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    622 vizualizări76 pagini

    Osterhammel Colonialism PDF

    Încărcat de

    Yoyoli Perez

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    din 76
    — COLONIALISM A Theoretical Overview JORG _COLONALSM JURGEN OSTERHAMMEL “$= MAIAWAAO IVOILAWOAHL Y INSITVINOTO _ / COLONIALISM A Theoretical Overview Jiirgen Osterhammel ‘Translated from German by Shelley L. Frisch (M Marius Wiener Publishers WY Princeton Jan Randle Publishers TI Kingston Tis Teens oF nas sok ep Esc ns sterORTED "hv okay mon beenNaronts, Bow Tio Pence, 1959, CCorva © 1997 ny Manus Wanner Punisins oe THE Eau ALE. ‘Corer © 1985 wy Veniac CH Bex, Meet To te Gea sen ‘Asus Ese. Noms of ms 300K HAY EPRODLCED ‘Ro nondano wae 0: Manes Win Pontes 13) NASCA Sask, Pacers, NI THSH2 oo sc Cu May “Ts nok was Cours Ts Rena ¥ CMF Granite Ds Linear or CovonsssCxratocine-n- Punta Dats “Orr, nat (icuamatss. Ea (Couoaais 9 ebesac OvN NY JORGE OsrERANNE "maaan rest Gran ey Sey Fasc “Teansavion Kauss InewoestmapsramieaL steve ao woe ISBN 1.955761202 tancouse ISBN [SSH76 30.6 menacK 1. Cotowes. 2 Caususs Histon, i BVSLOSTIS 996 32530c10 95836 CP Ps msi m Jacs, 1997 py Tan Ras Pus "206 Oto Hore Kako, Box 66, Kasten 6 ‘ ISBN STG 120176 ox Nana Linea or tes Mvpeus Wins Pons nos a TED THE ‘UntanSeaes or Auhice ow cone xe ‘Ff Conwertes on Prooverin Guexnasrot BOOK Uaxcever or it CouNc on Linney RESOURCES, ‘Table of Contents 1. Colonization” and “Caen” Forms of Expansion Hisy Coloies A Chsfstion 1. “Colonali” and “Con Empires” CCoonisism: A Definition (Clonis Empre and “Informal Epi Inpenatisn 1. Bpochs of Colonialism Problems of History of Colonia (Ceeation of New Colonies A Pein 1 Conquest and Restance Froer Violence ad Military Invasions Defeats and Resistance {The Colonia State Forme of Stat nd Gove “Tass aod Adminstration ofthe Colonial Sse ‘The Bureaucratic Inervenon State Indigenous Coloration ‘Tero Administration Vi. Colonial Heonomie Forms Imperial and Colonial ciouc Pots oral Agrcuhue (Capital Podation| ‘VI. Colona Socks ‘ocala Denia ete OM Weld Colo Cites and Pa Societies 0 15 8 25 2 ” 5 gees ® 2 a 16 ase VIL. Colonatism and Ingenous Catare Religion ean 1X. Colonia colony X, Decolonization Recommned Readings 3 7 wt “Colonization” and “Colonies” “These days, cultural xtcs and political polemicist often refer a “eolniation” of human lif by bureatcracy and technology or “ole nastion” of society by political partes. They typically assoeate his tem ‘vith manipulation, ssurpaton, and legitimate appropriation, tems that bea a negative asessinent of everything related to "colonia" Its the sk of this book to const a theoretical and historia overview of ‘olism with « minimum of valve judgments. In doing so, it will probe questions tht have rarely been addessed in scholarly stds ‘These questions inciode the following: What characteristics of “colonial ism” istnguish trom te many other types of dominance and processos of expansion evident throughout history? How ean the concept be sin- stein relation to “colonization” and “colony.” and to “imperialism” and “Guropean expansion? How can we grasp the particular nature of col nization and colony formation inthe modern ea? Tn contrast othe ample research on "mperilism,” there ae few stu jes of the various notion of “colonials” as they were understood in thei time and today. No entzy fr this term is Found in the seven-vlume ‘encyclopedia "Basi Historical Concepts"! Theres nothing comparable to the “theodes of imperialism” canonized in textbooks. The most in- sighful atempe at establishing » coneptal framework fr colonialism ‘ames nt from «scholar of European overseas expansion, as ope woul expect, but from Sir Moses Finley, te historian of anquity? This expert ‘on the foundation of ancient cities and empire building calls fo a precise ‘conceptual determination of colonialism specfically ofthe modern er, He consider it problematic apply te concept to antiquity andthe Mi dle Ages? istorians have shied away from attempts at temiological precision ofthe term "colon" heease ofits myiad facets. At one point o ‘nother between he years 1500 and 1920, most ofthe world's places and peoples came unde atleast nominal conto of Europeans: ll of Amer ‘all of Afi, nearly all of Oceania, and, if we include the Rusian cl nization of Siberia, the beter par ofthe Asian continent. Colonial realty was multifaceted and often filed to conform oarogant imperial satis. It was shaped