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degrees of transition away from that system. But although the broad
institutional differences can be outlined from existing research, little is
known about their implications for everyday work experiences and for
organisational commitment. To assess these effects, we need to look at
representative survey evidence that provides more direct information on
employee experiences. In each of the three former state socialist societies,
surveys were carried out in 1994 to provide data that would be com-
parable with a survey conducted in Britain in 1992 the Employment in
Britain Survey (Gallie et al. 1998). The surveys, which involved interviews
in peoples homes, provided nationally representative random samples of
all people in work, with sample sizes of 3,869 in Britain; 2009 in the
Czech Republic; 1001 in Slovakia and 2202 in Bulgaria.1
We first look at the level of organisational commitment in the four
countries. We then consider how far the countries differed in typical
employment experiences, and whether such differences were related to the
degree of proximity to state socialist or market forms of organisation.
Finally, we examine how aspects of employment experience affected
organisational commitment and how far they accounted for differences in
commitment between countries.
Organisational Commitment
market-based system of Britain. But, at the same time, it conflicts with the
assumption that there is a simple linear link between marketisation and
legitimacy. Rather, the sharpest alienation from the organisation appears
to be linked to the disruption associated with the transition.
tially larger in Bulgaria. What this pattern would seem to confirm is the
reputation of these societies for highly bureaucratic forms of organisation,
for bureaucracy is likely to breed the proliferation of managerial cadres.
There is more evidence for a relationship between economic develop-
ment and the size of the class of lower non-manual workers. These were a
much smaller category in the former state socialist societies. However,
there was a higher proportion of skilled manual workers, possibly reflect-
ing the greater importance of traditional forms of manufacturing
production. Overall, there is little reason to think that lower organisational
commitment simply reflected a higher proportion of workers in non-
skilled jobs.
The expectation that commitment in a market society would be parti-
cularly low among skilled manual and non-skilled workers is confirmed in
the data for Britain (Table 3). But, even in the former state socialist
societies, those in manual work showed less attachment to their organisa-
tions than professional and managerial employees. There were, however,
differences when manual workers were compared with lower non-manual
employees. In Britain, lower non-manual employees had a higher level of
organisational commitment than manual workers, whereas the reverse was
the case in Bulgaria. In Slovakia, the scores of the two categories were
virtually identical. It is only in the Czech Republic that the pattern is
similar to that in Britain.
In the societies that had remained closest to the traditional models of
state socialist work organisation Slovakia and above all Bulgaria there
may then have been a demotion of lower non-manual work that resulted in
levels of organisational commitment no higher than that of manual
workers. In the transitional capitalist model (the Czech Republic) and the
developed capitalist model (Britain) class differentiation between these
two categories became more clearly marked. However, this cannot account
for the different levels of organisational commitment between countries.
The notable point in Table 3 is that the rank order of the countries
remains true for each class taken separately.
628 DUNCAN GALLIE, DOBRINKA KOSTOVA AND PAVEL KUCHAR
Task Discretion
% very true
Can work independently in job 47 19 17 12
Has a lot of say over job 20 14 10 14
Takes part in job decisions 26 19 14 12
Satisfaction with Initiative Score 5.53 4.81 4.69 4.39
Job Interest
% continuous learning in job 26 22 19 21
(strongly agrees)
% variety of work increased 66 44 40 22
Satisfaction with Variety Score 5.34 4.85 4.77 4.39
Supervision
There was a clear divergence between British employees and those in the
former state socialist societies in their satisfaction with relations with their
supervisors (Table 5), with the latter considerably more dissatisfied. In
contrast to the pattern for task discretion, however, there was relatively
little difference between the former state socialist societies.
