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Advances in Life Course Research

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journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/alcr

Personal goals and well-being during critical life transitions:

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2 Q1

3 The four CsChannelling, choice, co-agency and compensation

4 Katariina Salmela-Aro a,b,*
5 Q2 a Centre of Excellence in Learning and Motivation, Finland
6 b

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Helsinki University Collegium for Advances Studies, P.O. Box 4, University of Helsinki, 00014 Helsinki, Finland

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: The aim of this paper is to present the life-span model of motivation comprising four key
Personal goals processes or the four Cs channelling, choice, co-regulation and compensation in the Q3
Well-being context of several longitudinal data sets focusing on peoples personal goals during critical
Life transitions
Interventions
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life transitions. The life-span model of motivation posits that the challenges, demands, and
opportunities people encounters at a particular stage of their lives channel the kinds of
personal goals they construct [Little, B., Salmela-Aro, K., & Phillips, S. (2007). Personal
project pursuit: Goals, action and human ourishing. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates Publishers]; that personal goals play an important role in the ways in which
EC
people make choices and direct their own development [Baltes, P. B. (1997). On the
incomplete architecture of human ontogeny: Selection, optimization and compensation as
foundation of developmental theory. American Psychologist, 52, 366380]; that people
regulate their development by co-agency [Edwards, A. (2006). Relational agency: Learning
to be a resourceful practitioner. International Journal of Educational Research, 43, 168182];
and that people compensate for failure experiences by adjusting their personal goals on
the basis of previous developmental transitions and life events [Brandtstadter, J. (1989).
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Personal self-regulation of development: Cross-sequential analyses of development-

related control beliefs and emotions. Developmental Psychology, 25, 96108], and that such
compensation and adjustment has consequences for their well-being [Heckhausen, J.,
Wrosch, C. & Fleeson, W. (2001). Developmental regulation before and after a
developmental deadline: The sample case of biological clock for childbearing. Psychology
and Aging, 16, 400413].
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2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

7
8 The life-span model of motivation proposes that the Brandtstadter, 1984; Heckhausen & Tomasik, 2002; Nurmi, 15
9 demands, challenges and opportunities people encounter 1993); that people regulate their development by co- 16
10 at a particular stage of their lives channel the kinds of agency; and that people compensate for failure experi- 17
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11 personal goals they construct (Little, Salmela-Aro, & ences by adjusting their personal goals on the basis of 18
12 Phillips, 2007; Nurmi, 1991, 1992); that personal goals previous developmental transitions and life events 19
13 play an important role in the ways in which people make (Brandtstadter, 1989; Brandtstadter & Renner, 1990; 20
14 choices and direct their own development (Baltes, 1997; Heckhausen, Wrosch, & Fleeson, 2001; Salmela-Aro & 21
Nurmi, 1997), and that such adjustment has consequences 22
for their well-being (Heckhausen et al., 2001; Salmela-Aro, 23

Supports/grants: This research was supported by a grant from the Nurmi, Saisto, & Halmesmaki, 2001). 24
Jacobs Foundation and the Academy of Finland (1210319). The model is, however, also guided by assumptions 25
* Correspondence address: Helsinki University Collegium for Advanced
Studies, P.O. Box 4, University of Helsinki, 00014 Helsinki, Finland.
formulated within the life course theory of human 26
Tel.: +358 504285319; fax: +358 142602841. development, with its emphasis on multiple interacting 27
E-mail address: katariina.salmela-aro@helsinki.. spheres of inuence (Bronfrenbenner, 1979) as well as the 28

1040-2608/$ see front matter 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.alcr.2009.03.003

Please cite this article in press as: Salmela-Aro, K. Personal goals and well-being during critical life transitions: The four
CsChannelling, choice, co-agency and compensation. Advances in Life Course Research (2009), doi:10.1016/
j.alcr.2009.03.003
 G Model
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2 K. Salmela-Aro / Advances in Life Course Research xxx (2009) xxxxxx

29 temporal dimension of human life (Elder, 1998). According historical events dene an opportunity space that affects 72
30 to the life course approach, human development is shaped peoples motivation, thinking and behavior. Second, people 73
31 by a set of principles, including individual agency, timing are not passive targets of environmental inuences; rather, 74
32 of events, linked lives and the embeddedness of develop- they make choices and select their developmental envir- 75
33 ment in its sociohistorical context (Elder, 1998). One of the onments and future life paths (Baltes, 1997; Brandtstadter, 76

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34 key concepts of the life course theory concerns transitions 1984). Many psychological factors, such as personal goals, 77
35 or changes from one state to another, such as entry into life-planning, decision-making, and commitments, are 78
36 employment or parenthood. Transitions provide a frame- responsible for this mechanism. Third, in social contexts 79
37 work within which individuals negotiate their lives and people try to attain their goals and regulate their behavior 80
38 thus present opportunities for and impose constraints on on the basis of co-agency. Fourth, people regulate their 81
39 individual agency. behavior as a consequence of the above-described selec- 82

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40 The main aim of the present paper is to present and tion process, people nd themselves facing certain role 83
41 discuss literature related to the four Cs (Salmela-Aro, in transitions and also receive feedback about their successes 84
42 press) of the life-span model of motivation, i.e. channelling, and failures in dealing with them. This feedback on 85
43 choice, co-agency and compensation by analysing the role developmental outcomes requires them to compensate for 86
44 of personal goals during critical, both normative and non- failure and adjust their goals, plans, and thinking in order 87
45 normative (Wrosch & Freund, 2001), life transitions in two to cope successfully with the future challenges presented 88