by particular local features overseas, by the Inteations and opportunites ofthe individual colonial powers, en by broader tendencies inthe internation system. Colonialism must be seen foomall ofthese angles, with acetal foes on both pesptatos and vie ‘ins, Even if we simplify the mater by following the conventional qua tion of colonialism and (European) colonial politics (one typical reference work calls colonialism “the politics of 2 state aimed at the ‘ciston and expansion of foverseas]possersions"), the mulformity of colonial situations continues o confound efforts to define colonialism, [Not only was the most comprehensive ofall modem world empires, the British Empire, a patchwork quit of al hoe adaptations to particular cie- cumstances. Even the French empire, which claimed to be organized cording to pincples of Cartesian rational, ws, inte words of Hen ‘Brunschwig, the eminent historian of Preach coknilsm, “in reality colonial system [th] existed only on pape”? Colonization is thus pe nomenon of colossal vagueness, Forms of Expansion in History “Colonization” designates a proces of testa acquisition, “colony” 4 panicula tye of soiopolicalorganizorion, and “colonials” a sy3- ‘em of domination. The basis ofall hee coneeps is the notion of expan- ‘on ofa society beyond i original habitat. These processes of expansion 3 damental phenmeno of wr ty Tey ose ins ma 1) Tal migration of entire populations and societies. Large human collectives that have setded in one place and typically do not lead tmobile life as hunters or nomadic shepherds give up thee orignal ete ment without leaving parent soiedes Behind, Expansion ofthis pe cneraly entail mary conquest, subjugation, and often suppression of ‘ropls inthe age eons It can have several causes: overpopulation, ‘colgical botlenecks, pressures from expanding neighbors, ethnic or ‘eligious persecution enticement by ich ceaters of evilizaton et. This expansion type ofthe exodus occurred on every continent. often led © ‘new and precarious power structures in « world as yet uashaped by ‘aton-building Tis station des act produce colonies, since no con ‘wllng ceater of expansion remains behind. Total migrations are rare in the history ofthe nineteenth and twentieth centres. Deporttons such a the forced resatlements of whole peoples under Stainsm in the early 1940s canbe considered special cases. A relatively lte example fav swuary collective migration isthe depart ofthe Cape Boer tothe ite ‘ior of South Aiea onthe Great Tek ofthe years 1836-1884, with the subsequent establishment ofthe two Boer communis of Orange Free Sate and Transval. This is ofcourse not a pure case, snc the majority of the Boers remained behind at the Cape without fonctioning asa con- telling come foe the Tiek Boers. 2) Mass individual migration, te classic "emigration in the broadest sense. Individuals, families, and sal groups leave her home trite, ‘motivated primarily by economie factors. They donot intend to return. contast to total mization, the societies from which they depart remain ‘trctraly intact. Indvidel migration generally takes place asa second "tage expansion process within established political and word economic Structures. The emigrants do ot create new colonies, but are iatgeated {nto existent mltvetnic societies. Ofen they asemble in “colonies” a the figurative seas; the most highly developed form ofthese identity alfeming sociocultural enclaves isthe American Chinatown. The degree ‘0 which these migration are voluntary or forces variable within this ‘ype. Belonging to this category are not ony the transatlantic emigration (of Baropans tothe New World and the eter sutlement colonies af the ‘Britsh Empire during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but also the forced migration of Affcans to Ameciea revulting from slave tad, ‘wel as th “ool rad” with Chinese workers inthe Pacific area andthe sealing of Indians in East and South Aca 3) Border colonisation. This term means exzensive opening up of land fochuman use, pushing “ont” into the “wilderness” for apical purposes orto atain natural resources. This colonization requires sete ment. Economically, it combines the mobile pradition fcr of work and capital with tral resources ted to a speci place Only rarely is « ‘COLONIAL a TBORENENL OVERVIEW the founding of colonies a separate polite entities coupled with this type of colonization, since it usally takes place tthe perinse f exist ing setlement areas. One example