The evidence suggests that patterns of supervision had been changing
in different ways in the previous five years in Britain and the former state
socialist societies. In Britain, there was a polarisation of experiences: for
part of the workforce supervision had become tighter (29 per cent), while
a similar proportion (31 per cent) had seen the closeness of supervision
decline. In the former state socialist societies, in contrast, the process had
been largely one way: change had been towards the growth of tighter
forms of supervision. This was particularly the case in Slovakia (55 per
cent), and the Czech Republic (47 per cent), perhaps reflecting the
difficulties of a more marked process of restructuring. Case study
evidence suggests that, in these countries, supervisors received greater
powers to determine merit pay (Vlcil et al. 1996).
In all of the countries, the sheer closeness of supervision was associated
with more negative attitudes. Previous research, however, has suggested
that it is less the level of supervision than the style of supervision that is
crucial for the way employees feel about their organisations. In practice,
the main factor that would appear to distinguish the former state socialist
societies was a stronger belief by employees that their supervisors were
biased in the way they carried out their job, favouring some workers more
than others. Whereas 38 per cent were of this view in Britain, it was the
case for approximately half the workforce in the former state socialist
societies. It is in Bulgaria that one finds the highest proportion empha-
sising this very strongly and Bulgarian employees were also the least likely
% Information meetings on 63 65 71 65
wider organisational issues
Satisfaction with 4.79 4.36 4.33 4.60
Communications Score
Level of Participation (%)
No influence 41 38 44 40
A little 27 39 37 41
Quite a lot 21 18 16 16
A great deal 11 5 3 4
% satisfied with say over 52 56 53 35
decisions
632 DUNCAN GALLIE, DOBRINKA KOSTOVA AND PAVEL KUCHAR
Managerial Efficiency
It is plausible that commitment to the organisation will be affected by the
perceived efficiency of management. There were four measures in the
survey that were designed to tap this. People were asked how well changes
were planned in the organisation, how efficiently work was carried out in
the organisation, how much co-ordination there was between departments
and how keen management was on new ideas and improvements in the
organisation. In each case responses were on a five point scale. Table 7
presents the average scores, with higher scores indicating greater manage-
ment efficiency.
The picture given by these different indicators is very consistent. In
each case, British employees were the most likely to think that their
organisations were run efficiently. The country where management was
thought to be least efficient was Bulgaria, which had remained closest to
the state socialist model. The Czech Republic and Slovakia came in
between, with the Czech Republic closest to the British score. The pattern
here is consistent with the view that state socialist modes of organisation
were highly inefficient. The closer the country was to a market economy,
the more efficient organisations were seen to be. The greatest difference
Czech
Britain Republic Slovakia Bulgaria
associated with the satisfaction of employees with their pay. Once more,
British employees showed the highest satisfaction with their pay, whereas
the Slovaks were by far the most dissatisfied.
A disadvantageous labour market position is likely to be less threatening
if people feel that there is a reasonable chance of moving out of it through
upward mobility. But in practice employees in the former state socialist
societies felt relatively trapped in their current position. They were
markedly less satisfied than British employees with their promotion oppor-
tunities. In part, this reflected a difference in perceived opportunities.
Whereas 38 per cent of British employees thought that they had a 50/50
or better chance of promotion within their current organisation, the
proportion fell to 20 per cent in the Czech Republic, 18 per cent in
Slovakia and only 7 per cent in Bulgaria.
Finally, there were major differences between the countries with respect
to satisfaction with job security. Even though the British data was
collected at the height of the recession of the early 1990s, British employ-
ees were considerably more satisfied with their security than those in any
of the former state socialist societies. Satisfaction with security was lowest
in Slovakia and Bulgaria. Comparing their situation with five years earlier,
only 36 per cent of British employees thought that their security had
declined. However, in the Czech Republic this was the case for approxi-
mately half of all employees (54 per cent), while in Slovakia the figure rose
to 60 per cent and in Bulgaria to 67 per cent. Similarly the proportion of
people in Slovakia and Bulgaria believing they were likely to lose their jobs
in the coming twelve months was roughly double that in Britain.
This has to be understood in terms of the patterns of unemployment.