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46 life spheres, one related to education and work life by their developmental trajectories (Heckhausen, 1999). 89
47 transitions, and the another to family and parenthood Four processes the four Cs described in this model of 90
48 and experiences during infertility treatment. First, I socialization, i.e. channelling, choice, co-agency and 91
49 introduce the life-span model of motivation. Second, I compensation, are closely related to individuals motiva- 92
50 discuss the key processes of the life-span model of tion (Nurmi & Salmela-Aro, 2002; Salmela-Aro et al., 2007). 93
51 motivation channelling, choice, co-regulation and First, the age-graded environments people face during a 94
52 compensation in the context of several longitudinal particular stage of their lives play an important role in 95
53
54
data sets focusing on peoples personal goals during critical
life transitions.
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channelling the kinds of personal goals they construct 96
(Cantor, Norem, & Langston, 1991; Nurmi, 1993; Salmela- 97
Aro, 2001). Previous studies comparing different age 98
55 1. Life-span model of motivation groups have shown that individual goals differ, and that 99
these differences reect the developmental tasks, oppor- 100
56 It has been suggested that individuals direct their future tunities and role transitions typical of a particular age 101
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57 lives and manage their development (Brandtstadter, 1989; group (Cross & Markus, 1991; Nurmi, 1992). For example, 102
58 Lerner, 1983) in the context of various socially and when adolescents and young adults are asked about their 103
59 culturally dened developmental tasks and life transitions personal goals, their answers typically focus on their future 104
60 by constructing personal goals. The construction of goals education, occupation, family, leisure activities, and self- 105
61 that optimize a persons potential to deal successfully with related topics (Lanz, Rosnati, Marta, & Scabini, 2001; 106
62 Nurmi, 1991). As people move from young to middle 107
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forthcoming life-span transitions (Baltes & Baltes, 1990)

63 requires comparison of their individual motivation and the adulthood, they typically report goals related to their 108
64 opportunities, challenges, and constraints typical of the childrens lives, property, and travel, besides those related 109
65 transition in question. According to the life-span model of to their occupation and working life (Cross & Markus, 110
66 motivation (Nurmi, 2004; Salmela-Aro, Aunola, & Nurmi, 1991; Salmela-Aro, Nurmi, Aro, Poppius, & Riste, 1992), 111
67 2007) peoples socialization and self-development can be while the elderly focus on health and close relationships 112
68 (Salmela-Aro et al., 2009). In addition, Salmela-Aro and Q4113
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described in terms of four key mechanisms (Fig. 1): rst,

69 people grow up in changing environments that channel Nurmi (1997) found that the life situation of young adults, 114
70 their developmental trajectories. A variety of sociocultural such as being married and having children, predicted their 115
71 factors such as cultural beliefs, institutional structures, and subsequent family-related goals. 116
Second, peoples personal goals might be assumed to 117
play an important role in the ways in which they make 118
choices and select different directions for their future lives 119
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(Baltes, 1997; Nurmi, 1993; Salmela-Aro, 2001); in other 120

Fig. 1. The four Cs of the life-span model of motivation: channelling,
choice, co-agency and compensation.
words ones own agency seems to play a critical role. 121
Developmental regulation is organized in action phases 122
(Heckhausen, 1999; see also Karoly & Ruehlman, 1995), 123
which are timed by the structure of opportunities for 124
attaining developmental goals. By comparing their indi- 125
vidual motivations to the opportunities that are available, 126
people set personal goals that satisfy their individual needs 127
and provide a basis for their behavior (Nurmi, 1991). 128
Agency is always bounded (Shanahan, 2000). Other 129
people and the goal-setting context also channel peoples 130
goals. In addition to personal agency, co-agency or 131
relational agency (Edwards, 2006) is important. It has 132

Please cite this article in press as: Salmela-Aro, K. Personal goals and well-being during critical life transitions: The four
CsChannelling, choice, co-agency and compensation. Advances in Life Course Research (2009), doi:10.1016/
j.alcr.2009.03.003
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133 been suggested, in particular, that other people play an likely to suffer (King & Burton, 2003, for a review). The 194
134 important role in educational goals and trajectories distress that is likely to ensure when valued goals are lost is 195
135 (Eccles, 2004; Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 2000; Nurmi, well-documented (King & Burton, 2003). According to the 196
136 2001). For example, in addition to parents and teachers incentive-disengagement theory of depression (Klinger, 197
137 (e.g., Garg, Kauppi, & Lewko, 2002), peer groups are among 1975, 1977), goal failure or the loss of incentives is related 198

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138 the most signicant social contexts in adolescence to distress and depressive affect. In addition, thinking about 199
139 (Magnusson & Stattin, 1998; Rubin, Bukowski, & Parker, goals that are no longer attainable is related to psychological 200
140 1998). Through interactions with their peers, adolescents distress (King & Hicks, 2006). Moreover, lack of success may 201
141 acquire a wide range of skills, attitudes and experience serve as a signal for the activation of compensatory 202
142 (Bukowski, Newcomb, & Hartup, 1996; Rubin et al., 1998). strategies, such as goal disengagement and self-protection. 203
143 The members of adolescents peer groups have been found In line with this, Heckhausen et al. (2001) showed that those 204