is the gradual expansion ofthe Han ‘Chinese agricultural zone a the cost ofthe pastoral economy of Inner ‘Asa, pariculaly i the nineteenth and erly twentieth centres Hove ver. this typeof colonization can also proced secondarily rom new st {ement cores overseas, The est known example ithe development of ‘he Nee American continent outward from its eaten coat. Indra technology geal increased the range of eolniation as wel ais ee0- logically destructive effects. Railroads in particular suengthened the ole ofthe stat manly in Eurasia) in a process usually organized by private ‘s7oups. The mos comprehensive railroad colonization under goverment sponsorship was the developmeat of Asian Rusia bepinning inthe ate nineteenth centr? 4) Overseas setlement colonization. This special typeof bord alo zation fst appeared inthe colonization movements ofthe Phoenicians ‘nd of Greek antiquity. It entailed the development of "setement off shoot across the sea in areas where atively slight diapay of miliary power was require, Under early modem as wel as ancient conditions, Togistcs made the dovsive difference between this sn ve continental border colonization. The classic ease was the intl pase of English et- tNement of North Ameria. The founding groups of setlement colonies — “plmatons i the tem of tha epoch tried to bil self-mainaning bidgeoads chat were noe villy dependent om sapplies fom the mother ‘county or on rade with the natives. The land was considered “ales,” lacking legitimate political authori. The indigenous popoltion was no subjugated and integrated int the colony in a sbservent satus, asin Spanish America, bt instead was forceflly repulsed in he face offen olen resistance. The phers of ster and natives were separated both lerstorally and social In North America and later in Australia and else ‘where, the Europeans di not find efficient agriculral systems whose taxable surpluses could have supported a mitaily based colonia apa- ‘tus—as dd the Romans in Egypt, the British in Ini, and the Iberian powers in Cental and South Amevia. It was therefore aot posible to diver an existing tute flow from the coffers of the ancien répime ‘those of the new rulers. Moreover, the Native American population was baal suitable for forced labor in « European ype of farming rom these eircumstances the fist New England type of setlement colonies developed. Tis type entailed growth of an agrarian sealement Populace that provided workers from its own ranks and by recuting Enopean “indentured servans." The insuders ruhlesly ousted the demographically weak indigenous population, considering it econom ‘ally auperfuoas. I thie manner, by 1750, socially and ehncalyhomo- ‘geneous regions of European serdoment had been carved out in Noth “America a8 ores of ne0-European nation-building. Until that ime, this ‘sation had not existed anywhere een the non-European word. Soon ‘ereafr in Australia, te British followed tis model of eolonization under the peculiar conditions of an inl fored migration of pisooes "The British then proceeded to apply this model in New Zealand, inthe face of violent resistance by the indigenows Maori "Asecand typeof overseas setdement colonization occurs when a poli ically dominant setter minorsy—asually with the help ofthe colonial slate—expels an indigenous peasant population frm the best land, but remains dependent on the labor of tha same population and finds tse in utined competition with for pars ofthe remaining land The setlers ofthis second ype, which we can cal "African i ight of 8 most ig- niflant moder examples (Algeria, Rhodesia, Ken, and Sou Africa) Aiffer fron those of the "New England” type in ter economic depen- ‘dence on the indigenous population? This act also explains the instabi fy of thi kind of setdemant The European colonizations of North ‘America, Austalit, and New Zealand beeume imeversbe, bu in the ‘Micansetlement colonies fire strgaes for decolonization erupted, ‘A tied type of stlement colonization solves the problem of recruit Jing workers afer the expulsion o destruction of the indigenous popula tion by forced import of slaves and their employment in a plantation ‘economy. We wil refer to it asthe "Caribbean ype since this s where Itmost clearly aocured. Tere were les predominant instances in Bish [Noch America aswell. An important variable isthe demographic po ‘orion between the various social and ethnic groups. In the British Caribbean, backs made up roughly 90% ofthe otal population by 