gods covenant and presence.50 Israel
is depicted here thinking and acting as though the Torah does not exist,
which poses the question Is there any difference between an Israelite and
a Canaanite?
Conclusion
In the foregoing analysis of the book of Judges, it should be evident
how the literary structure is employed by the narrator to emphasize a pro-
gressively depressing portrait of Israels apostasy during the period of settle-
ment. Thanks to the insightful and foundational observations made by pre-
vious scholars (especially Gooding and Douglas), the book of Judges may
now be appreciated as another example of a ring composition. Or better,
Judges may be viewed as a spiral composition that is structurally designed
to represent Israels decline. Hopefully, the elucidation of the numerous
rhetorical connections in the parallel accounts and of the function of the
centrally located Gideon narrative will provide a foundation for continued
research on the meaningful structure and theology of the book of Judges.
30; 21:20, 25; 22:52; 2 Kgs 3:2; 8:18, 27; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2, 17; 21:2, 6,
16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19. Note that the refrain of doing what is right in the eyes of the
Lord (Exod 15:26; Deut 6:18; 12:25, 28; 13:19; 21:9; 1 Kgs 11:33, 38; 14:8; 15:5, 11; 22:43;
2 Kgs 10:30; 12:3; 14:3; 15:3, 34; 16:2; 18:3; 22:2) means the exact opposite: obedience
to the covenant.
49.See Stone, Judges, Book of, 602, 603.
50. For a stimulating discussion on the increasingly ambiguous role of the deity
in Judges, see J. C. Exum, The Centre Cannot Hold, 41031.
The Perfect Verb and the
Perfect Woman in Proverbs
Brian L. Webster
The English translations of Proverbs 31 portray the ideal woman as an

impossible-to-imitate super woman. After rising early while it is still night,
she works late, with her lamp not going out. She is busy getting wool and
flax, buying fields, helping the poor, sewing, trading, and laughing at the
days to come. Commentators differ as to whether this woman could be a
real woman.1 The bar has indeed been set very high if she is doing all these
things at once, as the present-tense verbs in the description may suggest.
But in Hebrew, these verbs are predominantly qatal and vayyiqtol forms,
with relatively few yiqtol forms. Present-tense translations would certainly
be out of order for vayyiqtol verbs in narrative or in speech. But they are
pressed into the mold of a general- or gnomic-present translation because
of their parallel to the assumed present-tense function of the qatal form,
which is the focus of this study.
The problem is not confined to Proverbs 31. For example, Prov 11:2
employs a qatal and a vayyiqtol form, both traditionally translated by the
present in English, When arrogance appears (qatal), disgrace follows
(vayyiqtol) (njpsv). In Prov 14:18, The naive inherit (qatal) folly, but the
prudent are crowned (yiqtol) with knowledge (nasb). And at Prov 11:21,
we are told, Assuredly, the evil man will not escape (yiqtol), but the off-
spring of the righteous will be safe (qatal) (njpsv). This practice is com-
mon throughout the book of Proverbs and extends to other books as well.
The first verse of the psalms provides a premier example. The verbs
are qatal, but the English translations are almost uniformly present tense.
Blessed is the one who does not walk ... nor sit ... nor stand (nasb). In
this case, the present-tense translation stands in contrast to (1) the normal
Authors note: It is an honor and delight to dedicate this essay to Dr. Samuel Greengus,
an exemplary scholar, teacher, and gentleman.
1. Often the question is framed as to whether this is a real woman or Woman
Wisdom personified, or whether she is a type or a potentially real wife. For a sample of
opinions, see B. Waltke, The Book of Proverbs Chapters 1531 (NICOT; Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 2005) 51720.
261
262 Brian L. Webster
past-time reference of qatal forms of fientive verbs in both narrative and

direct speech, (2) the lack of poetic parallelism with a present-time ele-
ment, such as a yiqtol verb or participle, and (3) the fact that the
for-
mula most frequently uses yiqtol verbs or participles,2 leaving little reason
to select a qatal form for present time. While the njpsv correctly translates
Ps 1:1 as past, it uses the present tense throughout the book of Proverbs,
including for the ideal woman in ch. 31.
So it is widely assumed that in Hebrew poetry a qatal verb can have
a meaning that is present or future tense. Especially in proverbial sayings,
translators deem the qatal to have a meaning termed gnomic present.3 This
contrasts with the normal use of qatal forms in narrative and direct speech,
where the qatal of fientive verbs is past tense, or has perfective aspect that
focuses on results in the present.
A few statistics on the distribution of qatal forms in Proverbs and how
modern translations treat them will help further set the stage. First, we ob-
serve that the book of Proverbs prefers the yiqtol form four to one over
the qatal, having 820 instances of the yiqtol and 205 of the qatal. Second,
there is a lower incidence of qatal forms in the short disconnected sayings
of chs. 1029 than in the extended text units that make up Proverbs 19
and 3031. The first nine and last two chapters employ 110 qatal forms
and 278 yiqtol forms. Strikingly, there are no qatal forms at all in Proverbs
10, underscoring the difference in the section begun here. Proverbs 1029
has a clear preference for the yiqtol, using it 542 times. But this two thirds
of the book has less than one half of the books qatal forms, only 95. It has
nearly as many verbal participles, approximately 80. If the yiqtol, qatal, and
participle forms are all to be treated as present tense, clearly the qatal is not
the preferred form for the present in this literature.
When sorted according to person, we find 54 total first and second-
person forms of the qatal (excluding veqatal). Nearly all English trans-
2. The word
is used with participles 16 times (1 Kgs 10:8 [= 2 Chr 9:7]; Isa
30:18; 32:20; Ps 2:12; 41:2; 84:5, 13; 89:16; 106:3; 119:1, 2; 128:1; Prov 8:34; 28:14; Dan
12:12); with yiqtol forms 11 times (Isa 56:2; Ps 32:3; 34:9 [8]; 65:5 [4]; 94:12; 137:8,9; Job
5:17; Prov 3:13; 8:32; Dan 12:12); and with qatal forms 4 times (Ps 1:1; 40:5 [4]; 127:5;
Prov 3:13).
3.B. Waltke and M. OConnor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Grammar (Wi-
nona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1990) 488. A. Niccacci summarized the approach of many
to the verb in Biblical Hebrew poetry. It was and still is a fairly common opinion among
scholars, although not always openly declared, that the verbal forms in poetry, more so
than in prose, can be taken to mean everything the interpreter thinks appropriate ac-
cording to his understanding of the context, A. Niccacci, The Biblical Hebrew Verbal
System in Poetry, in Biblical Hebrew in Its Northwest Semitic Setting: Typological and
Historical Perspectives (ed. S. E. Fassberg and A. Hurvitz; Jerusalem: Magnes, 2006) 247.
The Perfect Verb and the Perfect Woman in Proverbs 263
lations render these in past tense. Does this mean that Hebrew poetry is
mostly limited to using third-person qatal forms in present or future time?
Or is it just that the translation process makes it easy to put third-person
forms into the present tense, while it is harder to force this on first- and
second-person forms?
The first- and second-person qatal forms translated as present tense
divide into two small subsets: (1) a few cases of stative verbs4 and (2) a few
instances where the translations change the sentences into interrogative or
conditional constructions.5 The first group is not remarkable because the
stative qatal can normally be present time, as seen in direct speech. The sec-
ond subset, which only includes second-person forms, reveals the trouble
spot for translation. Apparently, translators want to use present tense. But
because the resulting translation does not make sense, they change the na-
ture of the sentence instead of their understanding of the verb or the genre.
The problem arises from trying to accommodate English and is compli
cated by mistaken assumptions about how proverbial sayings should work.
To review, qatal verb forms are not predominate in the book of Prov-
erbs, especially in the short, unconnected proverbial sayings such as those
in chs. 1029. The translations tend to translate third-person, fientive, qatal
forms as present-time declarative sentences. They render first- and second-
person forms as past time. But they will change second-person, fientive qa-
tal forms into nondeclarative clauses. The question is whether the proverbs
are really using qatal forms of fientive verbal roots for a so-called gnomic
present or some other factor is at work.
Based on an investigation of all the qatal verbs in the book of Prov-
erbs, this essay will (1) argue that the qatal is not a gnomic present but
appropriately past tense or perfective in all its contexts, as long as the genre
is properly understood and the verbal root is not stative, (2) explain the
significance of having a qatal verb and a yiqtol verb in parallel to each other,
and (3) give the implications for understanding the description of the wom-
an in Proverbs 31.
Qatal, not Gnomic Present
It is generally recognized that proverbial statements say something that
has timeless implications, to assert what is generally true. Often, perhaps
4. Prov 8:13; 9:12; 30:18. Prov 14:7 also uses a stative qatal but may be excluded
on text critical grounds.
5. Prov 22:29; 26:12; and 29:20 are typically translated as interrogative, do you
see ... ? Prov 24:10 and (sometimes) 25:16 are translated conditionally. Prov 24:14 is in
a marked conditional clause with and can be understood as perfective. Prov 31:29b is
typically translated as present, but could easily be understood as perfective.
most often, English speakers give such sayings with present tense verbs, as
in a chain is only as strong as its weakest link, a stitch in time saves nine,
or the early bird catches the worm. Proverbs may also be constructed with
future verbs, as in, Ask a silly question and you will get a silly answer,
they who sow the wind will reap the whirlwind, or boys will be boys.
But proverbial sayings can also be constructed with past-time verbs, as in
curiosity killed the cat.
The function of having timeless relevance is independent of the tense of
the verb. The following proverb uses an imperative and a future tense verb.
Give him an inch and he will take a mile. But it could be reformulated in
many ways:
If you give him an inch, he will take a mile.
Did you give him an inch? He will take a mile.
When given an inch, he takes a mile.
You gave that one an inch. He will take a mile.
You gave him an inch and he took a mile.
In any of these formulations, the significance is basically the same and has
timeless implications. But this does not mean that the different verb forms
are present tense.
Similarly, one could say a wise woman built/builds/will build her house
upon a rock, and the house on the rock stood/stands/will stand firm. Each
of the constructions would convey the same timeless principle that it is wise
to build on a firm foundation. That fact would not mean that the different
verb forms have the same meaning. The genre or context conveys the time-
less element. Present relevance is intended, regardless of the verbal tense.
Proverbial sayings can be constructed with different verb tenses, in-
cluding the past tense. Rhetorically, curiosity killed the cat, means curios-
ity is dangerous, but grammatically, the verb killed does not mean kills.
The past-tense formulation succeeds at being timeless because it presents
the past event as prototypical for what can be expected in the present and
the future.
Others have questioned the so-called gnomic present use of the Hebrew
qatal form. For example, Rogland has also raised doubts about nonpast uses
of the qatal.6 His approach involves two main prongs. He has collected a
sample of proverbs given in the past tense from different languages. This
illustrates that proverbs do not need to be in the present tense. Roglands
6.M. Rogland, Alleged Non-Past Uses of Qatal in Classical Hebrew (Assen: Van
Gorcum, 2003). Rogland argues against all proposed non-past time uses of the qatal
verb of dynamic roots.
main focus is to tackle the examples given in the Hebrew reference gram-
mars of the qatal verb as a general present in poetry, not limiting his inves-
tigation simply to examples in Proverbs. In each case, he offers an alternate
understanding and a past tense or perfective translation. In this way, he un-
dermines the value of the assumed gnomic present that derives from how
well the present tense seems to work in translation. He shows that a past
tense or perfective translation works just as well and furthermore is con-
sistent with the use of the qatal verb in narrative and direct speech. If the
extra category is not needed and complicates our understanding of the verb
system (as if the verb system goes out the window when we come to poetry)
then why adhere to this category of gnomic present?
Cook offers a different approach with a similar conclusion.7 Cooks en-
try point is a cross-linguistic study of genericity, or ways of making generic
statements, a category broader than, but including, proverbial sayings. He
notes that the idea of a generic, or gnomic tense is being abandoned in
modern linguistic research and that no particular tense, aspect, or mo-
dality (TAM) is alone sufficient to produce a characterizing (or generic)
expression.8 Cooks sample from Proverbs includes the two Solomonic
collections in Prov 10:122:16 and 25:129:27, in which he addresses the
issues of tense, aspect and modality in all of the verbal forms employed.
Cook also comments on the value of present tense translations for the He-
brew qatal conjugation:
Most often, translations and commentaries follow the traditional ap-
proach of identifying these instances as gnomic perfects (and by analo-
gy applying it to vayyiqtol as well) and translating them as present tense.
However, this treatment is not self-evidently correct because in many in-
stances the usual translation of the verb is perfectly acceptable.9
Cook agrees with Rogland that many Hebrew proverbs with qatal verbs
should be understand as past-time sayings construed as anecdotal, leaving
the audience to make a generic inference from the incident reported. Oth-
ers should be understood with perfective aspect.10
7. J. A. Cook, Genericity, Tense, and Verbal Patterns in the Sentence Literature