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144 to have many features in common, such as age, race, and who failed to meet the deadline of parenthood, shifted 205
145 gender (Cairns & Cairns, 1994), family background (Brown, radically from intensive goal engagement to goal disen- 206
146 Mounts, & Lamborn, 1993; Mounts & Steinberg, 1995), and gagement and self-protective interpretations. In contrast, 207
147 external and internal problem behavior (e.g., Hogue & those who were successful capitalized on their success. 208
148 Steinberg, 1995; Kiesner, Poulin, & Nicotra, 2003; Urberg, Heckhausen et al. (2001) also revealed that goal adjustment 209
149 Serdar, & Pilgrim, 1997). Research on academic settings has contributed to well-being: successful goal regulation was 210

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150 shown that peer group members also resemble each other related to better well-being. According to Heckhausen and 211
151 in academic achievement (Chen, Chang, & He, 2003; Ryan, Tomasik (2002), with increasing proximity to normative 212
152 2001) and educational aspirations and expectations deadlines, individuals feel pressured to invest more effort 213
153 (Cohen, 1977; Kiuru, Aunola, Nurmi, Leskinen, & Sal- into attaining certain developmental goals. 214
154 mela-Aro, 2008). It has also been shown that adolescents Although a few age-group comparisons (Cross & 215
155 consider their friends to be important sources of informa- Markus, 1991; Nurmi, 1992) and short-term longitudinal 216
156 tion when planning the future, including education studies (Heckhausen et al., 2001; Nurmi & Salmela-Aro, 217
157
158
159
(Malmberg, 1996). Adolescents family background has
also been found to play an important role in their
educational aspirations and motivation. For example,
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2002; Salmela-Aro, Nurmi, Saisto, & Halmesmaki, 2000;
Wrosch & Heckhausen, 1999) have examined the channel-
ling, choice, co-agency and compensation of personal goals
218
219
220
160 adolescents from families with low socioeconomic status in the context of different role transitions, no studies have 221
161 (SES) tend to have lower educational expectations and attempted to examine individuals personal goals over a 222
162 aspirations (Marjoribanks, 1986; Schoon & Parsons, 2002; longer time period. The life-span model of motivation 223
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163 Wilson & Wilson, 1992) and lower educational attain- suggests that personal goals that match the developmental 224
164 ments (e.g., Coleman, 1966; Entwistle, Alexander, & Olson, tasks of a particular stage of life are adaptive in directing 225
165 2005; Schoon, Parsons, & Sacker, 2004) than those from ones life and, therefore, contribute to ones sense of well- 226
166 families with high SES. Moreover, during the transition to being (Nurmi, 1993, 2001). Both cross-sectional research 227
167 parenthood co-agency with ones spouse plays a critical (Emmons, 1991) and longitudinal studies (Salmela-Aro & 228
168 role in well-being. Nurmi, 1997) have shown that young adults who report 229
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169 Fourth, people have to compensate for experiences of interpersonal and family-related goals focusing on the key 230
170 failure and adjust their personal goals to deal with their developmental tasks of this period of life, show a higher 231
171 changing life situations as the demands, challenges, and level of well-being than do other young people. In contrast, 232
172 opportunities they experience change due to their earlier although thinking about self- and identity-related issues 233
173 decisions, commitments, and related role transitions (see has been assumed to be a natural part of adolescence and 234
174 also, Baltes, 1997; Brandtstadter & Renner, 1990: Hec- young adulthood (Bosma & Kunnen, 2001; Erikson, 1959), 235
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175 khausen, 1999). A few previous studies have shown that such goals might be associated with low well-being 236
176 people are continuously adjusting their personal goals to (Luyckx et al., 2008; Salmela-Aro, 1992). It has been 237
177 cope with change in the goal environment. Individuals try found, for example, that people who report self-focused 238
178 to adapt and compensate for experiences of failure and to goals also show low levels of well-being (Salmela-Aro 239
179 adjust to the constraints of a given developmental ecology et al., 2000, 2001) and life-satisfaction (Wurf & Markus, 240
180 (Heckhausen, 1997, see also Brandtstadter & Rothermund, 1991). The life-span model of motivation suggests, further, 241
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181 1994). It has been argued that successful management of that compensation for failure experiences by adjusting 242
182 normatively less expected life events and transitions ones personal goals and thus forming new commitments, 243
183 requires from the individual a greater degree of self- should contribute to individuals well-being, whereas 244
184 regulatory skills than the management of normative inability to compensate and adjust previous goals is likely 245
185 events (Wrosch & Freund, 2001). With regard to the to lead to depressive symptoms. Next, I introduce the 246
186 mastery of non-normative developmental demands, the personal goal approach and discuss the processes of 247
187 individual may have to play a more important and active channelling, choice, co-agency and compensation in the 248
188 role to compensate for a lack of social structuring and context of several longitudinal data sets on personal goals. 249
189 normative orientation.
190 Success or failure appears to function as a timing scaffold 2. Personal goals 250
191 for investment in goal striving by individuals as they
192 approach a specic goal. However, people do not always Personal goals can be conceived of as future-oriented 251
193 achieve their goals. When goals do not go well, the person is representations of what individuals strive for in various life 252