1770. Daring that sume period of time, inthe northern colonies of what was later the United Stats, blacks made up only 22% ofthe tal population, tnd even inthe ltr “soutbeen states” no more than 408° 5) Bnpire-building wars of conquest, te classic or Roman” frm of “stabishing the rue of one people over apoter An imperial center con- ‘inoes asthe ultimate source of power and legitimacy, even if military expansion is fueled primarily by resources thst re mobilized onthe spt inthe course of pushing forvan. However, a centalized unified empise oes not invariably continue t exist. The Arabic- Mim expaasion of the eighth century quickly led to a polycenicism of independent powers ‘The Mongolian word empire of Genghis Khan spit int several succes- sor states after to generations Even the British Ermpie a its ight com sisted of three loosely connected spheres: the “white dominions.” te "dependencies," and th “empire” of India, whose government could pr sue its own sobimperaist interests. As a rl, matey empire building ‘as come about not by annexation of tenitory in “empty” azeas, but by subjugting exiting state and societal institutions, These insistons ‘were adapted to the needs ofthe conquerors bat not altogetier destroyed in he process. A suéen and complete devastation ofthe previous system lof rl, as wa the ease withthe Spanish invasion of Mexico, was more ‘he exception than the rule. Inthe modem bistry of expansion, conquest was offen a prorcted proces that fellowed fom inl eontctin which the Europeans were equal or even subordinate purmers. Military con querors behaved paastealy toward the dominited economy, besides securing onder and facilitating foreign trade, the major fonction of the ‘dminstation was to skim off tibue. Reorganization of tx levies reg larly belonged to the frst activities ofa colonia power. Only in uns cases, such a in pars ofthe Roms Expire, in Ireland, and in Algeria, is military conquest entail the establishment of ster an large-scale land appropriation a well asthe direct akeover of agricultural pode tion by foreigners. The cassie modern prodet ofa military imperial= ism—British Indias never a stent ae Tis type of expansion resin colonial re without colonization, which we Wil clasts a ‘exploitation colon. A very important varia is found in Spanish Amex- ica, Despite substantial infox of Europeans, the situation there difered _greally from that of colonies ofthe Indian type oving tthe development ‘ofa creole population segment, which reproduced self demographically Tn const 19 North Amevica, settlement colonization was atthe main ‘purpose of colony building. Most of the immigrants sete incites an ever made up a majocty ofthe population. By 170, toward the end of the colonial period, fst generation immigrans and ereoles of Spanish sncesry amounted to roughly oae guste ofthe popultion of Latin ‘America [Expansion by wars of conquest ld 0 varied forms of integration of| subjugated testores into their respective empires, depending onthe political tion ofthe conqueing power. Characteristic of pre-modern ‘pies was the annexation of newy-won fepons to the existing tet rial government of the empire at provinces. Modern empires generally had separate colonial authorities inthe metropolis o supervise aminis- tration on the periphery Is important to note that this seperation di ot only apply © the European empires; the Manchurian Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) also had newly annexed tertres in nner Asia (Mongolia, ‘Titel, and Turkesta’Xinjiang) ruled by a special "babasian office” (Litanyuan. The American diplomat Paul Renich considers these spe «ial govering bodies the cuca characteristic ofa “colony” According to Reinsc, a colony is “an outlying postesion ofa national sate, the ‘aminstation of which is carted on under a system distinc rom, bat subordinate to, the government ofthe national tritoy."2 6) Construction of naval neeworks. This form of maritime expansion Involves the systematic constuction of nity protected ading facto Fis. Expansion ofthis (pe di not normally lead o either inland eal nization oo signiicant large sale itary annexation of tity The ‘extension of British power in Indi from Caleta, Bombay, and Maas was atypical, a east before 1820. The chit purpoe wast secur tae hegemony, isin the case ofthe losely linked maritime empire of the Republic of Genca in the Meditersean, then with the systematically designed and more ightyonganized merchant expires of