The rate of unemployment in Slovakia and Bulgaria peaked in 1993/4 at a
figure over 50 per cent higher than that experienced in Britain during the
recession of the early 1990s. Moreover, the rise in the unemployment rate
in Britain between 1990 and 1993 was one of 4.5 percentage points, and
in the Czech Republic the worst figures were only 4 percentage points
higher than the situation in 1989. In contrast, there had been a rise of
some 15 percentage points in both Slovakia and Bulgaria between 1989
and 1993/1994. Clearly, a change in employment stability as rapid as was
experienced in Slovakia and Bulgaria was likely to generate a much more
pervasive sense of job insecurity.
Satisfaction with:
Initiative 0.09*** 0.10** 0.19*** 0.20***
Variety 0.17*** 0.13*** 0.07 n.s. 0.05 n.s.
Effort 0.01 n.s. 0.01 n.s. 0.01 n.s. 0.05 n.s.
Colleagues 0.02 n.s. 0.04 n.s. 0.09* 0.00 n.s.
Supervisor 0.10*** 0.13*** 0.07 n.s. 0.08**
Participation 0.04** 0.02 n.s. 0.04 n.s. 0.03 n.s.
Communications 0.18*** 0.15*** 0.10* 0.11***
Work efficiency 0.13*** 0.13*** 0.11** 0.11***
Pay 0.08*** 0.08** 0.08* 0.02 n.s.
Work hours 0.01 n.s. 0.02 n.s. 0.05 n.s. 0.00 n.s.
Promotion 0.12*** 0.07* 0.11** 0.08**
Security 0.03* 0.02 n.s. 0.03 n.s. 0.03 n.s.
R2 (N)Britain 0.39 (3230); Czech 0.32 (1189); Slovakia 0.34 (635); Bulgaria 0.23 (1867)
Statistical significance: *P0.05,**P0.01,***P0.001.
that pay rates were still seen as subject primarily to centralised controls
which gave the individual organisation little scope for autonomous policy.
A notable factor is that job insecurity was only of importance in Britain.
Again, the most plausible explanation of this lies in peoples likely percep-
tions of the causes of job insecurity in their society. In Britain, employee
vulnerability to insecurity varied very substantially between sectors and
between firms within sectors. It was quite natural then that employees
would attribute their insecurity at least in part to the policies or
competence of their immediate employer. In the former state socialist
societies, however, restructuring had been so general and was so clearly
linked to the broader process of political and economic change that
followed the revolutions of 1989 that it was likely that people would
attribute their insecurity to systemic processes rather than to their own
enterprise management.
While a number of aspects of employment experience affected employee
allegiance in a similar way in all of the countries, there were interesting
differences in their relative importance. In Bulgaria and Slovakia, the
EMPLOYMENT EXPERIENCE AND ORGANISATIONAL COMMITMENT 637
single most powerful factor was peoples satisfaction with the initiative that
they could exercise in the work task. These were the two societies where
restructuring had been least marked and where the forms of organisation
were likely to be closest to those characteristic of the former state socialist
regimes. It was seen that they were characterised by particularly low levels
of employee discretion. The stifling of initiative of individual employees
seems then to have been a major source of resentment and to have
lowered the level of motivation in work.
In contrast, in the societies that were closer to the market model
Britain and the Czech Republic the most important factor related to
organisational commitment was the capacity of the organisation to
develop a system of communication that gave employees a sense of
involvement in the wider life of the organisation. Arguably, in the more
dynamic and fragmented structures of the market economies, the lack of
transparency of overall policy may be an important barrier to employee
identification with longer-term organisational objectives.
The final analysis shows how much of the difference in organisational
commitment between Britain and the former state socialist countries can
be accounted for in terms of the aspects of work experience that have been
examined. The different country data sets were pooled and the countries
were introduced as variables into a single regression on organisational
commitment. In the first stage of the analysis, the country of the employee
was the only variable entered into the regression, and, subsequently, the
employment experience variables were included. The difference between
the initial country effects and their residual effects after the other variables
have been added gives an estimate of the amount of the country effect that
was due to the employment variables.