Please cite this article in press as: Salmela-Aro, K. Personal goals and well-being during critical life transitions: The four
CsChannelling, choice, co-agency and compensation. Advances in Life Course Research (2009), doi:10.1016/
j.alcr.2009.03.003
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253 domains (Austin & Vancouver, 1996; Karniol & Ross, 1996). duals experience, according to their age, different devel- 312
254 They have been conceptualized in a variety of ways in the opmental environments. These age-graded environments 313
255 literature, such as personal strivings (Emmons, 1986), life have been conceptualized in many different ways, such as 314
256 tasks (Cantor et al., 1987a, 1987b), developmental goals developmental tasks and related challenges (Erikson, 315
257 and projects (Heckhausen, 1999), personal projects (Little, 1959; Havighurst, 1948; Oerter, 1986), social timetables 316

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258 1983), and possible selves (Markus & Nurius, 1986). (Kohli & Meyer, 1986), role transitions (Elder, 1985), 317
259 Personal goals have typically been analyzed in three constraints (Neugarten, More, & Lowe, 1965; Settersten & 318
260 major ways (Little et al., 2007). The rst addresses the Hagestad, 1996), and institutional tracks (Mayer, 1986). 319
261 contents of goals, such as work, children and the family. The reason why such age-related normative and institu- 320
262 These also reect growth, maintenance and regulation of tional structures are important is that they include a 321
263 losses (Heckhausen, 1999). The second addresses how variety of demands, challenges and opportunities for 322

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264 people appraise their goals according to various dimen- individual action, creating predictable, socially recognized 323
265 sions, such as importance, stress, efcacy and attainment. roadmaps for human lives (Hagestadt & Neugarten, 1985). 324
266 According to the Goal Systems Assessment Battery (Karoly During adolescence young people develop aspirations 325
267 & Ruehlman, 1995), goal appraisals tap into directive, for the future. Aspirations and goals can act like a compass 326
268 regulatory, control, arousal and relational functions. The to help chart a life-span and direct the spending of time 327
269 directive function species the outcomes at which a person and energy. During adolescence two developmental tasks 328

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270 aims, the regulatory function compares the desired out- or institutional careers are of especial importance: 329
271 come against input concerning current status, the control education and preparing for working life (e.g., Erikson, 330
272 function gauges the strategies to be deployed when a 1959; Havighurst, 1953; Steinberg, 1999). Adolescents face 331
273 discrepancy exists, the arousal function supplies energy or many school transitions during the second decade of their 332
274 arousal, and the relational function forms the social lives, although the precise forms and timing of these 333
275 context for the persons goals, either supporting or transitions vary widely across societies (Hurrelmann, 334
276 hindering them. Recently, goal appraisals have also 1996). Such transitions are good examples of the ways 335
277
278
279
included different affects, such as hope and fear (i.e., Little
& Gee, 2007). The third is concerned with specic goal
appraisals, such as those related to education, work, health
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in which institutional structures channel individuals life
trajectories (e.g., Elder, 1985; Entwistle, 1990; Nurmi,
2001; Osipow, 1983; Vondracek, Lerner, & Schulenberg,
336
337
338
280 or interpersonal issues (Karoly, Boekaerts, & Maes, 2005; 1983): young people construct motives and aspirations to 339
281 Okun & Karoly, 2007; Sheldon & Elliot, 2000). Finally, goal- match the predominant social structures in an effort to 340
282 related social ties have also been examined recently produce realistic life paths (Gottfredson & Becker, 1981; 341
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283 (Salmela-Aro & Little, 2007). Lent et al., 2000; Nurmi, 1991; Super, 1953). In Finland, the 342
284 Some cross-sectional research exists on age differences educational choice made at the end of comprehensive 343
285 in personal goals (Cross & Markus, 1991; Nurmi, 1992, school is among the most crucial in directing adolescents 344
286 2004; Riediger, Freund, & Baltes, 2005) and on how people further educational and occupational trajectories (Malm- 345
287 adjust their goals when approaching different develop- berg, 1996). 346
288 mental deadlines (Heckhausen et al., 2001; Wrosch & However, young people are also active producers of 347
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289 Heckhausen, 1999). Developmental deadlines represent their lives. They also direct their own future lives 348
290 nal age-normative constraints for the attainment of (Brandtstadter, 1984; Lerner, 1987; Nurmi, 1993). For 349
291 developmental goals. However, only a few longitudinal example, adolescents own aspirations and goals play a role 350
292 studies have examined the relationships between personal in the choice of their educational trajectories across a 351
293 goals, age-graded developmental tasks, role transitions, variety of educational transitions. The impact of such 352
294 and depressive symptoms (Nurmi & Salmela-Aro, 2002; choices also extends to future vocational trajectories (e.g., 353
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295 Roberts, ODonnell, & Robins, 2004; Salmela-Aro et al., Elder, 1985; Lent et al., 2000). Previous research has shown 354
296 2001; Sheldon, 2005). In an attempt to ll this gap we that adolescents educational expectations and aspirations 355
297 designed a set of longitudinal studies to examine how predict their actual educational choices and attainment 356
298 personal goals change during critical life transitions and (e.g., Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994; Marjoribanks, 2003; 357
299 how transitions channel personal goals. Transitions do not Schoon & Parsons, 2002; Wilson & Wilson, 1992). In 358
300 occur as discrete, clearly bounded occurrences but are, of addition, co-agency or relational agency (Edwards, 2006), 359
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301 course, also interlinked. The aim was also to examine the role of interpersonal context, such as parents and peers, 360
302 whether the choice of goals predicts subsequent role are important for adolescents goal construction. 361
303 transitions and life events and to what extent people The third decade of life is a period during which 362
304 compensate for experiences of failure and adjust their goals individuals are faced with more transitions and life- 363
305 accordingly and, nally, what kinds of consequences goal decisions than at any other stage of life (Caspi, 2002; Grob, 364
306 adjustment has on depressive symptoms. Krings, & Bangerter, 2001). Rindfuss (1991) called the 365
period between ages 1830 demographically dense 366
307 3. Life-span development and life transitions from because many transitions take place at that time. These 367
308 adolescence to adulthood include those related to the transition from education to 368
work, starting a career, initiating an intimate relationship, 369
309 Individual development is a lifelong process that and starting a family (Caspi, 2002; Shanahan, 2000). It has 370
310 involves various gains and losses in different life domains also been found that people perceive these transitions and 371
311 (Baltes, 1987). According to the life-span theory, indivi- role changes as important markers of the transition to 372