the Portuese (Mocambique, Gos, Malate, and Macao) andthe Dutch (Batavia, Cy Jon, and Nagasaki) in Asia. When the age of word polities began in the fghicenh century th installaon of naval bases gained global ate sc significance for Great Bia, the leading marine power ofthe time, beyond the protection of tude interests. Naval bases (notably, Bermad Mala, Cyprus, AlexandriaSuez, Adon, Cape Town, and Giealtt) and nilaiysigniieat “harbor colonies" (Singapore, Hong Kong) were among the longest ved and most stubbornly defended components of ‘he British Empire. The miliary base was the only colony type that was adapable to modern circumstances on a longterm bss. Iwas able 19 advance from the ea ofthe gunboat the era of the racial ir oe Colonies: A Typology ‘The terms “colonization” and “colony should nt be to closely iden tted with one another, a we have seen inthis stem st sypologcal structing. Colonization ean take place without colony building, which isthe predominant form of frontier colonization. However, ther als colony building tat doesnot follow colonization, but originates a mili tary conquest. This ype of colony building is based on the sword rather than the plow. Between both “tre to type” pure eases isthe “Aican” ‘ype of stlement colonization in which conquest created the condition for large-scale settlement. The fact that setders were sso armed cannot be ‘overoked, but at leat in the early phases of elonzation, the force they sed was not always authorized by a state ‘Adfinition of colony” thas valid forthe mover era and takes hese issues into considertion must be narow enough to exclude situations such a temporary military occupation and the annexation of borer areas to modern national states. The rather juridical cruitousnes of the fol- lowing definition isthe price of terminological precision, ‘A colony is anew political organization created by invasion (conquest and/or setement coo ization) bat built on pe-olonal codons. is align rulers are in sustuined dependence on a geographically remote “mother country” or peril center, which claims exclsive rights of “possession” of the colony. ‘The following major types of colonies have arisen in recent centres sa resut ofthe expansion of European nations, the United States, and Japan: 1) Explosion Colonies + usually the result of military conquest, often after extended hises of eonaet without land eis + purposes; economic exploitation (by means of tae monopolies, ‘eof marl resources, and levying but rater than faring), stategi securing of imperil pois; national ise in prestige + relatively insignificant numerical colonial presence, primal in the orn of evil bureaucrs, solders, and bosinesinen (nt set- ters) who set to thei mother county ater completing thir assignments + dutoeraie overnment by the mother cour (governor sytem), Sometnes with paternalistic solitude fr the native population Examples: British India, Indochina (Frenct), Egypt (Bish, ‘Togo (German), Philippaes(Ameccan, Taiwan Japanese) rian: Spanish America in which European immigration led 19 amuttan mixed society with a dominating creole minority 2) Maritime enclaves * resul of let etons * purposes: indirect commercial penetin of «hinterland andor Contribution to the logistics of «marine deployment of force tnd informal contol over formally autonomous sates (gunboat iloracy”) Examples: Malac (Portaguese), Batavia (Dutch), Hong Kong, ‘Singapore, Aden (ll Bris, Shanghai Gateratonal) 3) Seement colotes ‘+ result of miliary supported colonization processes * purposes utilization of cheep land nd labor, cuivation of forms ‘of sein religious, and cultural fe tat are under presse ithe mother country ‘colonial presence, primarily inthe form of permanently resident farmers and planters carly onset of self-government of the “white” colonists, dis tring th rights and interests af the indigenous poplation asians 2) "New England” type: displacement and even annihilation of a Peeainand ea moana Gees ae a] Cr en ee ele pea oa easrerans ee ee oe Salas as eae “Colonialism” and “Colonial Empires” ‘Rao erm a Fo Si a a pening of tS Cana Colonials Definition How can “colonialism” be defined independently from the colony" The historian Philip Cui speaks quite generally of “domination of poo- ple of another culture." Although this formulation contins wo decisive ements, namely dominarion and eulural disinlaity, it needs wo be sade more precise. No every domination by foreigners has been per- cved by its subecs as