of Proverbs, in Seeking Out the Wisdom of the Ancients: Essays Offered to Honor Michael
V. Fox on the Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday (ed. R. Troxel; Winona Lake, IN: Eisen-
brauns, 2005) 11733.
8. Ibid., 117.
9. Ibid., 130.
10. Ibid., 131. Cook also observes that sometimes a past or perfective translation
is awkward but holds that a past-tense reading ... is not completely ruled out for these
examples, and thus they do not detract from the overall observation that [tense, aspect,
My own investigation extends the argument by treating all the qatal

verbs in the book of Proverbs. If past tense and perfective values adequately
explain all the fientive qatal verbs, then there is no contextual need to posit
a gnomic present for them. It suggests that the historical development of
the qatal, first of adjectives becoming stative verbs, then fientive roots as
perfective and past, is an adequate framework for understanding the qa-
tal and that the timeless sense of the sayings in Proverbs derives from the
genre. This in turn casts doubt on the gnomic present category for the qatal
elsewhere and commends pursuing the poetry of the Psalms, for example,
without flattening so many of the verbs to present tense.11
In what follows, I present basic categories for all the uses of the qatal in
Proverbs, excluding veqatal forms or cases that are problematic from a text
critical basis.12 Before treating the disputed uses I review those uses of the
qatal in Proverbs that are clearly not gnomic present. These undisputed
uses are cases where dynamic verbal roots in the qatal are past or perfective
or where stative roots are past or present, and may be ingressive. The set-
tings of the agreed-on uses are as follows:
(1) relative clauses, usually with ,
(2) clauses,
(3) conditional clauses with ,
(4) clauses with other conjunctions,
and modality] distinctions do exist in Proverbs (ibid.,133). In addition, Cook proposes

that some qatal forms in the book of Proverbs are modal, if the qatal verb is in first
position in the sentence before a stated subject. He allows that these may have a ge-
neric habitual sense similar to a habitual sense in prose, citing Gen 29:3 (ibid., 133).
However, the forms in Gen 29:3 are veqatal carrying forward the past habitual sense of
a yiqtol in the previous verse. It is not clear that such a sense may be carried by qatal on
its own. I believe each of the examples provided by Cook (Prov 14:6, 19; 22:13; 26:13;
26:7) can be adequately explained as past or perfective without appealing to a modal use.
Further, other cases of VS word order, with qatal before an explicitly stated subject (11:2;
12:12; 14:18; 19:24, 29; 24:31; 26:15; 28:1; 31:11, 28) should also be understood as past or
perfective and are sometimes hard to imagine in a modal translation.
11. See my chapter on poetry in B. L. Webster, The Cambridge Introduction to Bib-
lical Hebrew (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009) 295305. Further founda-
tions for this approach to Psalms are developed in B. L. Webster and J. Zwyghuizen,
Stative Verbs in the Psalter (paper presented at the annual meeting of the SBL, Boston,
24 November 2008) and J. Zwyghuizen, Time Reference of Verbs in Hebrew Poetry (Ph.D.
diss., Dallas Theological Seminary, 2012).
12. When more than one qatal verb appears in a verse, this is indicated by adding
a letter to the verse number, e.g., 24b, which does not refer to the poetic line division
but to the second qatal verb in the verse. This study excludes veqatals. Verses omitted on
text critical grounds or alternate parsing include: Prov 13:23; 14:7; 17:14; 19:19; 27:25a.
Prov 18:3 was included, though the form may be a participle.
(5) rhetorical questions,