Please cite this article in press as: Salmela-Aro, K. Personal goals and well-being during critical life transitions: The four
CsChannelling, choice, co-agency and compensation. Advances in Life Course Research (2009), doi:10.1016/
j.alcr.2009.03.003
 G Model
ALCR 3 111

K. Salmela-Aro / Advances in Life Course Research xxx (2009) xxxxxx 5

373 adulthood (Hogan & Astone, 1986). Overall, the years of 2007; Salmela-Aro & Nurmi, 2007). The results were 432
374 young adulthood are a period of profound change and analysed by Growth Curve Modeling (Muthen & Muthen, 433
375 importance: during this time, for example many young 19982003). Changes in personal goals from emerging to 434
376 people obtain the level of education that will provide the young adulthood were found to reect the demands of this 435
377 foundation for their later incomes (Chisholm & Hurrel- particular stage of the transition the participants were 436

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378 mann, 1995). Moreover, Roisman, Masten, Coatsworth, and experiencing. First, on average the number of education- 437
379 Tellegan (2004) presented evidence that the develop- related goals showed an accelerating decrease over time. 438
380 mental tasks of young adults include both salient (i.e., Although there were no individual differences in the initial 439
381 friendship, academic, and conduct) and emerging (i.e., level of education-related goals, the rate of deceleration was 440
382 occupational and romantic) developmental tasks. At the different among the participants. Second, the number of 441
383 end of this period, most people have also made their life friendship-related goals decreased over time through the 442

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384 choices in terms of love, partnership and family (Erikson, third decade. The results showed further that there was 443
385 1968; Havighurst, 1948; Levinson, 1978). However, both individual variation in the level of friendship-related goals, 444
386 the length of education and settling down to parenthood while the decrease in friendship-related goals was similar 445
387 has become extended in recent decades (Arnett, 2000; for all the young adults. Third, the number of work-related 446
388 Salmela-Aro & Helve, 2007). goals rst increased during the third decade, and then 447
389 Many life transitions take several years to complete and levelled off. The results showed further that there was 448

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390 consist of many successive stages. For example, a career individual variation in the level of work-related goals, while 449
391 development trajectory typically consists of a complex set the changes in these goals were similar for all the young 450
392 of decisions concerning schooling, education and career adults. Fourth, the number of family-related goals showed 451
393 (e.g. Nurmi & Salmela-Aro, 2002). Another typical feature an increase throughout the third decade. The results further 452
394 of age-graded environments is that the transitions showed individual variation both in the level of family- 453
395 associated with different domains of life interact with related goals and their increase. These results show that the 454
396 each other (Roisman et al., 2004). For example, educational challenges and demands of the early university years 455
397
398
399
and career transitions may have consequences for the
timing of interpersonal transitions, such as bringing a child
into the family. Age might be assumed to affect the urgency
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typically include the adoption of the student role and the
building of relationships with fellow students. Later on, as
these young adults progress in their studies and graduate
456
457
458
400 of such normative tasks (Heckhausen, 1999): as indivi- from university, there is a transition out of these roles and 459
401 duals are closer to the deadlines set for major develop- entry into the roles of adult worker, spouse, and parent 460
402 mental tasks, it might be assumed that they feel more (Grob et al., 2001; Marini, 1987; Schulenberg & Maggs, 461
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403 pressure to take these tasks seriously into account when 2002). The results of the HELS study showed that these 462
404 thinking about their future. Transition to parenthood is changes in normative demands and role transitions channel 463
405 another major transition, a turning point of life, during young adults personal goals, and changes in these goals, 464
406 which a persons life course takes a new direction, during the third decade of life. 465
407 requiring adaptation or change in his or her life and During life transitions peoples personal goals are 466
408 behaviors. It involves various sequential events, such as the affected by changing demands. To examine this during 467
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409 plan to have a child, pregnancy, childbirth and care of the the transition to parenthood, 348 females and 277 males 468
410 child. However, the transition to parenthood is not always lled in questionnaires (e.g., personal goals) during early 469
411 successful and some people have to let go their goal of pregnancy, late pregnancy, 3 months after childbirth and 2 470
412 parenthood: nowadays more and more people are suffer- years later. The results (Salmela-Aro et al., 2000) showed 471
413 ing from infertility. It has been argued that successful that women who were facing the transition to parenthood 472
414 management of non-normative life events and transitions, reconstructed their goals to match the specic stages of 473
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415 such as infertility, requires from the individual a greater this transition: changes in stage-specic challenges across 474
416 degree of self-regulatory skills than the management of the transition to parenthood were reected in changes in 475
417 normative events (Wrosch & Freund, 2001). goal contents. Women who were facing the transition to 476
motherhood adjusted their goals to match the particular 477
418 4. The role of channelling for personal goals stage of this transition: Achievement goals declined after 478
early pregnancy and birth-related goals decreased after 479
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419 Peoples age-related sociocultural context channels their childbirth. In turn, family- and motherhood-related goals 480
420 goal-setting and the contents of personal goals reect age- increased after early pregnancy. These results showed that 481
421 graded developmental tasks and role transitions. Broadly change in the life context during the transition to 482
422 taken, young adults goal contents concern growth, those of parenthood channels changes in womens personal goals. 483
423 the middle-aged maintenance, and those of older people However, in addition to channelling, a key role was also 484
424 regulation of losses. According to the results of the Helsinki played by womens active goal choice, selection and goal 485
425 Longitudinal Student study on the transition to university reconstruction in matching their personal goals to their 486
426 and later on (ongoing HELS study), in which 297 rst year specic stages of this life transition. 487
427 university students were examined seven times (rst study
428 year and 2, 4, 8, 10 and 15 years later) over 15 years (see 5. The role of choice and agency through personal goals 488
429 Salmela-Aro et al., 2007), showed that during young
430 adulthood goal contents change according to changing Do individuals personal goals predict their life paths? 489
431 demands, tasks and role transitions (Salmela-Aro et al., There is some evidence that goal contents predict life 490