Wegiimate foreign domination. Hetween 1517 and 1798, Egypt sa province ofthe Oueman Empire, slood under te Intrusive rule of the Tus, bt his did nt prelude general aoeptanee of ‘he system by the indigenous Arabic-speaking populace. The difference in language was compensated by a common belief i Isl and in the binding character ofthe Islamic nodon of leiimate ovement. ‘To present in clear outline the particular historical nature of colonia Jam in recent exnturies—perhaps we should say madern colonialism by this point—Curtin's basic formula must he supplemented by thee ad tional components. Fist, colonials snot ust any’ relaonsbi between masters and servans, but one in which an enti society is robbed oft historical in of development, externally manipulated ae ansformed according the needs and interests ofthe colonia alts. In rate, colonial goveramens scarcely auined such an ambitious gol lacking ‘he means to realize it, but this acti of minor significance in the then retical context of definition. Modern colonialism is based on the wil 12 sake "peripheral" societies subservient othe "metopalises” ‘Second, the kindof dissimilarity between colonizers and colonized is oferucal importance. Characteristic of mode coloialism hough not of world history asa whole isthe unviingnss ofthe new rulers to make cultural concessions to subjugated societies. European expansion has nowhere produced a "Hellenisic” cultural synthesis, Extensive aul ation othe valves and customs of Europe wat expected ofthe colonized. However, aside from certain exceptions mally inthe Portuguese empire, there was a0 significant counte-acculuraion in which the colonizers boctowed om a lange sale from the dominated civilizations. In the nine- ‘eonth century, the impossibility of such approchements was justified by the existence of allegedly insurmountable “aca” hierarchies. Any defi- ‘tion of colonialism must take ito account this lack of willingness to tssimilst on the part ofthe colonial les The hid and final point is closely connected to the second. Moder colonialism isnot ony relationship that can be desribed in suctra terms, but also a particular interpretation of this relaonsip. The claim has even been made that ii principally an “ideological formation.” [Eve sine the Iberian and English clonal theorists ofthe sixteenth cen- tury, Buopesn expansion hasbeen stylized grandiosely asthe fuillment ‘of auniversl mission: a contribution to divine plan forthe salvation ofthe pagans 2 a secular mandate to “ivi” the "barbarians" or "sa ges" as “white man's brea” that hes privileged to carry, et. These tudes were alvays premised on a belie in European cultural superior ity. American and Japanese colitis sso ade full se ofthis kind of rissionirythetorc, Tradonl cute, suchas te Chinese, proceeded ‘on te asumption ofthe exemplary stats and supremacy oftheir own {hiliztion aif his wee selevident, without, however, imposing ion neighboring civilizations, Only in moder colonialism did this kind of ‘ethnocentric arrogance take an aggressive expansions tur, ony bere vere the many bent by the Few unde “pital yoke." The colonial: Iststoctures of dependence canbe characterized only incompletely wit ‘out eferece tothe "spr of colonialism” that animated ther, This spirit ‘hs outived the reality ofthe colonial er ‘We have thos aived a defnition Colonialism ix relsionship of domination between a indigenous (or forcibly imported) rnajority anda minority of foreign invaders. The fundamental decisions allecting the ves of the colonized poop ae made and implemented by the colonia urs in pursuit of interests ha are ‘often defined ina distant mevopolis. Rejecting ultra compromises withthe colonized popu tion, the colonizers are convinced oftheir own superiority and of their ordained mandate orl, Now that we have defined “colon” independent ofthe term “colony” we must determine where hese concepts converge. Coknies and colosialsm normally go hand in hand. There are. however, boner line cass of non-congrunce. Colonies without colonialism occured in colonial societies without indigenous population majorities, Societies of this sor were homogeneously "whit." They seemed to be replies of Baropean societies in “empty” land. Tis is especially tre ofthe sete ment colonies ofthe "New Bagland” type. These colonies atively pur sued frontier colonization, i.e, agririn development of inland "wildemes,” which destoyed the eavconments of native hunters and herdsmen. Because “ative” subjects