(6) and passages in which the speaker tells a story or otherwise supplies
historical information, mostly first person forms and third person verbs
in chs. 19.
The relative clauses (1) provide background information as part of charac-

terizing the noun they modify.13 In clauses governed by ( 2), the qatal verb
typically states: (a) a past action, which is the reason for a consequence, (b)
the logical basis for an assertion, or (c) a past action provided as motivation
to act or to accept advice or an invitation. Conditional premises marked
by (3) provide the setting for applying advice or a circumstance leading
to a consequence.14 A few other conjunctions or particles (4) precede qa-
tal verbs, each of these being clearly perfective in context.15 The few qatal
verbs in rhetorical questions (5) are typically perfective in the more literal
translations.16 Historical accounts (6) include the first-person qatal forms
in Proverbs, which were noted earlier to be regularly translated as past or
perfective for fientive roots, while stative verbs may be present. Although
these are not narratives driven by vayyiqtol chains, the speaker clearly states
what she or he has done or describes her or his status. About two-thirds of
these appear in chs. 19.17 Another 20 third-person qatal verbs in chs.19
give historical information, such as references to creation and the descrip-
tions of the seductress, Lady Folly, and Lady Wisdom.18
Not every line of the book of Proverbs would be technically classified
as a proverb. But all are intended to have enduring significance. The clear
cases of qatal for past time in chs. 19 demonstrate that Hebrew wise say-
ings did not have to be limited to present time; they can and do contain past
time descriptions. These include events that are exemplary, or prototypical
of events that may recur in the present or in the future.
The account of seduction in 7:623 is an excellent example. The sage
tells the account as an event he observed through his window. The narrative
13. Prov 2:16; 2:17; 3:13; 7:5; 9:5; 22:28; 23:22a; 25:1; 25:7; 26:19a; 30:18ab; 31:1.
Prov 30:18 may be translated in the present tense as it uses a stative verb and a passive
verb, which emphasizes the resulting state. The similarity between statives and passives
(Webster, Cambridge Introduction, 148) is worthy of further exploration in the Psalms.
14. Prov 3:30; 6:1ab, 2ab; 9:12ac; 23:15; 24:14; 30:32ab. This list includes both sta-
tive qatal verbs as present (e.g. if ... be/become wise, cf. 9:12; 23:15), and dynamic
qatal verbs as perfective (e.g. if ... have made a pledge, cf. 6:1).
15. The words , , , , , and in Prov 1:24ab; 7:15; 8:25; 9:2;
23:7; 24:29. Some of these could be understood as past tense.
16. Prov 22:20; 30:4. See the niv, nasb, net, kjv, esv, asv, Holman, and cev.
17. Prov 1:24ab; 4:11ab; 5:12bc, 13ab, 14; 7:14, 15, 16, 17; 8:12, 13, 23, 24, 25b;
20:9ab; 22:19; 23:35bd; 24:12a, 30, 32ab; 30:3, 20d.
18. Prov 3:19a, 20b; 7:13c, 21, 23; 8:2, 22, 25a, 26; 9:1ab, 2abc, 3, 4, 13, 14, 18.
framework is constructed with a qatal followed by a vayyiqtol in vv.67.

He looked and watched so as to understand a young man (perhaps of social
position). After telling the account,19 he shifts to the present in v.24 ()
and instructs his students to listen and not follow her deadly ways. The
event observed in the past has proverbial implications for the present and
future.
A similar wise saying appears at Prov 24:3034.20 The sage relates an
experience leading to a proverbial saying. The sequence begins with a qatal,
I passed by a sluggards field. Then introduces the condition of the
field at the time. Three qatal forms describe the fields shabby status, the
results of what the sluggard has not done. At verse 32 a vayyiqtol advances
the timeline. The macro structure at this point is I passed by it ... and then
I scrutinized it. The next three verbs (a yiqtol, past progressive, and two
qatal forms) do not advance the timeline, but expand on the sages scrutiny
of the field. Then vv.3334 express the lesson to be learned. It has a starting
point, a little sleep, and a prediction of consequences. What is presented
as a historical occasion is the basis for timeless or gnomic significance.
What then of the short proverbial maxim? Can such a proverb employ
a past-time or perfective expression with a rhetorical significance that is
gnomic? We come to the disputed cases and begin with Prov 25:16 and
21:22. These exemplify two additional categories of the uses of qatal verbs
in Proverbs: topic setting and prototypical past observation.
Prov 25:16 is one of the handful of proverbs using a second person
qatal that the translations routinely turn into a conditional sentence or a
question. It presents a starting point, or sets the topic, with a statement,
You have found honey. Then it gives advice. Eat [only] what is sufficient
for you, lest you stuff yourself and then vomit. Certainly we can render the
opening as Have you found honey, When/If you find honey, and it will
sound fine. But how it sounds in English is not the measure of how it works
in Hebrew.
19. Although the forms vary, the account as a whole is in the past. He saw (qatal
and vayyiqtol) the man progressing along (qotel and yiqtol) at twilight. Next the wom-
an is there to meet him ( plus infinitive). He breaks from the progress of events to
describe her character and typical behaviors, using nominal clauses, participles, and a
yiqtol form followed by two veqatals in 1013a. At 13b the story of her meeting this man
resumes with a qatal and vayyiqtol, the latter introducing her speech in vv. 1420. In
vv.2122, the sage gives the result, She induced him to yield (qatal), and expands on
this with an imperfective yiqtol and a qotel in the same past time frame, she was steering
him along ... he walking after her.
20. This section appears between the Solomonic collections that comprised Cooks
corpus (Cook, Genericity, Tense, and Verbal Patterns). It differs from the previous
section of Proverbs by having units that extend for more than two lines.
Prov 25:16 shows that a qatal verb may be used to provide the starting
point on which the proverb will comment. It sets the occasion, then offers
insight for the occasion.21 This is basically the same role as beginning with
a conditional, temporal, or causal clause. They frame the occasion or set the
topic. A qatal clause can also do this. This explains the second-person qatal
verbs that translators have changed into conditions or questions.22 It is also
valid for third-person sayings, as in:23
Someone has found (qatal) a good24 wifehe has found (qatal) a benefit;
And obtained (vayyiqtol) favor from the Lord (Prov 18:22).
The fathers ate (qatal) sour grapes;
The childrens teeth are/will be set (yiqtol) on edge (Jer 31:29; Ezek 18:2).
Prov 21:22 on the other hand does not begin by setting a topic. Instead,
the entire verse is offered as an assertion or observation from which to draw
wise inference. With a qatal and a vayyiqtol it remarks, A wise man went up
against a mighty city and he brought down a trusted stronghold. It would
sound fine to say, A wise man goes up/can go up, but the English tense in
this sort of rendering does not reflect the nuance of the Hebrew verb forms.
As curiosity killed the cat, so too, a wise man brought down a city. The
verbs express a grammatically past event, which rhetorically is viewed as ty-
pological, so that it has timeless value. Thus, the past expression with qatal
(and vayyiqtol) constitutes the assertion of wisdom.
This category can be subdivided. Sometimes the assertion follows a top-
ic that has been introduced or is followed by an expansion or background
clause. Sometimes the assertion spans the cola of the verse, whether there
is only one clause or more. Sometimes the assertion is part of synonymous
parallelism, sometimes antithetical.25
Qatal Parallel to Non-qatal