Please cite this article in press as: Salmela-Aro, K. Personal goals and well-being during critical life transitions: The four
CsChannelling, choice, co-agency and compensation. Advances in Life Course Research (2009), doi:10.1016/
j.alcr.2009.03.003
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6 K. Salmela-Aro / Advances in Life Course Research xxx (2009) xxxxxx

491 events, particularly in the interpersonal domain. In the Salmela-Aro, in press). Young peoples intrinsic motivation 552
492 HELS study (Salmela-Aro et al., 2007) the results showed and progress towards their education-related goals 553
493 that the more family-related goals young adults initially increased while their extrinsic motivation decreased. 554
494 had, the earlier they had married or cohabited during Moreover, internal motivation predicted goal effort, which 555
495 young adulthood. The results showed further that the more predicted educational goal attainment and, later on, higher 556

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496 family-related goals young adults had, the earlier and more educational aspirations and attainments (Vasalampi et al., 557
497 likely they were to have children later on. In addition, in press). The ways in which adolescents appraised their 558
498 reporting child-related goals increased the likelihood of education-related goals seemed to be closely associated 559
499 having a child in the family within the next few years. with the challenges and opportunity structures they faced 560
500 Likewise educational goals seem to predict educational in their developmental environment. A move to an 561
501 trajectories. During the transition from comprehensive educational setting that was congruent with their skills 562

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502 school to either an academic or vocational track, specic and interests had a positive effect on how they appraised 563
503 education-related goals in comprehensive school pre- their achievement-related goals. Achievement goal- 564
504 dicted track when GPA was controlled for (Kiuru, Nurmi, related effort also increased at the end of comprehensive 565
505 Aunola, & Salmela-Aro, in press). The participants were the school. This may be due to the fact that during school 566
506 9th-grade students in a medium-sized town in Central transitions individuals seek to optimize their own devel- 567
507 Finland (ongoing FinEdu longitudinal study). The 9th- opment by increasing their investment in effort as a way to 568

DP
508 graders were surveyed three times: twice during their nal protect their accelerating intended developmental pro- 569
509 term of comprehensive school and once after the transi- cesses (see also Wrosch, Heckhausen, & Lachman, 2006). 570
510 tion. At Time 1, 606 students (293 girls and 313 boys) from Moreover, work- and education-related goal appraisals 571
511 eight comprehensive schools participated in the study. The seem to predict related transitions. The Helsinki School-to- 572
512 median age of the participants was 16 at the rst Work Transition study focused on the role of work- and 573
513 measurement. At Time 2, 516 (265 girls and 251 boys) education-related goals during the transition to working 574
514 of those who had participated in the study at Time 1 life. 250 young adults were followed three times from the 575
515
516
517
answered the questionnaires. The third measurement was
after the transition (in the following January; Time 3) and
the questionnaires were answered by 496 individuals (258
TE
last spring of their vocational school to 1.5 years after
graduation. They appraised their work- and education-
related goals according to importance, achievement and
576
577
578
518 girls and 238 boys), who had also participated at Times 1 emotions. The results showed that those who appraised 579
519 and 2. Up to age 16, all Finnish adolescents have a similar their education-related goals in vocational school as 580
520 basic education. After comprehensive school adolescents important were more likely to be in professional work 581
EC
521 educational trajectories begin to differentiate. Of all after graduation and less likely to be unemployed. More- 582
522 adolescents, 55% enter upper secondary high schools over, those who appraised their education-related goals as 583
523 (academic track) and 37% vocational schools (vocational high in achievement were more likely to be in professional 584
524 track), 2% stay on for a voluntary 10th grade, and 6% exit work later on after graduation. In addition, those who 585
525 formal education (Statistics, 2003). High academic found work that was commensurate with their education 586
526 achievement in the 9th grade is required for admission appraised their work-related goals later on as increasingly 587
RR