were lacking, however, they could not consruct a system of domination, which is base component of colonialism. These societies were therefore not “decolonized” by stp ping the power ofthe colonists and erving them ot, as was the ase in Algeria. They won thei autonomy as national states a 4 result of abrupt ‘evolutionary secession (as happened with the thirteen colonies, which then constituted the United Sates) or by gradual dissociation on basically {00d terms (Canada, Austalia rom the European center ofthe empire Ache opposite ed ofthe specum we must consider the posibility of colonialism without colonies, stations in which dependences ofthe “colonialist” type appear, aot between a “mother county” and a poo- rphically emote colony, but Between dominant “centers” and depen ‘eat "pripesies” within atonal stats or repionaly integrated land ‘empires, The theoretical constuction “intemal colonilsa” was deve: ‘oped to categorize such cases, particularly the relationship between Eng land and the “Clic fing” ofthe British Isles (Wales, Scola, Ireland). eam be argued that "informal eolonihism” metaphorically sais the concept of colonialism. Less problematic i the notion of subcofonal relations within hierarchically ordered colonial empires. The primary ‘colonials celationship in subeolonal situations isnot between a colony nd the metmpolis, but between one colony and another colony of the empire. Examples include Angols, which at times was considered sub- colony of Brazil, nthe Philippine Islands, which n some respects were ‘dependency of Mexico. India was surounded by a whole ring of stl lites. The fact that there was no seizure af power by white setters inthe 1920s in the setlement colony of Kenya as there was inSoutera Rhode ‘ni inno small measure due to the fact thatthe government of Bish Inia offered protective band othe Indian emigrant population in East Altea Colonial Empires and “Informal Empire” “Most eolonis of recent centres have been pars of colonial empires ‘The dea af empire assumes that several “peripheries” are subordinated 10 the empire's center in a star-shaped configuration. Generally they also have relations with one another, which are weaker than each ofthe tes to the centr Tn some eases the numberof colonial possessions reine below the shresold that would jastiy our speaking of «colonial empire ‘Belgivm controlled only two colonies: the Belgian Congo (Zire) inthe years 1885-1960 and Rwanda-Burundi in East Cental Afia from1916 to 1962. The only tetra colonies ofthe United States were the Philp Pines (1898-1946) and Puerto Rico (1898-1952), The Spanish empire, hich once spanned the globe, was edaced to handful of miniture pos: ‘sessions North fica as the result fr ofthe independence ofthe Latin American states, then of defeats in the Spanish-American War of 1898 ‘Consequently, we ean no longer speak of a Spanish “empire” inthe ter ‘ieh century. In all ofthese cases we ae dealing with colonial poses sons without a colonal empire. Poraps this is even tue of the Dutch “empire” which, aside from Surinam, was Hinited to the Dutch East Indes (Indonesia) afer the loss of Ceyion (1796) ad the Cape of Good ope (1794-1806). Of couse, the Dutch Bast Ines, whic had large Population, was of great economic importance forthe mother county. “The overseas empires of te early modern ea were by thei ery nate snot exclusively colonil empires. Ths sition shifted afer the Tate sighteemth contry with the ineeasing gap in economic productivity betwoen the growth economics of Europe and the overseas world, the consolidation of world economic relations, the improvement of interna tionally available means of military intervention and terse of poial thinking ona global sttegc scale. Great Britain, the leading economic tnd naval power between 1815 and 1880, could now pursue its economic tnd sategic interests with an array of options that reached beyond the ‘cquiston of colonies. It as often sulcent to azage for politically independent oversee sates ¢o open their matkets tothe products of ish industry and o gurantoe foreign property by lw and in practice (as inthe Latin American states, China, Japan, Thailand, Persia, the ‘Otioman Epic, et). This purpose was achieved by diplomatic pes re, military threat, and selective naval interventions, soch as the ‘Opium Wie” which “opened” the Chinese empire in 1842, Colona ule ‘wood have been 0 costly and would have involved unwanted poiticel, responsibilty in all ofthese