Most cases of antithetic parallelism, and some others, place a qatal verb
in parallel to a clause that does not use a qatal verb. On many occasions,
21. Gen 49:9b provides a similar example outside of Proverbs. Jacob describes Ju-
dah as a lion, giving the setting with two qatal forms, he has crouched and lain down,
then posing the rhetorical question, who will rouse him?
22. See p. 263 n.5 for references.
23. Prov 18:22a; 19:7a; 22:2, 29; 23:8a; 24:10; 25:16a; 26:12; 29:13, 20; 30:7, 21.
24. The LXX, Syriac, Targum, and some Hebrew and Latin witnesses support the
restoration of the adjective that was lost through the scribal error of homoeoteleuton.
25. Prov 1:7; 11:2, 7, 8, 21; 12:12, 21; 13:1, 24; 14:1, 6ab, 18, 19, 31; 16:4, 26a, 30;
17:5; 18:8; 19:11, 24, 29; 21:10, 22, 26, 29; 22:3ad, 12, 13; 26:7, 9, 13, 15a, 22; 27:12ad,
15; 28:1; 30:12, 15, 16ab. Space does not permit a detailed differentiation of subcatego-
ries, the boundaries of which are sometimes difficult to delineate.
different forms participate in the same time frame because the forms can
overlap in that area of meaning. A present time frame may apply to a fien-
tive yiqtol, a stative qatal, a participle, a verbless clause, or to a fientive qatal
when perfective in force, that is, with the focus on the continuing results of
past action. Any combination of these may be in parallel in a present time
frame but not necessarily with the same aspect. A past time frame may in-
clude a fientive or stative qatal, a vayyiqtol, a yiqtol that is preterite, a yiqtol
that is habitual, or a participle or verbless clause that derives its time from
context. A future time frame may include a yiqtol, a veqatal, or a participle
or verbless clause that derive their time from context. 26
So how should we understand proverbial sayings that place a qatal in
parallel with a different type of verb, particularly a yiqtol? Should we seek
to harmonize them? The convention is to make all forms present tense,
including fientive qatal forms, which imposes a gnomic function on the
grammar, rather than recognize it at the rhetorical level. Another option
is to place them in the same time frame (if the paired items warrant this),
but with different aspect, leaving the gnomic function to the genre. This is
generally what we advocate for the Psalms.
But in proverbs, especially in cases of antithetic parallelism, we suggest
using different time frames to highlight the contrast. The timeless signifi-
cance will continue to derive rhetorically from the genre.For example:
Not every harm will happen (yiqtol) to the righteous;
but the wicked is full (qatal stative) of trouble (Prov 12:21).
She has built (qatal) her house with the wisdom of wives;
but folly tears (yiqtol) it down with her own hands (Prov 14:1).
Pride came (qatal), then shame followed (vayyiqtol);
but wisdom is with the humble (nominal clause) (Prov 11:2).
Assuredly, a wicked person will not be unpunished (yiqtol);
but the child of the righteous has been delivered (qatal) (Prov 11:21).
The contrast provides perspective. By means of a yiqtol, the sage in 11:21

helps the student look ahead to the consequence for the wicked, but with
a qatal gives the assurance of deliverance as something that has really hap-
pened (and so it will again). The nuances of delivery are lost when transla-
tion flattens all forms to present tense.
In sum, proverbs in other languages may be expressed with past-time
references. The present tense is not necessary for an expression to be gno-
mic. Hebrew has wise sayings presented with past time references. Every
qatal verb in the book of Proverbs may be reasonably understood when
translated by the conventions known in speech and narrative. The gnomic
26. Webster, Cambridge Introduction, 297301.
sense of a proverb is rhetorical, not grammatical. Recognizing differences

in tense and aspect in translation preserves the nuances of the Hebrew. The
category gnomic present for qatal should be removed from the syntax
books or supplemented by a note that the gnomic force is rhetorical.
The Perfect Verb and the Perfect Woman

Finally, we return to the woman of Proverbs 31. This passage is domi-
nated by qatal and vayyiqtol forms (19 qatal and 7 vayyiqtol forms). Any-
where else, we would translate these as past. Excluding the opening and
concluding statements, the main body of the poem describing the woman
has 4 yiqtol forms. Rather than overthrow the normal past-time reference
of 26 qatal and vayyiqtol verbs on the basis of 4 yiqtol forms, let us ask how
these yiqtol verbs would be understood in light of the qatal forms. Theoret-
ically, a yiqtol could be an archaic preterite or an imperfective in past time,
such as a past habitual. Two of these yiqtol verbs are morphologically long
forms, and thus not preterites. Following this lead, rendering all four of
these yiqtols as past habitual makes perfect sense in context.
But what does this mean for our understanding of the woman? Instead
of what she does, the description says what she did and what she used to
do. Likewise, her children have risen and blessed her. If her grown children
have risen and blessed her, then we have not been talking about a prospec-
tive spouse that a young bachelor is trying to find and marry. She is not even
a young wife, who would still be in the process of becoming such a woman.
The passage describes the mature woman who has done it. It describes a
woman whose husband and household have benefited from her character
and labor. She did not necessarily stay up late every night and get up early
every morning. But she did whichever may have been needed when it was
necessary. She did not necessarily have ongoing concurrent businesses in
real estate, farming, tanning, and textiles. But over the years she has done
such things. The behaviors are typical, not constant and simultaneous. We
are reading about a lifetime achievement recognition, not her daily planner.
The shift away from present-tense translation removes possible over-
tones of workaholism and adds the quality of persevering faithfulness. She
is still an ideal. She has demonstrated that beauty is vain by having lived
out what is important. She fears God, speaks with wisdom, is industrious,
valuable, valiant. But she is perhaps a bit more human, a bit more possible
to imitate. If the perfect verbs are translated as past and perfective, then the
perfect woman is more possible to find in the present.
Index of Authors
Aaron, D. H. 96, 179 Blenkinsopp, J. 97

Abusch, T. 91, 233 Block, D. I. 247, 248, 252, 257, 258
Achtemeier, P. 52, 54, 60 Bonfil, R. 2
Ackerman, S. 257 Borger, R. 184
Adams, F. 139 Boyarin, D. 135
Adriaens, A. 139 Branson, R. D. 177, 178
Aharoni, Y. 92 Brennan, J. P. 187, 193
Alter, R. 252 Brice, G. W. 177, 178
Amit, Y. 18, 247, 248, 253, 256 Brichto, H. C. 95
Andersen, F. I. 15 Briggs, C. A. 64
Andr, G. 190 Briskin, J. 151, 152, 153, 155
Andrew, M. E. 52, 55 Brueggemann, W. 188, 198, 215
Annus, A. 69 Buber, M. 249
Arnold, B. T. 13, 14, 16, 18, 19, 28, 29, Buchanan, G. W. 54
32, 89, 98, 104, 109, 177, 234 Buck, A. de 84
Assis, E. 247, 248, 251, 253 Budge, E. A. W. 83
Butler, T. 248
Baerish, R. 157
Bailey, L. 204 Carmichael, C. M. 95
Baker, H. D. 122 Carr, D. M. 14, 16
Bakhtin, M. 109 Cassuto, U. 15, 204
Baly, T. J. C. 84, 85, 86 Cha, K. 193
Barbiero, G. 189 Chamberlain, A. 121
Barr, J. 176, 202, 204 Charlesworth, J. 203, 204, 211
Barthes, R. 81 Chartier, R. 171
Barton, J. 41 Chesterman, A. 216, 220
Batto, B. F. 33, 211 Childs, B. S. 48, 52, 53, 57, 95, 187, 188
Bauer, H. 111 Chirichigno, G. C. 122
Behm, J. 64 Chisholm, R. B. 65, 258
Ben-Ami, D. 2 Choi, J. H. 232
Ben-Tor, A. 2, 10 Claassens, L. J. M. 258
Ben Zvi, E. 170 Claiss-Walford, N. de 188
Bertram, G. 65 Cleuziou, S. 140
Beyer, B. E. 41 Coates, J. R. 55
Bhabha, H. 135, 136 Cohen, B. 53, 60, 61, 62
Bird, P. A. 105 Cole, R. L. 188, 189, 190, 191, 192
Bjerke, S. 84, 85 Collins, B. J. 83
Black, J. A. 32, 33 Conrad, E. G. 162
Blackman, A. M. 85 Contenau, G. 146, 149
Blair, J. M. 233, 239, 241 Cook, J. A. 265, 266, 268
Blau, J. 112, 113, 114 Cooper, A. 18
273
274 Index of Authors
Cotterell, P. 176 Frazer, J. G. 86