527 to upper secondary school. Upper secondary school achievable, important and as arousing positive emotions, 588
528 education, in turn, is a prerequisite for university educa- whereas those who became unemployed showed a reverse 589
529 tion, whereas education in vocational schools leads pattern (Nurmi, Salmela-Aro, & Koivisto, 2002). 590
530 directly to a lower level occupational qualication. The Goal choice seems also to be related to well-being. Our 591
531 educational choices made by Finnish young people at the results (HELS study) from lagged predictions during young 592
532 end of comprehensive school have predicted their adulthood showed that family-related goals predicted a 593
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533 subsequent educational trajectories (e.g., Malmberg, decrease in depressive symptoms across the transition to 594
534 1996). The results of our ongoing FinEdu study showed adulthood, while depressive symptoms predicted self- 595
535 that those whose goal was an academic track were more focused goals (Salmela-Aro & Nurmi, 1997). During young 596
536 likely to be on an academic track 1 year later, while those adulthood three depressive trajectories were found. 597
537 whose goal was a vocational track were more likely to be Among those in the trajectory of increasing depressive 598
538 on a vocational track. symptoms, goals were appraised as more stressful and as 599
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539 Similarly, goal appraisals in certain life domains have showing less progress at the beginning and end of the third 600
540 consequences for transitions. To examine this, upper decade of their lives than those who were in the low or 601
541 secondary high school students (FinEdu study) were moderate trajectory of depressive symptoms (Salmela-Aro, 602
542 surveyed three times during the transition to further Aunola, & Nurmi, 2008). These results support the life-span 603
543 education: twice during upper secondary high school and model of motivation: goals that are in accordance with 604
544 once after the transition from upper secondary high school age-graded challenges and demands lead to or are related 605
545 to working life or tertiary-level education. The nal sample to well-being. 606
546 of the present study consisted of 587 (359 girls and 228
547 boys) adolescents. The mean age of the participants was 6. Co-agency: the role of interpersonal context for goals 607
548 17. The results showed that during the change from
549 comprehensive school to an academic or vocational track Besides personal agency, co-agency or relational 608
550 education-related goal appraisals changed along with the agency, i.e., other people, also channels peoples personal 609
551 change in the tracking context (Vasalampi, Nurmi, & goals. Lives are linked (Elder, 1998). When adolescents 610

Please cite this article in press as: Salmela-Aro, K. Personal goals and well-being during critical life transitions: The four
CsChannelling, choice, co-agency and compensation. Advances in Life Course Research (2009), doi:10.1016/
j.alcr.2009.03.003
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K. Salmela-Aro / Advances in Life Course Research xxx (2009) xxxxxx 7

611 were asked to state their education goal-related social ties, goals to accord with ones present life situation is related or 670
612 they mentioned parents, most often their mother and leads to well-being. The results (Nurmi & Salmela-Aro, 671
613 second most often their father (Salmela-Aro & Little, 2007). 2002) showed that during the transition from education to 672
614 Next most often were friends, and other relatives. The working life, goal compensation and adjustment was 673
615 father was mentioned more by boys and those with higher related to a decrease in depressive symptoms. If young 674

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616 familiar SES, while girls more often mentioned their people facing the transition to working life changed their 675
617 mother. The results also showed that goal-related social goals to match the outcomes of the transition then this led 676
618 ties predicted the transition from comprehensive school to to high well-being. Our results showed further that those 677
619 educational track. Weak ties, such as teachers, predicted young people who found a job and who focused on work- 678
620 transition to a vocational track while higher familiar SES related goals had lower depressive symptoms. In turn, 679
621 and having a larger number of social ties predicted among those who were unemployed, if they focused on 680

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622 transition to an academic track, when GPA was controlled work-related goals, the outcome was an increase in 681
623 for (Salmela-Aro, 2007). Supportive weak ties might thus depressive symptoms (Nurmi & Salmela-Aro, 2002). 682
624 help young people to beat the odds. Similarly, during the transition to motherhood the 683
625 The role of peers increases during adolescence: goals results (Salmela-Aro et al., 2001) showed that if women 684
626 can be shared with peers. To examine the role of peers in entering motherhood adjusted their goals in accordance 685
627 adolescents goals, we asked our sample of adolescents with the demands of their current life situation and those 686

DP
628 (ongoing FinEdu study) for peer nominations. On the basis of the transition it led to high well-being. These results 687
629 of this knowledge it is possible to analyse the role peers showed that an increase in child- and pregnancy-related 688
630 play in adolescents goals and aspirations. Our aim was to goals during pregnancy was related to a decrease in 689
631 examine whether the members of adolescents peer groups depressive symptoms. Moreover, an increase in family- 690
632 share similar educational aspirations and whether their related goals after childbirth was related to a decrease in 691
633 goals converge across time. We carried out Multilevel depressive symptoms. In turn, an increase in self-related 692
634 Growth Curve Modelling separately for educational goals after childbirth was related to an increase in 693
635
636
637
aspirations (see Kiuru et al., in press). The results of the
multilevel modelling showed that adolescents who
belonged to the same peer group at the end of compre-
TE
depressive symptoms.
However, the transition to parenthood does not always
succeed. Infertility is one of lifes great catastrophes, and it
694
695
696
638 hensive school shared similar educational goals and happens to approximately 1 in 10 couples. We examined 697
639 trajectories later on. Peer group members also resembled (Salmela-Aro & Suikkari, 2008) 92 females and 82 males six 698
640 each other in their broader academic orientation, that is, times during treatment for infertility: rst, during their 699
EC
641 how well they performed at school, whether they expected rst visit to the Helsinki Infertility Clinic; second, on the 700
642 to enter upper secondary high school or enter vocational evening before the oocyte recovery stage; third, on the 701
643 school, and whether they in fact did so. Finally, the results evening of embryo transfer; fourth, on the evening of the 702
644 showed that family background factors shared by peer pregnancy test, and 2 and 6 months after the treatment. 703
645 group members predicted the academic trajectories typical Each time they appraised their child-related goal. The 704
646 of the peer group: peer groups whose members typically results showed that womens and mens goal appraisals 705
RR