eases. Governing was left to more or less “Anzlopile indigenous rues, who, however, were rarely entsiasic collaborator" Differentiation between “formal” and “informa” securing of interests vis-vi milly weaker and economically “backward counties (in fhe parlance of the day), between "fomnal empire” and “informal tempi" apply not only tothe Bish Empire, but also to the United ‘States und Japan, Cuba, fr example, «Spanish colony unsi 1898, was colically an independent repobic between 1902 and Fidel Castro's takeover of power in 1959, et almost is enie economy was in Ameri= ‘can hands, andthe United States government intervened repeatedly in Cuban domestic poliy- Cuba was thus a semi-soversign region of txploiation forthe Unit States, a classic cae of “informal empire” “The Japanese, onthe ether hand, supplemented thee “formal empire.” ‘which consisted primarily ofthe immensely profitable colonies of Taiwan (1895-1945), Kore (1910-1945), and the puppet sate of “Manetukuo” (the three norheasom provinces of China, 1931-1945, ruled de facto as ‘colony, by gradually widening tse sphere of iuznce in China afer 1905.2 Before 1914, the Germans aso bul up an “informal empire” in Chine, Latin Americ, andthe Otoman Empire ‘Let us recapitulate the thse stages in securing interests used by "Big Bother” toward “tle brother” inthe nineteenth and twentieth cen- tures a follows 20 COLOMALSNCATIORETICALOVEREW 1) Colonial rate format empire: Indigenous rales are replaced by focagn ues (eg. an Indian prince by a British goveron). The pre-colo nial political ode ceases to eis at est stops functioning rely. Rep resetaivesof the colonial power perform the central sovereign funetions| sch as levying taxes, administering justice, and controlling police and military forces. ll diplomatic elation f te colnized are taken over by the colonial power. In all other maters, the definitions of "colony" and “colonials” we proposed ears apy 2) Quas-colonal control informal empire): The weaker sate remains intact at an independent poy wit is own politcal sytem. It can cow ‘et its own foreign pliy and regulate routine domestic afar Thee is ‘no colonial adminisuatin, but occaionally—especaly inthe area of finance a mixture of foreign and indigenous ministration uch 2s the Imperial Maritime Customs office inthe Chinese empise). Nonetheless, the weaker tat only sovercig to limited extent. "Big Brotee™ gua antes privileges for himself in “unequal treaties” a the resul of Slec- tively applied pressure ("gunboat diplomacy"). These privileges wually ‘extend 10 the protection of foreign eitzeas from the enforcement of indigenous laws by means of consular juridisdiction and exert iy, well-defined fe wade regime (low import duties when there is 0 ‘eustoms sovereignty), nd the right station foreign oops on tetra ‘waters and at pearanged points on land. “Big Brother” is represented by ‘consuls, diplomats oe “esdens all of whom intervene in domestic pol ‘ey in an “advisory” capacity, pariculy in cones over suceesion, tnd underscore their “advice” with the teat of miliary imerventon ‘where it appears warranted. In an exteme ease, the indigenous office holders are poweress maronetes, but normaly they poses consider able freedom of action, The ideal “collaborative ait,” oa which informal ‘empires are invariably based, must have sufficient legitimacy and domes tie authority 10 funtion effectively in the interests of “Big Broth” Informal empires are rarely motivated by srategy or prestige. Mostly they are a means to the end of securing significant economic interests (ade, diet investments loans, et.) that often came about without polit ical suppor. Informal empire, unlike colonialism (ormal empire), pe- suppres asstint economic saperioty of Big Brotber. There must be a potential to "peetrate” an overseas economy. Again, unlike formal ‘empire, where colonial rule over ane andthe same terior is invisble tnd exclusive, there can he several "ig Brother tat concur onthe principle ofthe “Open Door” tha i, equal opprtanity for al, fea the ‘demarcation of atonal “spheres of influence” 3) Non-colonal “detersnant” influence: Ther is neither a colonial system of domination between “Big Brothec" and “ile brother” no re ny special rights codified in “unoqal treaties.” Instead, the economic superiority of the stronger national partner or of its private enterprise (eg, of multinational concems) andlor is miiary protective function

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