Craigie, P. C. 52, 58, 59 Freedman, D. N. 211
Cross, F. M. 38 Fretheim, T. E. 65
Crsemann, F. 100, 102 Frymer-Kensky, T. 97, 99
Crutchfield, J. C. 188 Fuchs, A. 183
Cunningham, G. 233, 234, 242
Currid, J. E. 65 Gadd, C. J. 190
Gakuru, G. 172
Dandamaev, M. 122, 131, 133 Galambush, J. 101
Daube, D. 53, 60 Gane, R. 92
Davila, J. R. 107 Gardiner, A. 85
Deleuze, G. 216, 226 Garrett, D. A. 112
Demsky, A. 211 Geertz, C. 172
Dentan, R. C. 65 Gelb, I. J. 11
Derevenski, J. S. 121 Geller, M. 233
Dorsey, D. A. 247, 248, 256, 257 Gemsler, B. 52, 62
Dossin, G. 181 George, A. 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 76, 78
Douglas, M. 249, 250, 251, 253, 254, Gerstenberger, E. S. 181, 196
256, 257 Gillingham, S. 188
Draguet, R. 74 Giorgadze, G. G. 123
Driver, S. R. 14, 15, 35 Glasson, T. F. 64
Durant, T. 65 Goetze, A. 184
Durham, J. 53, 58 Goff, M. 69, 70, 72
Dussel, E. 216, 227 Goldstein, B. R. 18
Gomi, T. 147, 148
Eagleton, T. 172 Gooding, D. W. 247, 248, 251
Eichrodt, W. 64 Gordon, C. H. 53, 55
Eidem, J. 180 Gordon, R. P. 204
Eilberg-Schwartz, H. 100 Goren, Y. 4, 10
Eisenstein, J. D. 151 Goyon, J.-C. 83, 84, 87
Ellis, M. de Jong 161 Grant, J. A. 188
Emerton, J. A. 15, 29 Gray, J. 41
Erisman, A. Roskop 18, 95, 108 Green, A. R. 33
Ernst, A. 105 Greenberg, M. 107
Evans, W. 52, 60, 65 Greenstein, E. L. 71
Exum, J. C. 248, 255, 256, 258, 260
Eyre, C. 123 Hackett, J. 239
Hallo, W. W. 8, 178, 180, 184
Fabry, H.-J. 65, 90 Halton, C. 139, 143
Feder, Y. 91 Harland, P. J. 96
Finet, A. 181 Harner, P. 161, 162, 163, 166, 168, 172
Firmage, E. 18, 29 Harris, Z. 113
Fishbane, M. 41, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 108, Hawkins, J. D. 181, 183
109 Haye, A. de la 81
Fish, T. 148 Heimpel, W. 140
Fleming, D. 91 Heiser, M. 240
Fox, N. 82 Helck, W. 84, 87
Index of Authors 275
Henning, W. B. 67, 74 Kroeze, J. 111, 113

Hesiod 105, 106 Kvanvig, H. 67
Heskel, D. L. 141, 142
Hespel, R. 74 Lsse, J. 180
Hess, R. 5 Landsberger, B. 6
Hill, A. E. 257 Lang, B. 52, 60
Holladay, J., Jr. 172, 173 Leander, P. 111
Holladay, W. 238 Levine, J. 53, 61, 63
Holmstedt, R. 176 Lie, A. G. 183
Horowitz, W. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 Limet, H. 142, 146
Houston, W. J. 173 Lindars, B. 248
Houtman, C. 53, 89 Liverani, M. 179
Howard, D. M. 188 Livingstone, A. 234
Hurvitz, A. 17 Lohfink, N. 96
Longman, T. 248
Izre'el, S. 181 Long, V. P. 248
Lorton, D. 83, 84, 85, 87, 88
Jackson, B. 52, 53, 55, 59, 60, 61, 62, Luc, A. 65
63 Luckenbill, D. D. 183
Jackson, B. S. 98, 104 Lyotard, J. F. 225
Jackson, D. 69
Jacob, B. 52 Mack, R. R. 161, 163
Jakobson, R. 176 Maekawa, K. 147
Janowski, B. 241 Malamat, A. 3
Jaques, M. 178, 179, 184 Malina, B. 61, 62, 65
Jeffers, A. 71 Maniatis, Y. 142
Johnston, G. 168 Margolis, M. L. 115
Joosten, J. 21 Marshall, J. W. 52, 53, 62
Joon, P. 112, 113, 114, 119 Martin, D. B. 230
Joyce, P. M. 98 Matlock, M. D. 54, 55, 56
Juster, P. 52 Matsushima, E. 82
Matties, G. H. 99, 103, 106
Karo, J. 156 Mayer, G. 53, 60
Kaufman, S. A. 52, 59, 62 Mays, J. J. 188, 195, 196, 197, 198
Kayani, P. I. 141 Mazar, A. 125
Kelermann, D. 65 Mazar, E. 4, 5
Kelly, P. S. 112 McCann, J. C. 187, 189, 196, 198, 247
Khan, G. 112, 114, 118 McEvenue, S. E. 108
Kilmer, A. Draffkorn 98 Meeks, D. 234
Kim, J. H. 93 Mendenhall, G. E. 32
Klein, J. 97 Merrill, E. 53, 57, 59
Klein, L. R. 248, 258 Merwe, C. H. J. van der 111, 113
Knohl, I. 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 24, 30, 31, Mry, S. 140
32, 35, 96, 102, 103, 108, 109 Milgrom, J. 17, 18, 90, 100, 101, 102
Knoppers, G. N. 38 Milik, J. 67, 68, 73, 74, 75
Koorevaar, H. 188, 192 Millard, M. 188
Kraus, H.-J. 64 Mitchell, D. C. 188
276 Index of Authors
Moberly, R. W. L. 204 Preisker, H. 64

Moorey, P. R. S. 140, 141 Preuss, H. D. 52, 60
Moran, W. L. 53, 55, 176, 177, 178, 179, Propp, W. H. C. 14, 15, 89, 91, 92, 93
180, 182, 184, 185 Provan, I. 248
Moret, A. 82, 86, 87 Puech, E. 73, 74, 75
Morris, E. F. 3 Pym, A. 216, 219, 220, 221, 224
Morris, L. 100
Muchiki, Y. 90 Raabe, P. R. 98
Rabello, A. M. 52
Nakhai, B. 125, 127 Radday, Y. T. 15
Naude, J. 111, 113 Rad, G. von 53, 54
Niccacci, A. 262 Rainey, A. F. 1, 3, 92, 251
Nicholson, E. W. 14 Reeves, J. C. 68, 69, 76
Nielsen, E. 15, 55, 57, 59 Reindl, J. 187
Nielsen, K. 41 Revell, J. 112, 114
Nihan, C. 105, 108 Roberts, J. J. M. 203
Nissen, H. J. 140 Rofe, A. 52, 53, 55, 56, 57
Nissinen, M. 163, 167, 172 Rogland, M. 264, 265
Norad, S. 226 Rooke, D. 82
Noth, M. 53, 54 Ross, A. P. 111, 113
Notley, R. S. 1, 251 Roth, A. M. 84
Nougayrol, J. 179, 182 Rowe, A. 6
Nowell, I. 65 Rowling, J. K. 249
Russell, J. B. 229, 230
Oates, D. 141 Rterswrden, U. 232
Oates, J. 141 Ryck, I. de 139
Obermark, P. 124, 130
OConnell, R. H. 247, 256 Saggs, H. W. F. 236
OConnor, M. 201, 262 Sanders, P. 187, 193
Olson, D. T. 247, 249, 251, 252 Sasson, J. M. 256
Oppenheim, A. L. 10, 90, 126, 127, 128, Scaiola, D. 193
129, 130, 134, 135, 140 Schneider, T. J. 256, 258
Ornan, T. 33, 34, 233 Schulman, A. R. 85
Oshima, T. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 Schunk, D. 52, 60, 61, 62
Otto, E. 52, 60, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87 Schwartz, B. J. 14, 100
Owen, D. I. 144, 145, 148 Scurlock, J. 230
Ozaki, T. 143, 146 Seow, C. L. 111, 113
Sethe, K. 86
Pardee, D. 232 Seybold, K. 65
Parker-Pearson, M. 124 Sharon, D. M. 255
Parpola, S. 163 Sigrist, M. 143, 147, 148
Patterson, R. 169, 204 Simian-Yofre, H. 22
Phillips, A. 99 Smith, G. V. 42, 43
Porter, S. 217 Smith, M. 83
Posner, E. 11 Snijders, L. A. 90
Powell, M. A. 122, 123, 132 So Kun Ahn, S. 193
Pratico, G. D. 111, 113 Sollberger, E. 182
Index of Authors 277
Sparks, K. 125 Weiss, R. 56