647 came from a nuclear family and had a high SES background, changed in tandem with the outcome of the treatment. 706
648 were likely to have a higher academic orientation than Moreover, those with unsuccessful treatment adjusted 707
649 peer groups that did not share these features. These results their negative goal appraisals later on. 708
650 showed that the pathway from educational goals to The results showed that after learning the outcome of 709
651 educational trajectory was shared by the peer groups the treatment, child-related goal attainability increased 710
652 members. Moreover, the two major social contexts, SES among those who become pregnant and decreased among 711
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653 and peer group, seemed to be linked. Adolescents whose those who did not become pregnant. Similarly, child- 712
654 time was spent in the same peer group came from similar related goal importance and positive affects increased 713
655 SES backgrounds and this similarity contributed to their among those with a positive treatment outcome and 714
656 goals and aspirations. These results provided longitudinal decreased among those with a negative treatment out- 715
657 evidence for the role of peer groups and peer group come. In turn, child goal-related negative appraisals 716
658 characteristics in subsequent educational goals and showed a different pattern. Among those with a negative 717
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659 trajectories. treatment result, child-related goal stress and negative 718
660 Spouses play an important role in terms of co-agency affects increased at the time of the negative outcome result 719
661 during the transition to parenthood. Our results showed of the treatment, but then decreased later on. In turn, 720
662 that particularly among primiparous women spousal among those with a positive treatment outcome child- 721
663 support for goals play an important role in later marital related goal stress and negative affects decreased after the 722
664 satisfaction (Salmela-Aro, Mutanen, Koivisto, & Vuori, in treatment. These results showed, rst, that the outcome of 723
665 press-a; Salmela-Aro, Nurmi, Saisto, & Halmesmaki, in the treatment affected couples goal appraisals and, 724
666 press-b; Salmela-Aro et al., in press-c). second, that couples adjusted their negative goal apprai- 725
sals later on. These ndings of the infertility study support 726
667 7. The role of goal compensation and well-being the theoretical claim that developmental regulation is 727
organized in action phases (Heckhausen, 1999), which are 728
668 According to the life-span model of motivation, timed by the structure of opportunities for attaining 729
669 compensation for failure experiences and adjustment of developmental goals. Success or failure appears to function 730

Please cite this article in press as: Salmela-Aro, K. Personal goals and well-being during critical life transitions: The four
CsChannelling, choice, co-agency and compensation. Advances in Life Course Research (2009), doi:10.1016/
j.alcr.2009.03.003
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8 K. Salmela-Aro / Advances in Life Course Research xxx (2009) xxxxxx

731 as a timing scaffold for investment in goal striving as different life goals, particularly in the domains of family 790
732 people approach a specic goal. Having unsuccessful and work. We found that goal facilitation was signicantly 791
733 infertility treatment may serve as a signal for the higher than that of goal conict (Wiese & Salmela-Aro, in 792
734 deployment of active compensatory strategies such as press). Hence, many individuals seem to be rather 793
735 goal disengagement and self-protection. successful in construing a personal goal system that is 794

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736 Among those whose infertility treatment was unsuc- functional in terms of supportive links. One option for 795
737 cessful, protecting their well-being by child goal disen- future studies might be, in the context of life-span model of 796
738 gagement seems to be a helpful strategy. The results, motivation, to create intervention program, to assist in the 797
739 analysed by hierarchical regression analysis, showed that creation and choice of functional personal goals, related 798
740 when explaining depressive symptoms 6 months after commitment, and strategies for goal attainment during 799
741 infertility treatment among those whose treatment was critical life transitions (Salmela-Aro et al., in press-a, in 800

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742 unsuccessful, entering the child-related goal variables, press-b, in press-c). 801
743 goal importance and attainment, either before the treat-
744 ment or at the time of the pregnancy test, did not add to the 9. Conclusion 802
745 prediction of depressive symptoms when the earlier level
746 of depressive symptoms was controlled for (Salmela-Aro & The life-span model of motivation suggests that age- 803
747 Suikkari, 2008). However, entering the child-related goal graded demands and opportunities channel the kinds of 804

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748 variables at 6 months after treatment added signicantly personal goals people construct; that such goals play an 805
749 to the prediction of depressive symptoms. The greater the important role in the ways in which people make choices 806
750 child-related goal importance and the less child-related and direct their own development, that people co-regulate 807
751 goal attainment reported by those whose treatment was their goal attainment with other people; and that people 808
752 unsuccessful, the more depressive symptoms they experi- compensate for failure experiences by adjusting their 809
753 enced at the same point of time. Thus it seems that among personal goals on the basis of previous role transitions, and 810
754 those with unsuccessful treatment goal disengagement that such goal adjustment has consequences for their well- 811
755
756
757
seems to be a protective strategy for well-being. These
results suggest that letting go of your dreams might be an
adaptive strategy for well-being (Brandtstadter & Rother-
TE
being.

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Q5 813
758 mund, 1994). These results support the incentive-disen-
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760 Adjusting ones goals to match ones present life situation,
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j.alcr.2009.03.003
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