The first row of Table 10 presents the original unstandardised coeffi-
cients when the country variables were entered into the regression without
any other variables present, showing the extent to which employees in
each of the former state socialist societies diverged from the level of
organisational commitment to be found among British employees. As can
be seen, in each case there was a strong negative coefficient with the
Czechs showing the greatest difference from the British, followed by the
Slovakians and then the Bulgarians.
The second row of the table gives the residual coefficients when the full
set of variables had been entered. In each country, the introduction of the
employment experience variables has sharply reduced the country effect,
although the extent to which this is the case varies between countries. It is
notable that work and labour market experience factors account for the
whole of the difference between the commitment of British workers and
Bulgarian workers and for over 80 per cent of the difference between the
British and the Slovakians. However, they account for only about half of
the difference between the Czechs and the British.
638 DUNCAN GALLIE, DOBRINKA KOSTOVA AND PAVEL KUCHAR
B (Unstandardized) Coefficients
(1) Initial Country Coefficients 0.43 0.33 0.19
(2) Country Coefficients with 0.20 0.06 0.00
employment experience variables
% of difference accounted for 53 82 100
Conclusion
Our initial question was whether there were significant differences
between employees attachment to the organisations they worked for in
the former state socialist societies compared with the more established
market economy of Britain. There could be contrasting expectations:
market systems might be seen as likely to either enhance or reduce
employee commitment. The empirical comparison revealed that employ-
ees in the most market-oriented society Britain did have higher levels
of commitment than those in any of the former state socialist societies.
However, there was not a unilinear association between the level of
development of market processes and commitment. The countries that
were heavily involved in the transition to a market economy were
characterised by more acute problems of commitment than the country
that had remained closest to the traditional state socialist model. In short,
it is the transition between systems that would appear to produce the
highest level of dissatisfaction of workers with their enterprises.
In considering potential causes of difference in commitment, employees
in the former state socialist societies were found to be less satisfied with
several aspects of their work experience. They were more dissatisfied with
their ability to exercise influence in their everyday work roles, relations
with supervisors were less satisfactory, management was seen as less
efficient, and there was more resentment about pay, promotion and job
security. In each case, these were rooted in important differences in the
reported characteristics of employment.
Bulgaria was of interest as the country which had introduced least
change at enterprise level since the state socialist period. In many ways,
the picture that emerged from the data confirmed the speculative diag-
noses of the problems inherent in state socialist systems of work organisa-
tion. The relatively centralised system of decision-making did indeed
appear to heavily restrict the opportunities for employees to use their
initiative in work. Despite the reforms of the 1980s that were designed to
EMPLOYMENT EXPERIENCE AND ORGANISATIONAL COMMITMENT 639
Notes
1. The British survey was funded by an industrial consortium, the Department
of Employment and the Leverhulme Trust. The East European surveys were
funded by the European Commission (DG XII). Response rates were higher
than 70 per cent in each of the countries. Interview schedules were back-
translated and piloted to assess equivalence of meaning. Full details of the
procedures can be obtained from the authors. We are grateful to Michael
White of the Policy Studies Institute for his invaluable assistance with the
sampling design of the East European surveys.
2. For a detailed discussion of the concept of organisational commitment, (see
Mowday et al. 1982: ch. 2; Lincoln and Kalleberg 1990: 2224). Mowday et
al. define organisational commitment as the relative strength of the
individuals identification with and involvement in the particular organiza-
tion. Conceptually it can be characterised by at least three factors: (a) strong
belief in and acceptance of organizational values, (b) a willingness to exert
considerable effort on behalf of the organization and (c) a strong desire to
maintain membership in the organization (Mowday et al. 1982: 27). Lincoln
and Kalleberg (1990: 22) adopt the definition: Organizational commitment
640 DUNCAN GALLIE, DOBRINKA KOSTOVA AND PAVEL KUCHAR
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EMPLOYMENT EXPERIENCE AND ORGANISATIONAL COMMITMENT 641
Duncan Gallie
Nuffield College
OXFORD
Accepted February 1999 OX1 1NF