Speiser, E. A. 19, 35 Wellhausen, J. 14, 32
Spronk, K. 232 Wenham, G. J. 15, 16, 18, 247
Stahl, N. 106 Wernberg-Moller, P. 113, 115
Stamm, J. J. 52, 55, 57, 59, 60 Westbrook, R. 122, 132
Steinkeller, P. 139, 142, 143, 144, 146, Westenholz, J. 233, 234, 235, 236
149 Westermann, C. 19, 24, 26, 28, 29, 33,
Stone, L. G. 247, 251, 260 35, 48, 96, 97, 100, 102, 104, 105,
Stordalen, T. 107 108, 162, 204
Stuart, D. 53, 55, 60 Westermann, W. L. 122
Stuckenbruck, L. T. 68, 69, 70, 74, 75, White Crawford, S. A. 53
76, 77 Whitekettle, R. 23, 24, 27, 30, 31
Sundermann, W. 67 Wickes, W. 116
Sweeney, M. A. 251 Wiggermann, F. A. M. 236
Wijngaert, L. van den 97
Tadmor, H. 6, 8, 9 Wilcke, C. 143
Tanner, J. P. 249 Wildberger, H. 238, 241
Tigay, J. H. 53, 59, 238, 241 Willett, E. A. 125
Tite, M. S. 142 Williams, J. G. 252
Toorn, K. van der 161, 162, 164, 171, Wilson, E. 81
172, 232 Wilson, G. 187, 194, 195
Touzalin, M. 146 Wilson, R. R. 107
Towner, P. 216, 222 Wong, G. T. K. 248, 255
Wright, D. P. 100, 241, 242
Van Pelt, M. V. 111, 113 Wyatt, N. 232
Van Seters, J. 15, 16
Vasholz, R. I. 54 Yadin, Y. 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 92
Verderame, L. 143 Yaron, R. 183, 184
Vidas, E. de 157 Yeivin, I. 116, 118
Vos, C. J. A. 196 Yengoyan, A. 216, 221, 225
Voth, S. 217 Yildiz, F. 147, 148
Younger, K. L. 247, 248, 249, 252, 253,
Wallace, R. E. 188 256, 258
Wallis, G. 52, 59 Young, G. D. 148
Waltke, B. K. 201, 261, 262
Walton, J. H. 42, 176, 201, 202, 203, 257 Zarzecki-Peleg, A. 2
Wasilewska, E. 145 Zenger, E. 188, 193
Webb, B. G. 247, 248, 255, 256, 257 Zipperstein, S. J. 152
Webster, B. L. 266, 270 Zobel, H.-J. 90
Weeks, L. R. 140 Zohar, M. 91
Weinfeld, M. 53, 60, 62, 125, 184 Zuckerman, S. 2, 9, 11
Weingreen, J. 111, 112 Zwyghuizen, J. 266
Index of Scripture
Genesis Genesis (cont.) Genesis (cont.)

1 14, 18, 19, 27, 28, 4:16 114 7:2 23
29, 39 4:17 32 7:24 25
111 19, 26, 28, 29, 33, 4:20 32 7:4 23
35, 96, 102, 108, 4:22 32 7:67 23, 40
204, 209 4:26 32 7:7 22
1:2 117, 218 5 19, 23 7:8 30
1:5 114 5:1 19 7:89 24
1:11 114 5:78 98 7:89 23
1:12 117 5:22 19 7:810 23
1:15 116 5:24 19 7:10 23
1:21 117 5:28 39 7:11 23, 24, 25, 40
1:22 28 5:29 19 7:12 24, 26
1:2428 106 5:3032 39 7:13 19, 24
1:26 30 5:31 251 7:1316 24
1:2627 77 5:32 19, 23 7:14 24, 25
1:28 99, 117, 211 69 13, 30, 96, 101 7:16 24
1:2930 101 6:14 18, 68, 77, 209, 7:17 25
1:31 77 210 7:1724 24
2 28, 29 6:18 20 7:1820 25
23 19, 107, 204, 210 6:5 62, 63, 96, 105 7:21 25
2:23 18, 32 6:58 18, 21 7:22 25
2:16 29 6:7 18, 23, 30 7:23 25, 30
2:1617 201 6:8 106 7:24 25
2:17 202, 203, 212 6:9 18, 19, 20, 21, 106, 7:2627 29
2:1819 29 107 8:1 26
2:24 32 6:99:29 13 8:12 25, 40
3 54, 201, 211 6:910 19 8:15 25
3:3 202 6:10 19, 20 8:2 25
3:4 203 6:1112 21, 98, 103 8:23 26
3:45 202 6:1113 96 8:3 25, 26
3:11 212 6:1122 20, 22, 30 8:35 24, 25, 40
3:12 212 6:12 98 8:4 25, 26
3:13 212 6:13 21, 98 8:612 26
3:14 32 6:17 21, 22, 31 8:13 28
3:15 32 6:18 20, 22, 23 8:1314 26, 28, 40
3:16 32 6:1920 22, 23, 24 8:14 26, 28
3:1719 19 6:20 30 8:1517 26, 27
3:22 203, 210, 212 6:21 117 8:17 27, 28, 30
4 242 7 19 8:1819 27, 28, 40
4:12 116 7:1 19, 106 8:19 27, 28
278
Index of Scripture 279
Genesis (cont.) Genesis (cont.) Exodus (cont.)

8:2022 28, 99 15:7 31 20:14 59
8:21 31, 104 17 18, 30 20:15 59
8:22 28 17:1 22, 31, 106 20:17 51, 53, 54, 57,
9 95, 105, 108 17:34 29 58, 60
9:1 27, 28, 99 17:4 22, 31 21:16 122
9:17 31 17:5 117 21:12 102, 103
9:17 27, 28, 109 17:58 39 21:2225 98
9:117 28, 104 17:7 39 22:20 51
9:2 30 18:6 114, 117 23:1 97
9:23 99, 101 18:24 117 24:1231:18 88
9:3 29 19:16 29 25:1026:36 89
9:36 29 19:20 117 2829 81, 83, 88
9:4 100, 101, 102, 103, 19:26 29, 32 28:143 89
106 19:3738 32 28:2 92
9:46 108 20 71 28:3 90
9:5 104 22 249 28:5 89
9:56 102 27:21 117 28:56 90
9:6 28, 102, 103, 104, 27:32 117 28:7 90
105, 106 28:13 31 28:720 107
9:7 28 28:14 117 28:18 107
9:817 22, 30, 99 29:3 266 28:41 90
9:9 22, 31 33:8 117 29 91
9:10 31 34:11 117 29:136 89
9:11 98, 117 35:67 116, 117 29:9 90
9:12 22, 31 35:11 31 29:1028 90
9:1217 31, 34 4143 125 29:29 90
9:18 19 42:22 104 29:33 90
9:1829 35 46:27 117 29:35 90
9:20 32 48:22 117 31:16 22, 39
9:2027 19 49:9 269 32:134:28 88
9:2829 35, 40 32:18 51
10 28, 35, 37 Exodus 32:29 90
10:1 37 2:13 153 34:24 54
10:5 28 3:14 76, 77 34:2940:38 88
10:89 76 5:10 117 39:139 89
10:18 28 6 21
10:20 28 6:68 17 Leviticus
10:31 28 9:15 117 116 90
10:32 28 10:22 117 3 100
11 76 12:22 117 3:17 29, 100
11:223 27 14:13 196 4:5 90
11:9 32 15:8 114 6:34 92
11:1026 37 15:26 260 7:26 100
11:2712:5 211 1940 89, 91, 92 8 89, 91
13:4 117 19:3037 92 8:33 90
14:2 76 20 58 10:20 116
280 Index of Scripture
Leviticus (cont.) Numbers Deuteronomy (cont.)

11 17, 27, 29 1 28 18:10 173
11:2 29 3 28 19:113 102
11:46 30 3:3 90 19:10 102
16 241 4 28 19:1621 98
16:32 90 11:14 58 21:19 102
17 91, 100, 101 15:39 62 22:5 82
1726 13, 17, 20, 21 21:34 164 25:2 153
17:4 102 26 28 2728 104
17:7 239 26:64 117 28:25 258
17:1013 29 32:13 259 28:5257 125
17:11 100 35:934 102 28:56 43
17:14 100 35:33 102, 103 31:29 259
18:3 12 32 240
18:2430 102 Deuteronomy 32:4 107
19:2 61 111 53, 60, 62 32:8 240
19:16 155 3:2 164 32:17 239, 240
19:26 173 4:25 259 32:24 238
20:2 51 5 55, 57 38:54 62
20:25 30 511 177
21:10 90 5:18 59 Joshua
21:12 107 5:19 59 1 189, 190, 191
21:23 107 5:21 51, 53, 54, 57, 1:5 192
23 17 58, 60 1:6 190
24:8 39 6:49 190 1:7 190
24:17 102 6:18 260 1:78 189
24:1921 98 7 56 2 190
26 39, 104 7:25 54 6:121 196
26:9 39 9 55 7:21 54
26:18 258 9:16 97 8:12 166, 171
26:42 39 9:18 259 11 3
28:3 89 11:6 25 11:6 165
28:30 89 12 56, 100, 101 11:10 1
28:36 92 12:1516 29 15:17 252
28:3638 89 12:16 100 15:59 8
28:40 89 12:20 57, 100
29:1 92 12:21 58 Judges
29:4 90 12:23 100 1 248
29:10 90 12:25 101, 260 1:1 256
29:15 90 12:28 260 1:12 255, 256
29:20 91 13:19 260 1:12:5 247, 248, 250,
29:21 91, 92 14:26 57 254, 255, 256, 257
29:4344 92 17:2 259 1:13:6 247, 256
31:10 89 17:27 51 1:14 256
40:34 92 17:1420 190, 195 1:17:25 250
44:19 92 17:19 196 1:2 192, 255
17:20 190 1:3 78
Judges (cont.) Judges (cont.) Judges (cont.)

1:4 255 3:14 252 7:22 255
1:7 255, 257 3:1525 252 7:248:3 252
1:9 56 3:17 252 8:116:31 251
1:11 251, 256 3:22 252 8:121 254, 255
1:12 251, 252 3:2729 252 8:121:25 250
1:13 252 3:30 251, 253 8:10 254
1:14 168 45 3 8:1416 255
1:16 256 4:1 248, 253, 258 8:2232 254, 255
1:17 256 4:15:31 251 8:27 254, 255
1:19 255 4:23 3 8:28 251
1:22 255, 256, 257 4:6 253 8:2832 253
1:2326 255 4:67 165, 253 8:32 254
1:28 184 4:7 253 8:33 253, 259
2 252 4:8 253 8:3310:5 248
2:1 254, 256 4:9 253 8:3335 253
2:14 255 4:14 253 9:110:5 251
2:15 255 4:15 253 9:720 252
2:2 255 4:2132, 252 9:22 251
2:3 255 4:23 253 9:2224 253
2:45 257 5:131 252 9:53 252, 253
2:6 257 5:26 252 9:5657 253
2:63:6 247, 248, 254, 5:31 253 10:6 253, 258
257 68 258 10:612:15 248, 251
2:612 192 69 249 10:8 252
2:7 255 6:1 253, 258 11:1228 252
2:10 255, 257 6:18:32 248, 254 11:31 252
2:11 258 6:132 254 11:36 196
2:1113 250, 255, 259 6:89 254 12:16 252
2:1119 250 6:10 255 12:7 251, 253
2:12 254 6:11 254 13:1 252, 253, 258
2:1415 250 6:1122 255 13:116:31 248, 251
2:1618 250 6:12 255 14:13 252
2:17 255 6:13 254, 255 14:115:20 251
2:18 250, 255 6:16 255 14:7 252
2:19 250, 255, 257 6:24 254 14:10 252
2:20 259 6:2532 255 15:1 252
3:6 247, 252, 255 6:2930 255 15:913 252
3:7 253, 258 6:337:25 254, 255 15:1011 252
3:77:25 251 6:367:15 255 15:13 114
3:711 248, 251 6:3637 255 16:1 252
3:716:31 247, 250 7 71, 255 16:4 252
3:9 252 7:2 255 16:30 252
3:911 251 7:7 255 16:31 251, 253
3:11 251, 252, 253 7:9 255 17:118:31 247, 248,
3:12 253, 258 7:12 254 254, 255, 257
3:1231 248, 251 7:1415 255 17:121:25 247, 256
Judges (cont.) 1 Samuel (cont.) 2 Kings (cont.)

17:5 90, 255 28 244 6:2429 124, 125
17:6 259 28:6 70 8:18 260
17:12 90 30:78 166, 171 8:27 260
18:1 259 10:30 260
18:5 256 2 Samuel 12:3 260
18:1420 255 3:18 195 13:2 260
18:30 257 5 171 13:11 260
19:1 259 6:5 198 14:3 260
19:121:25 247, 248, 6:15 198 14:24 260
254, 255, 256, 257 7 192 15:3 260
19:130 256 7:9 192 15:9 260
19:1012 257 7:14 192 15:18 260
20 171 12:9 259 15:24 260
20:121:25 256 22 106 15:28 260
20:3 256 23:15 57 15:34 260
20:18 255, 256, 257 16:2 260
20:23 255, 256, 257 1 Kings 17:2 260
20:26 256, 257 2 202 17:17 173, 260
20:27 256 3:28 106 1820 41
20:2728 255 5:15 177 18:3 260
20:28 256 7:46 141 19:22 45
20:3031 256 8:18 62, 63 21:6 173, 260
20:31 257 10:8 262 21:16 260
20:46 254 11:6 259 21:20 260
21:125 256 11:33 260 22:2 260
21:2 257, 260 11:38 260 23:1920 51
21:4 257 13:33 90 23:30 173
21:5 256 14:8 260 23:32 260
21:8 256 14:22 259 23:37 260
21:9 260 15:5 260 24:4 103
21:11 256 15:11 260 24:1016 42
21:19 257 15:26 259 24:19 260
21:20 260 15:34 259 25:121 42
21:24 257 16:7 259
21:25 259 16:19 259 Isaiah
24:9 260 16:25 259 1:29 58
16:30 260 2:14 41, 43
1Samuel 20 171 2:6 173
9:16 192 20:13 165 4:1 44
10:1 192 21:25 260 5:4 117
12:17 259 22 242 10:519 49
15:19 259 22:43 260 13:21 239
15:23 173 22:52 260 13:22 238
16 242, 244 19:25 45
16:7 63 2 Kings 25:8 44
23 171 3:2 260 2839 238, 241
Isaiah (cont.) Isaiah (cont.) Jeremiah (cont.)

28:2 238 54:2 48 51:35 97
30:18 262 54:4 44, 46, 47 52:30 42
34:14 238, 239, 241 54:5 43, 44, 45
3637 42 54:6 43, 46 Ezekiel
37:23 45 54:7 45, 46 6:9 62
37:2428 49 54:78 49 6:910 98
3839 42 54:8 44, 45, 46 7 97
40 42 54:9 45 7:2327 97
4048 42 54:10 45, 46 7:24 107
4066 42, 44, 45, 48 54:12 45 7:27 98
40:7 42 54:13 45, 47 11:1112 98
40:26 47 54:14 45, 47 16:38 103
40:27 42 54:17 45, 47 17:112 190
41:813 167, 168 56:2 262 18 99, 103
41:2124 42 58:14 45 18:2 269
43:17 168 59:28 97 18:6 62
44:15 168 59:7 103 18:10 103
44:78 42 63:17 45 18:3132 99
44:25 173 65:11 240 20:7 62
45:22 43 65:1718 43 2137 107
47 41, 43, 46, 47, 49, 66:19 43 22 101
50 22:2329 97
47:1 43, 47, 48, 49 Jeremiah 22:25 101
47:19 50 1:13 125 22:3031 103, 107
47:2 48 6:7 97 23:27 62
47:3 44, 47 10:16 44 23:45 103
47:4 44, 45 11:20 64 24:21 107
47:5 43 17:16 58 25:1214 98
47:6 45, 49 19 125 25:17 196
47:7 46 22:3 107 26:2 107
47:8 46 22:17 62 28 107
47:89 46 26:111 202 28:13 107
47:9 46 27:9 173 28:14 107
47:10 47 29:8 173 28:15 106, 107
47:11 47 31:29 269 33:6 104
47:12 46 31:35 44 36:18 103
47:13 47 32:18 44 39:7 45
47:15 46, 47 40:5 42 42:14 92
48:2 44 41:13 42 45:9 107
49:8 45 46:18 44 45:912 97
50:8 114, 115 48:15 44
51:15 44 50:29 45 Hosea
53:2 58 50:34 44 13:14 238
54 43, 49 50:39 238
54:1 47, 48, 49 51:5 45 Joel
54:19 50 51:19 44 4:19 97
Amos Psalms (cont.) Psalms (cont.)

3:10 97 1:56 192 44:3 115
4:13 44 1:6 195, 197 45:5 116
5:8 44 2 188, 191, 192, 196, 65:5 262
5:18 57 198 71:22 45
5:27 44 2:2 192, 194 72 192
6:37 97 2:6 190, 195 72:9 238
2:67 195 72:10 238
Amos (cont.) 2:612 192 72:11 115
9:6 44 2:7 192, 195 72:18 193
2:89 192 72:20 192
Obadiah 2:9 197 73:612 97
10 97 2:912 196, 197 76:4 238
2:10 189, 190, 197 78:41 45
Micah 2:11 197 78:48 238
2:2 54 2:12 197, 262 82:1 64
3:7 173 3 192 84:5 262
4:13 41 4:6 116 89:16 262
6:912 97 4:7 116 89:19 45
6:12 97 6:2 115 89:53 193
7:1 57 7:1 116 90150 238
8 105 91:5 238
Nahum 9:11 116 91:6 238
1:11 168 9:13 104 94:12 262
1:1113 168 10:14 115 95:5 240
1:1115 168 10:17 57 101150 196
1:12 168 15 107 105150 187
1:122:1 168 15:1 107 105:37 240
2:1 168 17:3 64 106:37 239
17:7 116 106:48 193
Habakkuk 18 106 115:16 201
3:5 238 18:3133 107 119:1 262
18:44 115 119:94 116
Zephaniah 19:11 58 119:125 116
1:49 97 25:7 116 120 196
1:9 97 27:10 115 127:5 262
3:35 97 27:12 97 128:1 262
3:1420 169 27:14 116 132:12 196
28:1 112 137:8 262
Psalms 31:25 116 139:12 115
1 188, 189, 190, 191, 32:3 262 142:5 105
192, 194, 196 35:6 116 145150 193
12 188, 189, 193, 195, 35:11 97 145:1 195
197 40:4 116 145:6 115
141 189 40:5 262 145:17 197
1:1 115, 197, 262 40:11 116 145:21 193, 194
1:3 190, 192 41:14 193 14650 193
Psalms (cont.) Proverbs (cont.) Proverbs (cont.)

146150 193 7:14 267 18:22 269
146:3 195 7:15 267 19:7 269
146:59 195 7:16 267 19:11 269
146:79 195 7:21 267 19:19 266
146:9 195 7:23 267 19:24 266, 269
146:10 195 8:2 267 19:29 266, 269
147 195, 196 8:12 267 20:9 267
14849 197 8:13 263, 267 21:2 64
148:11 197 8:22 267 21:4 62
148:13 197 8:23 267 21:10 58, 269
149 196 8:24 267 21:22 268, 269
149:59 196, 197, 198 8:25 267 21:26 269
149:7 196 8:26 267 21:29 269
149:79 197 8:32 262, 267 22:2 269
149:9 197 8:34 262 22:3 269
150:35 198 9:14 267 22:12 269
150:5 198 9:2 267 22:13 266, 269
9:5 267 22:19 267
Job 9:12 263, 267 22:20 267
5:17 262 9:13 267 22:2628 56
12:15 114, 115 9:14 267 22:28 267
23:13 58 10 262 22:29 263
28:22 116 1029 262 23:7 267
31:1 62 10:122:16 265 23:8 269
34:18 195 11:2 261, 266, 269, 270 23:10 56
11:7 269 23:15 267
Proverbs 11:8 269 23:22 267
19 262 11:21 261, 269, 270 23:35 267
1:7 269 12:12 58, 266, 269 24:1 58
1:22 58 12:21 269, 270 24:2 56
1:24 267 13:1 269 24:10 263, 269
2:16 267 13:12 57 24:12 267
2:17 267 13:23 266 24:14 263, 267
3:13 262, 267 13:24 269 24:29 267
3:19 267 14:1 269, 270 24:30 267
3:30 267 14:6 266, 269 24:3034 268
4:11 267 14:7 263, 266 24:31 266
4:13 267 14:18 261, 266, 269 25:1 267
4:14 267 14:31 269 25:129:17 265
5:12 267 16:4 269 25:7 267
6:1 267 16:26 269 25:16 263, 268, 269
6:1619 103 16:30 269 26:7 266, 269
6:25 58 17:5 269 26:9 269
7:5 267 17:14 266 26:12 263, 269
7:623 267 18:3 266 26:13 266, 269
7:13 267 18:8 269 26:15 266
Proverbs (cont.) Proverbs (cont.) Lamentations

26:19 267 30:20 267 4:13 103
26:22 269 30:32 267 5:112 46
27:12 269 31 261, 263, 271
27:25 266 31:1 267 Daniel
28:1 266, 269 31:11 266 1:12 42
28:14 262 31:29 263 10:20 243
29:13 269 32:20 262 12:12 262
29:20 263 34:9 262
29:30 269 36:6 62 2 Chronicles
30:3 267 38:22 62 9:7 262
30:4 267 41:2 262 11:15 239
30:7 269 106:3 262 13:9 90
30:12 269 20:127 196
30:15 269 Qoheleth 29:31 90
30:16 269 3:8 175
30:18 263, 267 1:9 62
New Testament
Matthew 1 Corinthians 1John

5:2728 57 10:20 240 5:1617 223, 224
10:2021 240
Luke Revelation
2:7 222 Hebrews 9:20 240
1:5 192
John
1:1 219
Deuterocanonical Literature
Sirach
15 193

Windows To The Ancient World of The Hebrew Bible

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Law, Economy, Academia, and Divination in Bronze Age Canaan:

Rabbi Joshua Briskins Tav Yhoshua: Yalkut Derekh Ere,

Index of Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273

Professor Samuel Greengus has had a long and illustrious career as

AuOr Aula orientalis

HSS Harvard Semitic Series

1965 The Advantages of Being an Ancient People. Pp.1829 in Jews in a Free

To date, 18 Akkadian epigraphs have been discovered at Tel Hazor.

The Corpus of Cuneiform Tablets from Hazor

on paleographic and linguistic grounds to three distinct time periods.

the larger altar in the temple excavated in stratum 2 of Area H in 1958.24

In the afternoon, it will become dark, the enemy I will kill

29.W. Horowitz, T Oshima, and A. Winitzer, Hazor 17, 134.

(perhaps a Kassite name) through an intermediary, Yarima. The tablet con-

Hazor 15. A poorly preserved tablet discovered in Area A in the 2004

40. Horowitz and Oshima, Hazor 15, 35.

The Cuneiform Archive at Hazor

Now, Sharon Zuckerman, the co-director of the Hazor excavations also

53. Zuckerman, Where Is the Hazor Archive Buried?, 3637.

The Flood Narrative in Pentateuchal Research

Table 1. The Extent of P in the Flood Narrative

methodologies appeared in the century between Driver and Propp, and it

explained, and perhaps more economically be explained, as the result of

Abraham in Genesis 17 to the Holiness School.17 In light of renewed explo-

Observations on the Priestly Traditions

(1) Genesis 6:910: The Holiness Introduction

24. A rhetorical feature that is almost always editorial; B. M. Levinson, Deuter-

torial stratum (and in Ezekiel, as Knohl has shown).28 Beyond phraseology,

) .31 The use of the divine ( I), the first

for example, here we have a fourfold primary-level division of the animal

J and P materials. I propose here instead that the strands we detect as J in

We have precise phraseological reasons for accepting this admittedly con-

48. Whitekettle, Wild Things, 3536.

(11) Genesis 8:1819: Ps Conclusion of the Flood Narrative

55.See Westermann, Genesis 111, 46465; Arnold, Genesis, 10910.

The taxonomic schema of 9:2 is also illuminating, because it returns to

same cloth as those of P in Exodus. As with our analysis of 9:17, I propose

64. Arnold, Genesis, 1012. So we have etiologies in traditional-epic literature to

of the Broken Obelisk of Ashur-bel-kala (10731056 b.c.e.) of Nineveh

later Neo-Assyrian iconography, the deity accompanies the kings chariot,

68. Ornan, In the Likeness of Man, 11224.

for more than a century.69 God is routinely portrayed in P as impersonal,

Fig. 5. Victory Stela of Naram-Sin of Agade (22542218 b.c.e.). Copyright RMN-

Fig. 6. Victory Stela of Naram-

of the flood narrative, and a resumption of the Priestly genealogical agen-

quite lengthy. In view of the overwhelming correspondence between the

4. J. H. Walton, New Observations on the Date of Isaiah, JETS 28 (1985) 12932.

Common Features of Isaiah 47 and 54:

Table 1. Common Features of Isaiah 47 and 54: Vocabulary/Themes/Phrases

(2) ( 47:3; 54:4): The concept of shame or reproach applies to both

in 54:8, 10. Compassion is something Babylon failed to extend to captive

Common Features of Isaiah 47 and 54: Themes

ration is in view. In the context of Babylons judgment, however, the themes

Common Structural Features

Isaiah 47:1 and 54:1

Table 2. Isaiah 47:1 and 54:1, Phrase by Phrase

Table 3. Clauses in Isaiah 47:1 and 54:1

sit on the ground without a throne, O daughter of the Chaldeans) in 47:1

Table 4. Imperatives and Jussives in Isaiah 47:2 and 54:2